.uJD INFANTRY SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS THIRD LIGHT BATTERY MASSACHUSETTS YOLS. This book was digitized by Microsoft Corporation in cooperation with Yale University Library, 2008. You may not reproduce this digitized copy of the book for any purpose other than for scholarship, research, educational, or, in limited quantity, personal use. You may not distribute or provide access to this digitized copy (or modified or partial versions of it) for commercial purposes. HOI J HENRY WILSON, 'PTc © HENRY WILSON'S REGIMENT. HISTORY OF THE Twenty-second Massachusetts Infantry, THE SECOND COMPANY SHARPSHOOTERS, AND THE THIRD LIGHT BATTERY, IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. BY JOHN L. PARKER, Corporal Co. F, 22d, and Ist Lieut. Ilth .Mass. Vols., ASSISTED BY ROBERT G. CARTER, Private Co. H, 22d, and Ist Lieut. 4th U. S. Cavalry, AND THE HISTORICAL COMMITTEE. BOSTON: PUBLISHED BY THE REGIMENTAL ASSOCIATION. PRESS OF RAND AVERY COMPANY. 1887. Copyright, 1887, By JOHN L. PARKER. FRANKLIN PRESS; RAND AVEHY COMPANY, BOSTON, MASS. Cc3S a* 8 TO THE MOTHERS, WIVES, AND SISTERS MLija sijawD in Spirit THE TOILS, THE DANGERS, AND THE TRIUMPHS OF OUR SOLDIER LIFE, -B.JJ13 9SO0fc IS MOST AFFECTIONATELY DEDICATED. PREFACE. TN the preparation of the following pages, the Historian's diaries, and letters to newspapers in the first year of the regiment's service ; also in the fall of 1863, and the last six months of the war; letters written home by Robert G. Carter during the second year, and by Walter Carter during the third year, — form the basis of the work. Data had been collected from time to time, looking to the ultimate publication of the History of the Regiment ; and at the re-union in 1880, definite steps were taken, and a committee chosen, with the Historian as chairman, to prosecute the work. Several meet ings were held, and the matter talked over. Some changes were made in the committee, and it was finally constituted as follows : John L. Parker, chairman ; Robert G. Carter, H, sec retary ; Theodore L. Kelly, A ; John E. Dodge, B ; George A. Washburn, C ; Ward Brooks Frothingham, D ; David L. Jones, E ; George D. Harrington, F ; George W. G. Davis, G ; Mark E. Hanson, I; Daniel Walker, K; Charles D. Stiles, S.S.; John D. Reed, Battery. The members of the committee prepared sketches of their several companies, which appear in Chapter I., and collected other material. Illness of the secretary was the unavoidable cause of a long delay ; but in January, 1885, the work was resumed in earnest. Circulars were sent out to every known address of survivors of the regiment and bat tery, asking for the loan of diaries, letters, and reminiscences, vi PREFACE. for use in compiling the history. To this there was a good response. Gen. Tilton loaned his file of letters covering his entire term of service. Diaries kept by David L. Jones, John G. Kinsley, Nathan W. Haynes, L. L. Crane, John D. Reed, John W. Dennett, Daniel Rankin, J. Otis Brown, and B. F. Woodberry, were brought into use. Aid was received by letters and verbally from Gen. A. P. Martin, F. W. Kimball, Marshall S. Pike, Henry W. Taylor, J. W. Kenfield, M. C. Sweetser, W. M. Ward, ' Charles Lewis, B. B. Martis, Merritt S. Foye, Richard Houghton, John K. Richardson, John F. Gleason, W. H. Marden, W. W. Peckham, L. Burrill, jun., George F. Lougee, W. F. Barnard, A. F. Walcott, Dr. Stearns, E. C. Bennett, Hugh Gilligan, George A. Sawin, Charles D. Stiles, and many others. The plan of the work was to make it a story of the organiza tion as originally formed, showing how it was recruited, how soldiers went to war in 1861, life in the camp of instruction, the march, the battle, the prison-pen, and how the returning soldier was received. Thanks to Comrade Frothingham's search, the speeches at the departure were secured, and are now preserved. Prison-life is shown in the chapters written by Drum-Major Pike and Corporal Parker. Rear views of the army are given in the recollections of Q. M. S. Reed of the battery. The battles are described by actual participants ; and, while they do not tell the whole story of the engagements, they do give a graphic picture of the part taken by the regiment and battery. Life in a conscript-camp is well depicted by Comrade Carter, who was detailed for duty at Gallop Island during his last year of service. If any comrade misses some point he would like to have seen stated, let him ask himself why he did not furnish it to the Historian. An earnest, conscientious effort has been made PREFACE. Vll to give the comrades of Henry Wilson's regiment a true and faithful record of their services. The labor of editing and compiling the numerous data furnished by the comrades has been greater than any one who has not attempted it can well understand. That it is a perfect work, is not claimed; but the regimental histories are few that have had more work bestowed on them ; Und if serious errors are found, no one will deplore them more than, the Historian. The principal difficulty was with the lists of casualties, and errors may be found in them in spite of the pains taken to make them correct. The His torical Committee have done noble service in the preparation of this work, responding to all calls ; but the assistance given by Lieut. Carter, now on the retired list of the United-States' Army, and formerly a private in -Company H, has been invaluable. Without him, a complete work would have been impossible. He wrote the principal part of Chapters XL, XII., XIIL, XVI., XVIIL, XIX., XX., XXIL, XXIIL, XXV., XXVI., XX VII., XXVIII., and XXIX. ; and his advice and sugges tions throughout have been timely and helpful. The illustrations in the work are not so numerous as was hoped for. The battle-pictures were drawn by C. W. Reed, from data furnished by participants in the engagements, and have been recognized as faithful representations of the scenes. The pictures of the monuments were made by the Lewis En graving Company from photographs by Tipton. The camp-scene was drawn by Warner Bailey. The portraits were furnished by the subjects or their friends, and every comrade had a chance to appear in the gallery. The heliotypes were printed by the Notman Photograph Company and the Lewis and the Forbes companies. The steel-engravings of Gen. Tilton and Gen. Martin are used by permission of Col. John B. Bachelder. And now the Historian, having assembled his facts, faced V1U PREFACE. his pages, and aligned his chapters, salutes the reader with the familiar phrase, "Sir, the parade is formed." The old soldier will find on inspection that it is a stereoscopic view of army life, which will take him back to the days " when you and I were young." To the non-military reader, it is believed it will prove instructive and entertaining, as showing what the soldier did, and how he endured. J. L. P. Lynn, Mass., June 7, 1887. CONTENTS. PAGE Introduction 1 CHAPTEE I. Formation op the Companies Washington Light Guard. — Wardwell's Company. — Gordon Guards. — Everett Guard. — Brewer Guard. — Woburn Union Guard. — Welling ton Guard. — Thompson Guards. — Paine's Company. — McClellan Guard. — Andrew Sharpshooters. — Westborough Band. — Third Light Battery. CHAPTER II. Off for the War 24 Formation of the Regiment. — Gen. Sherman's Expedition. — Sent to the Army of the Potomac. — Breaking Camp at Lynnfield. — Flag pre sented on Boston Common. — Off at Last. — Reception at Springfield. — New Haven, Conn. — The Gun spiked at Bridgeport. — A Soldier struck by a Bridge. — Arrival in New York. — Breakfast by Sons of Massa chusetts. — Another Flag presented. — Two Men overboard on the Way to Perth Amboy. — Hospitality at Philadelphia. — Through Baltimore at Night. — Washington reached at last. — First Sight of Abraham Lincoln. — In Barracks near the Capitol. CHAPTER III. Learning the Art of War 44 Over Long Bridge. — Hall's Hill. — Gen. Martindale's Brigade. — Col. Wil son resigns. — Major Tilton's Letter. — Col. Jesse A. Gove. — Tents logged for Winter. — Football in Camp. — Accidents with Pire-arms. — Strict Orders for Guard. — An Elastic Pass, and how it worked. — Re view at Bailey's Cross-roads. — Penny Post. — First Pay-day. — Chaplain Pierpont resigns. — Soldiers' Church. — Drums exchanged for Bugles. — Thanksgiving. — Camp Wilson. — Christinas. — New- CONTENTS. PAGE Year's Serenade. — Fires in Camp. — "Fall in for Bread!" — En field Rifles exchanged for Springfields. — Skirmish Drill.— Poncho Tents. — Review at Ball's Cross-roads. — Drum-Major Pike's Baton.— Soldier Poetry.— Snowball Battle. —Explosion in Company D.— Death of Quartermaster-Sergt. Brown. — Deaths on Hall's Hill. — Accident to Quartermaster Royce. — Fort Donelson Rejoicings.— Gentle Ration of Whiskey. — Best Marksmen. — 22d of February. — Hurricane visits the Camp. — Miles, Paine, Davis, Batchelder, and Conant promoted. — Good-by to Hall's Hill. CHAPTER IV. Hall's Hill to Yorktown March 10, 1862, the Campaign opens. — Fatiguing March to Fairfax Court house.— Four Days in Camp. — March to Alexandria in a pouring Rain. — Four Days in Camp Calif ornia. — Enter Alexandria. — Two Days as Provost-Guard. — Irreverent Soldiers. — Run to a Fire. — Em bark on the "Daniel Webster." — Down the Potomac. —The " Moni tor." — Fortress Monroe. — The Soldier and his Soft Bread. — Camp near Newmarket. — " Quartermaster's Call." — Base-ball in Camp. — Reconnoissance toward Big Bethel. — Pickets fired on. — One Man wounded. — Off for Yorktown. — Bivouac near Howard's Creek. — Peanuts and Molasses. — The Corporal and his "Maguffins." — Ar rival in Front of Yorktown. — Company F clears a Range for the Battery. — Company B thrown out as Skirmishers. — Magruder's Opinion of the Twenty-second. — Col. Gove's Gallantry. — One Man killed and Eight wounded. — Battery loses Two killed and Two wounded. — Rain interferes with Operations. — Official Commenda tion. CHAPTER V. Yorktown to Gaines's Mills 88 Camp Winfield Scott. — Camp on Wormsley Creek. — On Picket. — Bridg ing the Creek. — Belger's Mill. — Night Alarms. — Digging Trenches. — Surgeon shelled in his Tent. — Schooner in Camp. — Pay-day. — Laurel- wood Carvers. — Men injured by falling Earth. — Revolutionary Earthworks. — Another Reconnoissance. — Hot Work building a Zig zag. — Completion of the Investment. — Evacuation of Yorktown. — The Twenty-second Flag first on the Works. — Buried Torpedoes. — Seven iden of the Twenty-second wounded. — Dastardly Conduct of the Rebel Gen. G. J. Bains. — Rebel Flag stolen. — Col. Gove rides his Horse over the Parapet. — Rejoicings in Camp. — The Chaplain and Gen. Heintzelman. — Regiment ordered up to Yorktown. — Major Til- ton adrift. — Up York River to West Point. — Camp Sassafras.— Cumberland Landing. — White House. — Tunstall's Station. — Kidd's Mills. — Soldiers bathing. — Gaines's Mills. • CONTENTS. XI CHAPTER VI. PAGE Battle of Hanover Court-house 105 Long March in a Heavy Rain. — Col. Gove deploys his Skirmishers. — Twenty-second in a Tight Place. —Adjt. Sherwin and the Fair Rebel. — The Runaway Horse. — Rebels and the State Flag of the Twenty-sec ond. — A Sharpshooter takes a Prisoner. — Bivouac at Dr. Kinney's. — Reconnoissance on the Road to Riifcmond. — Rush's Lancers. — Bebel Flag. — Back to Camp. — "Where's my Pies? " — Gen. Prim reviews the Corps. — Twenty-second help build Woodbury's Bridge. — To Me chanicsville and Back. — Camp on Curtis's Farm. CHAPTER VII. The Seven Days' Battles 116 Battle of Mechanicsville, June 26, 1862. — Six Companies of the Twenty- second in the Fight. — Col. Gove with the Twenty-second, and the Thirteenth New- York, supports Gen. Reynold. — The Regiments loses Three Men. — On Picket on the Battle-field. — Withdrawn at one o'clock in the Morning of June 27. — Back to Camp. — Sharpshooters detailed to guard Baggage-train. — Capt. Sampson and Four Compa nies rejoin the Regiment. — Destruction of Stores and Camp Equi page. — Gaines's Mills. — In Line of Battle. — Big Trees for Breast works. — Enemy repulsed Three Times. — The Regiment flanked.— Death of Col. Gove. — Major Tilton wounded and captured. — Gal lant Action of Martin's Battery. — 70 killed, 206 wounded and miss ing. — Capt. Sampson in Command. — Turkey Bend. — Good-Fellow- ship with the Eighteenth . — Supporting Martin at Glendale. — Malvern Hill. — Capt. Wardwell in Command. — Sharpshooters lose their Knapsacks. — 9 killed, 49 wounded and missing. — Harrison's Land ing. — Arrival of the Thirty-second. CHAPTER VIII. Experience in Libby Prison '. 132 Corp. Parker, Company F. — Wounded at Gaines's Mills. — Prisoner of War. — Struck on the Head by a Rebel Straggler. —A Human Breastwork. — Rebel "Ambulance Corps." — Death of Capt. Dun ning. — Rebel Officer's Remarkable Admission . — Corp. Kelly.— Wigfall's Headquarters. — Some Peculiar Wounds. — Rebel Soldier who knew Prisoner's Friends. — Painful Ride to Richmond. — Chim- borazo Hill. — Arrival at Libby Prison. — Good Luck in the Search. Capt. Crane a Friend indeed. — Music. — Fourth New- Jersey Nurses. Planking the pediculus humanus. — Small Rations. — Russ, the Heartless Clerk of the Prison. —Fourth of July in Richmond. — Ar rival of Capt. S. I.Thompson. — Visited by Major Tilton. —Wounded Officers paroled. — Marshall S. Pike's Kindness. — Death of Private xn CONTENTS. PAGE Walker. — Paroled at last. — Freight Cars loaded. — Stop at Peters burg.— "Good Democratic Baptist" Rebel. — Off for City Point.— The Old Flag once more. —Steamer "S. R. Spaulding." — Philadel phia. — Ladies' Transit Aid Society. — West Philadelphia Hospital. CHAPTER IX. Harrison's Landing to Hall's Hill 152 July 4, 1862, at Harrison's ¦ Landing. — President Lincoln in Camp.— Sharp's Rifles for the Sharpshooters. — Col. Griswold returns to the Regiment. — A Breeze of Excitement among the Sharpshooters. — Quiet restored. — Soft Bread once more. — A Sand-spout. — Discharge of the Band. — Aug. 14, on the Move again. — Dan Rankin and the Turkey. — Through Williamsburg. — Old Camp at Wormsley Creek. — Camp near Hampton. — Newport News. — Steamer to Aquia Creek. — Cars to Fredericksburg. — Kelly's Ford. — Warrenton Junction. — Bristow Station. — Manassas Junction. — Drawing Fire of Rebel Bat tery. — Detached on Picket. — Sent to Griffin's Brigade. — Cross Bull Run at Stone Bridge. — Col. Parker of the Thirty-second donates Hard- bread. — Centreville. — Rejoin the First Brigade. — Fairfax Court house. — McClellan again in Command. — Hall's Hill once more. — Arrival of Recruits. — Col. Wilson visits the Camp. CHAPTER X. Recollections of a Battery-man 165 Good Living in Camp. — Thanksgiving Feast. — Battery Savings. — Acci dent to Harry Fisher. — Difficulties of getting Supplies. — Whiskey a Useless Article. — Gen. Porter and the Balloon. — Buying Vegeta bles and Fruit. — 40,000 Rations destroyed in a Hurry. — Teamsters in Trouble. — A Straight Line of Knapsacks. — Death of Lieut. Morti- , mer. — Dark Night in the Swamp. — Crooked Brigade Commissary. — Quartermaster-Sergeant of the Battery. — Exciting Search for Ra tions. — Battery on Short Forage. — In Camp at Upton's Hill. CHAPTER XI. Antietam and Shepherdstown 183 Farewell to Hall's Hill. — Lieut.-Col. Tilton rejoins the Regiment. — One Hundred and Eighteenth Pennsylvania. — Rockville, Md. — Monocacy Junction. — Frederick. — Over the Mountains. — Middleton. — South Mountain Battle-field. — Battle of Antietam, Sept. 17. — Supporting the Batteries. — Burnside's Advance. — Across Antietam Bridge.— Preserved Fruit: was it poisoned? — Tilton and the Johnnies. — Blackford's Ford. — Sharpshooters at Work. — Gen. Griffin re-cap tures Guns lost at Bull Run. — Col. Barnes in Command of Brigade. CONTENTS. Xin \ PAGE — Under Fire of our own Guns. — Rebel Charge at Shepherdstown. — Disaster to the Corn-Exchange Regim ent. — Brigade re-crosses the River. — Heavy Loss. — Plucky Little Major. CHAPTER XII. Sharpsburg to Falmouth 202 Camp near Sharpsburg. — Soldier and Sutler. — Flag of Truce.— Presi dent Lincoln in Camp. — Re-clothing the Army. — Potomac crossed at Harper's Ferry, on Pontoons. — Maryland Heights —Snicker's Gap. — Snickersville. — Middleburg. — White Plains. — New Baltimore.— McClellan relieved by Burnside. — Farewell to the Army. — Fitz John Porter relieved by Hooker. — Private Pitman, son of a Sandwich- Island Princess. — Warrenton Junction. — Mud Camp. — Smoky Camp. — Meagre Thanksgiving. — Hartford Church. — Bitter Cold Weather. — War Correspondents. — Preparing for Assault on Freder icksburg. —Unaccountable Delays. CHAPTER XIII. Battle of Fredericksburg 222 Dec 11, 1862, March to Stafford Plains. — Gallantry of the Nineteenth and Twentieth Massachusetts. — Tobacco Plenty. — Crossing the River to Fredericksburg. — The Brickyard. — Charge of the First Brigade. — Sergt. Martis and the Colors. — Relieved by the Twentieth Maine. — Terrible Sights and Sounds. — Issuing Cartridges to a Dead Man. — Sunday, Dec. 14, in the Town. — A Memorable Night. — Retreat over the River. — Twenty-second the Last to cross. — Burnside's Disappoint ment.— Winter Camp. — Winter March. — Across Richford Ford. — Rebel Hard-tack. — Ellis's Ford, Mill, and Farm. — Expedition de ferred. — Hackett comes back as a Sutler. — Whiskey Riot. — Back to Camp Gove. — Winter Picket-duty. — Burnside relieved by Hooker. — Army re-organized. — Corps Badge adopted. — First of the Maltese Cross. — ¦¦ President Lincoln reviews the Army. CHAPTER XIV. Drum-Major Pike's Experiences 253 Captured at Gaines's Mills. — Booked at Libby. — Hungry but Harmoni ous. — Old Acquaintances in Richmond. — Major Tilton and Dr. Prince. — Hope deferred. — Prison Quartet and Choir. — Religious Services. — Concert to the Citizens. — Broken up by Wirtz. — Tempting Offer by Richmond People. — Released at last. — Fourteen-mile Tramp. — Legs give out. — Friendly Help. — Down the James. — Nursing the Wounded. — Waiting at Fort Monroe. — Arrival in Washington. — Back to Fort Monroe. — The " S. R. Spaulding." — xiv CONTENTS. PAGE An Old Friend. — Fort Delaware. — Ninety-nine Days at the Fort. — Tedium relieved by composing Music. — In Washington at last. — Gen. Martindale's Welcome. — Hunting up the Regiment. — Lost in the Darkness. — Hunger and Cold. — Shelter in a Coffin. — Driven out by the Guard. — Fraternity and Charity at last. — The Twenty- second found. — Merry Christmas. — Good-by to the Boys. CHAPTER XV. Leaves from a Gunner's Diary 267 Battery leaves Upton's Hill. — March to Antietam. — At Sharpsburg. — Reviewed by President Lincoln. — Charlestown, Harper's Ferry, Snicker's Gap, Millburg, White Plains, Warrenton. — Gen. McClellan and Gen. Porter given Parting Salutes. — Reviewed by Gen. Hooker. — Winter Quarters at Potomac Creek. — Battle of Fredericksburg. — Potomac Creek again. — Knit Jackets from Home. — Reviewed by Gen. Burnside. — "Mud March." — Reviewed by a Swiss General. — Chancellorsville. — Capt. Martin Chief of Corps Artillery. — Gettys burg Campaign. — Back in Virginia. — Execution of Deserters. — Culpepper Court House. — Battle of Bristow Station. — Camp near Warrenton. CHAPTER XVI. Spring Campaign and Chancellorsville 284 April 27, 1863, leave Camp Gove. — Hartwood Church. — Kelly's Ford. — Mountain Run. — Fording the Rapidan. — Bullock's Tavern. — Chan cellor House. —Twenty-second in Advance. — Zion Church. — Banks Ford Road. — Sergt.-Major Carter recovers his Photographs.— Hooker discovers his Mistake too late. — In a Tight Place. — A Lit tle Boy under Fire. — " Gentle Annie Ethridge."— Death of Gen. Whipple. — " Sweet Revenge." — Sharpshooters at Work. — Night Fighting. — The Army withdrawn. — The Twenty-second for Rear guard. — Lost in the Woods. — Back to Camp. — Stonewall Jackson's Death. — New-York Regiments under Guard. — Second Maine Term of Service expires. — Escorted by the Eighteenth and Twenty-second. CHAPTER XVII. How the Battery was Supplied 303 Antietam Campaign. — Trip to Washington for Stores. — Difficulties of Transportation. — Battery Wagon and Men captured. — Securing Forage for the Horses. — Union Women and their Hay. — Rebel Haystacks in the Woods. — Army Butchers. — Noisy Wagon. — Rebels appeal to the Wrong Man. — Gettysburg. — Capt. Martin at Round Top. — Battery captured and re-captured. — Our Monument. — Capt. Martin earns the Star he did not get. — Bristow Station and Centreville. — Bob Duff fords Bull Run in a New Place. — Ghastly Bedfellow. — Generosity of our Government. CONTENTS. XV CHAPTER XVIII. 320 PAGE March to Gettysburg May 21, 1863, Presentation to Gen. Barnes. —Premature Cheers for Vicksburg. — Murder of a Chaplain. — In Old Tracks again. — Muddy Springs. — Rough on the Sutlers. — Hackett runs the Gantlet.— Death of Col. Gleason. — Twenty-fifth New-York mustered out. — The Twenty-second supporting Cavalry at Aldie. — Guarding the Supply- trains. — Rejoins the Brigade at Frederick. — Hooker relieved by Meade. — Into Pennsylvania. —The Straggler and the Camp-fires.— Bivouac on Power's Hill. — The Stragglers and the Mule. CHAPTER XIX. Battle of Gettysburg 333 July 2, 1863, the Twenty-second enters the Battle. — Engaged near Plum Run. — Change of Front. — Coolness of the Men. — Phillips's and Big- elow's Batteries. — Little Round Top. — Maine and Texas in a Death- struggle.— Gen. Tilton's Horse shot. — Col. Sherwin down. — Third Day. — Devil's Den. — Pickett's Desperate Charge. — Arkansas Sharp shooters. — The Battle-field at Night. — Last Shot at Lee's Retreating Columns. — John Morrison, the Farmer's Boy. — Back through Mary land. — Blackberries in Abundance. — Gove Lyceum. — Good Times in Camp. — Five Deserters shot. — Brigade Bugle-calls. CHAPTER XX. Life on Gallop Island 359 July 22, 1863, Detail from the Twenty-second for recruiting. *— Off for Mas sachusetts. — Gen. Devens's Provisional Guard. — Long Island, Bos ton Harbor. — Drafted Men and Substitutes. — Guarding Recruits to the Front. — Hardships of Guard-duty. — Transfer to Gallop Island. — Major Tremlett. — Character of Substitutes. — Desperate Break for Liberty. — Exciting Chase after Bounty-jumpers. — Across the Bay. — Captured at last. — Bravery of a Bounty-jumper. — The Wharf- guard and the Substitute. —$20,000 overboard. — Gamins to the Res cue. — Old Soldiers preferred Duty at the Front. CHAPTER XXI. Culpepper and Mine Run 371 Sept. 17, 1863, Camp near Culpepper. — Col. Joseph Hayes, commanding Brigade, meets with an Accident. — Lieut.-Col. Sherwin acting Briga dier. —Col. Tilton's Return from Furlough. — Presentation. — Eight Days' Rations. — Good-by to Culpepper. — John Minor Botts. —Acci dental Shooting of Private Flagg, Company F. — " Royal Stand- backs." — Second Battle of Bristow Station. — Across Bull Run.— Fairfax Court-house. — The Horse that sat down. — New Baltimore. xvi CONTENTS. PAGE — Auburn. — Three-mile Station. — Court-martial Injustice. —Revs. J. F. Gleason and G. E. Lovejoy. — Battle of Rappahannock Station. — Guarding Kelly's Ford. — Paid off. —Meade's Mud March. —Mar tin's Battery opens on Gregg's Cavalry by Mistake. — Our Third Thanksgiving Day. — Wagon-train run off. — Col. Sherwin's Shot at a Guerilla. — New Hope Church. — Mine Run. — A Terrible Night.— Attack abandoned. — An Accommodating Uncle. — Beverly Ford. — Settled for the Winter. CHAPTER XXII. Winter at Beverly Ford Dec. 4, 1863, logging up for Winter. — Officers' Wives. — Re-enlistments under General Orders, 191. — Arrangement of the Camp. — Chaplain Tyler and the Chapel. — Warren Army Lodge No. 1, F.A.M. — Gove Lyceum revived. — Dedication Ball. — " Lanergan's Ball." — Rappa hannock frozen over, and no Skates. — Snow-storm. — March 10, 1863, Grant takes Command. — Reconnoissance. — Consolidation of Corps. — Old First absorbed in the Fifth. — Col. Tilton takes Command of the Regiment. — Ready to move. — Crossing at Germania Ford. — A Wonderful March. CHAPTER XXIII. Battle of the Wilderness 401 May 5, 1864, Orders to "pitch in." — Engaged with Ewell's Division. — Forced back. — Loss of Guns. — Fighting renewed on the 6th. — Woods on Fire. — Burnside's Tardiness. — In the Trenches on the 7th. — Wounded perish in the Burning Underbrush. — Heavy Loss. — Col. Griswold Killed. — A Night March. — Warren meets Obstacles. CHAPTER XXIV. The Battery in the Wilderness Campaign ' 408 Gen. Grant in Command. — Quartermaster-Gen. Ingalls's Visit to Grant. — Capt. Martin superseded by a Neyr-York Colonel of Artillery. — Capt. Martin wounded. — Luxury of a Feather Pillow. — Gen. Griffin and his Men. — Treachery of the Mayor of Fredericksburg. — Big Haul of Prisoners. — Rebel Ruse at Jericho Ford. — Gen. Meade in the Little Church. — Case of John H. Welch. — Quartermaster-Sergeant of Artillery a Privileged Person. —Skedaddling cured. — Long Chances for Coffee. — Killed while writing Home. — Long Pontoon Bridge. CONTENTS. xvn CHAPTER XXV. PAGE Laurel Hill and Spottsylvania 426 Night March, May 7, 1864. — Todd's Tavern. — Gen. Robinson wounded. — Into Line of Battle at Allsop's. — The Twenty-second saves Martin's Battery. — Gallant Action of Gen. Griffin. — All-day Fight. — Bivouac on Spindler's Farm. — Field's Division of Longstreet's Corps. — May 9, a Picket Detail from the Regiment forms One Line of Battle.— Desperate Fighting. — Our Boys capture a Rebel Flag and Many Pris oners. — The Detail mistaken for Rebels. — Death of Capt. Ben Davis. — May 10, Terrible Struggle for the Rifle-pits. — The "Bloody Angle." — May 12, Attack on the Salient. — Death of a Brave Fellow. CHAPTER XXVI. Jericho Ford and North Anna 442 Night March, May 13, 1864. — Uncertainty of such Movements. — Several Days of Rest. — Pickets fraternizing. — Unsuccessful Attempt to cap ture our Trains. — Crossing the River Ny. — Ten-mile March, and then on Picket. — Lee ou the Move. — Bivouac near Harris's Store. —Car mel Church. — Jericho Ford. — The Twenty-second as Skirmishers. — Encounter with A. P. Hill's Skirmishers. — Col. Tilton's Wrestling- match with a Johnny. — Noel's Station. — Little River. — Quarle's Ford. — Good Times for Foraging. — John B. Floyd's Farm. — Hano ver Town. — Colored People welcome the Troops. — Going through a Union ( ?) Rebel. —An End to Foraging., — Across the Pamunky. CHAPTER XXVII. Tolopotomy Creek and Bbthesda Church 453 May 28, 1864, cross at Dabney's Ford. — Reconnoissances on the 29th. — The " Dry Road." — Skirmishing again. — " A Good Regiment ahead." — Sergt. Abbott makes a Capture. — Resting near Bethesda Church. — Praise from Gen. Warren. — On the Old Church Road.— Re-enlisted Men come back from Furlough. — Gen. "Jack" Griffin and the Twenty-second. — June 3, massed at Bethesda Church. — Attack Rodes's Division.— He is forced back. — Our Flank endangered.— Cutler's Division to the Rescue. — Position held until Dark. — Death of Capt. Baxter. — The Corporal who could not find the Front.— Skirmishing on the 5th. — Return of Col. Sherwin. —Old Aunty's "borrowed" Bedspread.— Rations andClothing. — A Day's Rest.— " Get all the Sleep you can." — The Ninth Massachusetts goes Home. — Tho Army withdraws from Cold Harbor. — Adjt. Mixter's Visit. — Across the James. — March to Petersburg. xvm CONTENTS. CHAPTER XXVIII. PAGE Petersburg Assaulted and Invested ^^ June 15, 1864, Unsuccessful Attempt to take Petersburg. —Fifth Corps supports the Ninth. — The Twenty-second goes iu on the 18th. — The Ravine. — Our Brigade nearer to the Enemy than any other. —Greatly needed Rest. — Bivouacked near where Fort Sedgwick was built. — Fighting Day and Night. — The Twelfth Massachusetts goes Home. — Chaplain Tyler gives us a Sermon. — Amicable Relations between the Pickets. — Col. Sherwin goes on Griffin's Staff . — Sanitary Com mission Extras.— The Regiment consolidated into Four Companies. — Fort Hell started. — Dr. Stearns and his Supplies. — Plenty of Rebel Deserters.— Welcome Rain. — Growls over Date of Expiration of Service. — "Petersburg Express." — Burnside's Mine. — The Soldier and His Apple-Sauce. — Attempt to mine Fort Hell abandoned. CHAPTER XXIX. Home from the War 484 Aug. 6, 1864, withdrawn from the Front. — Iu Camp near Grant's Head quarters at City Point. — Explosion of the Ammunition Barge. — Deserter detected. — A Slight Scare.— "Can the Twenty-second skirmish?" — Departure of Martin's Battery. — Orders to go Home. — Request to carry Arms denied. — Gen. Griffi n's Letter. — On Board the "Kennebec," Oct. 5. — Arrival in Washington. — Formation of Regimental Association. — Reception in Boston. — Dinner at Faneuil Hall. — Mrs. Waterston's poem. — Mustered out. CHAPTER XXX. The Battery in its Third Year 495 Battle of Rappahannock Station. — Mine-Run Campaign. — Capt. Martin wounded at Laurel Hill. — Jericho Ford, and Incident of the Fight. — Bethesda Church. — Over the Chickahominy. — Across the James. — Battle of Petersburg. — Death of Corp. Shattuck. — John C. Cald well killed by a Mortar Shell. — Battle of Weldon Railroad. — Relieved by the Eleventh Massachusetts Battery. — City Point. — Embarked for Home. — Reception in Boston. CHAPTER XXXI. Last Three Months of the Battery 515 Characteristic Action of Gen. Griffin. — March towards Petersburg.— Death of Billy Shattuck. — A Mother's Love. — Truce to Picket- firing. — Burnside's Mine. — The Battery undermined. — Shall we evacuate the Fort ? " No ! " — Troublesome Flies. — Fight for Wei- CONTENTS. xix PAGE don Railroad. — Gen. Warren's best-planned Battle. — Battery ordered Home. — Reception in Boston. — Brevet-Col. and Brig.-Geu. Martin. — Character of the Men of the Battery. — Letters from Dis tinguished Generals. CHAPTER XXXII. The Re-enlisted Veterans 527 Oct. 12, 1864, off for the Front. — Capt. Meands's Battalion absorbed by the Thirty-second. — In Reserve at Hatcher's Run. — - The Weldon Raid. — Second Hatcher's Run, Feb. 5, 1865. — Major Shepard's Boots. — In Reserve March 25. — The Final Campaign. — Sent to join Sheri dan. — "Three Good Massachusetts Cheers." — The Picket and his " Pepper- Box." — Detailed for Skirmishing. — Gen. Warren relieved. — Heading off Lee. — Intrenched at Jetersville. — Receive the Flag of Truce. — The Surrender. — A Jolly Night. —Death of Lincoln. — The Safeguard and the Feather-bed. — Off for Washington. — Over Old Battle-fields. — Visit to Hall's Hill. —The Grand Reyiew.— Good-by Old Virginia. — Boston Common again. — Furloughed over the Fourth. — Gallop Island. — Mustered out July 11, 1865. CHAPTER XXXIII. The Regimental Association 538 ' Formed on the Way Home. — Originally consisted of Officers. — Enlarge ment of its Membership. — Battery absorbed. — Annual Meetings. — Constitution adopted. — Gove's Picture purchased. — Vice-President Wilson's Funeral. — History projected. — Parker House. — Young's Hotel. — Woburn. — Am ory Hall. — Lexington. —Downer's Landing. — United-States Hotel. — Gettysburg Monuments. ALPHABETICAL ROLL 550 APPENDIX. - Biographical Sketches 581 ILLUSTRATIONS. Colonel Henry Wilson Colonel Jesse A. Gove Major Dexter H. Follett Henry W. Taylor General N. A. Miles Sergeant David L. Jones Hospital-Steward A. H. Soden .... Quartermaster-Sergeant John E. Dodge, Lieutenant William H. White .... Captain S. I. Thompson Captain L. E. Crone Corporal F. W. Thompson Captain John F. Dunning Sergeant Charles Merriam Joseph H. Merriam General D. K. Wardwell Corporal Fitz J. Richards Coloe-Sergeant George B. Martis . . . Corporal J. Otis Brown Corporal John K. Richardson George B. Brown Captain B. W. Tucker Lieutenant W. B. Frothingham .... Captain George A. Washburn Richard Houghton Daniel W. Larbabee The Twenty-second at Gaines's Mills . Captain J. Henry Symonds Lieutenant John L. Parker .General W. S. Tilton Chaplain Charles M. Tyler Drum-Major Marshall S. Pike .... Lieutenant-Colonel Walter S. Davis . . Captain John P. Crane Sergeant B. B. Brown Quartermaster-Sergeant John D. Reed . PAOE Frontispiece Opp. 48 Opp. C4 Opp. 72 Opp. 80 Opp. 96 Opp. 112 Opp. 120 Opp. 128 Opp. 144 Opp. 200 Opp. 256 XX11 ILLUSTRATIONS. Colonel Charles E. Griswold LlEDTENANT A. F. WALCOTT . . . General Charles J. Paine Captain W. M. Ward lleotenant-colonel e. c. bennett Sergeant-Major Walter Cartkb . wlntkr-quarters of the battery The Twenty-second at Gettysburg Monuments at Gettysburg . . . Lieutenant Robert G. Carter . General Thomas Sherwin .... Captain Daniel Walker Dr. I. H. Stearns Dr. G. T. Perkins W. F. Steere Warner Bailey John F. Sanborn Corporal Daniel W. Bullaud . . . Colonel Mason W. Burt General A. P. Martin Opp. 288 Opp. 312 Opp. 336 Opp. 352 Opp. 368 Opp. 384 Opp. 432 Opp. 464 Opp. Opp. 480520 EEEATA. On p. 200, add " Corp. George Davis, company B, mortally wounded " On p. 207, for " better " read " bitter; " for " conditions " read " condi tion." On p. 221, for " log " read " dog." On p. 230, strike out the words " not moving." On p. 236, add to wounded of company H " Sergeant James Allen.1' On p. 239, for " June " read " May." On p. 242, for "covering" read "cavalry." On p. 252, strike out the word " Chancellorsville." On p. 526, for " Sharpsburg" read " Upton's Hill." On p. 303, for " Barstow" read "Bristow." INTRODUCTION. TO Henry Wilson belongs the credit of raising the Twenty- second Regiment and Third Light Battery. Not but that these organizations would have been formed without him, — for the patriotism of Massachusetts was equal to the demands upon the State, and she furnished 111,681 of her sons to the war, — but the stimulus given to enlistments by the course of her noblest senator was of great advantage to the State, and to the nation. The early enthusiasm which found its outlet in the short-term regiments had died away. The idea of bounties had not been conceived. The reverse at Bull Run had shown the country what to expect ; and the sober second thought which finally induced the noble response to the appeal for troops for three years, was not finding expression as promptly as was desired. Senator Wilson united the qualities of a statesman with the instincts of a soldier. In peaceful times he had iden tified himself with the militia of his State, and held the title of general. He was a witness of the retreat from Bull Run, and had personal knowledge of some of the causes of that unfortu nate affair. He possessed the confidence of President Lincoln, and of Gov. Andrew, and when he promised the former that he would go home and give enlistments in his own State a start, and offered to the latter to raise a brigade, both the President and the Governor gratefully accepted his proffered services. A careful search of the letter-files in the office of the Adjutant-General fails to discover any correspondence on this subject between the war governor and the war senator. There 2 INTRODUCTION. is evidence, however, that one letter, which might perhaps have proved the one that is needed for a complete history of the connection of Senator Wilson with the regiment, has been abstracted from the files : by whom, it is useless to conjecture. Senator Wilson, however, was not accustomed to write when verbal communication was possible, and the details of this- affair were arranged in personal interviews. The situation was crit ical. Massachusetts had sent the first troops to save the Capitol. The blood of her sons had been the first to stain the streets of Baltimore. The war had progressed to that point where astute observers plainly saw that the Rebellion could not be suppressed in three months, and not in three years unless vigorous meas ures were adopted. Gov. Andrew was desirous that Massachu setts should not only be first in what may be called the new departure, but that she should set an example of loyal readi ness in her response. With this view Senator Wilson was in full sympathy ; and accordingly he came home, and threw him self into the work of enlistment. His original plan was for a brigade, to comprise infantry, artillery, cavalry, and sharp shooters. He was obliged by circumstances to modify his plans somewhat, especially as to the cavalry ; the necessity for this arm of the service not being recognized at this time to the extent which came later to prevail. So -soon as it was known that Senator Wilson intended to raise a brigade, enlistments were greatly stimulated, and in all quarters recruiting commenced. The excitement of the early days of the war gave way to a more deliberate yet fully as determined patriotism ; and it was not long before the Twenty- second Massachusetts Regiment, including the Second Com pany of Sharpshooters and the Third Light Battery, was ready- to take the field. The necessity of sending forward regiments was so great that the brigade plan was abandoned, and Henry Wilson, the major-general of militia, senator of the United States, and chairman of the Military Committee of that body and who had declined a commission as brigadier-general from Abraham Lincoln, accepted a colonel's commission from John A. Andrew, and took command of the Twenty-second Reo-i- INTRODUCTION. 3 inent. No one of the 2,078 men who served in that organiza tion but recalls with pride the fact that he was once commanded by Col. Henry Wilson. This is not a biography of Col. Wilson. But no excuse need be offered for recording here the fact that Senator Wilson advised President Lincoln to make his first call for troops three hundred thousand instead of seventy-five thousand ; that as chairman of Military Affairs, by his experience, good judgment, and wonderful power for work, he was of invaluable service in raising, equipping, and officering the volunteer army ; that he secured the abolition of the barbarous practice of flogging in the army ; that he secured the raising of the pay of the private soldier from eleven dollars to thirteen dollars a month ; and that all through the war, and until his death, which occurred Nov. 22, 1875, whether it was in the camp at Lynnfield or on Hall's Hill, at his home in Natick, or in the Senate Chamber, as colonel, senator, or vice-president, he was everywhere and always the soldier's friend. A camp had been established at Lynnfield, twelve miles from Boston, near the once famous Lynnfield Hotel. Here in former days a race-track had been located, and the level field made an admirable camping-place, and afforded ample room for drilling. Other regiments had been raised and drilled here ; and the camp was in charge of Col. Lyman Dike, of Stoneham, when on the 2d of September, 1861, the companies that became the Twenty- second Regiment went into camp, and the real history of the organization began. The State had erected cook-houses, and pitched tents ; and the recruits were instructed in the first duties of a soldier's life with none, or very few, of the hardships with which they later became familiar. The regiment remained in the camp of instruction for a little more than a month, leav ing for the seat of war Oct. 8, 1861. The volunteers, in the early part of the war, were recruited by companies in various localities. The company at first was the unit, and not until the men became well advanced in military life did the company merge its importance in the regiment, and later on in the bri gade and division, and still later in the corps and army. On 4 INTRODUCTION. the occasion of the grand review, at the close of the war, the army esprit de corps was fully exemplified where the men of the Army of the Potomac' were brought in contact with Sher man's army, and the soldier would maintain the honor of his army as jealously as did the boys of '61 the claims of their com panies to honorable distinction. Bearing this earlier sentiment in mind, a brief sketch of the companies comprising the com mand of Col. Wilson on the memorable 8th of October is in order. HENRY WILSON'S REGIMENT. CHAPTER I. FORMATION OF THE COMPANIES. Washington Light Guard. -. Wardwell's Company. — Gordon Guards.— Everett Guard. — Brewer Guard. — Woburn Union Guard. — Welling ton Guard. — Thompson Guards. — Payne's Company. — McClellan Guard. — .Andrew Sharpshooters. — Westborough Band. — Third Light Battery. FOR some reason, doubtless a good one if it could be ascer tained, the favorite name for the companies composing the Twenty-second Regiment was " Guard." The companies were given positions and letters in the order of the muster-in of their captains, and this order will be maintained in the sketches which follow : — COMPANY A (BOSTON). Washington Light Guard. Company A may be said to have owed its origin to Company K, Sixth M.V.M., one of the first regiments to respond to the call for troops, and made famous by its march through Balti more. Shortly after the return of the Sixth to Massachusetts, Capt. Walter S. Sampson, and several members of Company K, commenced to recruit a new company, taking the old company name of Washington Light Guard. Recruiting was quite brisk, and in less than one month eighty-six men were enlisted, and mustered into the service of the United States, as Company A, Twenty-second Massachusetts Volunteers, and assigned the position of right flank company. Of the officers, Capt. W. S. 6 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS iNPANTRY, Sampson had served three months as captain of Company K, Sixth M.V.M. The first lieutenant, Charles O. Conant, had served two years in the Mexican war as first lieutenant in the Second Michigan Volunteers, and was in receipt of a pension for wounds received in action, which pension he surrendered in order to re-enter the service. The second lieutenant, Henry Clay Conner, had served three months in Company D, Eighth M.V.M. Of the non-commissioned officers, First Sergt. George W. Gordon, and Sergts. Charles M. Hamilton, William Parks, Orrick Look, and Color-Sergt. George A. Gurnett, had each served in the Sixth Regiment, and Sergt. L. G. Pratt had served in the Eighth New York Volunteers. Thus all the commis sioned officers and sergeants had seen active service and were well qualified to discharge the duties of their positions. The company enlisted 102 men and 3 officers, but 3 were discharged for disability before leaving camp at Lynnfield. The company hailed as follows : Boston, 56 ; Lynn, 15 ; Roxbury, 5 ; South Danvers, 3 ; Hopkinton, 3 ; Salem, 2 ; Readville, 2 ; and 1 each from Chelsea, Cambridge, Danvers, Waltham, Stoneham, Bolton, Haverhill, Worcester, Brookfield, Blackstone, Marl borough, Sturbridge, Woodstock, Vt., Ossipee, N.H., Stafford Springs, Conn., and New York City. Seven members of the rank and file — Sergts. Gordon, Hamilton, Look, and Pratt, and Privates George H. Ackerman, R. P. Bourne, and L. Burrill, Jr. — were promoted and commissioned in this or other regiments, and. Private George B. Martis was promoted color-sergeant, and Private A. H. Soden to be hospital steward. There were 27 recruits added to the rolls after entering the field, making the total strength of the company 132. Of these, 23 were killed in battle, 15 died of disease or wounds, 39 were discharged for wounds or other disability, 11 to re-enlist, 15 for expiration of term of service, 22 transferred to the Thirty-second Regiment, 4 dropped from the rolls, and 5 deserted. Of the five deserters, four were recruits, and undoubtedly professional deserters, and the other was knocked from the top of a car while the regiment was en route for Washington, and never fully recovered from the shock. SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 7 COMPANY B (BOSTON). Wardwell's Company. David K. Wardwell was in the war with Mexico, a portion of the time on the staff of Gen. Pierce. When the war of the Rebellion broke out, he raised a company which was assigned as Company F, Fifth M.V.M., and at Bull Run, when the ranking officers were disabled, he had command of the regi ment. At the close of the three months' campaign, he was authorized by the War Department to raise an independent regiment, but Gov. Andrew secured an order for him to turn over his recruits to the State, and assigned him to Col. Wilson. Some of the men were dissatisfied, and went to New York and joined the Mozart Regiment. Others stood by Wardwell, and became Company B of the Twenty-second. George G. Stoddard and H. P. Williams had been his lieutenants in the Fifth, and F. K. Field was one of his sergeants. Wil liams recruited Company K, Twenty-second. Stoddard and Field opened recruiting-offices, as did also William D. Morris. Stoddard secured a commission in the Marine Corps, and turned over his recruits to the company. Field was made first and Morris second lieutenant. Eight men who were with Capt. Wardwell in the Fifth followed him into the Twenty-second, viz., Capt. Williams, Lieut. Field, Corp. Mixter, afterwards First Lieutenant U.S.C.T., Lieut. Tuck, Sergt. Gorham, Albert O. Emerson, David W. Hoyt, and Joseph Stetson. The com pany contained 137 officers and men, — 3 officers, 106 men, 9 recruits, 19 conscripts. They were raised in the following localities : Boston, 43 ; Northfield, 16 ; Charlestown, 9 ; Law rence, 8 ; Springfield, 4 ; West Cambridge, Needham, Roxbury, South Reading, Salem, Hanson, Dennis, 3 each ; Cambridge, Stoneham, Maiden, Brookline, Lynn, Holliston, Halifax, Chico- pee, Dorchester, Amesbury, 2 each ; Lowell, Hamilton, Newton, Chester, Norton, Wenham, Ipswich, Manchester, Gardner and Watertown, Me., Nashua, N.H., 1 each. There were killed in action, 12 ; died of wounds, 5 ; died of disease, 6; discharged for disability, 46; other causes, 15; 8 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, dropped, 3; transferred, 13: deserted, 11; mustered out at expiration of service, 23. The original officers all resigned before the expiration of the term of the regiment. Capt. Wardwell became lieutenant- colonel of the Thirty-eighth Massachusetts, colonel of the Thirteenth V.R.C., and brigadier-general. Sergt. Ben Davis was promoted second and Sergt. Fernald first lieutenant. Corp. Dodge was made quartermaster-sergeant. Sergt. Roby was promoted first lieutenant; Corp. Marcus M. Davis pro moted second lieutenant; Corp. Lewis to be hospital steward U.S.A. Company B had no name, and was only known by its letter, or as " Ward well's Company." This was probably owing to the manner of its being recruited, having none of the old militia companies as a nucleus, or a town or individual patron. All the companies except B and I had distinctive names. COMPANY C (TAUNTON). Gordon Gnards. Company C was recruited in the then town of Taunton. First Sergt. M. W. Burt, of Company G, Fourth M.V.M., on his re turn from three months' service, decided to recruit a company for three years. On the 16th of August, 1861, the "Taunton Daily Gazette" announced that Sergt. Burt was to raise a com pany, and many of his old comrades of the Fourth Regiment at once rallied to his support. A recruiting-office was opened, and in one week the enterprise had become an assured success, and the company was assigned a place in the Twenty-second, then forming. Sept. 3, 1861, a meeting for the choice of officers was held in the Town Hall, and as a result, Mason W. Burt was commissioned captain, George A. Washburn first lieu tenant, Enos P. Hale second lieutenant, and William D. Hatch appointed first sergeant. At this meeting the name of " Gor don Guards " was adopted, in honor of Capt. Timothy Gordon, who commanded Company G, Fourth Regiment, during the three months' campaign. On the 5th of September a ball was SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 9 given in aid of the enlisted men ; on the 6th Capt. Burt's friends in Weir Village presented him at the Town Hall, with a sword, sash and belt. On the 7th of September the company started for camp, being escorted to the railroad station by the remaining members of the old Taunton Light Guard, and a large concourse of citizens. The company was not quite full when it went to camp, and recruiting was continued by William R. Black, after wards captain in the Fourth, and Willard D. Tripp, afterwards brevet-colonel of the Twenty-ninth. The lieutenants were also detailed on recruiting-service, and were assisted by Hon. Henry Williams, Capt. Timothy Gordon, Capt. S. N. Staples, Hon. S. L. Crocker, and Capt. W. H. Phillips. The town paid nothing toward the cost of tlie company, although the members being afterwards credited to the quota saved the treasury many thousands of dollars. The expenses were met through the liber ality of the gentlemen named above. On the 7th of October, the ranks being full, the company was sworn into service as Company C. Capt. Burt was promoted to be major, and came home with the regiment. Lieut. Washburn was promoted captain, and dis charged in 1863 on account of a gunshot wound. Lieut. Hale was promo.ted to be first lieutenant. Sergts. Hatch, Rock, Means and Ackerman all received commissions. The total strength of the company was 147. Of these, 21 died in the ser vice, 51 were discharged for disability, 3 were transferred to other arms of the service, 11 deserted, 27 were transferred to the Thirty-second Regiment, and 34 were discharged with the regiment. There were 36 wounded in action, 1 2 of whom died, and 1"5 were taken prisoners of war. The men were credited as follows: Taunton, 73; Jamestown, N.Y., 18; Raynham, 12; Barnstable, 10 ; Boston, 7 ; Middleborough, Berkeley, Westport, Salem, 5 each; Fall River, 4; Springfield, 3; New Bedford, Somerset, Dorchester, Norton, 2 each ; Somerville, Worthington, Mount Washington, Stow, Chatham, Swanzey, Westfield, East Bridgewater, North Bridgewater, West Bridgewater, Charles town, Quincy, Falmouth, Attleborough, Hardwick, Brewster, Cambridge, 1 each. 10 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, COMPANY D (BOSTON). Everett Guard. John F. Dunning, who served as fourth lieutenant in Com pany K, Sixth M.V.M., on his return from the three months' campaign, determined to raise a company for further service. The Sixth arrived home Aug. 4, 1861, and Aug, 28, Lieut. Dunning opened a recruiting-office under the Boston Museum. Six of his old comrades enlisted with him. Lieut. Dunning, having a high regard for Hon. Edward Everett, solicited the use of his name for the company. The request was cheerfully granted, and a donation of a hundred dollars given, which formed the nucleus of a company fund. Mr. Everett's letter was as follows : — Summer Street, 22d Aug., 1861. Dear Sir : — I have received your favor of yesterday. I consider it a great compliment to have my name given to a company of patriotic citizens enlisting at this important moment in the public service, especially when it is done under the auspices of an officer of that noble Sixth Massachusetts Regiment, Capt. John F. Dunning, which was the first to respond to the anxious summons of the country. I would suggest the omission of the word " Life," in the name you propose to give the company, for reasons which will probably occur to you on reflection. Wishing you full success in your patriotic exertions, I remain, dear sir, Very Truly Yours, EDWARD EVERETT. In nine days from the opening of his recruiting-office, Lieut. Dunning had recruited forty men, and was ordered into camp at Lynnfield by Gen. Schouler. By Oct. 1 the company was full ; and on that day John F. Dunning was commissioned cap tain, William H. White first lieutenant, J. Henry Symonds second lieutenant. Seventy of the men were under twenty-five years of age. The men were credited as follows : Boston, 24 ; Reading and North Reading, 18 ; Andover and Dorchester, 4 each ; Danvers, Berlin, Grafton, Natick, 3 each ; Cambridge, Fitchburg, Hubbardston, Lawrence, Lincoln, North Bridge- water, Roxbury, Woburn, Worcester, 2 each; Brighton, Bur- SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 11 lington, Canton, Chelsea, Charlestown, Hadley, Haverhill, Hanson, Hingham, Marblehead, Marlborough, Monson, Nan tucket, Stow, Stoneham, Salem, West Roxbury, Ware, Athens, Me., Manchester and Hookset, N.H., and Winsted, Conn., 1 each. There were 133 members, including 31 recruits. Of these, Capt. Dunning and 15 enlisted men were killed, 6 died of wounds, 3 died of disease, 44 were discharged for disability, 2 for minority, and 2 by order of War Department, 20 by expira tion of service, 6 to re-enlist, 16 were transferred to the Thirty- second, 1 to accept promotion in the Thirty-eighth, 2 were missing in action, and 15 deserted. Lieut, Symonds was promoted first lieutenant and captain ; Sergt. Frank N. Scott, first lieutenant in the Thirty-eighth ; Sergt. Wash. I. Corthell to second lieutenant; Corp. F. S. Kelley to be sergeant, and commanded the company for three months including the battle of Antietam ; Corp. G. W. Bent- ley to be first sergeant ; Corp. H. P. Littlefield to the color- guard; Privates Eastwood, Haskell and Miller to be sergeants; Private Stone, regimental clerk; Private Watson, commissary sergeant; Privates Bacon, Flagg, Morton, Parker, Richardson and Young to be corporals. COMPANY E (ROXBURY). Brewer Guard. Recruiting for this company commenced Sept. 3, 1861, at Dudley Hall, corner of Dudley Street and Guild Row;, Roxbury. The company was named the " Brewer Guard " in honor of Nathaniel Brewer of Roxbury. The recruiting began on Tues day, and on the following Saturday went into camp with seventy men. The company was filled Oct. 1, and on that day William S. Coggswell was commissioned captain, Nelson A. Miles first lieutenant, and Henry L. Orrick second lieuten ant. The total strength of the company was 133. Of these, 3 offi cers resigned, 4 were transferred, and one was mustered out 12 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, with the regiment. Of the men, 16 were killed in action ; 5 died of wounds; 10 by disease; 68 were discharged for disability ; 16 were transferred to the Thirty-second; 11 deserted; and 7 were mustered out at expiration of service. The men were credited as follows : — Roxbury, 68 ; Boston, 35 ; Lowell, 3 ; Lynn, Montague, North Bridgewater, Salem, and Springfield, 2 each ; Stoneham, Braintree, New York, Woburn, Enfield, Nantucket, Fitchburg, Danvers, Plainfield, Truro, Fall River, Weymouth, Cambridge, Sandwich, Amherst, Dorchester, Dedham, 1 each. Lieut. Miles was promoted to be lieutenant-colonel of the Sixty-first New York, and then to be colonel, brigadier-general, and brevet-major-general United States Volunteers, and was in command of a division of the Second Corps, at the close of the war. Corp. Crone was promoted second and first lieuten ant, and transferred to the V.R.C., and became a captain in the regular army. Corp. Wenzell was promoted sergeant ; Privates Wright, Kenfield, Morrissey and Jones were pro moted sergeants ; and Private Bullard to be corporal. Gen. Miles has since the war continued in the regular army and has achieved great distinction as an Indian fighter, and his old comrades of the Twenty-second take a just pride in the fact that he was once a member of their organization. COMPANY F (WOBURN). Woburn Union Guard. An abortive attempt to send a company to the front at the beginning of the war having been made, some gentlemen of Woburn who were desirous that the town should be repre sented, resolved to make another effort. Accordingly a public meeting was called in the Town Hall, Woburn, July 15, 1861. On the day of the meeting, the movers in the affair visited the camp of the Sixteenth Regiment to see if a company would be accepted; but persons unfriendly to the enterprise had been there, and Col. Meachim declined to give the committee any encouragement. Only a handful enlisted the. first night, but in SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 13 ten days enough men had signed the roll to organize a company, and Samuel I. Thompson was chosen captain and John P. Crane first lieutenant, and the name of Woburn Union Guard was adopted. Capt. Thompson procured an order attaching his company to the Nineteenth Regiment, and on the 7th of August went into camp at Lynnfield. Recruits came in slowly, the town offering no inducements, and when the Nineteenth was full, Capt. Thompson was given the alternative of having his men assigned to other companies, or remain in camp and join some other regiment. The latter course was taken, and the company became the nucleus of the Twenty-second. A squad of men enlisted by Walter S. Davis were added to the company, he becoming second lieutenant, and the company, filled to the maximum, became Company F, of the Twenty- second. The whole number of men was 139. They were credited as follows: Woburn, 51; Charlestown, 14 ; Boston, 13; Roxbury and Dorchester, 5 each ; Lexington and Lynn, 4 each ; Bedford and Milton, 3 each ; Cambridge, Winchester, Hingham, Brain tree, Lawrence, Quincy, South Danvers, Natick, Burlington, 2 each ; Warren, Taunton, Swampscott, Milford, Concord, Man chester, Chicopee, Groton, Brookline, Holden, Reading, Nan tucket, Wilmington, Worcester, Marblehead, Pottsville, Penn., Weymouth, Lowell, Newburyport, 1 each. Lieut. Crane was promoted to be captain, Lieut. Davis to be lieutenant-colonel, Sergt. Bennett to be second lieutenant, and Private Kinsley to be sergeant and first lieutenant. There were killed in action, 12 ; died from wounds, 8 ; from disease, 9; discharged for disability, 42; deserted, 12; dropped from the rolls, 3 ; never left the State, 3 ; unknown, 3 ; resigned, 1 ; transferred to Thirty-second, 25 ; promoted, 2 ; expiration of service, 18. Lieut. Davis was early promoted to the staff of Gen. Martin dale, commanding the brigade to which the Twenty-second was attached, and was mustered out as lieutenant-colonel. Lieut. Crane was promoted to be captain. Sergt. Bennett was promoted to a second lieutenancy, and resigned; he afterwards was com- 14 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, missioned captain of Company B, Eleventh Massachusetts. Corp. Parker served as A.A.A.G. on the staff of the third brigade, third division, Second Corps, with the rank of first lieutenant, Eleventh Massachusetts. Private Kinsley rose to the rank of first lieutenant, and commanded the company at the time of its muster-out. COMPANY G (CAMBRIDGE). Wellington Guard. In the latter part of August, 1861, J. C. Wellington and Mr. Chamberlain, a lawyer, went to Capt. John B. Whorf, who was at that time an .instructor and drill-master of recruits, and re quested him to take ¦ command of a company which they pro posed to raise. Capt. Whorf consented, and Mr. Wellington, who was in the Cambridge City Council, procured the appoint ment of a committee to aid recruiting. They found the work quite difficult, however, although the committee consisted of two aldermen and three councilmen. Mr. Wellington opened a recruiting-office, and took E. C. Bennett as his assistant, but he received very little help from the committee. Edwin F. Richardson, who had been out in the three months' campaign, took hold of the work. Gordon McKay, of Melrose, who was also a three months' man, having recruited twenty men offered to unite with the Cambridge men and was given the second lieutenancy. The company went into camp, the last of Septem ber. Mr. Wellington continued to take a lively interest in the company, and he was honored by having the organization adopt the name of Wellington Guard. The City of Cambridge paid the expenses incurred in recruiting the company, and the men were reckoned on the Cambridge quota in 1862 and 1863, when soldiers became of value to municipalities. Lieuts. Richardson and McKay, Sergts. E. C. Bennett, Baxter, JBatchelder and Coloney, Private G. W. G. Davis and perhaps some others, saw service in three months' regiments. The company numbered 140 men, apportioned as follows : Cambridge, 20 ; Boston, 38 ; Melrose, 10 ; Mendon, 5 ; Charles- SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 15 town, 4 ; Maiden, Taunton, Attleborough, Gardner, Springfield, New Bedford, 3 each ; Roxbury, Natick, Lynn, Somerville, Woburn, Dedham, Chicopee, Framingham, Haverhill, Webster, Huntington, 2 each ; Chelsea, Westford, Wareham, Needham, Montague, Clinton, Boxford, Plainfield, Greenfield, Lunenburg, Upton, New York, Worcester, Deny, N.H., West Brookfield, Lynnfield, Ashland, Bellingham, Wayland, Wolfbarough, Clin ton, Sturbridge, Weymouth, 1 each. There were discharged for disability, 46 ; transferred to Thirty-second, 41 ; killed and died of disease or wounds, 27 ; mustered out at expiration of service, 13 ; deserted, 7 ; promoted to be commissioned, 4 ; discharged by Ord. W. D., 1 ; to enlist in Navy, 3 ; minority, 1 ; dropped from rolls, 1. Lieut. Richardson resigned June 10, 1862, and was succeeded by Lieut. Symonds, who commanded the company after the resignation of Capt. Whorf, in September, 1862, until he was transferred to Company D. Lieut. McKay was dismissed Aug. 3, 1863. Benjamin Davis, sergeant of Company B, was com missioned second lieutenant of Company G, and subsequently first lieutenant and captain, and was killed at Spottsylvania. John C. Gaffney, corporal, was second and first lieutenant, and resigned, Dec. 31, 1863. Lieuts. George W. Robey, William R. Claop, C. K. Knowles, and M. M. Davis were attached to the company for short periods. Sergt. Bennett was promoted through the intermediate grades to captain, served on the division staff and was brevetted lieutenant-colonel. COMPANY H (HAVERHILL). Thompson Guards. Among the companies of the Fifth M.V.M., to respond to the first call for troops, was Company G (afterward Company D), Hale Guards, from Haverhill, Capt. C. P. Messer. The company was named after its patron, Hon. E. J. M. Hale. After its return from three months' service, a number of the members, among whom were Fourth Lieut. T. F. Salter, First Sergt. J. J. Thompson, Corps. Salter and Haynes, Privates 16 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, Steele, Dawson, Knowles, Fogg, Philbrook, and Shute, con ceived the idea of raising a company for three years or the war, taking the old company as a nucleus and "such members of other companies as have served three months in the army." An office was opened Aug. 27, 1861, at the armory, corner Fleet and Merrimac streets, where Sergt. Thompson announced that he " would.be pleased to see any of his companions-in-arms who have not only seen the ' Bull,' but witnessed the last way of the ' Run.' " Recruiting went on briskly, and Sept. 7, the first instalment went into camp. Sergt. Thompson was commis sioned captain, T. F. Salter first lieutenant, Albnzo M. Shute second lieutenant, and the company being full, the officers were mustered Oct. 1, 1861. As an illustration of the disci pline of the camp, a private who had been posted on guard, was found in his tent. On being reprimanded for his fault, he replied " Look here, Mr. Salter, don't talk to me in that way, or I won't do any guard-duty for you." On the morning of the departure of the regiment, citizens of Haverhill visited the camp, and presented swords, sashes and belts to Capt. Thomp son and Lieut. Shute, and a sash to Lieut. Salter. The name of " Thompson Guards " was adopted. The " Haverhill Pub lisher " spoke of Company H, as " Robust, .youthful and abound ing in patriotic zeal, they will fight to the death for the glory of defending the Constitution and the Government in this dark and perilous hour." The company numbered 146 men, credited as follows : Haverhill, 77 ; Bradford, 16 ; Boston, 15 ; Plaistow, George town, Salem, 3 each ; Kingston, Lawrence, Amesbury, Montague, 2 each ; Boothbay and Minot, Me., Salem N.H., Newburyport, Roxbury, Marlborough, Conway, Lynn, Medford, Maiden, Box- ford, Concord, Leominster, Marion, Lunenburg, Gloucester, Springfield, Shelburne, Hatfield, Easthampton, Coleraine, 1 each. There were killed in action, 18 ; died of wounds, 2; of dis ease, 11 ; in prison, 1 ; discharged for disability, 54 ; dropped from rolls, 1 ; drowned, 2 ; transferred, 31 ; deserted, 6 ; mus tered out at expiration of service, 17. SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 17 Capt. Thompson was dismissed Nov. 22, 1862; Lieut. Salter was killed at Gaines's Mills ; Lieut. Shute was dismissed Nov. 25, 1862 ; Sergt. Baxter was promoted first and second lieu tenant and captain, and died of wounds, June 3, 1864. Sergt. Steele was promoted second and first lieutenant, and was wounded May 5, 1864, while in command of Company D. First Sergt. Hazeltine was in command of the company in June, 1864, when he was wounded. Of the five officers, two were killed, two dismissed, one wounded and mustered out on expiration of service. Private Walter Carter of this company was promoted to be sergeant-major, and declined a commission. Private Robert G. Carter after expiration of service graduated at West Point, and is now on the retired list of the regular army, after years of service as first lieutenant in the Fourth Cavalry. COMPANY I (BOSTON). Paine's Company, When it was announced that Henry Wilson would raise a brigade, Charles J. Paine, George A. Batchelder and Horace S. Dunn each commenced recruiting, with the intention of raising a company. When, however, the time came for organizing the regiment, neither had men enough for a company, so they united their squads and formed a company, with Paine for captain, Batchelder first and Dunn second lieutenants. It was mustered into the service as Company I. In the winter of 1863-64, all the men who had survived re-enlisted, with the exception of two, and when the regiment was mustered out, twenty-four were transferred to the Thirty-second. Capt. Paine resigned in January, 1862, to become major of the Thirtieth Massachusetts Volunteers, and was mustered out in January, 1866, as brigadier and brevet-major-general U.S.V. Lieut. Batchelder was detailed as ordnance officer on the division staff, and the command fell on Lieut. Dunn. He was a young man of twenty, leaving college to enter the army. He was unused to the hardships of campaigning, and not being robust, he could not endure the exposure. He died while the 18 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, regiment was in front of Yorktown, in May, 1862. Sergt. B. W. Tucker was commissioned second lieutenant, and took com mand of the company. He was afterward promoted first lieu tenant and captain. Sergt. Meands was promoted second and first lieutenant, and had command a long time on account of the sickness of Capt. Conant, who had been transferred from Company A. Capt. Conant resigned in May, 1863. Lieut. Paul F.Nason in Division Q.M.D., was promoted captain and assigned to Company I, but never assumed command. Sergt. Flemming was promoted second and first lieutenant, and was in command of the company when wounded, May 30, 1864, after which he did no more duty with the regiment. The company was com manded by non-commissioned officers until June, when it was consolidated with Company B. There were 140 men in the company, apportioned as follows : Boston, 50 ; Cambridge, 8 ; Biddeford, Me., 6 ; Greenfield, Lynn, Roxbury, Salem, Williamstown, 5 each; Somerville, 4; Law rence, 3 ; Amesbury, Berlin, Braintree, Charlestown, Dedham, Harvard, Haverhill, Leverett, Marlborough, Tewksbury, 2 each ; Abington, Billerica, Bolton, Brookline, Chelsea, Dorchester, Fitchburg, Holliston, Leominster, Marshfield, Medford, Milford, Montague, Springfield, South Danvers, Swampscott, Taunton, Woburn, Mass., Lebanon, Brunswick and China, Me., Man chester, N.H., Newark, N.J., and New York City, 1 each. There were killed in action, 11 : by accident, 1 ; suicide, 1 ; died of wounds, 8 ; of disease, 8 ; deserted, 8 ; missing, 5 ; dropped, 1 ; transferred, 35 ; discharged for disability, 52 ; for promo tion, 3; expiration of service, 4 ; minority, 1; dishonorably, 1; reason no't given, 1. COMPANY K (BOSTON). McClellan Guard, On the 10th of August, 1861, authority was given to Horace P. Williams, of Brookline, to recruit a company for the Twenty- second Regiment. Offices were opened in Boston, and recruit ing went on briskly. Sept. 6, Lieut. James P. Stearns went into camp with fifty men, and on the 20th Capt. Williams took SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 19 command, the company taking the name of McClellan Guard. Fourteen men recruited by a Capt. Stoddard were transferred to the company, and Joseph Nason was commissioned first lieutenant, J. P. Stearns second lieutenant, and Horace P. AVilliams captain. Sergt. J. C. Carlton was kept on recruiting- service in Boston until the company was full. The men were accredited as follows : Boston, 20 ; Dorches ter, 15 ; Sturbridge, 13 ; Southbridge, 11 ; Charlton, 4 ; Cam bridge, 4 ; Lynn, 3 ; Brookline, Roxbury, Sandwich, Salem, Tyngsborough, Worcester, Quincy, Andover, 2 each; Bridge- water, Billerica, Saugus, Groveland, Marblehead, Lowell, Mun son, Lynnfield, Swampscott, Danvers, Hopkinton, Canaan, Conn., Thompson, Conn., Exeter, N.H.,.New York City, 1 each. In addition to these, there were 31 recruits, making in all 5 officers and 129 enlisted men. There were killed in action, 14 ; died of wounds, 7 ; of disease, 5 ; in rebel prison, 1 ; transferred, 22 ; discharged and otherwise unaccounted for, bl ; mustered out on expiration of service, 19. Capt. Williams resigned Feb. 11, 1863 ; Lieut. Nason, May 6, 1862; Lieut. Stearns lost a foot at Gaines's Mills, and resigned Feb. 14, 1863 ; Sergt. Bic knell lost an arm at Gaines's Mills, and was promoted to a lieutenancy in the Veteran Reserve Corps. The first rebel battle-flag to be captured by the regiment was secured by Sergt. Andrew Wilson, of Company K, at Laurel Hill, from the Ninth Alabama. When Sedgwick made his grand charge, on Sunday, May 8, 1864, he moved forward in four lines. The third line was composed of detachments from regiments making up the picket-detail of the previous night. The detachment from the Twenty-second was commanded by Capt. Field, of Company B. By some unaccountable manoeu vre of the first two lines, the third line was brought face to face with the enemy, not over twenty paces distant. It was quite dark, and in thick woods, when a volley from the enemy killed and wounded several of our men. At first, it was thought to be our own men, but quickly discovering the true state of affairs, a hand to hand fight occurred, in which our men took " sixty prisoners, including a. captain and one battle-flag. 20 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, SECOND ANDREW" SHARPSHOOTERS. The Sharpshooters were organized under the following authority : — Boston, July 29, 1861. Special Orders, No. 372. A proposition having been made by Col. Berdan, of New York, to raise a corps of rifle sharpshooters to be selected from the best rifle shots in the loyal States, which proposition has been accepted by the Secretary of War, his Excellency, the Commander-in-Chief, approves of the proposed organi zation, and appoints John Saunders, of Salem, to raise and organize a com pany of Sharpshooters within this Commonwealth to form a part of said organization. The company will have one captain, one first and one second lieutenant, four sergeants, fqur corporals, and eighty-nine privates, and they will receive the pay and rations allowed to company officers and privates in the United States Army. No man will be accepted or mustered into service who cannot when firing at a rest, at a distance of two hundred yards put ten consecutive shots in a target, the average distance not to exceed five inches from the centre of the bull's eye to the ball; and all candidates will have to pass such examination as to satisfy the recruiting officer of their fitness for enlistment in the corps. Mr. Saunders will have command of his men until otherwise ordered by the Commander-in-Chief. The rendezvous of the com pany will be at Camp Schouler, Lynnfield, where men desirous of enlisting will report, and communications will be addressed. Mr. Saunders will report to Col. Dike in command of the camp, who will furnish him quarters for himself and his men, but will not include them under his command. By order of his Excellency, JOHN A. ANDREW, Governor and Commander-in-Chief. William Schouxek, Adjutant-General. Capt. Saunders filled up his company and was mustered into service Sept. 2, 1861. When the First Company left for the seat of war there were recruits remaining in camp, and these formed the nucleus of the Second Company. The peculiar nature of the service attracted the marksmen from all over the State, although nearly one-half the company was recruited in Salem and Lynn. Every man was tested in his abilities as a marksman, and must make a record before he could go be the surgeon for examination. An older average age obtained SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 21 in this company, it having special attractions for " old gunners." The rifles used were very heavy telescope muzzle-loaders, and the men were promised transportation for them. Every marks man had an extensive " kit," including moulds, and a variety of tools in common use in those days by riflemen. Under the order quoted above, the men expected to join the Berdan Regiment, but this idea was abandoned and the company was attached to the Twenty-second, by Special Orders, No. 483. The First Company was attached to the Fifteenth, Nineteenth, and Twentieth regiments during its three years of service, but the Second Company was with the Twenty-second during its entire term. The company was mustered Sept. 24, 1861, with Lewis E. Wentworth captain, Charles D. Stiles, first lieutenant, Alvah A. Evans second lieutenant. There were 149 men recruited as follows : Lynn, 30 ; Salem, 29 ; Stoneham, 15 ; Lowell, Boston, 9 each ; South Danvers, 8 ; South Reading, 6 ; Danvers, 5 ; Saugus, Lawrence, Reading, North Andover, 3 each ; Holliston, Worcester, Natick, 2 each ; Haverhill, South- borough, Ashby, Webster, Plymouth, Andover, Sterling, Chel sea, Dorchester, Ipswich, Cambridge, Lynnfield, Charlestown, Swanzey, Medway, West Springfield, Montague, Plainfield, Upton, Salisbury, 1 each. Of these, there were killed, 8 ; died of wounds, 4 ; died of disease, 9 ; resigned, 3 ; discharged for promotion, 2 ; to re-enlist, 1 ; disability, 64 ; deserted, 2 ; dropped from the rolls, 2 ; dis charged by order of War Department, 1; unknown cause, 1; transferred to Navy, 3 ; to Thirty-second Massachusetts Volun teers, 7 ; to Veteran Relief Corps, 9; expiration of service, 33. THE BAND. The old Westborough Band formed the nucleus of the Twenty- second Regimental Band. It was recruited by Salem T. Weld, of Westborough, and while the band was forming, the members lived and rehearsed at Rocklawn, the home of Marshall S. Pike, the drum-major. Westborough furnished 8, Shrewsbury 3, Clinton 3, Princeton 6, Worcester 2, South Danvers, Haver- 22 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, hill, Charlestown and Newburyport, 1 each. Salem T. Weld was band-master, Marshall S. Pike drum-major, and William H. Hayward leader. The instruments were furnished by the government. The band was mustered into service Oct. 5, 1861, only three days before the regiment left the State. Four of the members were discharged for disability, and twenty-one by order of the War Department Aug. 11, 1862, discharging regi mental bands. Drum-Major Pike was a prisoner of war at this time, and was discharged the following Christmas, on his release from rebel prison. The band was a favorite with the regiment, their music doing much to relieve the monotony, of camp-life. In all the engagements of the regiment they went in with the stretchers, and did good service. It was a cause for regret when the orders came for their discharge. THIRD LIGHT BATTERY. In August, 1861, Dexter H. Follett obtained authority to raise a battery to be attached to Wilson's brigade. A recruit ing-office was opened in Boston, Sept. 1, and on the 6th, Gen. Schouler issued an order for Capt. Follett to take his battery into camp at Lynnfield, and report to Col. Dike in command of the troops there. Capt. Follett went into camp the same day with a hundred and fifteen men, the camp being designated as "Camp Schouler." About thirty of the men had served in Cook's Battery, through the three months' campaign. At Lynn field the men were given a thorough course of drill, and with the aid of a smooth-bore six-pounder from the State arsenal, were made familiar with the manual of the piece. The horses arrived on the 26th, and the guns the next day. They consisted of two rifled six-pounders, two smooth-bore six-pounders, and two twelve-pound howitzers. The battery had its first parade with the Twenty-second, on the 27th, and then had a battery- drill. Drilling continued daily until the battery left for the seat of war with the regiment. The battery was organized with Dexter H. Follett as cap tain, Augustus P. Martin and Caleb C. E. Mortimer first SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 23 lieutenants, Valentine M. Dunn and William W. Snelling second lieutenants. The grand total of the battery is 289 men. Boston furnished 107 ; Charlestown, 61 ; Cambridge, 13 ; Roxbury, 11 ; Somerville and Lynn, 5 each ; Montague and Dudley, 4 each; Lowell, Stone ham, Southbridge, Woburn, Brighton, Taunton, 3 each ; Quincy, Melrose, Haverhill, Wilmington, Worcester, Stoughton, Wen- ham, Easton, Randolph, West Boylston, Northborough, 2 each ; Springfield, New Bedford, Winchendon, Georgetown, Jones borough, Maiden, Boxborough, Waltham, Groton, Eastham, Pittsfield, Fitchburg, Dorchester, Spencer, Abington, Hingham, Lincoln, Plymouth, Birmingham, Penn., Bangor, Me., 1 each. In March, 1863, twenty-five men joined the battery from the infantry regiments of the brigade, for temporary service, pend ing the arrival of recruits enlisted by Lieut. Cargill and Sergt. Turner. Of this number, six remained permanently. There were 97 mustered out on expiration of service ; 74 were trans ferred to the Fifth Light Battery, 37 of whom had re-enlisted; George W. Evans, Albert George and Lewis V. Osgood were discharged to receive promotions. Discharged for disability, 31 ; never were mustered, 10 ; dropped, 3 ; killed in action, 6 ; died of wounds, 5 ; drowned, 1 ; died of disease, 7 ; deserted, 9 ; resigned, 3 ; dishonorably dismissed, 2 ; rejected recruits, 4 ; as supernumeraries, 11; transferred, 4. By special orders of Gen. McClellan commanding the Army of the Potomac, the battery was assigned to Fitz John Porter's division, Oct. 16, 1861, relieving Monroe's Battery, R.I. Art. CHAPTER II. OFF FOR THE WAR. Formation of the Regiment. — Gen. Sherman's Expedition.— Sent to the Army of the Potomac. —Breaking Camp at Lynnfield. — Flag pre sented on Boston Common. — Off at last. — Reception at Springfield. — New Haven, Conn. — The Gun spiked at Bridgeport. — A Soldier struck by A Bridge. — Arrival in New York. — Breakfast by Sons of Massa chusetts. — Another Flag presented. — Two Men Overboard on the Way to Perth Amboy. — Hospitality at Philadelphia. — Through Bal timore at Night. — Washington reached at last. — First Sight of Abra ham Lincoln. — In Barracks near the Capitol. THE natal day of the Twenty-second Regiment was Sept. 28, 1861, when a special order was issued from the office of the adjutant-general of the State of Massachusetts, as follows : — Commonwealth of Massachusetts, Headquarters, Boston, Sept. 28, 1861. Special Orders, No. 483. The infantry companies now in camp at Lynnfield, severally commanded by Messrs. Sampson, Wardwell, Burt, Dunning, Coggswell, Thompson of Woburn, Whorf, Thompson of Haverhill, Cook and Williams, shall consti tute the Twenty-second Regiment of Massachusetts Volunteers, and shall be lettered A, B, C, D, E, F, G, H, I and K in the order in which the com manders' names are written above. The Third Battery of Light Artillery, Capt. Follett, and the Second Company of Sharpshooters, Capt. Wentworth, will be attached and form part of the regiment, the whole to be commanded by Col. Henry Wilson. By command of JOHN A. ANDREW, Governor. William Schouler, Adjutant-General. By Special Orders, No. 491, Capt. Cook's company was de tached from the Twenty-second and assigned to the Twenty- third, which was then in camp at Lynnfield, and by Special SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 25 Orders, No. 492, Capt. Paine's company was transferred to the Twenty-second and became Company I. The field and staff consisted of Lieut.-Col. Charles E. Griswold, of Boston, Major William S. Tilton, of Boston, Surgeon Edward L. Warren, of Weymouth, Assistant Surgeon James P. Prince, of Lynn, Chaplain Rev. John Pierpont, of Medford, with First Lieut. Thomas Sherwin, Jr., of Dedham, as adjutant, and First Lieut. James G. Fuller, of Charlestown, quartermaster. The non commissioned staff consisted of Frederick S. Benson, of Newton, sergeant-major ; Daniel F. Brown, of Cambridge, quartermas ter-sergeant ; Ephraim Hackett, of Woburn, commissary-ser geant. The regiment was armed with Enfield rifles, with the exception of the sharpshooters, whose arms are described in Chap. I., and equipped in the most thorough manner. Sibley tents were issued to the companies, the officers having wall- tents. Twenty-six baggage-wagons, each drawn by four horses, a hospital wagon and two ambulances, were issued to the regi ment, two wagons for each of the companies and battery. Every thing was provided that the army regulations called for in the equipment of troops, and what was lacking was more than made up by the thoughtful kindness of the friends of the soldiers. In some instances the men were overloaded by their generous friends, but the gifts were accepted in the spirit in which they were offered, and at least helped to make camp-life the following winter more agreeable than it would otherwise have been, and the proper adjustment was quickly made on the first day after starting on the march in the spring. In August, 1861, Brig.-Gen. Thomas W. Sherman received orders to organize an expedition of twelve thousand men for operations on the coasts of South Carolina, Georgia, and Middle and East Florida. He was ordered to proceed to the capitals of the States of Connecticut, Rhode Island, Massachusetts, New Hampshire and Maine, and confer with the governors in regard to securing his quota of men from these States. The quota of Massachusetts was at first set at five regiments, but afterwards was reduced to three. The expedition was to have got off early in September, but it was delayed, a not uncommon occurrence 26 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, in those days, and did not finally start until the last of October. It was Gov. Andrew's intention to send the Twenty-second, Twenty-third, and Twenty-fifth with Gen. Sherman, and the former he expected to have ready by Oct. 1. Gen. McClellan did not attach that importance to Sherman's expedition which President Lincoln and his cabinet gave to it ; and partly on this account, and partly owing to the delay in getting the regiments in readiness, Sherman sailed without his Massachusetts contin gent, and the Twenty-second was ordered to Washington. At four o'clock on the morning of Tuesday, Oct. 8, 1861, the tents of the Twenty-second were struck preparatory to leav ing Camp Schouler. The day opened with a light rain, which had a depressing effect upon some, but the duty of strik ing tents, packing knapsacks, together with the novelty of, the situation, changed the current of their thoughts, and the fare wells to the friends who had come early to the camp were cheerfully given as the men marched to the train. The regi ment embarked on the cars of the South Reading Branch, at Lynnfield Station, very near the camp, and a little after seven o'clock bade farewell to Camp Schouler, many of them never to see it again. The battery and the wagon-train went to Boston over the turnpike. The former joined the regiment on the Common, and proceeded with them to Washington. The wagons and horses went direct to the Boston and Worcester Depot and were loaded on a freight-train, and went by themselves. The train arrived in Boston at the Maine Depot, and the regimental line was formed in Haymarket Square. Here a great concourse of people had assembled to witness the departure of the troops, and all along the route to the Common the sidewalks were filled with people who cheered the soldiers on their way. Col. Wilson was presented privately, by some of his friends, with a fine Morgan horse, and a full set of equipments, giving him a splendid mount, and his appearance as he rode at the head of the regiment in the march up State Street indicated that it was one of the proudest moments of his life. Arriving at the Common the rain ceased, and the regiment SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 27 stacked arms, and partook of a collation provided by the citizens of Boston. The generous hospitality was supplemented by the presentation of a stand of colors, Hon. Robert C. Winthrop speaking for the donors. His address is well worth preserving, and is as follows : — Col. Wilson : — I am here at the call of the committee of your friends by whom this beautiful banner has been procured, to present it, in their be half, to the Regiment under your command. I am conscious how small a claim I have to such a distinction ; but I am still more conscious how little qualified I am, at this moment, 'to do justice to such an occasion. Had it been a mere ordinary holiday ceremony, or had I been called to it only by those with whom I have been accustomed to act in political affairs, I should have declined it altogether. But it was suggested to me by the committee, that the position which I had occupied in former years, in regard to some of the great questions which have agitated and divided the public mind, and the relations which I had borne to yourself politically, if not personally, might give something of peculiar and welcome significance to my presence here to-day — as affording another manifestation, more impressive than any mere words could supply, that in this hour of our country's agony, and in view of the momentous issues of national life and death which are trembling in the scales, all political differences are buried in a common oblivion, and that but one feeling, but one purpose, but one stern and solemn determina tion, pervades and animates the whole people of Massachusetts. To such a suggestion, sir, I could not for an instant hesitate to yield; and most heartily shall I rejoice if any word or any act of mine may help to enforce, or even only to illustrate, that unanimity of sentiment which ought to make, and which I trust does make, a million of hearts this day beat and throb as the heart of one man. Sir, you will not desire — this' crowded assembly will not desire — that in discharging the simple service so unexpectedly assigned to me, I should occupy much of your time in formal words of argument or of appeal. Still less could such a detention be agreeable to these gallant volunteers, impa tient to find themselves fairly on the way to their distant scenes of duty, and entitled to spend the few remaining hours before their departure in exchanging farewells with the friends and relatives who are gathered around them. Yet I should hardly be excused by others, or by yourself, if I did not attempt, in a few plain words, to give some expression to that pervading sentiment, to that solemn purpose, to that stern resolve, which animates and actuates each one of us alike. Sir, there is no mystery about the matter. There ought to be no concealment about it. Your venerable Chaplain has embodied it all in that sparkling lyric — " E Pluribus Dnum " — which might well be adopted as the secular song of your noble regiment. 28 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, It is nothing more and nothing less than a sentimeht of duty to our whole country ; of devotion to its union ; of allegiance to its rulers ; of loyalty to its constitution ; and of undying love to that old flag of our fathers, which was associated with the earliest achievements of our liberty, and which we are resolved shall be associated with its latest defence. It is nothing more and nothing less, than a determination that neither fraud nor force, neither secret conspiracy nor open rebellion, shall suppliint that flag on the dome of our Capitol, or permanently humble it anywhere beneath the sun — that the American Union shall not be rent asunder, nor these cherished institutions of ours be cast down and trampled in the dust — until, at least, we have made the best, the bravest, the most strenuous struggle to save them which the blessing of Heaven upon our own strong arms, and in answer to the prayers of a nation on its knees, shall have enabled us to make. Massachusetts, I need not say, has arrayed her numerous regiments at the call of the National Government, and under the direction of her own untir ing Executive — for no purpose of subjugation or aggression, in no spirit of revenge or hatred, with no disposition and with no willingness to destroy or impair any constitutional right of any section or of any citizen of the Re public. She would as soon wear a yoke upon her own neck, as she would aid in imposing one on the neck of a sister State. She sends forth her armed battalions — the flower of Essex and Middlesex, of Norfolk and Suffolk, of both her capes, and all her hills and valleys — in no spirit but that of her own honored motto: " Ense quietem; " only to enforce the laws; only to sustain the government ; only to uphold the stars and stripes ; only to aid in restoring to the whole people of the land that quiet enjoyment of liberty, which nothing but the faithful observance of the constitution of our Fathers can secure to us and our posterity. "Union for the sake of the Union;" "our country, our whole country, and nothing but our country," — these are the mottoes, old, hackneyed and threadbare, as they may have seemed when employed as the watch-words of an electioneering campaign, but clothed with a new power, a new significance, a new gloss, and a new glory, when uttered as the battle cries of a nation struggling for existence; these are the only mottoes which can give a just and adequate expression to the cause in which you have enlisted. Sir, I thank Heaven that the trumpet has given no uncertain sound while you have been preparing yourselves for the battle. This is the cause which has been solemnly proclaimed by both branches of Congress, in resolutions passed at the instance of those true-hearted sons of Tennessee and Kentucky — Johnson and Crittenden — and which I rejoice to remember at this hour received your official sanction, as a Senator of the United States. This is the cause which has been recognized and avowed by the President of the United States, with a frankness and a fearlessness which have won the respect and admiration of us all. This is the cause which has been so fer vently commended to us from the dying lips of a Douglas, and by the match- SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 29 less living voices of a Holt and an Everett. This is the cause in which the heroic Anderson, lifting his banner upon the wings of prayer, and looking to the guidance and guardianship of the God in whom he trusted, went through that fiery furnace unharmed, and came forth, not indeed without the smell of fire and smoke upon his garments, but with an undimmed and undying lustre of piety and patriotism on his brow. This is the cause in which the lamented Lyon bequeathed all that he had of earthly pleasure to his country, and then laid down a life in her defence, whose value no millions could measure. This is the cause in which the veteran chief of our armies, crowued with laurels which Washington alone had won before him, and renouncing all inferior allegiance at the loss of fortune and friends, has tasked and is still tasking to the utmost, the energies of a soul whose patriot ism no age could chill. This is the cause to which the young and noble McClellan, under whose lead it is your privilege to serve, has brought that matchless combination of sagacity and science, of endurance, modesty, caution and courage, which have made him the hope of the hour, the bright particular star of our immediate destiny, and this, finally, is the cause which has obliterated, as no other cause could have done, all divisions and distinc tions of party, nationality and creed; which has appealed alike to Republi can, Democrat, and Union Whig, to native citizen and to adopted citizen; and, in which not the sons of Massachusetts, or of New England, or of the North alone, not the dwellers on the Hudson, the Delaware, and the Sus quehanna only, but so many of those also, who on the Potomac and the Ohio, the Mississippi and the Missouri, on all the lakes, and in all. the vast Meso potamia of the mighty West — yes, and strangers from beyond the seas, Irish and Scotch, German, Italian, and French — the common emigrant and those who have stood nearest to a throne — brave and devoted men from almost every nation under heaven — are seen rallying beneath a common flag, and exclaiming with one heart and voice, " The American Union — it must and shall be preserved ! " And we owe it, sir, to the memory of our fathers, we owe it to the hope of our children, we owe to the cause of free institutions, and of good gov ernment of every sort throughout the world, to make the effort, cost what it may of treasure or of blood, and with God's help, to accomplish the result. Nay, we owe it to our misguided and deluded brethren of the South — for I will not forget that they are our brothers still, and I will call them by no harsher name — we owe it even to them, to arrest them, if it be possible, in their suicidal career, to save them from their worst enemy — 'themselves; and to hold them back from that vortex of anarchy and chaos which is yawning at their feet, and into which in their desperate efforts to drag us down they are only certain of plunging themselves and ingulfing all that is dear to them. Would to Heaven, this day, that there were any other mode of ac complishing, or even attempting this end, but at the stern appeal of battle ! But from the hour of that ungodly and unmanly assault upon the little gar- 30 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, rison at Sumter, they have left us no alternative. They have laid upon us a necessity to defend our country — and woe, woe unto us if we fail to meet that necessity as men and patriots. I congratulate you, Col. Wilson, with all my heart, on the success of your own efforts in this great work of national defence. Returning from the dis charge of your laborious and responsible duties as chairman of the Com mittee on Military affairs in the Senate of the United States, you have thrown out a recruiting signal for a regiment; and lo ! two regiments have responded to your call; yes, and with Sharpshooters and Light Artillery enough in addition to make up the measure of no ordinary brigade. And though one of your regiments is not quite ready for the field, it will follow you in a few days, and you will march to the Capitol as the virtual leader of them all. Sir, I must detain you no longer. I have said enough, and more than enough to manifest the spirit in which this flag is now committed to your charge. It is the national ensign, pure and simple; dearer to all our hearts at this moment, as we lift it to the gale, and see no other sign of hope upon the storm-cloud, which rolls and rattles above it, save that which is reflected from its own radiant hues ; dearer, a thousand-fold dearer to us all than it ever was before, while gilded by the sunshine of prosperity, and playing with the' zephyrs of peace. It will speak for itself far more elo quently than I can speak for it. Behold it ! Listen to it ! Every star has a tongue; every stripe is articulate. There is no language or speech where their voices are not heard. There's magic in the web of it. It has an answer for every question of duty. It has a solution for every doubt and perplexity. It has a word of good cheer for every hour of gloom or of despondency. Behold it ! Listen to it ! It speaks of earlier and of later struggles. It speaks of victories, and some times of reverses, on the sea and on the land. It speaks of patriots and of heroes among the living and among the dead; and of him, the first and greatest of them all, around whose consecrated ashes this unnatural and abhorrent strife has so long been raging — "the abomination of desolation, standing where it ought not." But before all and above all other associations and memories whether of glorious men or glorious deeds or glorious places — its voice is ever of Union and Liberty of the Constitution and the laws. Behold it ! Listen to it ! Let it tell the story of its birth to these gallant volunteers as they march beneath its folds by day, or repose beneath its sentinel stars by night. Let it recall to them the strange eventful history of its rise and progress- let it rehearse to them the wondrous tale of its trials and its triumphs in peace as well as in war; and whatever else may happen to it or them, it will never be surrendered to rebels; never be ignominiously struck to treason, nor ever be prostituted to an unworthy and unchristian purpose of revenge, depredation or rapine. And may a merciful God cover the head of each one of its brave defenders in the hour of battle. SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 31 The patriotic words of Mr. Winthrop were frequently inter rupted by applause, and he was loudly cheered at the close. Col. Wilson responded as follows : — Mr. Winthrop: — In behalf of my command, I accept at your hands this beautiful ensign of the Republic, and in their name I tender to its gen erous donors our profound thanks; and to you, sir, for your words of inspira tion, our grateful acknowledgments. This banner, sir, will go where we go. And whether it be unrolled, as to-day, in the face of friends that love it, or around our camp-fires, or in the face of foes that would erase its glit tering stars, — this act of your kindness and these words of yours, will live in our hearts and linger in our memories. You present it to us to-day, all radiant with beauty. Shot and shell may mar it; the storm of battle may beat upon it; but, sir, whenever our eyes look upon it, we shall feel that the men of Massachusetts believe that by no act of ours shall one of its stripes be soiled, or one of its stars dimmed. Our country summons her sons to the defence of the unity of the Republic, and the support of republican institu tions. The men of my command, sir, have generously responded to the appeal of their country. They leave behind their beautiful Massachusetts homes, the dear and the loved ones, not to go forth on an errand of wrath or of hatred, but to uphold the authority of the government, and to suppress a causeless and wicked rebellion. Sir, we are not soldiers yet; but we hope to be soldiers. We go forth in the resolve to do our duty; and we shall go feeling that we are the citizens of the proud old Commonwealth of Massa chusetts. And I trust, sir, that whatever may be the destiny or the fate of the men under my command, we at all times in every position, shall do our duty to our common country, and bring no dishonor upon our State. Sir, you have alluded to the relations of the past. Here and now, let me say, that when the guns of the enemies of our country were pointed at Fort Sumter, I felt that the time had come to forget the differences of the past, political and personal, and rally all around the common flag of our country. And sir, in the presence of the events that are transpiring around and about us, all party distinctions, all personal ends and aims, all loves and all hates stand rebuked; and we are all summoned to do whatever is in our power for our country's cause. Sir, we are told in Holy Writ that he that putteth his harness on should not boast like him who taketh it off. We have nothing yet to boast of. We go forth in the hope to do our duty; but we hope that when we return this banner to Massachusetts we shall then have done some thing for our country — and something that will meet the commendation of the friends who are around us to-day, smiling upon us. We hope, sir, that when this banner is brought back by the men who are to bear it in the face of the enemy, the cause of our country will have triumphed; that not a single star will be. erased from our national banner. And we hope, too, that in that day, " in Liberty's unclouded place," we may raise our heads, " a race 32 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, of other days." We hope that when this contest, brought upon us, shall close, the unity of the Republic will be assured, and the cause of republican institutions in America established ever more. We go forth, sir, in that spirit, to do our duty ; cheered with the confidence and approbation of our friends in Massachusetts. And may God, in His providence, grant that by no act of ours, we shall lose that confidence and that approbation. At the close of the speeches the line of march was taken up for the Worcester [now Boston & Albany] Depot, where at four o'clock in the afternoon a special train was taken. Here the farewells of the thousands of friends of the departing soldiers were spoken, and the train moved amid the cheers and good wishes of the multitude, among whom not a few were in tears at parting with those they were never to see again. At every station along the route people crowded around to cheer the pass ing regiment. On one of the cars a steam calliope was placed, and the people near the railroad were treated to patriotic airs played upon the curious musical instrument. At West Need- ham three young ladies dressed in red, white, and blue, waved the stars and stripes at the head of an immense throng. At Natick, the home of Col. Wilson, another large assemblage was seen, and a salute of artillery was fired in honor of their towns man and his regiment. The men did not leave the cars at Worcester, the stop being very brief. The regiment arrived in Springfield shortly after ten, and was welcomed by a great concourse of people, whose shouts fairly drowned the harsh music of the calliope. Upon the arrival of the train, men with pails of hot coffee and baskets of food, passed through the cars, dispensing the hospitality of the city of Springfield to the soldiers. The officers and some invited guests took supper at the Massasoit House. While they were discussing the repast, Col. Wilson was waited upon by Ex- Lieut.-Gov. Trask, who introduced Mayor Bemis, who per suaded the Colonel, much against his inclination, to address the multitude in front of the hotel. He spoke briefly, referring to the position of Massachusetts in the struggle and urged them to aid in maintaining her in the van, where she by right belongs. His remarks aroused great enthusiasm. SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 33 The delay at Springfield consumed an hour. Proceeding on its way the train reached New Haven, Conn., about three o'clock, Wednesday morning. Here the people had turned out in crowds to see " Wilson's Regiment," and had not forgotten to prepare a collation of hot coffee and crackers. A stop of three-quarters of an hour was made here. At Bridgeport the regiment had been expected at nine o'clock the previous even ing, but it was six o'clock in the morning, and the people had all gone home. A salute had been arranged for, and a grand reception, but some one in disgust had spiked the gun, so that when the regiment finally arrived, the disappointed gunner had to apologize for his inability to fire the gun. The stop was a short one, but some of the boys got off the cars, among them one of the sharpshooters. Capt. Wentworth, who got off to hurry him up, was left behind, and had to follow in the regular train, rejoining the regiment in New York. It was ten o'clock on the morning of the 9th when the train rolled into the depot in New York. Just before reaching that city, Leroy S. Cham pion, a private of Company A, who was riding on top of a car, was struck on the head by a bridge, and severely though not fatally injured. The regiment was formed in line and marched to the milk- depot of the railroad company, where soup had been provided, and a Testament for each enlisted man. As there were no spoons the breakfast was not relished as much as was expected. The officers marched to the Fifth Avenue Hotel, where a fine breakfast awaited them, provided by the " sons of Massachu setts," resident in New York, Richard Warren presiding, and Gov. Morgan and staff, and a large number of distinguished cit izens, being present. After the appetite had been appeased, Rev. Henry W. Bellows, president of the Sanitary Commission, which was on that day just four months old, welcomed, the Twenty-second in a neat speech. Col. Wilson replied as follows : — Ladies and Gentlemen: — Most sincerely do I thank you for the kind, cordial, and I must confess, overpowering greeting. I thank you, sir (Dr. Bellows), for the kind words you have uttered towards me personally, and 34 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, before all I thank you for the words of commendation of the proud old Com monwealth of Massachusetts. It is always to me a source of gratification to hear my State spoken of kindly anywhere, but here, in this great commer cial metropolis of the Republic, these words are doubly dear. ' But while I am proud of my State, and her great history, and of the present action of her people, of her public men, living and dead, I do not forget, gentlemen, that we have a prouder title than that of citizens of Massachusetts — that of< American citizens. Although our State occupies but a small dot on the map of North America, it is clear to me, and clear to all the sons of Massa chusetts at home and abroad, that we embrace in our affections every foot of the Republic and the whole people of America. I say to you to-day, gentle men, that the Massachusetts men who are with me and who hear me, will indorse me when I say that our people to-day are animated by no spirit of sectional hate. Loyal to our country and our whole country, and the ideas upon which our republican institutions are founded; loving our whole country and believing in democratic institutions; and feeling as we feel that this civil war into which we have been plunged is the wickedest war in the history of the world, — I know that the people of Massachusetts do not hate the very men who have plunged us into it, and we live in the hope that the cause of our country is to triumph ; that this Union is to be made stronger than ever before; and that the whole people of the United States, acknowl edging the errors of the past, are to live together as brethren in the days of the future as in the days of Washington and Madison. For myself, person ally, gentlemen, I can say, that though I have been much reproached in all my public life by men who have inaugurated the rebellion, still, as God is my judge, I never did hate them, and I do not hate them to-day. In entering into this contest, I can speak of myself, and, I believe, for the men of my command, and say that we do not go forth on any errand of hatred, but we are governed by overpowering, inextinguishable love of country, and of our republican institutions. We go forth, sir, in the hope — not in boast, but in hope — of bearing a prominent part in the great con test in which our country is engaged, and to do what we can, and risk what we may, to give our days and our nights, our toil and our blood, if need be, to the cause of our country in any peril. You say, sir, that Massachusetts has taken a leading part in this contest. Well, sir, I am glad to have you though born in Massachusetts and living in New York — say it. But, sir while I am very grateful for the commendation of my State, and specially to the executive that now administers the government of my State, no one knows his zeal, his industry, and devotion better than I do; while, I say, I am always glad to hear these words of commendation, I do not forget what New York has done, and other loyal States. Why, sir, perhaps you here in New York cannot see what New York has done in this contest so clearly as we who live beyond your borders. You have your little trials, and your little troubles, as we have; but I remember the day that New York had in SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 35 the field about sixty regiments battling for the cause of our country We remember, sir, and can never forget, the liberal, the wise, the statesmanlike, action of the men who control the moneyed institutions of the city and State of New York. And I say here to-day, that their action is worth more to our cause in the Old World than a victory on the soil of the New. That it shows to England what every Englishman can understand, that the men who con trol the moneyed institutions of America have made up their minds to fight this battle to a successful issue. That nation of shopkeepers will run block ades when they can, but they will not break blockades, or attempt to do it. Sir, I want to see this war closed, and closed triumphantly, but after the criticisms that have come to us from over the Atlantic, as God is my judge, I do not want to win it through any favor of the men of the British Isle. Loving peace, devoted for forty years to the arts of peace, unprepared for war, loyal to our country, though we have been plunged into a gigantic civil war, we, gentlemen, felt that we had a right — as the war is one that con cerns the whole human family — that we had a right to the sympathy and generous criticism of the nations. But, gentlemen, the shopkeeper's inter ests have ruled in the criticisms that we have had. Nothing but misrepre sentation and reproaches; and now I want these twenty-five millions of loyal Americans to rise and manifest their power, crush this rebellion, and show to the world that we ask a favor from no people on God's heritage. Misfor tunes have come upon us, and we are criticising each other, I think, some times hastily and unwisely. I have come to the conclusion to support the administration of the Federal Government for the sake of the country, and to support the administration of my State government and the administra tion of every State that is loyal to this Union and does its duty. It is easy to find fault; it is easy to criticise; but, gentlemen, let us remember that we have not been a nation of soldiers — that we were unprepared for this war. Let us remember that we live in a fast age, and that six months have not passed away since we were plunged into this war, and that we have to-day nearly three hundred thousand men under arms defending the flag of our country. Let us remember that when this war opened, we had on the whole coast of North America, fit for service, but six war-vessels, and that to-day we have three hundred. Let us measure what has been done by the time it has taken other nations to do these things. When the government wanted their seventy-five thousand men in April last, I wanted them to call for a quarter of a million. I believe that we ought to call for half a million. Gen. Walbridge, who sits at the other end of the table, will remember how he and I both obtained that conviction, and how we urged it upon men at Washington. But gentlemen, let me say, that while the author ities of the country did not fully comprehend the extent of this rebellion, the government understands the rebellion to-day, and. the people under stand it too. And my advice to every man in public life and in civil life — every soldier and officer, and every newspaper man of the country — is 36 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, to indulge in no harsh criticisms, no fault-findings, but every man make up his mind that he will stop criticising and put a shoulder to the wheel and do what he can. When we have gained the victory, when the cause of our country is established, when our flag waves in triumph over every roof of the Republic, then, gentlemen, if we feel like criticism of each other in times of disaster, then we will have time to do it. For myself, sir, I have endeavored to act in this spirit, from April last to this day, in Congress and out of it. You have spoken, sir, of my efforts to raise this regiment. I will simply say, sir, that I went home to raise this regiment, having no idea of winning for myself any increased confidence. When Congress closed, I felt, I say, that I had a hundred days before the next meeting of Congress, and I thought that in that hundred days I could do something for my country. I saw, sir, that we wanted two hundred thousand men in the field. I saw that in the doubt and distraction of the country there was some check in recruiting and volunteering, and I went home to my people of Massachusetts to appeal to them to raise a regiment to send and fight the battles of the country, for I thought I could contribute a little to the cause by that mode. Well, sir, I have a regiment of more than a thousand infantry. We have a company of sharpshooters. I have left another regiment at home that will follow in a few days. You are surprised, sir, that we can have sharpshooters in Massachusetts; you think the range is not long enough in our State to train sharpshooters. Well, now I have to say to you that we train our sharpshooters at short range, and we want to practise it in the field. I say to my military friends, that we have heard quite too much of long range in this war. We are too anxious for rifled cannon that will hit a man five miles off, or rifles that will kill a man a mile distant. Now, I have to say, gentlemen, that I do not believe in these long ranges, and these distant shots, and these light skirmishes. I tell you that I believe we want to make up our minds to carry on this war without any shots, if possible, and to give the cold steel to the traitors of our country. And, sir, when we have made up our minds to fight this battle as Miller fought at Lundy's Lane, when he led the Twenty-first Regiment of New England up to storm the battery, when we have made up our minds to success with the bayonet, — then we will have a foundation for the success of the cause of our country. And I think gentlemen, we are coming to that conclusion. And, sir, I hope that the sharpshooters of my regiment, if they have not had long range enough at home, if they have been trained to short range at home, that they will con tinue to practise short range abroad. Gentlemen, on behalf of my associates, of my officers, and my command I tender to you and all of you, our profound thanks for your generous kind ness, for your smiles, for your courtesies, that you have bestowed upon us. And when we leave your city to follow the flag of our country — I know not where, but we are ready to follow it wherever we are ordered I assure you all, ladies and gentlemen, that we shall carry in our hearts the remem brance of your words and actions. SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 37 Remarks followed by Richard Warren, Gov. Morgan, Gen. Walbridge, and Gen. (afterwards President) Chester A. Arthur. A glee club sang " New England, I love thee." Col. Lefferts, of the Seventh New York Regiment, and Hon. George Bancroft spoke ; and Chaplain Pierpont, of the Twenty-second, made a graceful and fitting end of the occasion in a pithy and patriotic address. The officers then returned to the depot, where the men had been left. Falling in the regiment, they marched to Madison Square, where Hon. James T. Brady, in behalf of a committee of ladies of New York, presented the regiment with a flag. Mr. Brady spoke as follows : — Col. Wilson, Officers and Men, of the Twenty-second : — It affords me the greatest pleasure and pride to be amongst those who in the fulness of grateful hospitality welcome you to the city of New York. To many, if not most of you, the places which surround you now are strange, but you cannot feel like strangers on any spot of the country in whose cause you have taken the field. You are not strangers to us. We have long been familiar with Massachusetts in every civil relation, and now that legion after legion of her armed sons have come among us, we know them equally well in the martial array. The soil of your beloved Old Bay State does indeed appear to us As il the very earth again Grew quick with Ood's creating breath, And from the sods of grove and glen Rose ranks of lion-hearted men To battle to the death. You arrive here in a month full of historic suggestion. In October, 1777, a memorable battle took place in this State, in which an event occurred for which we have in after times produced not a few parallels. An Ameri can officer displayed courage, fidelity and . devotion which but for his subse quent career would have gained him imperishable fame. But the name of Benedict Arnold has become the synonyme of infamy. Such has been the traitor's doom since the world began, and such it will be until the last manly instinct perishes in our race. Eighty-four years ago, on the 9th of October, Burgoyne, crippled in the conflict I have just mentioned, was on his way to Saratoga, there soon to surrender his whole army; an event which elicited from the Earl of Chatham the bold and prophetic declaration to the English Parliament, "You cannot conquer America." I was glad to hear similar words to-day fall from the lips of your colonel, when he was speaking of your independence in the struggle of all the powers of the earth. We can 38 ¦ TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, say again to England now, as the Earl of Chatham said in the past, " You cannot conquer America." The flag to which Gen. Burgoyne yielded was the stars and stripes, which first floated at Cambridge in your State, on the 1st of January, 1776. It witnessed the successful triumph of the Revolution, the surrender of Cornwallis, the evacuation of this city by the British, Gen. Washington's resignation of the command of the army, and his inaugura tion as President of the United States. It has since led us over every diffi culty, against every enemy, despite of ambition, treachery or power, to brilliant triumphs and honorable renown. No foreign foe has for many years dared to assail it. The futile attempt to humble or disgrace it was reserved for those who were born, nurtured, protected and distinguished under its folds. This is done by some men to subvert that constitution which they have so often avowed to be entirely adequate, as it was most wisely prepared, to insure protection for their rights, and an equal share with their countrymen in the blessings of our government. They have annoyed and embarrassed us, I admit; but they will soon be taught, despite of what discomfiture we have encountered, that, Anteus-like, we derive a new strength from every fall, and there is no Hercules to lift us from this soil, and then effect our destruction. They have remoyed our flag from some places where it had long floated with honor, but to every one of those it shall be restored. The time is not far distant when it shall wave in triumph over Fort Sumter ; and when that event does happen — as happen it surely will — I most sincerely hope that among those who look with delight on the restoration of the banner; may be the .gallant men whom I have the honor to address, — the men of the Twenty-second Massachusetts. You are on your way to the war — to fight the great battle for constitu tional freedom and government, in which all humanity is and ever ought to be interested. On our side it is a holy war. We did not seek, expect or provoke it. It has been forced upon us without any reasonable, pretext. We know how to appreciate its evils, but we can also estimate its advantages. It has roused in the hearts of all our people that patriotism which in periods of tranquil prosperity often becomes torpid, and sometimes expires. It has banished from the places of religion, politics and society the rancorous big otry, which too often disgraced them. It has united in an eternal bond of generous brotherhood, the native Americans and those sons of foreign climes who share with us the enjoyment of national liberty, and will unite with us in maintaining it. It has made him whose ancestors were born on the soil, brothers in feeling and in fact with those, like me, sprung from that sweet green little isle of the ocean, which gave a Montgomery to the last Revolu tion, a Corcoran and a Meagher to this. It teaches us how confidently we may rely on such a fraternity, though all the nations look upon us coldly or frowningly. It has made all of us, from the East and the North and the West, deliberately but unalterably resolve that we will encounter every risk, loss or expenditure of blood or treasure to secure victory for our armies, SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 39 preserve for us and our posterity " one country, one constitution, one des tiny." The allegiance and fidelity to this resolution absorb or overcome every other connection with public affairs, and to carry this into effect we will tread exultingly upon the ruins of parties, their precepts, practices and purposes. We care not by whom they were chosen, who sways the power of the government. The South has entered into this rebellion despite the self- sacrifice made by men at the North, politically associated with them in the past, such as the South never made for any party of Northern men. They have raised a spirit which they may see go on to achieve any triumph it seeks, and woe to those who attempt to set themselves against it. We of the Democratic party care not by whose votes or influence that administration which now sways the destinies of this great empire was put into power. We know that an honest man named Abraham Lincoln is President of the United States, and as such commander of the army and navy, and with the blessing and favor of Heaven, we will accord to him in the future as we have accorded in the past, in every thing tending to the vigorous and successful prosecution of the war, a generous and persistent support. Men of Massachusetts, I am commissioned to present you with this beau tiful flag, wrought by the fair hands of women. They, and all your country men who illustrate while they contemplate this ceremony, behold you even with such pride as swelled the bosoms of fair and loved ones when you parted from them on the mountains and in the valleys of your native regions. They are imbued with the spirit of the Spartan matron, who, giving her son a shield, bade him return with it or on it, and of the other woman of the same nation, who, when her boy complained that his sword was too short, enjoined him to advance one step towards his foe, and it would then be long enough to serve his purpose. We cannot look upon you without feeling assured that you have duly considered the perils and responsibilities of the soldier's life; that each of you will " As victor exult, or in death be laid low, With Ms back to the field and his feet to the foe, And leaving in hattle no blot on his name, Look proudly to heaven from the death-bed of fame." Col. Wilson, I will not disguise from you that I envy you the receipt of this flag, and the command of which you can boast. Look at this flag, men! It is the American flag, — the flag of the United States of America. As such, it has been known, is known, and will continue to be known, and the stars in it will shine on like those of ages. Look at this flag, my countrymen, again and again, with reverence and with love. And now turn your eyes for a moment to the sky, which looks smilingly down upon this interesting scene. You behold not one of all the glittering host which comes to deck the night, yet each gem of the firmament is shining on and shining ever, waiting the appointed time to eheer, illumine and guide. 40 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, The stars which adorn our banner — what though in the region of blessed peace they lie hidden in the silken folds, yet when the gloom would enshroud our land, then do they come to shine upon us, and make our pathway as our duty clear. Go forth with them, and chase the gloom which over hangs our beloved soil. Go forth, confident and sustained as they who followed the cloud and the pillar of fire. And when the final crowning victory, that is sure to cbme, gleams effulgently upon our cause, may its glorious rays fall upon this regiment, and cover their spirits all over with divinest light. . Col. Wilson, in accepting the flag, made the following reply: — Mr. Brady, Ladies and Gentlemen, Comrades in Arms : — My heart is too full with this scene of beauty and power, and with these touch ing words of inspiring eloquence, to reply fitly for my command for this magnificent present made to the regiment. Sir, I know I utter the senti ment of every heart in the Twenty-second Regiment, when I say that from the depths of our hearts we thank you, sir, for your words of eloquence and power, and presenting this flag in the names of the donors. Sir, yesterday, on Boston Common, surrounded by the men of Massachusetts, Robert* C Winthrop, in whose veins runs the blood of the first governor of Massa chusetts, presented to this regiment the flag now borne in our ranks. To day, here in the commercial capital of the Republic, you, sir, in the name of the men and women of New York, present to us this beautiful banner, which we take from your hands. We will bear it, sir, alongside of that banner given to us by the citizens of our own State. Wherever our govern ment asks us to go, they shall go side by side. If the battle storms around us, they shall wave over our heads, cheering us to do our duty for our country. Their stars shall glitter upon us, cheering our hearts with patriotic emotions. Sir, we go not forth for glory or for honor, but we go forth, sir, to do the duty of American citizens, and serve the country. The contest in which we have engaged must be fought out to a successful issue, and, by the bless ing of God, we of the Twenty-second Regiment will endeavor to perform our part of that duty. Sir, the men under my command have been re cruited within thirty days; they come, sir, from the very bosom of the toil ing masses of Massachusetts. Some of them were born on our soil, and have the blood of the Puritans in their veins. Many of them, sir, were born on the Green Isle of the Sea to which you have referred. And I may say here, that the history of the world shows that no men more bravely do their duty than those in whose veins courses the blood of the men of Ire land. Sir, we go forth not as trained soldiers ; we cannot manifest much skill. We go forth at the call of our country, in the hope of doing our SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 41 duty, to deserve the honor and respect and confidence of our countrymen. And, sir, wherever we are called upon to go, and to whatever duty we may be assigned, be assured, sir, be assured, ladies and gentlemen of New York, that we will bear your banner, that we will cherish in our hearts your cor dial greeting, and that you will incite us to be more faithful to the cause. We will endeavor wherever we go to serve our country, and to come home when this wicked war shall be closed, with our country united, and the cause of republican institutions strengthened. We go forth, sir, animated by no spirit of hatred or revenge. We are to march over the ground where the men of Massachusetts were shot down on the 19th of April last; but, sir, I know that my command has no feelings of revenge towards any portion of our countrymen. We go forth to uphold the authority of our govern ment, and to win back those who are endeavoring to destroy the institutions under which we were born. Sir, if in the Providence of God, we should return through this great commercial capital of the country, we hope that we shall so have conducted ourselves in the face of the enemies of the Re public, as to receive your approving smile as we have here to-day. The regiment then resumed its march down Broadway, es corted by the "sons of Massachusetts," amid the cheers of the people who lined the sidewalks and filled the windows all along the route. A halt was made at the Park Barracks, where the men were made comfortable, and the officers returned to the Fifth Avenue Hotel for supper. It was nearly dark when the order came to sling knapsacks and fall in to march to the wharf. Embarking at the Battery, the boat got under way for Amboy about nine o'clock. Within a few miles of Amboy, the cry of " Man overboard ! " was raised. The steamer was stopped, a boat lowered, and a long search made, but without avail, and the steamer proceeded on its way. The man was George Fur- ness, of Company B. Edward F. Davidson was also lost over board on the trip. Both men were heavily dressed, and it was thought sank at once, as no answer was made to the hail of the searching party. While disembarking at Perth Amboy, Alden Burrill, of the sharpshooters, fell overboard, but was rescued with some difficulty. Taking the cars at this point for Camden, and thence across the ferry, the regiment landed in Philadelphia at half-past five Thursday morning, Oct. 10. At the Baptist Bethel, on Church Street, the regiment found a hearty and most welcome breakfast awaiting their arrival, 42 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, to which they did ample justice. The line of march was then taken up through Fourth, Chestnut, and Broad streets, to the Baltimore and Wilmington Railroad Depot, where they embarked for Baltimore. It began to rain soon after the train started, and the contrast between that and the previous day had a quieting effect on some of the soldiers. At Perrysville the Susquehanna was crossed to Havre de Grace, Md., and the regiment was in a Southern State. It was nearly dark when the train finally pulled out of Havre de Grace, and there were several delays on the way, so that it was midnight when the troops reached Baltimore. Every thing was quiet as the regi ment marched through the Monumental City. Those who had marched through on the 19th of April (and there were not a few of them in the Twenty-second who had served in the Sixth) noted the contrast between the two occasions. Peace reigned, and nothing occurred to remind the warriors of the bloody scene of six months before. At the Baltimore and Ohio Depot the Relief Society were on hand with bread and coffee, which were very refreshing. Entering the cars, the men settled down to the belief that daylight would dawn upon them in Washington. Friday morning came, and the drowsy soldiers found them selves at the Relay House, waiting for the regular train to pass. At half-past eight they were off, but went only a few miles and stopped. This continued several times, when finally Col. Wil son's patience became exhausted, and he notified the conductor to proceed at once, or he would detail men from his regiment to work the engine, and he would enforce his order at the point of the bayonet. This had the desired effect, and the train made no more stops until its arrival at Washington, which it reached at 2 p.m., on Friday, Oct. 11. The wagon-train caught up with the troops at Annapolis Junction, and reached Washington just before dark on the same day as the regiment. The horses and wagons were unloaded, and parked for the night near a school- house not far from the depot, the horses being picketed to the schoolyard fence. Next day the wagons were sent to one of the public parks of the city, where they remained until Sun day, when they went over the river. SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY,. 43 The hungry and tired soldiers were not long in disembarking, and got into line very promptly. They were first marched to the " Soldier's Rest ; " but here there was no rest, and they were marched to the " Soldier's Retreat," where their first dinner at the expense of the government was served. After refreshment and rest, they were ordered to fall in for a street parade. The route of march was around the Capitol, down Pennsylvania Avenue to Willard's Hotel, and back to quarters. While en route, President Lincoln was met out driving, and he courteously acknowledged the salute given him. Supper was issued, and preparations made for the night, when orders came to move, and the regiment was marched to Woodward's Hall on Penn sylvania Avenue, where they quartered, and got such rest as the hard floor (to which they were not yet accustomed) afforded. Saturday was spent in the barracks, details being made for the unloading of the horses and wagons. Sunday morning still found the men in barracks, sleeping on the floor, and marching to the Soldier's Retreat for their rations. The regiment had been away from home nearly a week, they had arrived at the Capital, and already each had learned " to endure hardness as a good soldier," and was ready and anxious to take the field against the foes of the Union. CHAPTER III. LEARNING THE ART OF WAR. Over Long Bridge. —Hall's Hill. — Gen. Martindale's Brigade. — Col. Wilson resigns. — Major Tilton's Letter. — Col. Jesse A. Gove. — Tents logged for winter. — foot-eall in camp. — accidents with flre-arms. — Strict Orders for Guard. —An Elastic Pass, and how it wobked. — Review at Bailey's Cross-roads. — Penny Post. — First Pay-day. — Chap lain Pierpont resigns. — Soldier's Church. — Drums exchanged for Bugles. — Thanksgiving. — Camp Wilson. — Christmas. — New- Year's Serenade. — Fires in Camp. — " Fall in for Bread!" — Enfield- Rifles exchanged for springfields. — skirmish drill. — poncho tents. — Review at Ball's Cross-roads. — Drum-Major Pike's Baton. — Soldier Poetry. — Snowball Battle. — Explosion in Company D. — Death of Quartermaster-Sergt. Brown. — Deaths on Hall's Hill. — Accident to Quartermaster Royce. — Fort Donelson Rejoicings. — Gentle Ration of Whiskey. — Best Marksmen. — 22d of February. — Hurricane visits the Camp. — Miles, Paine, Davis, Batchelder and Conant promoted. — Good-by to Hall's Hill. AT two o'clock on the afternoon of Sunday, Oct. 13, 1861, the " long roll " sounded, and the Twenty-second fell in for its first advance movement. Bidding adieu to Woodward's Hall without regret, in heavy marching order, the regiment was soon en route for the Long Bridge over the Potomac. Many a brave boy who passed over that historic bridge on that October sabbath, never returned to his Northern home, but is taking his long repose beneath the soil made sacred by his blood. The first march was a trying one to raw recruits, and not a few fell out, to be helped along by the ambulances or the baggage- wagons, or to straggle as best they could. The route was past the Arlington estate, to Ball's Cross-roads, and thence by the Chain Bridge road about a mile, when a turn to the left in the direction of Falls Church brought the regiment to a good camp ing-place, on a farm owned by Basil Hall. The Fourth Michi- SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 45 gan Regiment had been camped here until a day or two previous, when it was moved out to beyond Miner's Hill. The Eigh teenth Massachusetts and Second Maine camps were in line, and the Twenty-second went into camp on the right of the brigade. All along the route from Long Bridge to Hall's Hill, camps were seen, and the soldiers turned out to see Wilson's regiment pass. The right of the regiment reached Hall's Hill about six o'clock in the evening, but it was several hours later before the last of the men arrived in camp. A few tents were pitched, enough to afford the men a shelter, and rations were served. Only a short time previous this ground was held by the rebels, and a sharp skirmish had occurred there. Pickets were thrown out and a strong camp-guard established, and the regiment settled down to its first night in camp. The ground on which the camp was situated was part of a farm of three hundred and twenty-seven acres, owned by Basil Hall, which was large enough for the entire division. The bat tery was finally encamped near the site of Hall's house, which was a large and well-furnished mansion at the beginning of hos tilities. Unfortunately for Hall, as the Union army advanced into Virginia, he found himself between two fires, and during one of the frequent skirmishes he was driven from his house. During his absence, soldiers of the Union army stripped the house of its furniture. Next the rebels advanced, and burned the building. Hall recovered some of his furniture, and retired to the summer residence of his sister, Mary Hall a well-known Washington character. This house was well built, and situated on the Chain Bridge road, and being unoccupied at the time referred to, made the proprietor of Hall's Hill a very good home. Of his numerous slaves he saved but two, Jim and Bill, nine and twelve years old. While the troops were encamped there, a picket was established at Mary Hall's, and Basil, with the aid of the colored boys, managed to pick up a good living by selling meals to the guard and occasional visitors. He had pre served an accurate record of the number of panels of rail-fence that was on the farm at the breaking-out of the war, and the furniture he had failed to recover, and had no doubt but that the 46 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, government would reimburse him. "I go in for the Union," he was accustomed to say, " but I ain't no abolitionist, and any man of common sense will say that slavery is the very best thing for the South." Hall and the soldiers got on very well together, and doubtless his claims for damage to his property were in due time recognized. The non-coms were fond of visiting Bas. Hall's, and one day Corporal W. got leave of absence, and went over to see a chum who was on guard there. The day passed quickly, and at night, though he double-quicked, roll-call found him some dis tance outside the lines. He managed to get in unobserved by the guard, but not by his tent-mates. Next morning an order came down from the adjutant, directing that the corporal, for absence at roll-call, should surrender his chevrons, or take knap sack drill in the company street until further orders. Corporal W. did not hesitate. " I will do any thing rather than lose my stripes," said he. The sergeants fixed up his knapsack, and pretending to take pity on him, allowed him to empty it. They marched him back and forth for a long time, until the fun had been sufficiently enjoyed, when they pretended to get an order from the adjutant, excusing him from further drill, and he was congratulated on having saved his stripes. Hall's Hill was well adapted for a camp. It was a round top, sloping in all directions from the flag-staff whieh was planted in front of the centre of the line. The camp faced the west, the " line " running north and south, with three Sibley tents on each side of the company streets for the men, with two wall- tents for the company officers facing down the company streets, a line of cook-houses behind the officers' tents, and the staff and other tents disposed in proper position at the rear. An ample parade-ground for company and battalion drills was afforded inside the regimental guard-line. A fine stream of water ran along the base of the hill, affording water for cooking and bath ing. This supply was re-enforced by wells, dug by the soldiers, and carefully guarded to secure purity. Part of Hall's farm consisted of woodland, which furnished fuel for the camps during the winter of 1861-62. SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 47 Monday, Oct. 14, the first day in camp, was spent in clearing up, pitching the tents, and setting things generally to rights. Several days were consumed in this manner, and on Thursday company-drill commenced. On Friday, there was a dress- parade ; and the long line, extending over the hill, with more than a thousand men presenting arms, gave Col. Wilson a feel ing of pride, which he frankly expressed to the officers when they advanced to salute him. While dress-parade was in progress, the attention of the men was diverted by the appearance of a balloon sent up from the direction of Alexandria. This being their first view of the aerial branch of the service, their curios ity was excusable ; later the sight became a common one. The first formation of the Army of the Potomac was by divisions, under an order of Oct. 15, 1861. The Twenty-second was assigned to Gen. Fitz John Porter's division, which at that time had two regiments of cavalry, two batteries, and thirteen regiments of infantry. The division comprised three brigades, commanded respectively by Gen. J. H. Martindale, Gen. George W. Morell and Gen. Daniel Butterfield. The Twenty-second was in Gen. Martindale's brigade. Before active movements began in the spring of 1862, the Army of the Potomac was divided into four army-corps. The Third Corps was commanded by Gen. S. P. Heintzelman, and Gen. Porter's division was the First. Inspection is the first general duty on Sunday in camp ; and the first Sunday spent by the Twenty-second in Virginia brought the brigade-commander, Gen. Martindale, to inspect his new acquisition, the largest of the Massachusetts regiments. He was a fine horseman, splendidly mounted, and made quite an impression as he rode into camp. He was much pleased with the appearance of the new recruits and of their quarters, and so exDressed himself, and went away quite popular with all, especially the rank and file. In the afternoon, the chaplain, Rev. John Pierpont, conducted divine service on the parade- ground, delivering an able discourse. This was the regular order for Sundays while at Hall's Hill, although Gen. Martindale did not always attend inspection. On the morning of Oct. 22 the regiment had orders to pre- 48 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, pare three days' rations at once, and be ready to march at five minutes' notice. This set the camp in motion, and much specu lation was indulged in by the men, as 'to what would be the outcome. The day wore away, however, without marching- orders, and at night the camp settled down to its ordinary quiet. It was generally supposed that the stir was occasioned in some way by the battle of Ball's Bluff, which had proved so disastrous to the Union forces the previous day. On Sunday, Oct. 27, Col. Wilson took a formal farewell of the regiment, to resume his senatorial duties. He had accom plished what he had proposed to do, and more. He had enlisted, armed and equipped the largest volunteer regiment that had been sent out from Massachusetts, and had led them to the field. The hundred days of leisure which he had so usefully employed had expired. To take his place, he had secured Capt. Jesse A. Gove, of the Tenth United States Infan+ry, an accomplished gentleman and a thorough soldier, whom Gov. Andrew had commissioned colonel. Col. Wilson and his regiment parted with mutual regrets, and though he laid down the command Oct. 29, 1862, he always considered the Twenty-second as his regiment, and always proved himself a true friend of its mem bers. Major Tilton well expressed the popular sentiment in the following letter, written on learning Col. Wilson's plans : — Hall's Hill, Va., Oct. 21, 1861. Mt dear Sib : — I know not what I am going to write : but I know what is in my heart; and that is, a deep respect and affection for yourself. My father died more than four years since; and I have not met, until I knew you, one whom I could look up to with that mingled respect and affec tion which is due to a father. You have chidden only when it was for our good, and have exhibited a kindness and benevolence of heart which no man shall ever dare to deny to you before me. Be assured, sir, that I fully appreciate your acts of kindness to me; and they have been many, — so many, indeed, that I have come slowly to the conclusion that a man may, even in these days, occupy a high position with out abandoning his good qualities. May God prosper you in your labors for our beloved country ! I tremble when I think what power is in your hands to do our country good or evil, and only pray that you may never be swerved from that bright pathway along which you are now journeying. WILLIAM S. TILTON. COL. JESSE A. GOVE. SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 49 Col. Gove at once assumed command, and soon became the idol of the regiment. A thorough tactician, with the bearing of a courageous soldier, he impressed the men with the idea that he was a leader it was an honor to follow. No order of his was ever questioned, much less disobeyed, because every man in his command believed that the colonel could not make a mis take and always meant what he said. He rode a sorrel horse that had carried him across the Plains with Fremont, and the intelligent animal deported himself as though he and his rider were but one. The colonel wore a sword of a peculiar pattern, resembling more a cimeter than the regulation sabre. He wore his beard full, and his hair long and flowing, though not to that extent affected by Southern officers. Though not a tall man or of commanding presence, he was a striking figure, and whoever saw him would say, There is one born to command. His early death was a severe blow to the regiment, and a great loss to the country, for there can be no doubt that had he survived to the end of the war, he would have been found high in rank among the generals of the army. About this time the officers commenced to send out to the ruined houses in the neighborhood of the camp, and secure bricks with which to make ovens for heating their tents. The enlisted men soon followed their example, and the tents were made quite comfortable. The common method was to dig a hole in the middle of the tent, and build a sort of oven, which extended outside the tent, the outlet being surmounted by a barrel which served for a chimney. These underground heat ers made the air in the tents quite warm. As the season pro gressed, and the weather grew colder, the tents were logged up. Near the camp was a good supply of chestnut-trees, and these were levied upon for the purpose named. A trench was dug, conforming to the circumference of the tent. Into this trench chestnut-logs, split once, and cut in six-feet lengths, were set on end, as close together as possible, leaving only a narrow opening for a door. The irregular cracks between the edges of the logs were filled with clay, and the tents pitched on top of the logs made quite a comfortable and roomy home. Cracker- 50 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, boxes were used to make the doors, and the ingenuity of some of the messes was quite remarkable, as displayed in the arrange ment of the quarters. Some of the tent-crews purchased stoves, the funnels of which were carried up beside the centre poles, and discharged the smoke through the ventilator at the top of the tent. Green boughs of spruce and cedar made neat and fragrant beds, and the men were as comfortable in their novel homes, as they would have been in more pretentious and costly dwellings. In the rear of the line of officers' tents was a row of cook houses, where cooks detailed from the companies prepared the food. Hard bread was at first the only issue to the men, and then soft bread was purchased at Washington and Alexandria. Tn December, Commissary-Sergt. Hackett conceived the idea of drawing flour, and cooking the bread in camp. Quartermaster Royce approved the plan, and ovens were procured and a bakery established. There were plenty of bakers in the regiment, and it was not difficult to procure the working-force for the bake- shop. The plan worked well. The men had plenty of fresh bread every day, and yet they were able to make a saving from the regular rations to which they were entitled ; and all the companies accumulated funds, which afterwards proved to be useful. Camp-life was enlivened in many ways. Major Tilton pre sented the regiment with a football, and also placed a checker board in every tent. After dress-parade, every pleasant day, the football would make its appearance on the parade-ground, and a lively game would be had, which had a good effect on the health and spirits of the men. After " retreat," the candles would be lighted, and the men would busy themselves with cards or checkers, telling stories, or singing. There were a good many fine singers in camp, and almost every company had its quartet. Drum-Major Pike, Lieut. Richardson, of Company G, Sergt. Scott, of Company D, and Johnny Forbes, of the band, carried off the regimental honors in the vocal line. Scotc and Pike produced a regimental song which was published, and was quite popular on Hall's Hill. Gen. Martindale, command- SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 51 ing the brigade, also wrote a song with the title " Comrades, Touch the Elbow," which was arranged for an old air, and sub sequently found its way into the army song-books. Thus the evenings passed away in song and mirth, and " tattoo and taps " came all too quickly to the light-hearted fellows who were learn ing to be soldiers. Most of the soldiers were unused to firearms, and careless handling of the guns was not uncommon. A member of Com pany I was cleaning his gun, and to clear the nipple, put on a cap and snapped it. Unfortunately the gun was loaded, and the bullet entered the tent where William Heath (or Keith), of Dedham, in Company I, was standing. The ball entered his abdo men and passed through him, and he lived but a short time. A sharpshooter carelessly put down his rifle with his thumb over the muzzle, and soon lost that member. A sentinel posted in front of the colonel's quarters, found that his bayonet was not securely fixed. As it went into place hard, he took hold of the bayonet, and struck the breech of the gun on the ground. The piece was discharged, and the soldier had one less finger. One of the men coming in off picket, carried his gun balanced on his shoulder, holding it near the muzzle. Stumbling on the frozen ground,' he fell, and his gun was thrown forward, striking first on the breech. The breech broke off, but the gun was not dis charged. The soldier, however, had the price of a gun taken out of his pay. Guard-duty was very strictly performed at Hall's Hill. The guard loaded their muskets as they went on duty, discharging them next morning when they were relieved, either by firing at a target set up in the woods near the camp for individual practice, or "by squad." The men were supposed to patrol their beats for two hours, and not to talk with each other or with any one. The Second Maine camp joined that of the Twenty-second, and the Down-East boys had dug a well, to save a long walk to the spring. One night the officer of the guard heard a sentry talking with one of our guards, and repri manded the soldier, telling him not to repeat the offence ; and as he suspected the soldier of leaving his beat to converse with 52 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, the Twenty-second man, charged him not to leave his beat on any account. On hi's way back to the guard-house the officer stumbled into the well, and naturally enough shouted lustily to the sentry to come and help him out. But the soldier remem bering his instructions, coolly replied that he could not leave his post on any account. The well was not very deep, and the officer finally scrambled out as best he could. Some of the officers had citizen servants, generally boys ; and not being sworn into the service, they were somewhat indifferent to military orders, and held discipline in light esteem. One day one of these servants crossed the lines on his way to the brigade commissary. He was ordered to halt, by the sentry, but he disregarded the order and kept on. He was again ordered to halt, which he refused to do, when the sentinel fired at him. The shot did not hit the fellow, but he took the hint and came back within the lines. The officer of the day was in doubt about the sentry's conduct, the firing occurring in broad daylight, and reported the case to Col. Gove. The colonel approved the action, saying that the sentry did just right ; that any man refusing to stand when ordered to do so by a guard, should be fired upon. The following incident will illustrate one of the well-known traits of these citizen servants. The members of Company F had contributed money enough to present First Sergt. Bennett with a watch, as he was very popular with the men. Two of the number, who for present purposes may be known as Frank Bedford and Jack Foster, were commissioned to visit Washing ton and purchase the watch. Frank was detailed on clerical duty in the adjutant's office, and wrote out a pass for the two " to Washington and return," and took it in person to the officers, getting all the signatures from Capt. Thompson to Fitz John Porter. They reached Washington without adventure, and bought the watch. As night approached, Jack suggested returning, but Frank declared his intention to remain all night. As passes were supposed to expire at retreat, Jack was alarmed, but Frank insisted that as the pass was to Washington and return, they could stay as well as not, and he agreed to see his SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 53 timid comrade safely back in camp on the morrow. Toward nightfall on the next day the pair started for camp. As they went in over the Long Bridge, they concluded to go out by the way of the Georgetown Aqueduct. Just before reaching the bridge over Rock Creek, Frank seized Jack by the arm, and almost dragged him into the doorway of an elegant mansion that stood upon the street. Without waiting to ring, they entered the house, and walked up-stairs into the parlor. A dignified old lady soon entered the room, apparently somewhat startled by the sudden appearance of her unbidden guests. Frank at once arose, and with a courtly manner introduced himself and friend. " We were passing your door," said he, " and we found it impossible to resist an impulse to pay our respects to one who has done so much to render the life of the soldier in camp endurable. You may .not be aware of it, madam, but your name is revered in the army, and you are blessed in thousands of homes. My comrades would not have forgiven me had I neglected to convey to you an expression of the grateful regard in which you are held." The old lady replied that she was not aware that any thing she had done was so highly esteemed, and thanking her visitors for their kindly interest, offered to ring for refreshments. This they would not consent to, and with renewed expressions of regard the singular interview ended. " What did you go in there for," said Jack, as they reached the street. " You never saw or heard of her before." — " Didn't you notice the provost-guard ? " said Frank. " It would not do to meet them. I went in on a venture, and when I saw her benevolent face, I imagined that the friend-of-the-soldier card was the one to play, and it worked well." Jack had to admit that it saved them from meeting the provost-guard. In due time they reached the aqueduct, and presented the pass. " This won't do ; expired yesterday," said the sergeant. In vain, Frank's explanation. The sergeant had never seen a pass like that, and they must see the lieutenant of the guard. Things began to assume a serious aspect, but they started for the provost-marshal's office. Turning into the main street, they 54 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, ran across the servants of the lieutenant-colonel and the major, — two young dare-devils to whom soldiering was only a picnic. Each was dressed in the full uniform of his employer, and had been over to Washington to have some pictures taken. Lieut.- Col. " Smith " and Major " Brown " made a very fine appear ance. The case was soon stated, when " Smith " declared that he had cheek enough for all four, and led the way to the bridge. Approaching the sergeant with something of a swagger, he carelessly threw back his overcoat, displajnng the shoulder- straps indicating his assumed rank, gracefully returned the ser geant's salute, and with a nerve that was charming, remarked, — " Sergeant, these men are all right. They belong to my regiment, and were sent over on a special duty which it was understood would take two days. If the pass is wrong, it is so by mistake. Give my regards to the officer of the day, and say to him that Lieut.-Col. Smith of the Twenty-second Maine will be pleased to welcome- him at camp at any time." The precious quartet made all haste to camp, but it was dark when they arrived. By watching the chances, one by one they safely ran the guard near the stables, and got safe to quarters. Bedford and Foster made it all right with Sergt. Bennett, who was just on his way to the adjutant to report them absent without leave; and this singular breach of discipline went unpunished. During November the men were kept very busy with drills, inspections and reviews. They were drilled by squads, by companies, by battalion, and in brigade. On the 9th there was review of Gen. Porter's division by Gen. McClellan and staff. This occurred near the parade-ground of the Twenty- fifth New York. "Little Mac" was received with all the honors of war, — salutes from the batteries, music from the bands, and cheers by the men. The rain interfered somewhat with the show, and the men returned to camp thoroughly wet, and glad to get into shelter and get some hot coffee "never' mind the milk." On the 20th occurred what was up to that time the grand review, the largest assemblage of troops e'ver seen together in this country. A comrade writes in his diary, SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 55 " This is a day long to be remembered by thousands of people as one of the most eventful of their lives. Never before in this country has there been assembled together such an im mense body of armed men as were reviewed to-day on the ' sacred soil ' of Virginia. The Twenty-second left camp at an early hour, arriving on the parade-ground at ten A.M. Gen. McClellan and staff, accompanied by President Lincoln and Secretaries Cameron and Seward on horseback, did not arrive until half-past twelve o'clock, followed by several regiments of cavalry, with a mounted brass band. The immense throng cheered the President as he passed along. The location of the review-ground was between Munson's Hill and Bailey's Cross roads, in the open fields. The divisions reviewed were those of Gens. McCall, McDowell, Heintzelman, Porter, Franklin, Smith and Blenker, comprising ninety regiments of infantry, twenty batteries, with one hundred pieces of artillery, and nine regiments of cavalry, aggregating a hundred thousand troops. Our boys arrived back in camp tired .and hungry. There was considerable excitement in camp while we were gone, on account of a report that a large body of cavalry was advancing on our pickets. The officer of the day armed every man in camp, cooks and sick men ; but no rebels came." This review, although a severe test to the endurance of the men, was long a subject of talk in the regiment ; and, to this day, the soldier refers with pride to the big review at Bailey's Cross-roads. There was a penny-post connected with the regiment on Hall's Hill. Every morning the letters were collected and taken to Washington, where Senator Wilson franked them and mailed them. The carrier was a son of Hon. Linus B. Co- mins, of Roxbury, a member of Congress from Massachusetts. He collected one cent for each letter carried, and received very fair pay for his work, as the Twenty-second was a writing regiment. The regiment was first paid on Hall's Hill, Nov. 24, and the men sent large amounts home to friends. The sharpshooters forwarded $1,650.74, and Company F sent $1,400 in one lot, besides other sums by mail, and probably all the companies in 56 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, the same proportion. The average per man in the sharpshooters was $17.76. When it is remembered that these men got no bounties, and had no means but their pay, their care for their families is greatly to be commended. Thanksgiving Day was celebrated on Hall's Hill, in accord ance with Gov. Andrew's proclamation, which named Thursday, Nov. 21, as the day, that being the two hundred and fortieth anniversary of the signing of the compact on the " Mayflower." Boxes of good things from the friends at home were received, and the men had a regular home feast. Col. Gove ordered all duty except guard dispensed with, and the day was given over to pleasure, winding up with a regimental ball on the parade- ground, the band furnishing the music. Rev. John Pierpont, the poet-preacher, resigned the chap laincy early in November, delivering his farewell discourse Nov. 3. He was unable to endure the rigor of camp-life, and secured a position in the Treasury Department, through the good offices of Senator Wilson, and fell back on Washington, and the regiment knew him no more. Underwood, in his " Haud-Book of American Authors," says of him, " Mr. Pierpont was tall and vigorous in person, very animated in conversation, and full of an ultra-apostolic zeal. He was thoroughly honest, fearless and outspoken. With more suavity and more tact, he would have had a pleasanter pathway through the world ; but then he would not have been John Pierpont." The second chaplain was Rev. Joseph C. Cromack, a Method ist clergyman, from Maiden, who joined the regiment at Hall's Hill immediately on the withdrawal of Chaplain Pierpont. He was an entirely different man from his predecessor, and entered upon his duties with the fervency which is the promi nent characteristic of his denomination. There were quite a number of professing Christians among the soldiers of the regiment, and the new chaplain sought them out, established prayer-meetings at his tent, and early set about the organiza tion of a regimental church. On Tuesday, Dec. 17, 1861, thirty four members agreed to the following Articles of Association : — SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 57 This Association shall be known as the Soldier's Church of the Twenty- second Regiment Massachusetts Volunteers. Its main object is to glorify God and to do good; and this by affording to each member the means of grace, and the sacraments of Christianity; to watch over each other; to lead back to Christ the straying; to encourage and strengthen the young and inexperienced disciple of the Saviour, and to furnish all who thus unite together, a more open and full opportunity to " Stand up for Jesus." The Summary of Faith was as follows : — " I believe in God, the Father Almighty, maker of Heaven and earth, and in Jesus Christ, His only begotten Son, our Lord, who was conceived by the Holy Ghost, born of the Virgin Mary, suffered under Pontics Pilate, was crucified, dead and buried; that He rose again the third day; that He as cended into Heaven, and sitteth at the right hand of God, the Father Almighty, and thence shall come again at the end of the world, to judge the quick and the dead. I believe in the Holy Ghost, in the Holy and General Church of God, the communion of the saints, the remission of sins, the resurrection of the body, and everlasting life after death. I believe further more, that the word of God, or the Bible, is the only and sufficient rule, both of faith and practice. This rule or law I will endeavor to follow, God being my helper." All members of Christian churches belonging to this regiment may be come members of this Association. Young Christians or converts may unite with the Association, subject to a term of probation. The officers, who shall be a committee on discipline, finance, etc., shall be a Chairman, who shall be the Chaplain of the regiment; a Clerk, who shall be Treasurer; and one member from each denomination represented in the Association. On being dismissed from service, each member shall be entitled to a letter certifying his church standing and Christian character. Chaplain, Joseph C. Cromack; clerk and treasurer, George Burdett; com mittee, Thomas Boardman (Episcopal), George W. Carlton (Baptist), Prince W. Gorham (Methodist), Albert B. Emerson (Congregational); members, Daniel C. Porter, John J. S. Williams, Edward Lothrop, Josiah Bourne, Joshua Bicker, John K. Richardson, Walter Glover, George T. Weston, Hiram S. Choate, Gerando J. Watson, Sylvanus Bartlett, Isaac B. New comb, Jr., John B. Crease, John H. Riley, George F. Lougee, Amos Rhodes, Jr., Joseph P. Noyes, Horace Bayley, John F. Gleason, A. Hardon, Alvah Cotton, N. B. Wood, George H. Ackerman, Leroy S. Champion, Carlos R. Sargeant, William F. Barnard, John W. Chandler, Charles S. Dean. 58 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, On Sunday, Jan. 3, 1862, the Soldier's Church observed the sacrament of the Lord's Supper, and two of the probationers, Champion and Watson, received the rite of baptism. Chaplain Cromack was assisted by Chaplain Pease, of the Forty-fourth New York, Chaplain Brown, of the Fourth Michigan, and Chap lain Flower, of the Eighty-third Pennsylvania. The sacrament was partaken of bj a large number of the soldiers of the regiment, who were members of churches at home ; and among the commu nicants was the wife of one of the captains, who was visiting the camp. There was a large attendance of spectators, for it was a novel sight in a camp. The services were fully as impressive, however, as they are at home, and with peaceful surroundings. The church continued together while the regiment was on Hall's Hill, but when active campaigning began, meetings were dis continued, and Chaplain Cromack threw up his commission, and returned to the North, having been with the regiment less than five months. The regiment did not have another chaplain for nearly two years. When the regiment was formed, each company had two drummers, making a very good drum-corps, or it would have been, had the boys been properly drilled, and continued to beat the calls. Col. Gove, however, preferred the bugle-calls.. He had a small brass horn on which he would blow the calls when on drill, and so he displaced the drums, and the companies drew bugles. Charles H. Day, a private in Company F, soon became very proficient as a bugler, and in time became instructor and chief bugler. Every morning he would take the young buglers into the woods away from camp, and for hours the doleful blasts blown by his pupils told how much he was suffering from the discordant sounds. In time, however, the buglers became fair musicians, and the reveille and subsequent duty calls throughout the day, were finely rendered. Few buglers in the army could exceed Bugler Day, and the clear ringing tone of his instrument will never be forgotten by those who have been awakened by his reveille, or heard the sweet good-night of his " taps." After Col. Gove assumed command, he named the camp for :oi ¦ ' SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 59 his predecessor, " Camp Wilson." Some of the younger officers had a notion that it should be called " Camp Holmes," after a commander of the Boston Cadets, but Col. Gove thought differ ently, and Camp Wilson was the name of our part of Hall's Hill. As Christmas, 1861, drew near, the camp put on to some extent a holiday appearance. Not so much so as some of the neighboring camps, notably those in Morell's brigade, but ever greens accumulated in the company streets, and many of the tents were quite prettily adorned. All drilling was dispensed with, and at night there was a mimic dress-parade, conducted by the non-commissioned officers. Father Scully, chaplain of the Ninth Massachusetts, held high mass in his chapel-tent, and soldiers of the Roman Catholic faith from the Twenty-second attended the services-. The Seventeenth New York, in the rear of the Twenty-second, was handsomely illuminated in the even ing with red, white and blue lanterns, presenting a beautiful appearance. When the bakehouse got fairly under way, which it did dur ing the latter part of December, the orderly-sergeant would step into the company street, and order, " Fall in for bread! " Two men from each tent would respond, and they would file down to the bakehouse and bring up the fresh, hot loaves, one loaf being the ration for a man. In Company F there was a private who never failed to " fall in for bread," and if in break ing the sheet of loaves there were any fragments, he would be sure to secure them. In each tent there was a box into which was thrown the bread not eaten, and every Sunday morning an old man from a neighboring plantation would come with a bag and take it away for use in his family. There was never any bread in the box belonging to Watson's mess, and he used to say he could never get enough, because he was born hungry. He was a good-natured felknv, and was never annoyed when rallied about his ability as an eater, and never refused an extra crumb. Perhaps there were other great feeders in the regi ment, but Company F always claimed the championship. The Enfield rifles with which the regiment was armed never 60 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, gave full satisfaction, and it was good news to the rank and file when Springfield rifles appeared in camp, and orders were given to box up the Enfields. The order was obeyed with alacrity, and every enlisted man soon had the rifle of his choice, which he took pride in keeping in good shape, ready for the active service for which he was preparing. Instruction in skirmish-drill was one of the daily duties of camp-life. North of the camp a fine opportunity for this kind of drill was afforded, and the men soon became very proficient in it. There is something about skirmishing to which the soldier takes instinctively, and the man who shirks the ordi nary drill seldom fails to be on the skirmish-line. The officers took kindly to it, as well as the men. The movements were by bugle-call, and to learn the meaning of the various "tunes," was no easy task, but drills went on until few regiments could make a better appearance as skirmishers than the Twenty- second. The last of December the regiment drew eleven hundred poncho tents, which were a novelty for housing soldiers, and curiosity was awakened as to what their coming meant. They were made of rubber cloth, and, when pitched, would make a shelter seven feet long, four feet wide, and three feet high. They were in two pieces, which would weigh six pounds. Their coming was thought to mean a forward movement, but not for three months did we see " the army of turtles," which they were said to resemble, spread out over a sleeping regiment. Picketduty was performed about three miles from camp, and the details from the regiment usually remained out two days. Sometimes the monotony of the picket would be relieved when a negro sought our lines as the Hebrews fled to the cities of refuge. Once in a while a scout would go out dressed as a rebel, and occasionally a prisoner would be brought in. The position was considered a dangerous one, although while the Twenty-second picketed there nothing of a serious nature occurred. The people who occupied the farms in the vicinity were rebels, or in sympathy with rebellion, and although in the daytime they appeared all right, at night they were always SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 61 active. This fact stimulated some of our ambitious young officers to attempt to detect these people in some overt act, and bring them to punishment, and now and "then they would bring in a native on suspicion. New- Year's Eve the roar of cannon startled the camps, and for a time it was thought an engagement was in progress. It turned out, however, to be only a salute of the new year, and 1862 was ushered in with all the noise that the cannon of the division could make. At midnight the band of the Twenty- second serenaded Col. Gove* and as they played " Departed Days " many a soldier's thoughts went back to the home he had left, and forward to the unknown future. Before the year was gone, the days of the colonel who was serenaded, and of scores of brave men who shared the pleasure of that night, had departed. Fires in camp were not uncommon. One night a soldier in the " non-com " tent of Company F was awakened by a bright light. He shouted " Fire ! " which aroused his tent-mates, and they tumbled out at a lively rate, to find that the barrel-chimney of the tent in Company A, that backed theirs, was on fire. But for the timely discovery, two tents would have been de stroyed. About midnight, Jan. 2, Lieuts. Crane and Davis were awakened by a dense smoke in their tent, and they dis covered that their home was on fire. The noise made by them in moving their traps and trying to put out the fire, awakened the occupants of other quarters, who went to their assistance, and the fire was extinguished. They had an underground furnace, and sparks from the outlet set fire to some dry ever greens, which communicated the flame to'the canvas. The fire burned a large hole in the tent, and Lieut. Crane's bed, and clothing of both officers, were injured. A tent in Company I was entirely consumed Feb. 10, and the occupants lost some clothing. Dec. 21, Porter's division, comprising fifteen thousand troops, were reviewed at Ball's Cross-roads, and, although small as compared with that of Bailey's Cross-roads, it was a grand spectacle. The Sixty-second and Eighty-third Pennsylvania 62 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, Volunteers appeared for the first time in their new Chasseur uniforms, and were each presented with a stand of colors. After the review the division was drilled, and the affair had quite the appearance of a battle. Secretary Cameron was present, and also Gen. McClellan. Drum-major Pike was always popular with both officers and men. Jan. 8 he took the band to headquarters for a serenade. It was early in the evening, and nearly all the regiment gathered about to enjoy the music. After several tunes had been played, Lieut.-Col. Griswold stepped out, and invited the drum-major into the tent, where he surprised him with an ele gant rosewood baton, surmounted with a silver globe, around which ran a zone of thirty-four stars, and on one side the arms of the United States, and on the other the arms of Massachu setts, a gold cord and heavy tassels completing the outfit. The baton was inscribed, " Twenty-second Massachusetts Regiment. Monstrat viam." The drum-major made a happy response, and the affair was a pleasant episode of camp-life. Reference has been made to the singers in camp, and also to the poets. There were several of these, and, while some of their verses were good, others only deserve preservation on account of their relation to incidents more or less amusing. In one tent on Hall's Hill there was a mess consisting of several young fellows, and they had fenced off a portion of the ground, and made a sort of pen, where they bunked together. An older soldier, not altogether enjoying their excess of healthy spirits, discharged the following verses, which he would sing to the tune of " Hebron " when they became too noisy : — " Just look into that horrid den, And see those forms, — some call them men. They'll eat and drink, and rave and tear, But never offer up a prayer. At early dawn, when out on drill, They lunge and thrust like pigs for swill; And when into their nest they creep, Their first word is, ' What shall I eat?' " SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 63 Snow fell occasionally while the regiment was on Hall's Hill. The first time there was a general snow-balling all over the camp. The second storm left snow enough on the ground so that Col. Gove ordered it swept up, and carried off in the regimental wagons. When the third snow-storm came, the Second Maine boys were ready for it, some of them having made a large hand-sled, of the kind common in their native State. There were several of the wives of our officers in camp, and the Maine boys, with commendable gallantry, came over, and gave them an opportunity to slide down-hill in Virginia, — a thing some of the Virginians, living near, " allowed" they had never seen before. On the 3d of February there was a very heavy fall of snow. The Seventeenth New York made a large snow fort near their parade-ground, and in the afternoon one-half of the regiment was ordered to defend it against the other half. A lively snow-ball fight then took place. The fort was taken, recaptured, and retaken again several times, and black eyes and bloody noses witnessed the sanguinary nature of the conflict. The battle was fought under the regimental officers, and the movements were directed by the notes of the bugle. The rule of battle was, that any man who was too hard pressed could lie down, when he must not be struck ; but he was counted as a dead man, and the " hospital cadets," as the band was called, would come up with stretchers and ambulance and carry him to the rear. Half a dozen soldiers surprised a captain near the parapet, and attempted to take him prisoner. A party of his men, seeing the movement, also took hold of the unlucky officer to prevent his being carried off, and it was for several minutes doubtful if he would survive the pull. Finally, being a strong man, he succeeded in keeping his limbs whole, and his party pulled him away from the enemy. On the first Sunday in February the regiment appeared on dress-parade with Zouave leggings made of white duck. It improved the appearance of the men very much, and later the leggings were convenient on the march. One day, after return from brigade-drill, where the regiment had been exercised in firing blank cartridges, the orderly-ser- 64 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, geant of Company D ordered the chiefs of tents in his com pany to turn in to him all cartridges on hand. They were put in a wooden pail under the sergeant's bed. The pail was heap ing full, and on top of the cartridges was a loaf of bread. Corporal W. (he who saved his stripes) sat before the stove, waiting for "taps." Private Jim remarked, "Corporal, why don't you stir up the fire, and make it blaze away ? " — " Oh, let it be ! " said the corporal. " ' Taps ' will sound pretty soon, and then it will be ' lights out.' " — " Pooh ! " said Jim. " You don't know how to make it burn. Just see me do it." Where upon, Jim jumped up, opened the stove-door, and took out the half-burned embers, laid them across the top of the stove, and raked the coals to the front. " I'll show you how to build a fire." When snap went a spark into the orderly's pail of car tridges. Whiz, phiz, bang! went the whole arsenal. The corporal was struck in the head with the loaf of bread, which knocked him on to the sergeant's bed, and a ball of fire as big as a cart-wheel rolled over him. The orderly's hair and eye brows were singed, and every one in the tent was frightened almost to death. Nobody could find the door, and one man cut his way out through the canvas. But finally they all got out, pretty well choked, but not seriously injured. Report of the engagement reached headquarters, and Major Tilton was soon on the ground. Beaming upon them over his spectacles, he said, " Well, boys, you can't say but you have smelled pow der." — " No," said Corporal W., gasping for breath ; " but we didn't agree to swallow it." Feb. 8, Daniel F. Brown, quartermaster-sergeant, died of typhoid-fever, in the camp hospital. He was sick about three weeks. He was a resident of Cambridge, and his father was with him when he died. He was twenty-three years of age, a young man of engaging manners, and a general favorite. He had served a three months' campaign with the Third Massachu setts, before enlisting in the Twenty-second. His remains were taken home to Massachusetts. While the regiment was on Hall's Hill fourteen of the members died, and two were drowned on the way to the front. One of these, Andrew J. Harris, of MAJOR DEXTER H FOLLETT, BATT. r HENRY W TAYLOR, BATT. GEN. NELSON A. MILES. &P9 ^^fc-^ .'f ¦w- SERGT. OAVID L. JONES, CO. E. HOSPITAL-STEWARD ARTHUR H. SODEN. Q. M. S. JOHN E. DODGE. SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 65 Company F, died only a week before the regiment started on the spring campaign. His father, William B. Harris, of Woburn, had always taken a great interest in the regiment, and the loss of his youngest son was a great blow to him. Since the war, Mr. Harris has been made an honorary member of the Regimental Association. Those who died on Hall's Hill are as follows : Privates Frank Brown and August Duir, B ; WilliamKeith, I ; John P. Casey, E ; First Sergt. E. P. Boyle, E ; Privates Thomas M. Hannad and Henry M. West, E ; A.J. Harris and William Gillespie, F ; James D. Calden and Charles K. Sargent, H ; Edward Burrill ^nd Henry Williams, Sharpshooters. About the middle of February the brigade built a road from the brigade lines to Washington, for the passage of heavy bag gage and artillery. The regiment put in one good day's work for their share. Quartermaster Royce had a narrow escape Feb. 15. He had mounted his horse for the purpose of riding to Washington, when the animal reared and fell over backwards. Lieut. Royce fell under the horse and was badly bruised, though no bones were broken ; and it was some time before he was again able to be on duty. The news of the capture of Fort Donelson was received with great demonstrations of joy. In the afternoon of Feb. 17 the brigade was ordered out, and assembled on the parade-ground of the Eighteenth Massachusetts Volunteers. Forming a square, Gen. Martindale and staff rode to the centre, and ordering the bugler to blow " Attention ! " he said, " My men, I have called you here that we may together hear the glorious news which has come to us like lightning, along the wires from the West. The adjutant will read." The despatch announcing the fall of Fort Donelson was accordingly read, when the general, waving his cap, shouted, " Now, men, let it go ! " and such a cheer as arose from four thousand voices is not often heard. The bands struck up successively, playing national airs. After quiet was somewhat restored, the general said, " Regimental commanders will make requisition upon the quartermaster for a gentle ration of whiskey." It seemed as if the first cheer was as 66 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, loud as could be given, but the " whiskey speech " brought out a shout which made the first seem like a whisper. Marching back to camp, half a gill of whiskey was served to all who wished for it. Target practice was one of the regular duties of the camp. A brass stadium was offered as a prize for the best shot in a company, a silver stadium for the best in the regiment, and the brigade prize was something even more valuable. In March the holders of the company stadia shot for the regimental prize, and Private James M. Allen, of Company H, bore off the honors. The Twenty-second of February was celebrated by order of Gen. Porter throughout the division. A piece of artillery was detailed, to .fire a salute on each regimental parade-ground. The salute was fired at noon. The regiment fell in, and the adjutant read a portion of Washington's " Farewell Address," and the band played " Hail Columbia," " Star-Spangled Ban ner," " Yankee Doodle," and " Washington's March." Some of the regiments supplemented the division order with ceremonies of their own ; but in the Twenty-second, the afternoon being rainy, the men spent the time in preparing for the Sunday inspection of the morrow. Feb. 24 a remarkable storm of wind swept over the camp, which no one who witnessed will ever forget. The morning dawned with a light mist, which soon cleared away, and for several hours the weather was as mild as summer. About ten o'clock a heavy black cloud, capped by a long, narrow, white one, appeared in the north-west, and in a few minutes the wind was blowing a hurricane. It came up so unexpectedly that many of the messes did not have their tents closed, and many of the canvases went down before the blast. The tents that rode out the gale were kept upright by great exertion. Some of the men saved their tents by striking them, but the remedy was a severe one. Large trees in the woods near the camp were uprooted, and loose limbs and underbrush were blown out of the woods and over the hill in a way that made it dangerous to be on the parade-ground. By great effort the hospital tents SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 67 were kept upright, but the inmates were very much alarmed. The cook-houses afforded about the only comfortable means of shelter, and all of them were full of shivering soldiers. The wind continued all day, and until nearly daylight the following morning. Not a tent in the camp escaped with whole canvas, and the soldiers could gaze upon the stars without getting out of bed. Soldiers soon recover from any trouble, and generally there is a Mark Tapley in every tent to make the best of every thing. During the night the officer of the day was surprised to hear from one of the tents the song, " Twinkling Stars are laughing, Love ; " and under the circumstances he concluded not to say, " Stop that noise." The wind dried up the mud, which was a partial compensation, but the tents were not got fairly into shape before the regiment moved. Lieut. Miles, of Company E, was one day calling on a brother officer, and expressed some dissatisfaction with his position and prospects for promotion. " Miles," said his friend, " don't you know some general-officer ? " Miles thought for a moment, and replied, " Yes, I know Gen. Negley, who is in command near the seminary." — "Well," said his mentor, "you borrow a horse and go over to Negley, and ask him to get you detailed on his staff." Miles acted on the suggestion, was detailed, early in the Peninsular Campaign was promoted lieutenant-colonel in a New York regiment, during the war made an honorable record, and is now a major-general in the United States Army. Lieut. Davis, of Company F, was appointed to the Signal Service early in the winter, but in deference to Col. Gove's wishes, did not leave the regiment. Early in March, however, he was detailed on Gen. Martindale's staff as aide-de-camp, which position he left the regiment to fill. He continued on staff-duty throughout his term of service, and was brevetted lieutenant-colonel. Lieut. Batchelder, of Company I, was detailed on Gen. Por ter's staff, and left the regiment at Hall's Hill for that purpose. Capt. Charles J. Paine resigned on Hall's Hill, to accept a colonelcy in the Gulf Department, and later became a brevet major-general. The absence of Capt. Paine and Lieut. Batchel- 68 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY. der threw the command of Company I upon Lieut. Dunn ; and Lieut. Conant, of Company A, was promoted to the captaincy of Company I, before leaving Hall's Hill. Feb. 26, orders were given to cook two days' rations. All night the cooks were busy, and the men packed their knapsacks, and expected to bid good-by to Hall's Hill in the morning. Morning dawned, and marching-orders did not arrive. The wives of the officers were sent to Washington. The sick that were able to move were also packed off, and although the troops did not get under way, it was plain to be seen that they were about to quit the camp of instruction, and enter upon the sterner realities of war. For five months the men had been learning the art of war. They went upon Hall's Hill for the most part green boys. They were now hardy soldiers, well drilled in all the movements known to the tactics, at home in the use of the musket, confident in their own powers and the ability of their officers to lead them, and needed only the expe rience of the march and the battle to put their soldierly quali ties to the supreme test. All were impatient to be off, and when on the night of the 9th of March the orders came, eleven hundred as good men as ever followed the flag were ready. CHAPTER IV. HALL'S HILL TO YORKTOWN. March 10, 1862, the Campaign opens. — Fatiguing March to Fairfax Court house. — Four Days in Camp. — March to Alexandria in a Pouring Rain. — Four Days in Camp California. — Enter Alexandria. — Two Days as Pro vost Guard. — Irreverent Soldiers. — Run to a Fire. — Embark on the " Daniel Webster." — Down the Potomac — The " Monitor." — Fortress Monroe. — Thf. Soldier and his Soft Bread. — Camp near Newmarket. — " Quartermaster's Call." — Base-ball in Camp. — Reconnoissance toward Big Bethel. — Pickets fired on. — One Man wounded. — Off for York- town. — Bivouac near Howard's Creek. — Peanuts and Molasses. — The Corporal and his "Maguffins." — Arrival in Front of Yorktown. — Com pany F clears A Range for the Battery. — Company B thrown out as Skirmishers. — Magruder's Opinion of the Twenty-second. — Col. Gove's Gallantry. — One Man killed and Eight wounded. — Battery loses Two killed and two wounded. — rain interferes with operations. — official Commendation. " Now as soon as it was clay," on the 10th of March, 1862, " there was no small stir among the soldiers," and in every direction troops were seen upon the move. About ten o'clock the previous evening, orders had come to cook three days' rations, and be ready to move at daylight. As similar orders had been given the previous week, and nothing had come of it, the men were not very sanguine of getting off; but knapsacks were packed, and haversacks filled, and every thing in readiness to go if we were ordered, and those not on details lay down for a few hours' rest. Marching-orders came, sure enough, and by eight o'clock, Martindale's brigade was in line, for the first time since its formation. The Thirteenth New York had spent the winter in one of the forts near Washington, and joined the brigade on this morning, to participate in the first march. The camp-guard remained in charge of the tents and material that were left. A man in one of the companies detailed for 70 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, guard objected very strongly, as he wanted to go with the regi ment. A member of his company, who heard him, offered to change places, which was agreed to. The consent of the officer of the day, of his captain, and of the colonel, had to be ob tained, and the running back and forth over the hill to arrange the transfer was almost equal to a day's march. The substitute never rejoined the regiment, but, after it had gone, he. was taken sick, went to Washington, and was discharged. He got home to Massachusetts with all his stuff, including his gun, — a feat which few soldiers accomplished. Several civilians were visiting friends in the regiment on the night the marching-orders came, and, as the regiment moved out, they accompanied us for a while. A drizzling rain com menced just as we left the camp, and the way was muddy ; so, after going about a mile, they turned back, and we saw them no more. Our course lay about west, and we passed through the camps of the Ninth Massachusetts and Sixty-second Pennsylvania, in Morell's brigade, to Fall's Church. Crossing the Leesburg pike, we took the road to Bull Run. Every man had a load as heavy as he could carry, and the rain and the mud and the traps soon began to tell on the men. The troops that had preceded us had thrown away much stuff, and the road was strewn with every thing a soldier carries except his equipments. Many of our own men lightened their loads, and the rear regiment in that column must have thought it was marching through a quar termaster's department. This distribution of stores continued until npon, when the regiment, having gone about ten miles, halted in a meadow near the house of one Moore. Here the officers were served with dinner, for which they paid well, but Mr. Moore did not appear very cordial to the enlisted men. The mud and water in some places were knee deep, and the marching, for troops unaccustomed to it, was very hard. After the halt at noon the regiment started off by fours, and four dis tinct trails, like paths in the snow, were marked out by the many feet, which made the marching somewhat easier than in the morning. Those who carried their loads until noon kept them SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 71 all day. While on Hall's Hill it was the fashion for the " tall est on the right " to jibe at the "ponies," as the short men were called, and tell them that the first march would finish them ; but the first march laid out more than one boastful big man, and of the men who kept up and went into Fairfax with the regiment, three out of every four were ponies. About four o'clock in the afternoon the right of the regiment reached Fairfax Court-house, and the balance came in all the way from that time until midnight. It was a pretty bad case of straggling ; but it should be remembered that it was the first hard march they had ever made, and about as hard a march as they were ever called to make. Passing through the village, which was almost deserted, the line was halted on the first hill outside the town, on the Win chester pike. But seven tents had been brought, one of which was occupied by the field and staff, and six by the line officers and non-coms. The balance of the regiment gathered boughs, and prepared for their first bivouac. The rain had ceased be fore we reached a camping-place, and the weather turned cold, so that the night was very uncomfortable to those who had no shelter. Large fires were built, and the men crowded around them, and stood so solidly shou.der to shoulder that any poor devil who was not "in the ring" was literally and severely out in the cold. Strangely enough, not a man caught cold, and nobody in the morning answered the surgeon's ' call. Morning was very welcome, and when the bugles sounded reveille every body was out at the first call, and ready for rations. The cooks had not come up, so each cooked his own coffee, and served his own table. Across the turnpike a small brook furnished all the water that was needed. The boys expected to move on in the morning ; but, as there were no signs of marching, passes were procured, and some went back to the village, and some forward to Centreville. Fairfax was then a good-looking town. The county buildings were of brick, except the jail, which was built of heavy timber, and many of the houses were of brick. There were two churches, one of wood and one of brick, the latter being occupied as 72 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, barracks by a cavalry regiment. In the jail some of the Fifth Maine men found the identical knapsacks they had lost at Bull Run the previous July. Gen. McClellan's headquarters was in the best house in the town, it having recently been vacated by Gen. Beauregard. The printing-office of the " Fairfax County News " had been knocked into pi by the advance guard. All the storekeepers had fled when the rebel army evacuated the place, and the few citizens who remained were sullen and un social. The second night in camp was more comfortable than the first, as many of them managed to get some kind of a shelter. The quartermaster gave out a few ponchos and rubber blankets, and such other material as could be got at served to put most of the men under some sort of cover. Four whole days and five nights we camped at Fairfax. Lieut. White, of Company D, had an American flag in his baggage, and on the morning after our arrival the men erected a pole, and the Twenty-second Massachusetts had the honor of floating the first American flag that was thrown out since the town was occupied by our troops. While we lay at Fairfax a great many of the officers and men took the opportunity to visit Centreville and Bull Run. They found that the rebels had occupied log huts for winter- quarters, and some of the houses were very neatly built, and must have been quite comfortable. The camps were not very clean, and in one place, where bacon had been stored, the fat had melted and run out, and then become hardened, leaving a solid stream of fat around the building. The works were strong, and our boys did not mourn because they had been evacuated before our arrival. One day a detachment of cavalry passed the camp. " What colonel is that?" asked one of our boys. — "That's 'old Kill.' Don't you know ' Kill ' ? The rebs don't like him very well." — The officer alluded to was Col. Kilpatrick. His regiment when on a charge would raise the cry, " Kill ! Kill ! Kill ! " with a startling effect. The cooks arrived from Hall's Hill Thursday night. Com- Lieut. W. h. White. Co. d, SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 73 missary stores came on Thursday, and were issued none too soon, for we had started out with only three days' rations, and the coffee was pretty low. Wednesday there was an issue of beef, and some of the more enterprising soldiers provided them selves with chickens and pigs for which the quartermaster did not account. The morning after our arrival a stray pig appeared. By the way, pigs are always astray in Virginia, a pig-pen rarely, if ever, being seen. His appearance was the signal for a charge by three regiments. One active soldier gave piggy a kick which knocked him over. With a loud squeal, piggy was up and off again, only to be headed in a new direction. Finally a Maine man struck him with a club, his throat was cut in a twinkling, and almost before his dying squeal had ceased, the carcass had been skinned and divided, and as many as could lay a hand upon it bore away a piece of fresh pork in triumph. Wednesday drilling commenced, the same as at home, and in the afternoon there was a brigade-drill, and a review by Gen. McClellan. During the review an aid on Gen. Martindale's staff got a heavy fall, by his horse stumbling as he rode over the uneven ground. Sutlers were not long in filling the empty stores of Fairfax Court-house. They would come out with teams, and remain on the pike and sell to the soldiers. A favorite investment was ginger-cakes in barrels. To a soldier a sutler is at once a natu ral enemy and natural prey. The soldier expects to be over reached by the sutler, and regards it as commendable to rob him at every opportunity. A one-horse • team loaded with ginger-cakes was coming down the hill from Fairfax. Some soldiers were going to town, and they met the team. Of course, they stopped; and the next moment the wagon had been lifted on one side until it tipped over, the sutler jumping just in season to save himself, and the horse was running away with the forward wheels, the barrels and cakes meanwhile scattered in the road. It was rough on the sutler, but it was all done so quick that it was amusing to all but the victim. An officer of the regiment, for some trivial offence, bucked 74 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, and gagged one of his men in this camp. This form of pun ishment was a novelty, and not altogether relished by those who witnessed the discomfort of the victim. So much indig nation was expressed by the enlisted men, that some of his brother officers advised the punisher to release the man, which he did with rather an ill grace. Friday night, March 14, we had orders to cook three days' rations. It was a cold and drizzly night, but the chilly effect was somewhat relieved by the huge camp-fires, the cooks bus tling about preparing the rations, and the general stir of the eve of a march. By six o'clock Saturday morning we were ready to march. The morning was cold, with a misty rain, and as the column turned toward Alexandria the prospect was not a brilliant one. We marched through Fairfax, now densely pop ulated with traders of all kinds, whose solemn countenances as they saw us slipping through their fingers, were in keeping with the gloom of the weather. They occupied every store on the street, and really had succeeded in making the old place look gay. It was almost too bad to disappoint them. For once, we had a good road to travel on, it being macadam ized and with very little mud. The sharp pieces of quartz, of which the road was made, cut up the shoe-leather " right smart," and made business for the cobblers of Alexandria. The mist turned to rain as the morning advanced, and by noon we were wet through. It was a grand sight to see the long line of sol diers of all arms winding along the road. In peaceful times this road was a great thoroughfare to the Shenandoah Valley, and there were a good many houses along the route, but we passed only two that were occupied in the twelve miles we marched. A halt was made at Cloud's Mills, where the men cooked coffee and ate dinner. A short distance farther on we crossed a creek, swollen with the rain, and rising rapidly. The regi ment was a long time getting over, the men using a log for a bridge. But one company marched through it with unbroken ranks, although the water was nearly waist-deep. It was stated that evening, that a member of one of the rear regiments was drowned there. SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 75 About three o'clock in the afternoon we reached Camp California, formerly occupied by the Fifty-seventh New York. The tents of the A pattern were standing, and the Twenty- second broke ranks, and each man got in out of the pouring rain, and secured the best quarters he could. The tents were small, and five men were all that could occupy them with com fort. Some of them, however, had to accommodate seven, and no one complained. Some of the tents had stoves, and where such was the case, a rousing fire soon caused the tired soldiers to forget the cold and discomfort of the day's march. The next day was pleasant, and was spent in cleaning up. We were very near the Alexandria Seminary, and about two miles from the city. Passes were again in demand, and all who could do so spent Sunday in Alexandria. On Monday drilling was resumed, and bayonet exercise oc cupied one day. On Tuesday Mrs. Martindale and several other ladies came out to camp, and witnessed a brigade-drill. Wednesday orders were read announcing that Gen. Porter's division would be attached to the Third Army Corps, com manded by Gen. S. P. Heintzelmann. The same afternoon the Twenty-second was ordered into line, and marched to Alexan dria, arriving about dark. The right wing was quartered in the Methodist Church on Washington Street. The left wing was in three different buildings; The field and staff, with compa nies G and K, were in the Orange and Alexandria Railroad build ing. A large guard was detailed to go on provost-guard duty in the city, and we continued on this duty until Saturday after noon. The principal duty was to patrol the city, pick up stray soldiers, and send them to their camps. Several hundred were disposed of in this way the first day ; afterwards the stragglers were more careful, and the duty was easier. We had fine quarters, plenty to eat, gas-lights in the evening, and really the soldiers felt as if they were to be envied. The soldier has very little reverence, and a church used as a barrack is only a barrack ; and although Major Tilton asked the men not to dese crate the church, it happened that in leisure moments it was not uncommon to see the communion-table used by card-players. 76 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, About sundown on the second day in Alexandria a fire broke out. The bells rang, and the men crowded out of the barracks to go to the fire, but were stopped by the guard. A hose-cart and a hand-engine, both drawn by soldiers from a New York regiment, rattled by ; and it was not long before the provost- guard was sent for, and the regiment fell in, and double-quicked to the fire. " Union No. 6 " had a stream on the fire. The New York boys were on deck, and the Twenty-second took the lower brakes, and worked with a will until the fire was put out. During Thursday night orders came to cook rations, and on Friday we got ready for another move. About two in the afternoon the regiment left its comfortable quarters, and marched down to the wharf. Gen. Porter's division was all together, and embarked as speedily as possible on a fleet of transports provided for the purpose. The Twenty-second fell in at two P.M., and went on board the " Daniel Webster," formerly a California steamer, and we had very good accommo dations. There were ten hundred and fifteen men on board. It was dark Friday evening when all were embarked, and the vessel steamed out from the wharf, and anchored in the stream. The night was rainy, and the soldiers that camped on deck had a disagreeable time. The weather cleared in the morning, and at ten o'clock the fleet was put in motion down the river. As the steamers passed Mount Vernon, the bells of the fleet were tolled, and we floated only with the tide. The band played a dirge, and the effect of the scene was very solemn. During the last part of the voyage down the river, the fleet was escorted by the Potomac flotilla of gunboats, to guard against any attack from batteries that might be brought to bear from the bank of the river. About three o'clock Sunday afternoon, March 16, we came in sight of Fortress Monroe, and anchored under the guns just before sundown. The "Monitor," just then the most noted gunboat afloat, was lying not far from the wharf, a little cloud of steam issuing from her pipe, show ing that she was ready for instant action. The men crowded to the sides and went into the rigging to get a sight of the wonderful vessel. SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 77 Expecting to go ashore at once, the men slung their knap sacks, and were kept in line until nearly midnight, when they bunked down where they could, and waited for morning. The regiment disembarked about seven o'clock Monday morning, and then waited for the stores to be got out. No one was allowed to go in the fort, but the big Union gun in the water- battery was inspected, and other sights seen. Among the curi osities was the mammoth sutler-shop of Kimball Brothers, where those who had any money left, hastened to spend it, as the three days' rations had disappeared. The march was taken up for Hampton. The route lay over the creek, past the barracks erected for the contrabands, and also past the camp of the Sixteenth Massachusetts Volunteers, the members of which turned out and greeted us quite cor dially, as there were many mutual acquaintances in the organi zations. Ex-President Tyler's house was an object of interest. In crossing Hampton Creek, our mouths watered to see soldiers digging oysters. Through Hampton, then a heap of ruins, and about half a mile beyond, we massed in a field designated for camp, and ponchos were soon pitched. Rations were issued, and the cooks being along, coffee and hard-tack made a good supper. It was supplemented, however, by visitors from the Sixteenth, who brought over some soft bread right from their ovens, which were pleasant reminders of Hall's Hill, and proved the fraternity and charity of the Massachusetts soldier. Tuesday morning the division resumed its march. Just as the Twenty-second fell in, Gen. Martindale rode up and made a short speech, in which he said we were about marching into Virginia ; we would meet friends and foes, but all property must be respected ; he stated the law of war in regard to safe guard, the penalty of breaking being death ; he hoped none of the Twenty-second would incur this penalty. We marched about three miles on the Newmarket road, halted and pitched camp, and a picket, under Capt. Sampson, was thrown out on the right flank. Before reveille on the morning after our arrival at this camp, the soldiers were aroused by an unearthly noise. Crawling out 78 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, of their ponchos, they found that during the night a wagon-train had come up, the wagons drawn by mules, and the hungry animals were he-hawing the "quartermaster's call," which after wards became so familiar. The wagons built in Massachusetts, and the horses that had come out with them, were turned in at Alexandria, and Quartermaster Royce had drawn army-wagons and mules at Fort Monroe. The teamsters declared they could do nothing with mules, and preferred going back to the compa nies, but a small dose of knapsack and gun changed their feel ings, and they soon got used to their long-eared teams. The efforts to put collars on the mules that first morning were very funny, everybody but the teamsters enjoying it. Capt. Sampson came off picket, and reported being fired on during the night, showing that the enemy was not far off. It was generally thought, however, that the firing was done by a scout, or some one of the natives prowling about the outposts. During the forenoon the regiment went on a reconnoissance on the road toward Big Bethel. All along the route were nice farms, and the houses were trim and neat, much more so than those about Washington. Our little column proceeded with great caution, making frequent halts, and inspecting the woods which skirted one side of the road. Once a distant object in a tall tree was thought to be a rebel scout, and a member of the Sharpshooters was ordered forward to make his acquaintance. A glance through the telescope of his rifle satisfied him that it was only a large bird. After going about eight miles, we came in sight of a collection of houses. At the same time a fire was observed to shoot up in the yard. It was supposed that this was a rebel picket-post, and the fire was built as a signal. The officers held a brief consultation, and the order was given to return. We marched back to camp with dnly one halt. We saw no white men on the trip. About two, miles from camp two negroes sprang up from the weeds in a field where they had been lying, and came bounding toward our column like frightened rabbits. They cleared the f§nce as if it had been only a foot high, and jumped into the midst of the soldiers with every expression of joy. One of them SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 79 lost his hat as he jumped, and the other sung out, " Never mind yo' hat, Sam ! " They were runaway slaves from Richmond, and had been three weeks on the road. Capt. Dunning engaged them as servants, and they were soon invested with his traps, and made themselves at home at once. They were taken to Gen. Porter's headquarters, and gave some valuable infor mation. While in camp at Hall's Hill the men on coming off guard were allowed to discharge their muskets in the rear of the camp. In the camp near Hampton the orders were to draw the charges. A sergeant in Company D and a corporal in Company F went to the brook that ran near the camp, and fired their ' guns into the mud. The camp-guard was upon them in a moment, and for two days they were in arrest in their quarters, where they spent the time reading tactics, and wondering if they would lose their stripes. At the end of that time three sergeants, a corporal and fifteen men had broken the rule of " no firing," but there was a need of their services, and the colonel let them all off with a sharp reprimand. One of the men now set up as a barber, and the number of "fighting clips " in the regiment was astonishing. The camp " near Newmarket " was in what had been a corn field, andthe ponchos were pitched so that the soldiers lay in the furrow between the rows, which were about four feet apart. One afternoon it commenced raining, and expecting a wet night, trenches were dug about the tents. About midnight the sleepers began to feel damp, and investigation showed that they were lying in several inches of water. Nearly all hands were turned out, large fires kindled, and the men were alternately wet and dry as they turned round and round before the blaze. In the morning the camp had the appearance of an overflowed meadow. The sun came out, and the discomforts of the night were soon forgotten. No opportunity was lost for drill, and every day it was regi mental or brigade. Those who were absent without leave got knapsack-drill. Fast Day (at home), April 3, there was no drill, and'twelve of our enlisted men challenged an equal num- 80 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, ber from the Thirteenth New York, to a game of base-ball, Mas sachusetts game. We beat the New-Yorkers, 34 to 10. David Campbell, of Company I, was shot in the leg while on picket from this camp. Campbell was on post alone, when, seeing a stranger approaching, he challenged the man, who im mediately fired. Campbell's comrades hastened to him, and brought him into camp. The ball went through the calf of his leg, making a bad wound. Dr. Prince dressed the wound, and he was taken to Fort Monroe hospital, and- subsequently dis charged. Friday, April 4, the regiment began to march on a fair day, and had fine weather until night. Reveille was sounded at half- past four, and the column moved at seven. Halting frequently to keep the men together, it was ten o'clock when we reached Big Bethel. It being necessary to bridge a small stream, the brigade was massed in a field in front of the breastworks. We rested two hours, during which time the men cooked their dinners, and inspected the earthworks. Inside the works, weeds and flowers were plenty, and some of the boys adorned them selves with. bunches of violets. At twelve o'clock we resumed our march. About three miles farther on we reached the Half-way House, once a hotel of some importance. Two companies of rebel cavalry had left there only an hour before. While we were at the Half-way House, cannonading was heard in advance, and a march of a mile brought us to two rebel intrenchhients. Berdan's Sharp shooters, at the head of the column, had been fired on by the enemy; but one of our batteries, the Fifth Massachusetts, coming up, the rebels were shelled out, and our troops occupied the works when we reached them. The battery had one piece dis mounted by the breaking of a trunion when the gun was fired. Our advance secured two guns in the fort, and some commissary stores. Another fort near the first had been previously aban doned. A short distance beyond the forts we struck a deserted rebel camp, and here the Twenty-second halted for the night near Howard's Creek. A deserter, who had been pressed into the rebel service, came into camp that night. He was from CAPT. S. I. THOMPSON. CAPT. LOUIS E. CRONE. CORP. F. W. THOMPSON, CO. F. CAPT. JOHN F. DUNNING. FIRST SERGT. CHARLES MERRIAM, CO. F. JOSEPH H. MERRIAM. CO. F. SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 81 Massachusetts, a piano-maker, and had worked for Chickering. He was sent back to Fort Monroe. Saturday, April 5, dawned gloomy, and we were under way by seven o'clock. About two miles out of camp, a halt was made at a house, where the man run a farm, blacksmith and wheelwright shop, and country store. The owner told the boys to help themselves, and four bags of raw peanuts and a barrel of molasses were "issued" in short order. The man had raised the peanuts, and some of them were still clinging to the vines. In the blacksmith shop was a cartload of meat which had been burned and rendered useless. The colonel of the Twenty-fifth New York came up while our boys were getting molasses, and ordered them out, drawing a revolver, and threatening to shoot them if they did not. Some officers were very free to draw their revolvers on their inferiors in rank, but Col. Gove was never known to do so, and no officer in the division had his orders more promptly obeyed than he. He had some words with the New York colonel, and that . officer did not interfere with the men of the Twenty-second after that. Soon after leaving the hospitable Virginian, a thunder-shower came up, and for an hour the men marched in a heavy rain. A corporal in the regiment started from the Newmarket camp with a pair of boots. When he reached Big Bethel, the weather being very dry, the boots chafed so badly that he was glad to trade them for a pair of slippers. The slippers were all right until the rain came on, when it was not long before he was in his stocking feet, and then bare-foot. Of course he could not keep up under such conditions, and the regiment got ahead. Presently he came up with a straggler who had a pair of " Maguffins " strapped to his knapsack. Under promise of two dollars and a half next pay-day, the army shoes were trans ferred to the corporal's feet. As he was trudging along, trying to overtake the regiment, firing was heard in the direction of Yorktown. Just then Major Tilton rode along. The belated corporal, dreading to be considered a straggler, said, " Major, is that our regiment? " — " No," said he, " if it was, I shouldn't be here." The corporal took the hint, and double-quicking across 82 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, the ridges of the cornfield they were crossing, was in his place when the regiment went in. A corporal is only a little higher than a private, but if he is reduced, the fall seems a tremendous one. After marching about six miles, firing was heard in front from our own and the. rebel batteries. The Twenty-second being the advance regiment of the brigade, followed by the Second Maine, Eighteenth Massachusetts, Twenty-fifth and Thirteenth New York, Col. Gove was directed by Gen. Martindale to form in close column of companies right in front, and move forward to the right of the road just in rear of our batteries. Here we halted for a considerable time, our batteries exchanging shots occasionally with the enemy. This was about half-past twelve o'clock. Gen. Martindale ordered the Twenty-second to move across, and to the left of the road, and they followed him to a point near Dr. Clark's house and barn, and halted. Col. Gove directed the men to unsling knapsacks, but retain their haver sacks and canteens, filling the latter with water from the stream near by. Forming again in close column of companies, Col. Gove moved the regiment to the left, leaving the house to the right and rear, to the Warwick road. Here he found the Sixty-second Pennsylvania, Col. Black, deployed and concealed from view of the enemy by timber to the left. Passing his left, we crossed the road, and moved two hundred yards to the front, and changing direction by the left moved directly toward the enemy's works, and halted when within about fifteen hundred yards. The Second Maine, in column of companies, was directly in our rear. Where the regiments now were was a cornfield. Gen, Martindale and staff rode forward to the edge of the field to reconnoitre. In our immediate front was a piece of woods, then an opening of perhaps one hundred yards, and then an other piece of woods. A fence ran along the edge of the woods and across the opening. The group of mounted men had hardly shown themselves, when a shot from the enemy's works whizzed just over our heads. Company A was thrown out as skirmishers in the woods to the right, and Company F was ordered to support them, and Lieut.-Col. Griswold was put in SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 83 charge of the movement. In the mean time, a section of Mar tin's battery came up in the rear of where Company F was stationed. The opening between the pieces of wood was filled with a slashing of felled trees, and to give the battery a range, Company F was sent in to clear a space. No sooner had they begun to work than the rebel battery opened fire. The enemy's range was perfect, but when the smoke was seen, our men would throw themselves down, and the shot would pass over. Capt. Thompson mounted a stump, and gave timely warning of the discharge of the rebel gun. The men worked with a will, and although the gunner with each discharge depressed his piece, they succeeded in completing their work and getting safely away. As soon as the abatis was sufficiently cleared away, our battery opened, and a lively artillery duel followed. After completing their work, Company F returned to where they had stacked their guns, and found that the regiment had gone to the left. Lieut.-Col. Griswold then ordered them into the woods after Company A, and the two companies were deployed to guard against a possible flank movement by the enemy. Col. Gove was directed to move his regiment, under cover of the woods, to the left, across the Warwick road, throw out skirmishers into the woods, and occupy a line directly in front of the enemy. He immediately deployed Company B, Capt. Wardwell, and advanced some six hundred yards through the woods, with his right on the edge of the timber, and his left resting on the Warwick road, which ran to the left and diago nally to the front of the woods. From the edge of the woods where the centre lay, was an unobstructed field, and within eleven hundred yards were the enemy's fortifications, which consisted of four works, mounting nine field artillery guns, but capable of mounting more. The regiment followed through a dense wood and swampy bottom to within one hundred yards of the front of the woods, and was so disposed as to support the batteries that had gone down the Warwick road, and also those that were posted on the right, where Companies A and F had entered the wood. As soon as 84 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, the artillery on the Warwick road was in position, the enemy opened upon it with a heavy fire which was vigorously re turned by our batteries for an hour or more, but no casualties occurred in the regiment, although, the left was exposed to the fire of the rebel batteries. Between the contending forces, and about half-way, was a ridge of land running parallel with the works, which obstructed a view of our immediate front. Col. Gove having received orders to bivouac for the night where he was, applied for and received permission to recon noitre the enemy's works. He accordingly advanced, with Company B, Capt. Wardwell, deployed as skirmishers, under a heavy fire, some five hundred yards to the crest of the ridge. The deployment was made as if the men were simply on drill, and as they ran forward by fours, deployed, and advanced in regular order, it was a beautiful sight. Prisoners afterwards related how Gen. Magruder, in command at Yorktown, was a witness of the movement, and remarked to his men; " There, my men, those fellows are soldiers! Look at that line! See those intervals ! That is what I want you to be able to do." Ordering the skirmishers to lie down near the ridge, Col. Gove advanced, under cover of a clump of trees, about a hundred yards farther, where he could examine the whole line of works. Having completed his observations, he ordered the skirmishers to retire. As soon as they rose from behind the ridge, the enemy opened a terrific fire of shot and shell. Two men were wounded so that they had to be brought off by their comrades, and five others were wounded, but were able to come in unaided. Of these latter was Lieut. Morris, of Company B, who was struck by a piece of shell, receiving a painful though not serious wound. Lieut. Stiles and Lieut. Morris were warm personal friends, and during the previous winter, in some of their playful moods, had invented a slang phrase, " Let us pray." Morris had im proved on this, and would say " L. u. p." instead. As he came in from the skirmish, he met his friend with the salutation, " My God, Stiles, I'm wounded ! L. u. p." Although pitying Morris, he could not help laughing at his mournful appearance coupled with his comical remark. SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 85 Many shells were thrown into the woods where Major Tilton and eight companies were in line, and two of the men were wounded, one of them, John Collin ghill, of Company H, dying during the night. The firing ceased after the skirmishers retired. Some one from the fort shouted, " Good-night, captain! " and then for the first time we heard the "rebel yell;" which sounded quite like the noise made by a crowd of boys rushing out of school. A band struck up "Dixie" and the "Marseillaise." The regi ment bivouacked in the woods, and was not withdrawn until about noon on Sunday. Companies A and F also remained in the woods where they first went in. Only a small stream sepa rated them from the enemy, and the conversation of men in the rebel works was distinctly heard through the night. Soon after daylight a crowd of soldiers from various regiments gath ered where we first cleared a range for the artillery, and it was not long before the rebels dropped a shell amongst them. They scattered for a while, but gathering again, got a second message. Four shells were fired within an hour, and the last one struck the fence, and drove a rail against a Fourth Maine man, from the effects of which he died. Sunday noon the regiment was withdrawn, and went into camp between two hills near the Yorktown road, to the left of the halting-place of April 5. Near by was a large farmhouse, and a well-stocked barnyard, which afforded the boys a wel come taste of fresh lamb, pork, and poultry. There was no fighting on Sunday. Sunday night the regiment furnished five hundred men for picket, under Major Tilton, including the sharpshooters and four other companies. The major posted the sharpshooters, and ten files of Company D, in a peach- orchard, leaving three companies on reserve in the woods. During Monday the rebels exchanged shots with our picket, but without casualties on our side. A north-east storm set in on Monday and continued three days, during which there was no movement on either side. Wednesday night, April 9, about one o'clock, the Second Maine being on picket, one of Gen. Martindale's aids rode into 86 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, camp, and stated that the enemy was quietly coming out of his works to attack us. In fifteen minutes the regiment was under way, and moved to the support of the picket reserve. Major Tilton, being familiar with the outposts, was requested by Gen. Martindale to go forward and learn the condition of affairs. He found the pickets near the rail-fence in the peach-orchard, where he first established the line, but almost benumbed with cold, having been on duty thirty hours. The rebels had built fires on their lines, and there was some movement; but the major could find no signs of an advance, and there had been no exchange of shots for an hour. He reported his observa tions, and guided a Michigan regiment to the relief of the Second Maine. The Twenty-second returned to camp and turned in. The promptness with which they responded to this night-call was very gratifying to the regimental officers and to Gen. Martindale. Gen. Martindale, in his report of the engagement of April 5, said, " Col. Gove, commanding the Twenty-second Massachu setts, sent a request to advance his reconnoissance still farther, which was acceded to with the sanction of the commanding general of division then on the ground. This reconnoissance, more than any other event of the afternoon, developed the in trepidity and discipline of my brigade. It was executed in a manner at once cool, discreet and fearless ; and although nine men were wounded, one wound being fatal, it is due to the care and control wielded by the commander that the loss of the regiment was not serious. In this movement Capt. Wardwell, of the Twenty-second Massachusetts, deserves particular men tion." Of the Third Battery he says, " Although not attached to my brigade, Martin's battery, Third Massachusetts, co operated with it. After being posted by Capt. Griffin, the steady courage of that battery, and the quiet but determined and unflinching intrepidity of Capt. Martin, attracted general attention and admiration from my command." The battery lost two privates, — Charles L. Lord and Edwin N. Lewis, killed; and Corp. Charles H. Tucker, and Privates Freeman Carey and Timothy Donahoe, were wounded. The casualties SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 87 in the regiment were as follows : Lieut. W. D. Morris, Company B, slightly wounded; also Corp. Albert O. Emerson, Pri vates Michael C. Barrett, Silas W. Bailey, George P. Field, Charles H. James, Frank B. Smith, all of Company B. Charles H. Tucker, of the battery, was wounded in a singular manner. He was not struck, but the velocity of a missile as it passed him, raised the skin on his breast, causing the loss of speech. The men of Company B were struck while on the skirmish-line ; the others while lying in the woods. John Col- lingill was wounded while in the woods, and died before morn ing. The reconnoissance of the 5th of April was of great value to the Twenty-second. The men were delighted with the bravery and skill of Col. Gove, and all the officers were pleased with the bearing of the men during their "baptism of fire." Gen. Heintzelman, Gen. Porter and Gen. Martindale were proud of our conduct on that occasion, the former speaking of it as "all that could be desired." Gen. McClellan said, "The alacrity and steadiness of the troops, and the good conduct of the officers, were such as to merit the approbation of the War Department." CHAPTER V. YORKTOWN TO GAINES'S MILLS. Camp Winfield Scott. — Camp on Wormsley Creek. — On Picket. — Bridg ing the Creek. — Belger's Mill. — Night Alarms. — Digging Trenches. — Surgeon shelled in his Tent. —Schooner in Camp. — Pay-day. — Laurel-wood Carvers. — Men injured by falling Earth. — Revolu tionary Earthworks. — Another Reconnoissance. — Hot Work building a Zigzag. — Completion of the Investment. — Evacuation of Yorktown. — The Twenty-second Flag first on the Works. — Buried Torpedoes. — Seven Men of the Twenty-second wounded. — Dastardly Conduct of the Rebel Gen. G. J. Rains. —Rebel Flag stolen. — Col. Gove rides his Horse over the Parapet. — Rejoicings in Camp. — The Chaplain and Gen. Heintzelman. — Regiment ordered up to Yorktown. — Major Til ton adrift. — Up York River to West Point. — Camp Sassafras. — Cumberland Landing. — White House. — Tunstall's Station. — Kidd's Mills. — Soldiers bathing. — Gaines's Mills. ON the 10th of April, one month from the day we left Hall's Hill, the Twenty-second made a camp on Wormsley Creek, a branch of the York River. We named the camp Winfield Scott. Next day Companies C, F, I and K, and four com panies from the Thirteenth New York, went on picket, in charge of Lieut.-Col. Griswold. We went out to near .the spot where on the 5th we first drew the fire of the enemy. Here we saw the graves of Lord and Lewis, surrounded by a rail-fence. They married sisters, and lived in one house in Charlestown. The remains were subsequently removed to Massachusetts. Entering the woods, we advanced about one-fourth of a mile, and relieved the picket in a ravine. The enemy soon engaged our batteries, and firing with artillery was kept up for some hours. About three o'clock in the afternoon, word was received that the enemy had come out, and were deploying across the field with the evident intention of driving in our pickets. We SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 89 fell in at once, and deploying through the woods, prepared to support the picket. The attack began on the right, and was repelled with spirit by the Thirteenth New York, driving them back, killing several. Our men escaped unhurt. After a short lull, the battle was renewed. This time the rebels came out in large force, and opened fire on the pickets posted in the peach- orchard, the rebel batteries at the same time shelling the barn where our sharpshooters were stationed. The Sixty-second Pennsylvania stood the brunt of the fight this time, giving them a volley as they advanced, and then charging, drove them back into their works. There was random firing until dark, the bullets coming into the woods, and an occasional shell making it interesting for the reserve. Fearing a night attack, the detachment lay on their arms all night ; but nothing occurred. The night was one of uncommon brilliancy, and the monotony was relieved by the music of the bands in York- town. The next day at noon we were relieved, and returned to camp. Monday night, April 14, our forces threw a pontoon-bridge across Wormsley Creek, near the camp, and two wooden bridges were finished about the same time. Two more pontoon- bridges were thrown across, and we then had five avenues of communication between the camps and the picket-ground. The lumber for these bridges was sawed at Belger's mills a, short distance back. This mill had a good engine and a drive of saws. A lieutenant in the Second Maine, an expert lumber man, was detailed to run this mill, and he turned out the lumber that was needed by the engineer-corps. Fatigue parties were sent out daily to work on the approaches to the bridges. Heavy firing was heard in the direction of the south fort on the evening of the 16th, and the regiment was in line until near midnight and dismissed. The next night the regiment was called up at midnight and remained under arms an hour, and then turned in. It was remarkable how quickly and silently the men would turn out in the night. An order would be received at headquarters. The sergeant-major would wake up the company commanders. The orderly-sergeants would run 90 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, from poncho to poncho, scratch on the rubber cloth, and say in a stage whisper, " Turn out ! arms and equipments ! " and in an incredibly short time, every man would be in his place, and the companies coming into line on the double quick. We were soon set to work digging trenches, throwing up intrenchments, and preparing a regular siege. The engineer- corps laid out the work, and after dark, an army with shovels and picks would go out on the line, and by daylight had started a parallel or a zigzag, and had thrown up enough dirt to protect the diggers. Every day one large detail was sent out for picket, and another for fatigue. Men learned to shovel who never be fore wielded any other than a fire-shovel, and became experts with the pick and spade. While we lay in camp at Wormsley Creek, a shell from the north fort was sent directly into our camp. When it burst, a piece of the flying iron entered the surgeon's tent, and buried itself in the ground beneath his bed. He was a good deal startled as well he might be, and could not be persuaded to occupy his tent that night. It must have been a random shot, for had the rebels known they could shell our camp they would have given us no peace. One morning when we turned out, we found a good-sized sloop had come into the creek, and had also turned into a little branch that made in near our camp, and the bowsprit was almost up to the cook's quarters of the right-flank company. It was loaded with quartermasters' stores and sutlers' goods, and was quite as welcome as unexpected. Somehow the sutler always knew when the paymaster was coming, and the next day after the mysterious arrival of the sloop we were paid off. The gunboats came up the York River abreast our camp, and engaged the enemy's works. " The shells bursting in air," was a pretty sight for us. Notwithstanding the fatigue and picket duty we were called upon to perform, nothing would do but we must drill, and the men were put through as vigorously as they ever were at Hall's Hill. Though deep in the practice of actual warfare, we were not allowed to forget the theory. Laurel grew luxuriantly in the vicinity of Yorktown, and it SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 91 soon became the fashion to dig laurel-root and carve it into pipes, rings and other ornaments. On the picket-reserve every man would be whittling out some device, and many developed quite a knack at wood-carving. The soil we had to dig was rather clayey, and at one point where a road had to be built for the heavy guns there was quite a deep cut. In the walls of this cut, the men would scoop out holes into which they would squat and protect themselves from the rain, which fell very frequently while we, were in front of Yorktown. One day, after a soaking rain, a soldier of the regiment was severely injured by the bank caving down upon his back as he sat in one of these holes. This accident broke up the custom of cave-building. As we dug our way towards Yorktown, we were surprised one morning to find ourselves upon the old line of earthworks thrown up in 1783. Although overgrown by a heavy sod and some trees, the intrenchments could be easily traced, and were an object of curiosity to all the army. , April 24 the regiment went on a reconnoissa'nce in the woods where we first engaged the rebels on the 5th. It was surmised that the enemy had advanced to the point where we spent that first night in the woods. Ten men each from Companies A, F, and the sharpshooters, deployed and went forward. , The small fort which on a previous visit had been found unoccupied, was now filled with rebel sharpshooters, and shots were exchanged between them and our skirmishers. The rebels had not bridged the stream, showing that they did not intend to advance. They were seen to be strengthening their works, however. We had quite a force of artillery with us, but they remained with the eight companies on reserve, only firing once after the skirmish ers had come in. In order to approach the first parallel safely with teams, it became necessary to open a zigzag from the river to the parallel. That labor was assigned on the 2d of May, to Major Tilton and a detail of six hundred men. It was usual to commence such work in the night, but this was a pressing need, and it was not thought very dangerous service. Major Tilton took his men 92 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, along the stakes which marked the line of the zigzag, in single file, at intervals of three paces, from the parallel to the river. No notice was taken of the movement by the enemy, who evi dently took it for a skirmish-line, until a ridge of dirt had been thrown up. Then a puff of smoke issued from the batteries on the Gloucester side of the river, and a shell came screaming over to where the work was going on. Another followed, and another, until the place became quite hot. The men dug for dear life, and the dirt flew as if it might have been an earth quake. Major Tilton from behind a tree would announce the coming of a shell, and the men would lie down until it burst, and then fly at their digging again. After a while the York- town batteries commenced to shell the diggers, and they were under a cross-fire. This was kept up from 8.30 A.M. until 4.30 « P.M, at intervals, the batteries firing one hundred and seventy shots by actual count. Strange as it may seem, nobody was hurt, and the work was handsomely done. Some of the men brought into camp pieces of shell, and one thrifty soul remarked that if he had had such a chance to pick up old iron when he was a boy, he could have taken his whole school into the circus. Our hundred-pound guns opened on the rebels about noon, and in returning the fire the rebels burst their ten-inch gun.- The shots from the Gloucester batteries two miles and a half distant could be dodged, but those from Yorktown had to be taken as they came. Altogether it was a hot day for the Twenty-second. One of Gen. McClellan's aids came upon the line, and Major Tilton remarked that he thought there must be some mistake about sending them out in broad daylight on such a dangerous work. " No," was the reply, " we knew what work was to be done, and the regiment that was to do it." The Gloucester batteries had never fired across the river before, and Gen. Barnard of the engineers admitted that he did not before know of the existence of the particular battery that paid its respects to us. Probably, had it been known, our work would have been done in the night. The rebels had heavy Armstrong guns. Our one-hundred-pound and two-hundred-pound battery did SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 93 good service, both on the town, and on the shipping at the wharves. The work of investment was now nearly complete. The siege-guns were in position, and it began to be whispered about that the shelling of the town was to begin, preparatory to the advance which would capture Yorktown. The men had worked faithfully in the trenches, and with less grumbling than might be expected. The living was good, the men had been paid off, they felt strong in numbers and in the heavy ordnance they had helped to put in position, and looked forward to the approach ing " storm," confident of victory. On the morning of May 4, at half-past four o'clock, our regi ment, with a detachment of one hundred and fifty men of the Thirteenth New York, started out on picket. On the way we met a contraband who said, " Dem rebs done gone run away." Col. Gove was in command of the detail, and reported to Gen. C. D. Jameson, in command of the trenches, at the mill-dam. Here we found three rebel soldiers that had come in under a flag of truce, and who stated that Yorktown was evacuated. About three o'clock heavy explosions had been heard from Yorktown, and a bright light had hung over the town nearly all night. The deserters stated that the rearguard of the enemy had gone out about half-past three. The Sixty-second Pennsylvania, and Fourteenth New York, both of Morell's bri gade were in the 'trenches, and we proceeded to relieve them. Col. Gove, in order to ascertain the truth of the reported evac uation, deployed Company B, Capt. Wardwell, as skirmishers, supported by Company D, Capt. Dunning, and moved out toward the enemy's line. Gen. Jameson accompanied him, and Col. Black, of the Sixty-second, requested to be allowed to go along : a favor that was readily granted, but meanly used. Col. Gove, and Lieut. Stiles of the sharpshooters, went over the ramparts together, going over the parapet. Lieut.-Col. Griswold was sick in hospital, and the balance of the regiment under Major Tilton followed the skirmish-line. Col. Black and Gen. Jameson entered the works together, and Col. Black waved his handkerchief and claimed he had raised a flag; but 94 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, Col. Gove, who was the first man over the works, sent back for our colors and planted them on the parapet, being the first flag raised on the enemy's line. Col. Black in his official report says, " In a very few minutes after the first flag [handkerchief] was raised, Col. Gove planted a large American flag promi nently on the front." Not only did Col. Gove plant the regi mental colors on the front, but when we first met the contra band with the news of the evacuation, he had sent back to camp for the old storm-flag we had used at Lynnfield and at Hall's Hill, and it was not long before it was flying from the late rebel flag-staff. So it happened that the Twenty-second was the first infantry to engage the fort that surrounded the town ; the first to send a man over the works ; the first to plant an American flag on the parapet ; and the first to run up a flag from the cap tured flag-staff. Col. Gove says in his report, "I placed the first national flag upon the ramparts, the men giving three hearty cheers as it unfolded to the breeze." It was indeed a glorious day for the Twenty-second, and it is with pride that they still point to " Yorktown," inscribed on the tattered folds of their battle-scarred banner. Passing the works, Col. Gove continued with the line of skir mishers through the town without opposition. Several desert ers from the enemy, and some thirty negroes, appeared, all of whom were turned over to Gen. Butterfield. The regiment was immediately put on guard on the ramparts and at all the houses. It took three full companies to post the sentinels on the ramparts, and another to guard the wharf. Stragglers from other regiments appeared in great numbers, but they were corralled by our guard and sent back to where they belonged. As the regiment advanced across the field behind the skir mishers, Lieut. McKay, of Company G, and six privates, were wounded by a buried shell. The rebels had buried shells all about where our troops would have to pass, and a soldier stepped on one of them just as Company G was over it. Lieut. McKay had his left arm bruised ; O. H. P. Sargent, wounded in the leg, suffered amputation, and died two weeks later at Fort Monroe ; Charles E. Crane was seriously wounded in the SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 95 groin, and was subsequently discharged; Luke Ward, badly wounded in the thigh ; John Ginty, wounded in the leg ; Abel Weatherhead, slightly wounded in the shoulder. Warned by this disaster, we proceeded with great caution, and wherever the ground appeared to have been recently broken we gave it a wide berth. The gate of the fort stood invitingly ajar, but we declined to enter that way ; and it was well we did, for a heavy shell was planted there, which the opening of the gate would have exploded. A telegraph-operator struck an iron bar into the ground to make a hole for the slim pole of the field-telegraph corps, when he struck one of these hidden shells, and was terribly mangled, so that he died soon after. The Mc Clellan cavalry, which came up soon afterward, passing along the Williamsburg road, exploded one of these shells, wounding two horses and a man. Gen. W. F. Barry, in referring to this matter, says, " These shells were not placed on the glacis at the bottom of the ditch, etc., which, in view of an anticipated as sault, might possibly be considered a legitimate use of them, but they were basely planted, by an enemy who was secretly aban doning his post, on common roads, at springs of water, in the shade of trees, at the foot of telegraph-poles, and, lastly, quite within the defences of the place, — in the very streets of the town." He further states, " It is generally understood that these shells were prepared by Gen. G. W. Rains, of the Confed erate Army, for his brother, Brig.-Gen. Gabriel J. Rains, the commander of the post of Yorktown, at whose instigation they were prepared and planted. The belief of the complicity of Gen. Gabriel J. Rains in this dastardly business is confirmed by the knowledge possessed by many officers of our army, of a similar mode of warfare inaugurated by him while disgracing the uniform of the American Army during the Seminole war in Florida." Some stragglers that came out from a working-party as far as the trenches, followed us across the field. They entered the fort without leave, to see what plunder they might secure. In a tent inside the works they found a rebel flag, which they car ried off. Col. Gove claimed the flag, when he learned of the 96 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, occurrence, as the men who took it were without arms, and in the fort in disobedience of orders. Lieut. Stiles, in command of the Sharpshooters, was ordered to deploy his company and enter the town, which he succeeded in doing without casualty. In a tent he found the dead body of a rebel officer, and on the table a copy of the " Confederate Army Regulations," a book somewhat of a curiosity to the Union soldiers. At the Moore House, which had been used as a hos pital, and over which the yellow flag was still flying, he found a full collection of maps and coast-survey charts, especially of the northern seaboard States, showing that the officers had been studying out a possible Northern campaign. Lieut. Stiles says, " One thing occurred which made its mark on my person and on my memory for life. In a square near the centre of the town stood two stone buildings, a two-and-a-half and one-and-a- half story. The smaller one had an outside flight of stairs lead ing to the upper story, and the lower floor was filled with shells and all sorts of ordnance, apparently arranged so that a careless or incautious movement would explode them and blow up the town. I had been in the building early in my explorations, and, getting out again in safety, I posted a guard to keep everybody away. By some means, however, a civilian eluded the sentry, and was going up the outside stairs as I was crossing the square. I ordered him down. He came down at once, and advanced to ward me, and when within four feet of where I stood, he stepped on a buried torpedo. He was blown to pieces, a hole made in the ground larger than a barrel, and I was knocked over back ward. The only injury I received was a small splinter of cop per from the cap of the torpedo, which entered the kuuckle of the forefinger of my right hand, remained there two years, and I finally lost the use of the finger. The torpedo-cap, after its upward flight, descended near some of my company, and they gave it to me, and I still preserve it as a relic. The unfortu nate victim of the torpedo was a telegraph-repairer from Ohio, who was entering the building to detach the torpedo-wires. His remains were gathered up in a box by the men of our regi ment, and received decent burial." GEN DAVID K. WARDWELIg CORP. FITZ J. RICHARDS, CO. H. COLOR-SERGEANT GEORGE 6. MARTIS. CORP J OTIS BROWN, CO. A. CORP. JOHN K. RICHARDSON, CO. D. SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 97 The men we captured in the town were taken out in the field and obliged to mark the spots where torpedoes were buried, so that when we returned to camp at nighlj we were able to avoid them. At two o'clock in the afternoon the Twenty-second was relieved by the Forty-fourth New York, Col. S. W. Stryker, and we returned to camp. As we marched out of Yorktown, Wal lace H. Gilbert, of Company F, stepped on a buried torpedo, ex ploding the cap without bursting the shell. It was a very narrow escape. The quiet which had reigned in camp during the siege gave way to noise and jollity. Every man had some trophy of the visit to Yorktown. Tobacco seemed to have been very plenty with the rebels, and our boys got an ample supply. The rebels evidently were fond of writing, and a good many letters addressed to the Yankees were found. Curious weapons were common, and there was every appearance of a hasty evacuation by the rebels, for their tents were left as if they had only gone out on picket, and it happened that we secured many trifles which were very curious to the Northern soldier. The actions of some of the men, we may believe, did not suit Col. Gove, who referred in his report, to officers " whose overweening curiosity seemed to entirely absorb all sense of propriety or official dignity." Col. Gove sent for his horse in the morning, and when it ar rived he rode the faithful animal into the ditch and up the ram part, at the head of the regiment, — a feat few horses in our army could accomplish. On the way back to camp, an object was espied in the road which resembled the cap of a shell. Remembering the experi ence of the morning, the regiment very cautiously flanked the " torpedo ; " all but a dare-devil in Company C, who, as he passed the black, shiny speck, gave it a kick, and threw himself flat, expecting an explosion. None followed ; and, going close to it, the fact was revealed that we had cautiously marched around a tumble-bug, whose shiny black body had been mis taken for a deadly missile. After we returned to camp, Sunday afternoon, the band scoured up their instruments and gave us some music. Some 98 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, •of the regiments had dress-parade, and all the bugle-calls were resumed. A lot of candles and signal-lights found in Yorktown were utilized after dark to have fireworks and a torchlight procession. The works about Yorktown were very strong, and mounted ninety-four guns, of which we captured fifty-three, and three burst. There were barbettes for thirty-one field-guns, and seven embrasures for navy-guns, which the retreating enemy carried away. Lieut. Dunn, of Company I, was taken sick at Camp Win field Scott, and went to the hospital. He died May 20, 1862. He was a young man of quiet manners, but very much ab sorbed in the duties of his position, and developed good sol dierly qualities. Had he lived, he would have made his mark. He was highly respected by his comrades in arms, and the news of his death was received with sorrow. One day a chaplain of one of the regiments (our chaplain resigned as soon as we started to march) wanted to get a good view of the rebel position, and mounted the breastwork. He had hardly got in position before he was gruffly ordered to " Get down off those works ! " Looking around and seeing that the man was unarmed, and of course not on guard, he paid no attention to the order. Pretty soon the order was repeated, whereupon the chaplain inquired, " Who are you ? " and got for answer, "I'm Gen. Heintzelman, that's who I am. Now get down off there ! " The chaplain got down. Heavy firing was heard in the direction of Williamsburg all the afternoon and evening of Sunday, and during Monday forenoon. It rained all day Monday, and in the afternoon we had orders to pack up and be ready to move. About seven o'clock in the evening, signals were sent up from Yorktown, and the brigade was moved forward in light marching order. The mud was very deep, and the march to the forts was a hard one. It seems that another division was expecting to proceed up the York River in transports, and they not arriving in time, the reserve was signalled. But before our arrival the other division had come up, and was embarking, so we were ordered SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 99 to remain where we were. It was raining ; and as we had no blankets we could not bivouac, but stood around in the mud and passed the night as best we could. Professor Lowe's bal loon " Intrepid," half inflated, was bobbing around where we halted, and when daylight came we had ample opportunity to examine it. The spot where O'Hara delivered the sword of Cornwallis to Washington, was quite near us. It was a square rod of ground enclosed by a black fence, the posts being black and white. Two poplar-trees were planted in the enclosure. During Tuesday forenoon we marched back to camp, packed up and returned to Yorktown, and made camp right under the walls of the principal fort. The boys went inside the work, and supplied themselves with tents left by the rebels, and passed a very comfortable night under rebel canvas. A row of barracks inside the fort caught fire Tuesday afternoon, and the soldiers put out the flame with a little fire-engine they found in the town. Wednesday forenoon we marched down to the land ing, expecting to embark at once. We remained there all day and all night, until about noon of Thursday, May 8, when we embarked on the " Elm City " for West Point. The night pre vious was quite cold, and the soldiers on the beach had an uncomfortable time. Some barrels of resin lying around loose were set on fire, and the black smoke gave us all the appear ance, in the morning, of a regiment of the Corps d'Afrique. During the night Major Tilton, who was superintending the loading of the baggage, got adrift, by a large steamer fouling his boat and carrying away the cribwork and canal-boats which served as a wharf. There was quite a snarl for a time, as the stream was full of craft, but it was finally straightened out, and the regiment got afloat, and headed for West Point. The sail up the river occupied about three hours, and we landed on the south bank of the York River, near the mouth of the Painunkey River. We landed in pontoon-boats, there being no wharf where a landing could be made by the steamer. We moved up a short distance from the river into a cornfield, where we bivouacked for the night. The sail from Yorktown had given the men some rest, but as the night was clear, the order to make 100 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, ourselves comfortable was cheerfully obeyed, and the weary soldiers were not long in becoming quiet. They had become hardened veterans during their two months of service, and the quiet bivouac at West Point on that beautiful night in May, ,when compared with their recent experiences at Yorktown, seemed almost like a luxury. The ground we occupied had been the scene of a desperate battle a few days before, when the first troops that had been sent up the river had repulsed the advance of the enemy sent out to prevent a landing at West Point. Gen. Franklin's divis ion had borne the brunt of this fight, and sustained a loss of a hundred and eighty-six in killed, wounded and missing. The dead were not buried when we arrived, but were laid out preparatory to the last rite. What deeply impressed us, how ever, was the condition of the bodies, which had been mutilated by the savage foe. A large proportion of the dead had their throats cut from ear to ear. Whether this was done before or after death we did not know, but the act showed a degree of savagery we did not expect of an enemy that not only claimed to be civilized but chivalrous. The sick-rate of the regiment since entering the Peninsula had been very high, and of the 1,177 men with which we started from Boston, only 951 officers and men were at West Point, and of these 17 were on the sick-list. Since breaking camp at Hall's Hill, we left 109 men in hospital, so that disease was as much to be dreaded as shot and shell. Col. Gove was threatened with malarial fever the night we landed at West Point, but with good care he was able to throw it off. Our wagons were not unloaded until the 11th, they hav ing to stand aside for troops that needed the landing-scows. On the forenoon after our landing, we moved out half a mile to make room for later arrivals. We encamped on a sandy plain that was grown over with sassafras, and the place was at once named' Camp Sassafras. The soil was very dry, and the slightest wind blew the sand into our ponchos. Most of the companies dug wells, finding water at a depth of six feet. As soon as we were settled down, on the 10th, we had a brigade SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 101 drill, Gen. Martindale desiring to show us off before a friend. Major Tilton was in command of the regiment, on account of Col. Gove's illness; and as .he reported with the regiment, Gen. Martindale said, " Well, major, your regiment looks large as two." — "It will do the work of two," replied the major. Few brigades were drilled together more than ours. We remained in Camp Sassafras until the morning of May 13, our division being the last to move. On that day we marched fifteen miles, and camped at Cumberland about dark. We started at five o'clock in the morning, but our progress was very slow, owing to the heat, which made frequent halts neces sary. We passed many farms, on some of which the corn had started through the ground. It was evident the farmers had not expected us to visit their neighborhood, or they would not have planted their fields. On every house a white flag was displayed. May 14 was rainy, and the dust was laid, for which we were thankful. We remained at Cumberland that day, and just at evening we fell in in light order. If then transpired that we were to be reviewed by Secretary Seward, who had come up the river to Cumberland. He was introduced to each regiment as he reached their lines, and was greeted with cheers. Cumber land Landing on the Pamunkey River, sprang into importance almost in a single night. From a little landing with an occa sional oyster-boat tied up to the wharf, it had become a great seaport with a forest of masts, government transports and trad ing vessels crowding each other, and every indication of busy life and commercial importance. When Secretary Seward reviewed us, he remarked to Gen. McClellan as he rode around our line, " This is ' old Massachu setts.' God bless her ! " — " Yes," replied little Mac, with a smile, pointing to our line which was nearly double that of any other, " it will take the rebels a long time to get around this regiment." Thursday morning, May 15, we broke camp in the rain, and moved out two miles, and camped in a grove near the residence of Dr. John Mayo. The rain had not only laid the dust, but it 102 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, had made a pudding of the road, which was worse than any mud we had before seen. The rain continued all day ; and at night the boys cut sprigs of cedar, and partially drying them at the camp-fires made beds in the ponchos, which though damp were fragrant, and the soldiers rested well. About noon, May 16, we left Dr. Mayo's place and started for White-House Landing, where we arrived after several hours of terrible marching. The teams were twenty hours going over the same route. White House at that time was a beautiful place, with handsome house and extensive grounds : the estate contained thirty-five hundred acres. Along the river was a village of huts for the negroes, and large barns and granaries made it a fine place for a depot of supplies. The river was deep, and vessels of heavy draught could come up to the wharf. It became the supply-depot for commissary stores, and within a month from the time of our camping there, it was said that two millions dollars' worth of stores were landed there. Our camp was in a large clover-field, watered by several " runs," and made the best camp we had had. On Sunday, May 18, orders were promulgated, detaching us from the Third Corps, commanded by Gen. Heintzelman. Porter's and Sykes's divisions and the artillery reserve made Porter's Fifth Provisional Corps. Gen. Morell became division commander. While at White House a negro funeral occurred. The wife of the slave-carpenter on the estate had died, and was buried on Sunday. The slave burying-ground was so thickly planted with graves, that in digging this one, a skull and some bones had been thrown up, and lay at the foot of the grave until the body was lowered in, when they were thrown back with the dirt to cover the new-comer. There were no services, not even the name of the departed one was mentioned ; and the only dif ference between this burial of what had been the tenement of a human soul, and the burial of an animal, was the silent tear of sympathy which the simple friends of the deceased dropped upon the grave, for the bereaved husband and motherless little one in his arms. SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 103 The chaplain of the Stockton regiment held a service in camp on that Sunday. When the real work of war began, most of the chaplains fled back to civil life; but this sturdy old Christian remained at his post, faithful to the work he had taken up, and many a soldier to-day remembers with kindly emotion that Michigan chaplain, of whom they can truly say, " I was sick, and ye visited me : I was in prison, and ye came unto me." Monday morning, May 19, we left White House and marched to Tunstall's Station, camping on the table-land above the rail road. That morning we turned in our rubber-cloth ponchos, and had shelter tents, made of duck, issued. These were a great improvement on the old ones, which drew the heat and were very uncomfortable in warm weather. Near our camp was the farm of one William Temple. Some of our boys went up to buy some vegetables. In the kitchen- door stood a very black old aunty, and near the gate, where Mr. Temple was chatting with soldiers, toddled a little slave almost as white as his master. The latter said he had eighteen slaves, and as they were all shades from black to white, he re marked with great candor that it offered a good chance to study the mixed races, adding by way of ) explanation, "Such things will happen where there is no meeting-house." May 21 we marched five miles, and camped on Lipscomb's farm. May 22 a march of twelve miles was made, passing through Cold Harbor, where Gen. Franklin's division had gone into camp. We went a mile or two farther, and camped near Barker's Mills. In the morning we found that sweet potatoes, green peas, and strawberries were common in those parts, and our regular bill of fare was finely re-enforced. The mill-pond tempted us to take a swim, and those who did not take a bath were in the minority. Saturday, May 24, Companies A, F, D and I went on picket, about a mile from camp, relieving the Eighty-third Pennsylvania. Picket headquarters was at the house of Dr. T. J. Williams ; the doctor being absent in Richmond, we took good care of his house. It was a rainy day, and on the way to the outpost a 104 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY. brook had to be crossed. A soldier carrying his gun at " secure arms," as he jumped this brook, struck the muzzle against the bank, and lost the tompion. Arrived on post he loaded the gun and waited. During the night, he thought he saw a man ap proaching his post. Cocking his piece, he watched the object vigilantly. It would move slightly and then stop. It was sus picious, but he did not want to needlessly alarm the reserve, and so with straining eyeballs he glared into the darkness at the enemy which came no nearer than when first seen. At last day-light relieved the strain upon the sentry's nerves, and he was glad he did not raise an alarm to repel the attack of a harm less bush. Returning to camp the guns were cleaned, when our alert picket found that he had loaded on top of a lump of mud, which he had scooped when he jumped the brook, and he could not have fired his gun had he tried. Next day being Sunday, we rested. Monday, May 26, we marched about three miles, to near Gaines's Mills, and made camp. The grist-mill was being run by a detail of our men, turning out corn-meal, which was issued to the hospitals, and the soldiers had a chance to buy some, which they did very generally, and hoe-cakes became quite common. Monday night, just before taps, orders were received to be ready to leave camp in light marching order at four o'clock in the morning. No hint of our direction was given, but as we were to leave our camp, and go in light order, it looked like a fight, and so it proved. CHAPTER VI. BATTLE OF HANOVER COURT-HOUSE. Long March in a Heavy Rain. — Col. Gove deploys his Skirmishers. — Twenty-second in a Tight Place. — Adjt. Sherwin and the Fair Rebel. — The Runaway Horse. — Rebels, and the State Flag of the Twenty-sec ond.— A Sharpshooter takes a Prisoner. — Bivouac at Dr. Kinney's. — Reconnoissance on the Road to Richmond. — Rush's Lancers. — Rebel Flag. — Back to Camp. — "Where's my Pies?" — Gen. Prim reviews the Corps. — Twenty-second help build Woodbury's Bridge. — To Mechanics ville and Back. — Camp on Curtis's Farm. • RAIN fell in torrents on the night of the 26th of May, and when the Twenty-second fell into line at four o'clock on the morning of the 27th, the prospect was a gloomy one. The mud was deep, and the march was very slow. The direction was toward Richmond, but at Mechanicsville, instead of turn ing to the left, which would have led to the rebel capital, the command turned to the right, the sign-board directing, " 3 miles to Pole Green Church." We passed this church, which was a neat little edifice, rather better than those we had pre viously seen. Our brigade moved in the following order: Twenty-fifth New York, Martin's battery, Twenty-second Mas sachusetts, Second Maine. The Thirteenth New York was on detached service, and the Eighteenth Massachusetts was on picket. Berdan's sharpshooters had the lead, followed by the first, third, and second brigades of Morell's division, this column preceded by two regiments of cavalry and a horse bat tery, commanded by Gen. Emery, the whole under Gen. F. J. Porter commanding the corps. The Twenty-second had two days' rations in their haversacks, and sixty rounds of ammuni tion. Progress was very slow, and after a march of eight hours 106 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, a point was reached where the road intersected the Richmond and Hanover road. TJo the right and front our forces were already engaged, while to the left the enemy appeared in force near the railroad station called Peake's Tournout, on the Richmond and Ashland road. At this juncture a detachment of the Fifth United States Cavalry charged down the Richmond road, and soon returned with the information that the enemy was in force. Col. Gove was then ordered by Gen. Martindale to advance his regiment to the left and get possession of the railroad. Company A was deployed as skirmishers, with Company D in support, the centre along the road; while the remainder of the regiment under Major Tilton moved forward in line of battle to a house to the left of the road, where a section of Benson's Second United States Artillery was in battery and had opened fire. Capt. Sampson advanced with his skirmishers, and seized the railroad and telegraph, destroying some sections of the latter, and taking up the rails for some distance. Col. Gove advanced on the left of the road, with Company F, Capt. Thompson, deployed as skir mishers, across a slough, to a belt of woods, beyond which there was a large opening in the timber, and two regiments of the enemy drawn up in line of battle. A few well-directed shots from this line of skirmishers drove back the cavalry vedettes of the enemy. Seeing that the line of attack or defence was at this point, Col. Gove directed Adjt. Sherwin to order forward the regiment, and report to Gen. Martindale that the enemy was moving to our right. Col. Gove reported in person to Gen. Martindale the great necessity of throwing forward artillery, which he would support on the left, the Second Maine being on the right. A section of Griffin's Fifth United States Artillery was quickly thrown forward, and as soon as it opened fire the enemy replied, supported by a regiment of infantry immediately in front of the Twenty-second. A well-directed shot from Griffin exploded a caisson, and the enemy soon retired, the in fantry moving back into the woods to our left and rear. To guard against this, Col. Gove threw back the left of the regi ment, and sent out a small picket to observe their movements. SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 107 Lieut. Davis, of Gen. Martindale's staff, rode up at this point with orders to withdraw the regiment. Col. Gove reported his fears of a flank movement of the enemy, but called in his skirmishers,, and prepared to follow in the direction of Han over Court-house. Gen. Martindale ordered the Twenty-second to file through the woods, and after striking the railroad, follow it to where the road to the station crosses it. This was done, the regiment moving slowly, cutting the telegraph, removing rails, and destroying a water-tank. Prisoners afterwards in formed us that a rebel regiment was concealed on the top of the embankment opposite the one we went down into the cut to the railroad, but that, taking us for a brigade, they were ordered not to fire. Col. J. H. Lane, of the Twenty-eighth North Carolina Regiment, says in his report of the battle, " We were at one time deceived by the flag of the Twenty-second Massachusetts Regiment, which is nearly white, when our firing ceased, and John A. Abernathy, our regimental hospital- steward, volunteered to meet it, and was fired upon by the enemy." The latter part of this sentence may well be doubted, for Mr. Abernathy would have advanced under a flag if at all, and no one can be found in the Twenty-second who saw such an attempt. On the way up the railroad, Major Tilton had trouble with his old horse " General," who would not jump a culvert until the major had dismounted and first crossed the chasm, after which the sagacious animal took the leap. The horse barked his shins, and gave a groan, but no doubt he laughed to him self when he thought how he had avoided the exertion of carry ing the major over the hole. Col. Gove also had trouble with his horse. He had dismounted, and was well in advance with the leading company. His horse broke away from the boy who was leading him, and ran in the direction of the court-house. The adjutant, being mounted, went in pursuit of the runaway. A slave belonging on a neighboring farm caught the horse, and the adjutant secured him. A Miss Kidder en gaged Lieut. Sherwin in conversation, asking about our force, etc., at the same time flirting a handkerchief in a coquettish 108 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, manner. The adjutant's suspicions being aroused, he cut the interview short, and it was well he did so, for in the woods near at hand was a force of the enemy ; and no doubt it was Miss Kidder's hope that she might detain him until her friends could come up and capture him. While these events were occurring, heavy firing was heard in the rear. What had been predicted by Col. Gove had tran spired. The enemy had moved to his right, as we had moved to ours, and the result was, he came upon our rear, and was giving us trouble. Although the march of the morning had been slow, there were a great many stragglers iu the road. The Sharpshooters, burdened with their heavy guns, found it difficult to keep up, and with others formed a numerous rear guard. One ambulance had followed these. When the rebels came* around to the vicinity of the road, their skirmishers opened fire on the stragglers. The attention of Lieut. Davis was attracted, and galloping down the road, he rallied the lag gards, and made a very respectable skirmish-line, which was soon re-enforced by the Forty-fourth New York. The regiments of the enemy, who were concealed in the belt of woods when the Twenty-second filed through, advanced to the edge of the woods fronting the Hanover road, where a stout hedge fence, built somewhat like gabions, withes interlacing the growing shrubs, afforded them a shelter. The Second Maine dashed gallantly up to the fence on the roadside, and drove the enemy from it, and held the position. Meantime, the troops had been ordered back from the court-house, where a bridge had been destroyed, to the assistance of the left wing. The Twenty- second moved down as rapidly as possible to support the Second Maine, and as we marched upon the field, the firing was still quite hot, but as we took position, the firing ceased, and the hurrahs of the Maine boys told the story of victory. As we halted on the field, Col. Marshall, of the Twenty-fifth New York, was carried by on a stretcher, severely wounded. Our loss was 62 killed, 223 wounded, and 70 missing. The Twenty-second lost 1 man wounded, Thomas Coleman, Company E, and 8 missing, probably prisoners. Of the enemy's dead our SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 109 men buried about 200, and 730 prisoners were taken. In this connection it is well to record a feat of a Sharpshooter. N. B. M. Ingalls, of the Sharpshooters, was one of those who was un able to " keep up with the procession." When the rebels came around in the rear of the column, Ingalls was one of those who deployed on the straggler skirmish line, until the arrival of re-enforcements. Lying upon the ground, Ingalls cautiously raised his head to take an observation, and saw a rebel going through the same manoeuvre. Drawing a bead on his foe, he remarked, "I guess I'll take you into camp," and the rebel, seeing that Ingalls had the drop on him, surrendered, and Ingalls took him in and turned him over to the provost-mar shal, thus proving that even the straggler, if he improves his opportunities, can cover himself with glory. Charles Lewis, of the Sharpshooters, drove a four-horse am bulance, at Hanover Court-house, and narrowly escaped cap ture, he having just passed up the road as the rebels came around our left. He carried a wounded officer back to camp in his ambulance, and called at the plantation of G. W. Jones,. near the battle-field. The rebels had told him the Yankees were coming, and he had sent away all his corn, and then the rebels took it. He had a large number of hounds on the place,. which he said he must kill because he could not feed them. Mrs. Jones complained that one of her slaves, a likely young fellow, had run away to our army, aud she begged Lewis to send him back. A short time afterward a colored man who was round camp refused to do some duty for Lewis, when he was threatened with a return to his master. " You don't know whar I belongs," said the ex-slave. — "Yes, I do," said Lewis. " You are George Washington Jones's boy, of Hanover Court house, and you go back unless you behave yourself." The boy admitted his identity, and promised to be faithful if he could remain. It is needless to say, that no slave was ever returned to his master by a member of the Twenty-second, but George Washington Jones's boy was afraid to risk Lewis's displeasure. The Twenty-second bivouacked on the battle-field on the night of the 27th, near the house of Dr. Kinney, which was 110 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, used as a hospital. The next morning at ten o'clock, with a detachment of Rush's Lancers, the Twenty-second went on a reconnoissance on the Richmond road. We went over the ground held by the rebels on the previous day, passing Peake's Turnout. About two miles out, we reached a fork of the roads, where the signboard said, "Richmond 13 miles; Ash land 5 miles." Here we met a company of the Fifth United States Cavalry under Lieut. Arnold. Col. Gove requested Lieut. Arnold to advance his company, and throw out vedettes along the Ashland road, and in the wood-paths, and report if the enemy made his appearance, which was done. The Twenty-second proceeded along the Richmond road, skir mishers and flankers being thrown out in front and on the flanks. About a mile on this road a picket of three horsemen were discovered, who retired on our approach. About two miles farther, as our cavalry advanced up a hill, several shots from the enemy were fired, and they were discovered advan cing in force. The order to countermarch was given, the Lan cers coming down the hill on a gallop. Company F, which was in the advance, marching by the flank, moved quickly to the left and right-about and prepared to receive the enemy if he followed the cavalry, but he declined the challenge. Companv F rejoined the column, which was formed in line in the edge of the road, and the cavalry were sent out a second time, but the enemy could not be induced to pursue. This point was about a mile from Hughes's on the Richmond road. On returning to the fork of the roads, Lieut. Arnold reported the enemy's pickets quite near him on the Ashland road. The Twenty- second, not being strong enough to engage a heavy force, returned to camp at Dr. Kinney's. On the return we passed the camps lately occupied by the rebels, which bore evidence of having been left in a hurry. One of the Sharpshooters picked up a tent that was rolled up, with a view to have a shelter that night, but his officer ordered him to leave it. Two members of the band, however, brought the tent into camp, and when it was unrolled they discovered a rebel regimental flag, on the white bar of which was wrought SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. Ill " M'Cowan Guards." The rebels came to Peake's Turnout in a train, a part of which got away towards Richmond, but our cavalry captured one locomotive, which they fired up and started under a full head of steam toward Richmond, with the expectation that it would smash up something when it arrived at the end of the road. One of the boys who was wounded was lying by the roadside, waiting to be taken to the hospital. Gen. Martindale and staff happened along, and seeing the poor fellow, the general accosted him. "Well, my man, why are you here?" — "I am wounded in the leg," was the reply. — " Young man, you will get an honor-r-r-able scar," said the general. — " Scar be dammed," paid the practical soldier. " I want to get an ambu lance." Martindale quietly moved on. We remained near Peake's Turnout Wednesday night, and until about one o'clock on Thursday afternoon, May 29, when we started for our camps on Dr. Gaines's farm, reaching there at about eight o'clock. Although there had been no rain since Tuesday noon, the roads were still heavy, and badly cut up by the ambulances carrying the wounded to the floating hospitals on the Pamunkey. During the three days we had been away, we had marched nearly fifty miles and fought a battle, and we were glad to reach our canvas home. Next day we were allowed to rest, as the heat was very oppressive. Towards night a heavy thunder-shower came up, and the lightning struck in the camp of the Forty-fourth New York, prostrating three men and killing the sergeant-major. The camp was only two hundred yards from ours, and the explosion sounded as if it was in our own lines. Saturday, May 31, heavy firing was heard all day from Fair Oaks, and the smoke of the battle could be plainly seen, but our division was not ordered out. Sunday morning, about six o'clock, the Twenty-second was ordered to roll blankets, fill haversacks and canteens, and get ready to march. A march of half a mile brought us to the house of Dr. Gaines. It was a large and substantial building, while the farm-buildings were very numerous and roomy. Dr. 112 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, . Gaines was at home, and the house was used as a hospital, not much to his satisfaction, however, for he was a violent rebel. A portion of the division went down upon the meadow west of his house, and began to build a bridge. We remained on Dr. Gaines's, premises until noon, when we were marched back to camp. Monday we were ordered to get ready, but were not turned out. Tuesday we went down to Dr. Gaines's meadow where the bridge was building, but as all the regiment was not needed, four of the companies were sent back to camp. While we were on the meadow a heavy shower came up, flooding the field and drenching the soldiers. June 1 Charles E. Tolman, of Company F, died. He went to Hanover Court-house with us, and the fatigue was too much for him. He entered the hospital Saturday, and died the same night. He had a brother in the same company. We had no chaplain, and Quartermaster Royce read the Episcopal burial- service over the remains on Sunday, while the regiment was away at Gaines's meadow. The next day, June 2, Henry Gil- ligan, of Company C, died ; June 3, George L. Johnson, of Company H ; June 6, James Bicknell, of Company I ; June 9, James S. Reed, of the Sharpshooters, and Lorenzo Fifield, of Company H; June 14, William R. Macomber, of Company C; and June 18, Joseph H. Tripp, of Company C: all died of dis ease. These comrades were buried near a cherry-tree on the summit of the hill where we were encamped. Dr. Gaines was kind (?) enough to say that he would willingly give his whole farm as a burial-place for Yankee soldiers. While at this camp, Private Sturtevant, of the Sharpshooters, got hold of some apples, and proposed to make a batch of pies. Lieut. Stiles furnished the flour, and Sturtevant had a Dutch oven, and the pies were to be duly cooked and divided between them. All went well until four pies had been baked, and set out upon a cracker-box to cool. At this point the attention of a tent's crew was called to the tempting pastry. They waited until Sturtevant was called away a moment, when, presto ! the pies were gobbled. Hardly had they disappeared when the cry went forth, " Where's my pies ? " The captors made all haste George B. Brown, Co. H. Capt. B. W. Tucker. Lieut. Ward B. Frothingham. Capt. George A. Washburn. Richard Houghton, Co. I. Daniel W. Larrabee, Co. F. SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 113. to bolt their hot morsels, and between heat and their hurry, got but little satisfaction. While search was being made for the pies, the youngest of the pie-eaters was nominated by the cul prits to return the empty plates, which he succeeded in doing unobserved. " Here's your plates," was shouted, but this only increased the mortification of the lieutenant and the cook. The . company was turned out, and every man questioned, but to no purpose ; and although Stiles declared it would go hard with the thieves, it is doubtful if he knows to-day who ate his pies. June 9 the corps was reviewed by Gen. Prim, the Spanish general who was on a visit to the Army of the Potomac. Gen. McClellan, Gen. Porter, and a host of officers of less rank, were present. The review took place on an open field on the right of the road from Gaines's Mills to Mechanicsville, and was quite an affair, though not up to the review in honor of Secre tary Seward at Cumberland Landing. The Spanish general was an object of curiosity to us, and expressed his pleasure at the fine appearance of the troops. June 11 the monotony of camp-life was broken by the call to see an eclipse of the moon, which was total at eleven p M.,. the sky being clear, and the sight both novel and beautiful. June 12 the regiment broke camp at eight o'clock, and with. one day's rations marched through Dr. Gaines's place, across the meadow, to the estate of Dr. Williams, where we picketed when, at Barker's Mill. Pitching camp, the Twenty-second went down to the meadows where the Ninth was building a corduroy approach to the Woodbury Bridge across the Chickahominy. The bridge, with its approaches, was fourteen hundred yards in length. The bridge proper was built by the engineer corps, and the approaches on the north side by the Ninth and Twenty-second. A layer of brush was laid on the ground, and ditches dug on each side, the earth being thrown upon the brush to the depth of one foot. We worked all day, the dig ging being much harder than at Yorktown. Next forenoon the work was continued, but in the afternoon we broke camp, and marched back to our camp on Gaines's farm. This sudden move was due to a raid on the White House, and it was ex- 114 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, pected we would have to go there. We were not needed, how ever, and settled down again in the old camp. Guard-duty was done here by company, and not by details from all the companies as at Hall's Hill. Bugle- calls were dis pensed with, and a large steel triangle was made, on which duty- calls were struck. This was done in order that our positions and numbers might not become known, as they might by bugle- calls. About ten o'clock on the night of June 17, orders came to be ready to march in two hours in light order; and by midnight the brigade was on the road to Mechanicsville. We reached there by daylight, having had a cool and rather pleasant moon light march. The New Jersey brigade was camped here in a delightful grove just north of the village, which is five miles from Richmond. We could see the steeples of the rebel capital, from our halting-place. After breakfast the men laid down and got some sleep. In the afternoon, our teams arrived with knapsacks and camp-stuff; but they were ordered not to un load, and at four o'clock we started back for Gaines's, arriving there about dark, and pitched camp on that spot for the fourth time. It was intended for us to relieve Gen. Taylor's brigade, the First Jersey, but for some reason we did not. June 20, broke camp at Gaines's, and marched about a mile to Dr. Curtis's farm, on the Mechanicsville road. There never was such a country for doctors. Every time we halted, it was on Dr. Somebody's farm. The camp was in a sheltered spot, surrounded on three sides by woods. The camp was laid out with great care, the company streets forty feet wide, and all the tents surrounded by shade-trees set in the ground. When we arrived, the camping-place was a sandy barren, but in a day or two it resembled a garden. The regiment drew clothing in this camp, and spruced up considerably. Great care was taken with police-duty, and the camp was kept very clean. Wells were dug just outside the lines, in sight of the camp-guard. Passes were rarely given, and the men were confined to their own resources for amusement. Quoits was the prevailing game. We left our old camp none too soon, for a deserter had given SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 115 the bearings, and they began shelling it just after we left. They shelled Dr. Gaines's house and buildings, although they knew it was a hospital. The sick were got out safely, however. As Commissary-Sergt. Hackett was coming from the old camp with a wagon-train, a shot struck a wagon in which Hackett was riding, taking out a piece of one wheel and going through the floor of the wagon. The mules took fright, and were not long in taking the wagon out of range. Luckily no one was hurt, but it was a loud call for Hackett. Prentice Childs, of Company F, died June 24, and Horace K. Straw, of Company K, on the 27th, in this camp, and were buried on the farm, the chaplain of the Thirteenth New. York conducting the funeral services in a very impressive manner. Childs was broken down with general debility, and had been recommended for discharge. June 24, at two a.m., orders came to turn out in light march ing order, and move at daylight. We remained under arms until daylight, and then were ordered on picket. After pro ceeding a short distance, the order was countermanded, and the regiment returned to camp, and a small detail was sent out to guard the telegraph-line. CHAPTER VII. THE SEVEN DAYS' BATTLES. Battle of Mechanicsville, June 26, 1862. — Six Companies of the -Twenty- second in the Fight. — Col. Gove with the Twenty-second, and the Thirteenth New York, support Gen. Reynolds. — The Regiment loses Three Men. — On Picket on the Battle-field. — Withdrawn at one o'clock in the Morning of June 27. — Back to Camp. — Sharpshooters detailed to guard Baggage-train. — Capt. Sampson and four Companies rejoin the Regiment. — Destruction of Stores and Camp Equipage — Gaines's Mills. — In Line op Battle. — Big Trees for Breastworks.— Enemy repulsed Three Times — The Regiment flanked. — Death of Col. Gove. — Major Tilton wounded and captured. — Gallant Action of Martin's Battery. — 70 killed, 206 wounded and missing. — Capt. Sampson in Command. — Turkey Bend. — Good-fellowship with the Eighteenth. — Supporting Martin at Glendale. — Malvern Hill.— Capt. Wardwell in Command. — Sharpshooters lose their Knapsacks. — 9 killed, 49 wounded and missing. — Harrison's Landing. — Arrival of the Thirty-second. ON Thursday, June 26, Companies A, F, D and I were detailed for picket near the pontoon-bridge over the Chickahominy, and went out early in the morning. The Sharp shooters were detailed for camp-guard. About noon orders were given to fall in. There was no appearance of excitement or hurry, and Companies B, C, E, G, H and K fell in. Col. Gove was sick in quarters, Lieut.-Col. Griswold was absent sick, and the command devolved on Major Tilton. We moved out on the Hanover road, making a long halt at Mechanicsville. About three o'clock in the afternoon we moved out about a mile, and took position in a wood. The First Michigan and Twenty-fifth New York w.ere stationed to the right of the road, the Thirteenth New York and Twenty-second on the left. A section of Martin's battery covered the road. Col. Gove came upon the field at this time. He had heard the firing on the SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 117 right, and in spite of medical advice, ordered his horse, and proceeded to the scene of engagement. We did not remain long in this position, but returned to the place where we first went into line. Here the brigade was formed, and the Thir teenth New York and Twenty-second Massachusetts, under Col. Gove, were sent forward to support Gen. J. F. Reynolds, of the Pennsylvania Reserves, who was engaging the rebels at Mechanicsville. Coming out ©f the woods, Col. Gove's com mand had to cross an open field into which the rebels were pouring shot and shell at a furious rate. We succeeded in passing through this storm of projectiles in safety ; but while massed in the rear of Gen. Reynolds's position, the Twenty- second lost three men. Col. Gove then moved his command to the right, to a less exposed situation. Company B was de ployed as skirmishers, and exchanged shots with the enemy, but lost no men. The firing continued until long after dark, and was very heavy. About nine o'clock the firing ceased, and the regiment moved out to the road, leaving Company-B still on the skirmish-line. Company C was detailed for picket, and went back upon the battle-field, where guards were posted on the ground most hotly contested during the day. During the night the groans and cries of the wounded told how terrible had been the conflict. Harmon H. Blair, of Company K, was killed ; and James Millen and Samuel Benjamin, both of Com pany G, were so badly wounded that they died during the night. At one o'clock on the morning of June 27, Gen. Martindale received orders from Gen. Porter to withdraw his brigade, and return to camp before daylight. Word was whispered from man to man in Company C and Company B, and by two o'clock they had quietly abandoned the picket-line and rejoined the regiment in the road. The brigade was soon in motion, and by four o'clock, shortly after daylight, we were back in camp on Curtis's farm. Here a great surprise was in store for us. The wagons had been packed during the night, and had gone off, but there was a good deal of stuff left, and fires burning, and a general air of breaking up prevailed, which was unexpected to 118 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, the rank and file, to say the least. We remained in camp an hour, during which time we packed up, and helped to destroy a pontoon-train and some commissary stores. In the mean time the right-wing companies, under Capt. Sampson, which had gone out on picket the previous morning, had not returned, and Col. Gove only succeeded by vehement urging in having them called in. During the night they had destroyed the Upper Bridge, so called, one of the military bridges over the Chicka hominy. When they were recalled on the morning of the 27th, Capt. Sampson was ordered to report with his command at the old camping-place on Gaines's farm, and in this way he lost over an hour. When the mistake was discovered (the order should have been for Curtis's farm) he marched his command in the direction of camp, and met Col. Gove with the balance of the regiment on the road. With orders to take their knapsacks, and destroy every thing that was left, they hastened on, and barely completed their task when the advance of the enemy appeared on the Mechanicsville road. Capt. Sampson's detach ment rejoined the regiment near Dr. Gaines's mill, and all went over the bridge together. The Sharpshooters, Lieut, diaries D. Stiles, had been detailed' as guard for the baggage-train, and left early in the morning for Savage Station, with the wagons, and were not in the fight of the 27th. The Pennsylvania Reserves held the enemy in check at Mechanicsville until after nine o'clock, and then retired to Gaines's Mills. The enemy did not follow very closely, but there was not much time to spare, for as the last of our regi ment reached the bridge over the mill-stream, the shells from the advancing rebels fell not more than two hundred yards short. Our movements were deliberate, however, and the regi ment crossed the little bridge, and turned in the direction of new Cold Harbor. Following this road to beyond the woods that flanked the mill-stream, the Twenty-second turned to the right and entered the field. Line of battle was formed, with Sykes on the right, Morell on the left, and McCall in reserve. Morell's line had Martin's battery on the right, commanding SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 119 the road. On his left was Griffin, then Martindale and Butter- field on the extreme left, extending into the meadow and about half a mile from Woodbury's Bridge, which the Twent}r-second helped to build. Our brigade was one regiment short, the Eighteenth Massachusetts being away with Gen. Stoneman, detailed June 25 on special service. Martindale's line of battle was formed with -Second Maine on the right, then the Thir teenth and Twenty-fifth New York and First Michigan, with the Twenty-second in reserve. The line was formed in a woods which covered a steep ravine, at the bottom of which was a deep and wide ditch. On the other side of tlie ditch a corresponding hill arose, on which was a cultivated field. Gen. Martindale posted four of his regiments on the ditch at the foot of the wooded slope, and they felled trees and made a strong breastwork. Gen. Martindale wished to establish his first line on top of the cultivated ridge, but was ordered to hold the ditch. Tlie Twenty-second unslung knapsacks, and deployed along the edge of the woods ; and having plenty of time. Col. Gove ordered each company to fell trees and construct a breastwork, which was done. The enemy first engaged Porter's right about noon, and it was not until half-past two that the skirmishers thrown out in the wheatfield commenced firing, and fell back on the main line. The enemy came on in fine style, but they were met by a tremendous fire from the breastworks, and from Martin's battery at long range, which mowed them down like grass. Three times was the assault renewed, and as many times beaten back. Once the Second Maine made a dash at the rebel line, and captured some prisoners and the flag of the Fifth Ala bama. The Thirteenth New York did the same, securing the flag of the First Tennessee. These troops were in Gen. J. J. Archer's brigade of Gen. A. P. Hill's division. Gen. Archer, in his report, sajrs that his troops " advanced on the double quick to within twenty steps of the breastworks, when they fell back before the irresistible fire of artillery and rifles. The obvious impossibility of carrying the position without support, prevented me from attempting to check the retreat. Had they 120 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, not fallen back, I would myself have ordered it." Gen. A. P. Hill also considered our position almost impregnable, for he said of Archer's troops, " These brave men had done all that any soldiers could do." There was now a lull in the storm on the left, and it was thought that the enemy was foiled. About half-past five the attack was renewed, with redoubled vigor. The left of Griffin's brigade gave way, and the rebels carried the ditch in our front. The opposite hill was in plain sight of the Twenty-second, and as opportunity offered, some of our marksmen opened on the rebel line at long range. As the engagement grew warmer, the woods filled with smoke, and it was a surprise to the Twenty- second when the Thirteenth came streaming over our breast- ¦ work, with the cry, " Get up, boys, and give them some ! " The order came, "Commence firing! shoot low!" and the response was a volley followed by firing as fast as the men could load. This galling fire delivered in the centre of the rebel line, stag gered it, and they came on in the shape of a V, with the opening toward us. The enemy's left soon struck the opening made by the First Michigan when it was driven back, and we were flanked and enfiladed. There was nothing to do but to retire, but the regiment had not gone ten paces when the ringing tones of Col. Gove ordered, " Halt ! Twenty-second ! " checked the retreat, aud those who had charges in their guns turned and de livered fire in the very faces of the advancing foe. But it was impossible to withstand the oncoming tide, and our men fell back across the field to the crest in rear. Col. Gove was killed in the first rush of the rebels from the woods. Major Tilton was wounded, and went to the hospital at the Watts House, where he was afterwards captured. Adjt. Sherwin was also wounded, and reached the ambulance-train in safety. Capt. S. I. Thompson, of Company F, made a gallant attempt to rally the regiment, and did form a small line on the colors. The advance of the enemy in pursuit was checked by a well-directed fire of Martin's battery, seeing which Capt. Thompson advanced his line, and he was the rallying-point of the men remaining on that part of the field. Martin, however, found himself without ade- oo o SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 121 quate support, and waiting until the enemy was within one hundred and fifty yards of his front, he poured a double charge of cannister into the regiment directly in front, which broke their lines, and drove them back in utter confusion, giving him an opportunity to retire (after firing thirty-six rounds of can nister) with his battery, with the exception of three caissons, the horses to which were so badly cut up that it was impossible to move them. Richard Houghton was a bugler in Company I. He was part of the detail that remained in camp to destroy the guns and other material which it was impossible to take as the regiment marched from Mechanicsville to Gaines's Mills. Having com pleted the work, he started with others to rejoin the regiment. In passing Gaines's Mills, he came up with Private Hindley, who had been poisoned while on picket the previous night, and his eyes were badly swollen. Hindley had orders from Capt. Conant to go back, and Houghton took his gun. He asked Capt. Conant what he should do with the bugle, saying, " I can't shoot anybody with this ; " and Conant said, " Throw it away, and keep the gun, and I'll be responsible for it." Just then Col. Gove came along, and asked for an orderly. Conant said, " Here's ' Monkey : ' take him." (Houghton was a mere boy, and so small that he was nicknamed " Monkey.") The colonel sent Houghton to Adjt. Sherwin to report for duty. The regiment then went into line in the Watts field, along the woods. As soon as the line was established, the officers dis mounted, and Houghton took charge of Gove's, horse. When the firing began, he took the horse behind a tree, perhaps twenty yards from the line, in the open field, standing with his back to it, and holding the horse's head well up to him. The colonel came up, and told him to hold the horse up shorter, so that if the horse was hit, the wound might not be fatal. The colonel then went back toward the right, and appeared to be giving an order. The horse attracted Houghton's attention at that instant, and when he looked again Col. Gove was not in sicht. The horse was killed, and Houghton was wounded in the shoulder, at almost the same moment. He then went 122 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, off to the right (or left, as we had faced), down the meadow, till he struck the river, and walked along the bank to the pontoon- bridge. He got away to the hospital at Savage Station, and was captured there on Sunday. When the color-bearer was shot, the enemy was right upon him. Corp. Crone of the color guard fired point-blank at the squad of rebels, and picked up the colors. A rebel soldier seized them at the same moment, but Crone tore them from his grasp, and bore them safely to the ridge where an attempt to re-form the line was made. Corp. Crone received a ball in his right elbow, which shattered the bone, and he afterwards suffered amputation. He was also slightly wounded in the foot. But he saved the colors, and his gallantry was highly commended. The Twenty-second was the last regiment to leave the line established in the morning, and but one regiment in the corps (Eighty-third Pennsylvania) lost more men killed than we. As darkness closed upon the field of battle, Capts. Wardwell, Burt and S. I. Thompson gathered the shattered remnants of the regiment, crossed the Chickahominy on the Alexander Bridge, and bivouacked for the night near Trent's farm. There were less than three hundred effective men, about equal to the number lost in the disastrous battle that had just closed, with out a field or staff officer, without tents, knapsacks or blankets, nothing save what they stood in. The tired soldiers slept on their arms as best they could. All night long the stragglers and remnants of regiments were crossing the bridge, and finally, just at break of day, the rearguard passed over, and the bridge was destroyed. It was a sad night for the Twenty-second. Not a man but had lost a comrade, for one-half of those who marched in the morning were no longer in the ranks. Col. Gove was killed, and that was, without doubt, one of the great est disasters of the day. Drum-Major Pike, who was taken prisoner, saw the body of the colonel lying on the field, and was allowed to take his belt. Col. Gove's body has never been re covered, and he sleeps in an unknown grave. Drum-Major Pike wrote : — SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 123 " He sleeps where the blest of our glorious dead Were left on the sacred land ; Where to daring deeds, ere his spirit fled, He led with a bold command. He sleeps; yes, he sleeps, undisturbed by war, Though traitors tramp over his' breast, And with those who slumber in glory afar, He takes an immortal rest." The casualties at Gaines's Mills were as follows : — Killed, 71. Col. Jesse A. Gove. Company A. — Lieut. George W. Gordon. Corp. Charles S. Jordan, Privates John W. Brown, Nathan F. Carter, John W. Choate, John F. Coates, George B. Cook, Jesse B. French, Charles E. Griffin, Edward E. Hogan, Jeremiah O'Brien, Henry Phelps, Jonathan Procter, Thomas A. Richards, Timothy Sweeney. Company B. — Privates Adolphus O. Carter, Peter Dodge, William H. Johnson, William B. Smith, Albert Wood, John H. Wood. Company C. — Privates John Green, Elisha B. Harridon, Joseph A. Howard. Company D. — Capt. John F. Dunning, Privates Sidney Copeland, George D. Huntington, Andrew Mclntire, Thomas Tolman, Amos Whittaker, Parker S. Wright. Company E. — Sergt. Charles H. Carr, Corps. Ariel P. Crowell, Jr., Jeremiah Dalton, 2d, Privates Edwin R. Chase, Jas. L. Chad- duck, Joseph Gorse, William B. McGlinchy, Charles Murphy. Company F. — Sergt. Josiah Stratton, Jr., Corp. Francis W. Thompson, Privates Joseph H. Merriam, George Mortimer. Company G. — Privates Timothy Barry, Moses H. Bullard, Benjamin F. Gunnison, Michael Murphy, William H. Nowell, George H. Wilmarth. Company H. — Lieut. Thomas T. Salter, Sergt. David T. Philbrook, Privates George H. Chase, Benjamin Floyd, William L. Frye, Simon T. John, Charles J. Ward, George L. Webster. Company I. — Privates Eugene M. Eaton, Alexander R. Fog°", Edward A. Ward, Paul Greenwood. 121 TWENTYSECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, Company K. — Privates John Collins, Frank B. Fuller, Walter S. Glover, William Quigley, Oscar B. Quimby, Charles F. Sanger, Nathan L. Stone, David Wilson. Battery. — Lieut. Caleb C. E. Mortimer. Wounded and taken Prisoners, 55. Major William S. Tilton, Hospital-Steward George T. Perkins. Company A. — Sergt. Levi G. Pratt, Corp. Theodore L. Kel ly, Corp. Harrison French, Privates Francis H. Bacon, Alex ander Gordon, Peter Laborda, John Parfitt, Rodney H. Pratt, John H. Riley. Company B. — Sergt. Benjamin Davis, Corps. Samuel C. Pomeroy, Frank W. Willey, Privates John Barker, Michael Houlihan, George F. Lougee. Company C. — Lieut. George H. Washburn, Corp. Benjamin W. Howard. Company D. — Corps. Ward B. Frothingham, Lemuel Q. Morton, Privates William W. Bourne, Sumner S. Clark, George W. Carleton, Walter W. Homer, Eliab C. Jones, Charles H. Moulton, Henry Nickerson, Frederick O. Peck, Edward Starkey, John H. Twisden, Charles H. Walker, James A. Yeaton. Company E. — Corp. John C. Mclntire, Privates William H. Graham, Charles J. Melcher, James Richardson. Company F. — Corp. John L. Parker, Privates Sylvester Blaney, Alvah Cotton, Martin J. Griffin, John Coffee. Company Gt. — Capt. John B. Whorf, Lieut. James P. Stearns, Sergt. George W. Batchelder, Privates Edmund W. Davis, B. C. David Abrahams, Morris Madden. Company H. — Corp. Oliver H. Ingalls, Privates John W. Ames, George N. Gray, Wm. H. Johnson, Daniel Roak, Richard Welch. Company K. — Sergt. James T. Bicknell. WODNDED, 31. Adjt. Thomas Sherwin, Jr. Company B. — Sergts. Benjamin Davis, George A. Hard- man, Privates Andrew P. Felton, Aaron Stebbins, Frank Steadman, Jason E. Upham. SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 125 Company C. — Sergt. J. C. Rock, Corp. L. L. Crane, Private C. H. Williams. Company E. — Sergt. George F. Blood, Corp. Louis E. Crone, Private Harrison Glover. Company F. — Sergts. Robert M. Dennett, Joshua Rundle, Private Herbert Staples. Company G. — Corp. William G. Chandler, Privates Jere miah Foley, Michael Barry, Edward Doherty, Dennis W. Donnavan, Adoniram J. Smith, Nathaniel W. Tibbetts. Company I. — Sergt. Henry A. Mowry, Musician Richard Houghton, Privates James Conlon, Dana H. Maxfield, William Goulding, Morris Upton. Company K. — Sergt. Daniel Walker, Privates Henry Elkins, Patrick Freeman, William Truland. Battery. — Privates John Carey and John Parsons. Prisoners, 122. Assistant-Surgeon James P. Prince, Dr. Milner, Drum-Major Marshall S. Pike. Company A. — Privates Horace Bailey, Martin Hartman, Thomas Boardman, Elbridge Gerry, Daniel Sullivan. Company B. — Sergts. David W. Hoyt, Albert H. Buckly, William B. Janes, Privates Moses C. Noyes, George P. Guerriere, Albert P. Kemp, William Lord, Albert M. Snow. Company C. — Sergt. Robert J. Plant, Corps. Frederick L. Thayer, Isaac B. Newcomb, Jr., Privates Josiah K. Re3rnolds, Edwin C. Perkins, Hartwell Atkins, John Brown, Reuben Chase, 2d, Benjamin T. Eddy, John E. Faulas, Francis F. Hagar, Owen Hart, Thomas Mahar, David Murray, Thomas W. Phillips, Thomas Smith, Alfred W. Stoddard, George E. Hunt. Company I). — Sergt. William- R. Clapp, Corps. Henry P. Littlefield, James L. Young, Privates Henry Blodgett, Josiah Bourne, Frank Carr, Edward F. Fernald, Edward A. Foss, Albert M. Kingsbury, William H. Knight, William H. Nelson, William F. Pope, Augustus M. Staples, George F. Stone. Company E. — Privates Andrew Ayer, William H. Gilman, Michael Kelley, William T. Raymond. 126 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, Company F. — Lieut. John P. Crane, Musician William H. Gilbert, Privates Daniel Ryan, William'H. Shedd, James Shehan, Cceur de Lion Williams, Daniel Wright. Company G. — ,Sergt. Luther T. Kidder, Privates James Conner, Joseph Galvin, William A. Hardy, Martin Lyons, Thomas McCormack, Austin Toole, Henry A. Weeks. Company E. — Sergts. Daniel J. Haynes, James H. Abbott, Corp. Samuel W. Fowler, Privates William Downing, John W. Evans, Henry T. Fitts, Maurice Hoar, Royal F. Kenniston, Jas. S. Mitchell, Maxim Orell, James McShane, George A. Steele, James Mcintosh. Company I. — Capt. Charles O. Conant, Sergt. Silas H. Ilolman, Corps. William C. Dailey, Charles H. Crickmay, Privates Hans F. Halm, William J. Dempsey, Martin Grad- well, John Gray, John Herbert, Lucius Libbey, Michael Lucy, George C. Marden, Elvin P. Morse, George Parmenter, Jere miah Riley, Nelson Roots, Frank Tobey, James T. Russell, Eugene P. Townsend, Patrick Welch, Herman L. White, John Connolly. Company K. — Sergt. John C. Carleton, Corps. Enoch Richards, John F. Pratt, Privates Nathan B. Angell, William R. Burg, John W. Chandler, Isaac D. Emerson, Charles E. Grant, Thomas Haynes, Patrick Haynes, Thomas McDonald, George O. Morris, Anson Morse, James McCabe, Joseph McLaughlin, James Meehan, Thomas Moran, Elbridge F. Perry, Thomas Trainer. The only fighting on Saturday, the fourth of the " seven days," was on Golding's farm, between some of Magruder's forces aud Hancock's division. Capt. Sampson, of Company A, took command of the Twenty- second on the 28th of June, and the regiment marched with the brigade at two P.M., to Savage Station. Here Capt. Sampson was taken sick, and turned over the command to Capt. Wardwell of Company B. Sergt.-Major Benson was acting as adjutant. Only a short halt was made at Savage Station, and the regi ment pushed on through White Oak Swamp, at the farther side SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 127 of which, on some high rolling lands, the regiment went into camp. Here the Sharpshooters rejoined the regiment. Friday morning the Twenty-second went into the fight, with seven hundred and fifty guns, and Saturday night, by actual count of the guns as they were stacked, there were but two hundred and fifty-nine. About one o'clock Sunday morning the men were turned out in a hurry, expecting an attack. The excite ment was caused by a runaway mule-team, and the men soon turned in again. Sunday, June 29, the regiment moved forward about a mile, and remained in position all day, while the battle of Savage Station was fought. At night the brigade went into camp about half a mile from the road, near Charles City Cross-roads, and remained there until two o'clock Monday morning. At three a.m. Monday, June 30, the regiment was again on the move, by the way of the Quaker road. They passed over Mal vern Hill, and reached Turkey Bend on the James River a little before noon, where a halt of some hours was made. Here the boys had a chance to rest and refresh themselves. They built bough houses, cooked coffee, and not a few of them took a swim in the river. Suddenly an order to fall in interrupted the pleasure, and the regiment marched back in the direction of Glendale, where it supported Martin's battery. Capt. Martin in Faneuil Hall, in October, 1861, publicly declared that the Twenty-second saved his battery at Glendale. The regiment returned to Malvern Farm after dark, and they lay on their arms all night. Tuesday, July 1, about eleven A.M., the regiment moved for ward about a mile, and went into line. The Sharpshooters had rejoined the regiment, and had with them their knapsacks, in which they carried the moulds, patch-cutters, etc., peculiar to a rifleman's kit. When line of battle was formed, they unslung their knapsacks. Although the regiment was lying down, it was subjected to a heavy artilley fire, and lost several men. While lying on the ground, a shell struck near Lieut. Symonds, of Company D, throwing the sand into his face and almost burying him. Cautiously feeling of his face, which he feared 128 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, had been shot away, and finding that he was whole, he drew a long breath, and exclaimed in his deepest tone, "Lightning never strikes twice in the same place ! This is my hole ! " and immediately dropped into the excavation so opportunely made. His cool action was loudly cheered by the men. Gen. Martindale says, " Without contrasting the quiet, steady, reso lute courage of my brigade with any other engaged that day, I am sure that no other furnished finer exhibitions of fortitude and heroism than my men displayed." Gen. Griffin, who was near where the Twenty-second was posted, watching the progress of the battle, when he saw his old battery, the Fifth United States, threatened by the advance of a rebel line, rode up with his hat in his hand, and shouted, "Gen. Martindale, forward your brigade! They are charging my battery." Previous to this, we had deployed column and fixed bayonets, and were all ready to move at the word. "At tention ! Charge bayonets ! Forward ! " and we were off as if it were a battalion-drill. Gen. Martindale was delighted, and ex claimed, " Beautiful, beautiful, Twenty-second ! " We advanced until almost on a line with the battery, and then lay down. While in this position, Capt. Wardwell went along the line and set the men to singing " John Brown's Body." Finally, the regiment was ordered to support the first line of battle, which was being hard pressed. The regiment opened fire by file, and fired sixty rounds of ammunition, and held their position until relieved. They captured thirty-two prisoners' and sent them to the rear. Capt. S. I. Thompson was wounded in the foot, sent to the hospital, and afterwards taken prisoner. The Sharpshooters fired upwards of forty rounds, and lost their knapsacks, for when they got back to where they had left them, other troops had secured the prizes, and made good their own losses at Gaines's Mills. Capt. Burt had a canteen full of water, and feeling a heavy blow on his hip, discovered that a bullet had struck the can teen, passed through it, and dropped at his side. The water running out gave him the idea at first that he was bleeding, ¦"""//-,// 1 J. HENRY SYMONDS. SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 129 but he got off with a slight concussion which discolored his hip for a short time. Corp. L. L. Crane, of Company C, was struck by a bullet which entered his cap in the middle of the top, and passed out behind just above the binding, giving him a slight scratch! and making him "crazy as a bedbug" for a short time. He still preserves the cap with its two bullet-holes. The regiment bivouacked on the field, and at about one o'clock Wednesday morning, July 2, orders came to march to Harrison's Landing. The Eighteenth Massachusetts Volunteers were there ahead of us, and were camped, or rather' massed, beside the road. There had not always been the best of feel ing between this regiment and ours; but when the Eighteenth saw the depleted ranks, and the tired, hungry, and generally forlorn condition of our men, they fell in as by a common im pulse, and to the order, " Three cheers for the Twenty-second ! " they gave us such hearty cheers as only the Northern soldiers knew how to give. Not only that, but they shared their rations with us, and showed a true brotherly feeling. Rain fell nearly all da.j, and the mud was about knee-deep. We got rails and some boughs of trees, and managed to make a partial shelter; but the first bivouac at Harrison's Landing was about as disagree able an experience as came to the soldiers during the whole war. 'The casualties at Malvern Hill, July 1, 1862, were as fol lows : — Killed, 9. Company B. — Private Benning Wentworth. Company D. — Private James H. Golding. Company E. — Corp. Charles F. Mullikin, Privates Albert A. Dillingham, Michael J. Duffy, James Nickerson. Company G. — Private George H. Ladd. Company H. — Private William Marshall. Company K. — Sergt. Orison J. Dodge. Wounded, 35. Company A. — Sergt. Charles M. Hamilton, Privates John J. Couo-hlin, Henry Lavensala, George A. Sawin. 130 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, Company B. — Sergt. John Finn, Corps. George Davis, John B. Thompson, Privates William A. Currier, Charles W. Lewis, Lucius B. Rumrill. Company C. — Sergt. William II. Carpenter, Corps. L. L. Crane, George W. Lewins, Privates Richard H. C. Godfrey, Andrew G. Dean. Company D. — Sergt. Frank N. Scott, Corp. Edwin W. Allen, Private James Miller. Company E. — Privates Edward Flood, Joseph P. Noyes, George Avery. Company F. — Corp. Joseph Simonds. Company G. — Private Thomas Branagan. Company H. — Sergt. William Salter, Privates James N. Kelley, George O. Thurston. Company I. — Sergts. Nathan L. Meands, Edward L. Robin son, Privates William B. Campbell, Daniel Lafferty, Joseph Drew, Timothy Callahan. Company K. — Privates George S. Burleigh, Richard Everett, Michael Scanlan. Sharpshooters. — Privates James Graham, John Q. A. Sturtevant.- Wounded and Prisoners, 6. Company B. — Private Henry Stoezer. Company E. — Private Henry J. Nolan. Company F. — Capt. Samuel I. Thompson, Corp. Alexander Barker. Company K. — Private Isaac G. Plimpton. Sharpshooters. — Private Sewell D. Richardson. Prisoners, 8. Company E. — Corp. John J. Ray, Privates John Goode, Horace S. Shapleigh, William Quinn. Company F. — Private Kendall L. Flint. Company K. — Privates Ambrose Goss, Washington Keene, Richard H. Meady SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 131 July 3 Capt. Sampson returned, and resumed command. Gen. Martindale was taken sick soon after making camp at Harrison's Landing, and left on July 11, and never resumed the command. The Thirty-second Massachusetts arrived by trans port, July 3, and as they disembarked in the mud, and tried to pick their way, the contrast between their bright uniforms and the torn and muddy clothing of the Twenty-second, caused some merriment among the old soldiers. The Thirty-second was hurried at once to the front, where shelling was going on, and then came back and settled down in Griffin's brigade. They proved splendid soldiers, and the Twenty-second and the Thirty- second became good friends. CHAPTER VIII. EXPERIENCE IN LIBBY PRISON. Corp. Parker, Company F. — Wounded at Gaines's Mills. — Prisoner op War. — Struck on the Head by a Rebel Straggler. — A Human Breastwork. — Rebel "Ambulance Corps." — Death op Capt. Dunning. — Rebel Officer's Remarkable Admission. — Corp. Kelly. — Wig- fall's Headquarters. — Some Peculiar Wounds. — Rebel Soldier who knew Prisoner's Friends. — Painful Ride to Richmond. — Chimborazo Hill. — Arrival at Libby Prison. — Good Luck in the Search. — Capt. Crane a Friemd indeed. — Music. — Fourth New Jersey Nurses. — Flanking the pediculns humanus. — Small Rations. — Russ, the Heart- lkss Clerk of the Prison. — Fourth of July in Richmond. — Arrival of Capt. S.I. Thompson. — Visited by Major Tilton. — Wounded Offi- ckrs paroled. — Marshall S. Pike's Kindness. — Death of Private Walker. — Paroled at last. — Freight-cars Loaded. — Stop at Peters burg — "Good Democratic Baptist" Rebel. — Off for City Point. — The Old Flag onoe more. — Steamer " S. R. Spaulding." — Philadel phia. —Ladies' Transit Aid Society. — West Philadelphia Hospital. /^ORP. JOHN L." PARKER, of Company F, fell into the V_y hands of the rebels at Gaines's Mills, and his experience illustrates a phase of the soldier's life : — When the regiment was forced back at Gaines's Mills, I was left on the ground with a severe wound in my left leg. Three lines of battle of the enemy passed over me, almost before I could stop the bleeding of my wound. From where I lay, I could see our colors and the attempt to rally, and I had strong hopes that the Twenty-second would drive the rebels back, at least long enough to carry me off the field. The pain from my wound was great, but it was nothing compared to the mental agony when the thought came to me that I was outside our lines, and that to my comrades I was one of the " missing." This feeling of loneliness was the bitterest I ever experienced, and it had the somewhat singular effect of making it seem that SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 133 I was actually the only one upon the field, and not until in making an attempt to rise, and voices all around cried out, " Lie down ! " did I realize the situation. Soon after, my attention 'was called to the movements of a rebel soldier, who came sneaking out of the woods where our regiment had been posted, and commenced to rob the dead. Capt. Dunning had two revolvers on his belt; one, a large navy, which tlie fellow took. The man detected me watching him, and came over to me, pointing Capt. Dunning's pistol directly in my face. I cried out, "Don't shoot ! I'm wounded." — " Where's your gun ? " said he. It lay not far off, and I pointed to it. Taking it in his left hand, he again pointed the pistol, this time almost touching me. It seemed as if my time had come, and almost involuntarily I made a movement toward him, when he stepped back, and struck me on top of the head with the barrel of the pistol, saying, "Lay down ! " How long I was unconscious, I cannot say, but on coming to myself, the rebels were all around me, and our batteries were sweeping the field with a terrific fire. One of the guns, at the last discharge, fired a sponge-staff, which came hurtling over our heads with a sound that was positively horrible. The bullets were raining all about, and I was sure I would be hit again. Seeing a gully washed out by rain, in the side of the hill, I hopped to it and lay down. The sides of my temporary grave, as it seemed to be, were just barely as high as my shoulder, as I lay upon my side. Hardly had I gained this partial shelter, when a rebel advancing down the hill was killed, and fell partly into and across the gully, and upon my whole leg. Once a ball passed through his dead body, but its force was spent, and a second time he was struck; and so it happened that my enemy uncon sciously saved me from the fate that had befallen him. The check which this galling fire from our forces on the opposite hill gave the rebels was only temporary. The fire from the batteries ceased, the infantry firing receded, and soon the rebels were swarming all over the field. Presently a squad of rebel soldiers, each with a piece of red card six inches square, on his cap, came along. The placard 134 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, had the words, " Ambulance Corps, detailed to look after the wounded." One of these, a sergeant of the Fourteenth North Carolina, picked me up, assured me of my safety, and we started for the hospital, which was established at young Dr. Gaines's house. The sergeant and another of his party took me between them, and I hobbled along as best I could. Dr. Seeley and his assistant, De Spelder, both of the Sixteenth Michigan, were in the little squad the North Carolina men had picked up. They took us over the spot where the Twenty-second deployed. Capt. Dunning's body was there. He wore a blu'e belt, while the other officers of the regiment wore black belts ; and a favor ite remark of his was, " Here's for a yellow sash [worn by a brigadier] or six feet of Virginia soil." He lay upon his face, with his right arm extended, covering at last his " six feet." Poor fellow ! he deserved the other alternative. Corp. Thomp son, of Company F, Capt. S. I. Thompson's only son, I also recognized, dead on the field of honor. His father sought him everywhere during that night and the next day, and eagerly grasped at any rumor which held out hope. Capt. Thompson was wounded at Malvern Hill, subsequently taken prisoner, and came to Libby while I was there. He wrote me a note asking about Frank, and I replied, telling him the pain ful truth as tenderly as possible. But he insisted that I was mistaken, and died in the belief that the missing one would yet be returned to his home. Frank sleeps in an unknown grave, and his father among his kindred, while "on Fame's eternal camping-ground their spirits walk in glory." On our way we passed large bodies of troops, and our ser geant assured us that Jackson had brought sixty thousand with him to re-enforce Lee. .Not far from the old mill we met Gen. Longstreet. Here also we met Corp. T. L. Kelly, who had a canister ball in his shoulder, which, by the way, was not dis covered until Sept. 2, when it was removed at Philadelphia. The ball was of iron and weighed nine ounces, and was con cealed under his shoulder-blade. He was also wounded in the leg. We were so often told that no harm would come to us, that SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 135 we began to think that some wrong was feared by our guard. When we reached the field where Gen. Prim had reviewed our division, a rebel colonel, who said his name was Johnson, halted our squad and questioned us, and then said to Dr. Seeley, "Doctor, our men are much exasperated, and there are some desperate ones among them, who are quite reckless when away from their officers. You had better keep your party together, and get to the hospital as soon as possible, where you will get good care. But if any of you should straggle off alone, and our boys find you, I couldn't answer for your ever seeing Richmond." With this he rode off, but our guard assured us that no one should interfere with us while under their charge. Before we reached the hospital it had become quite dark, and we were fortunately relieved from the annoyance of listening to the curses or jokes of the straggling rebels whom we chanced to meet, for while it was daylight, all had some word for us, either rallying us on our unfortunate condition and laughing at our misery, or cursing all Yankees, and us in particular, blaming the guard for not despatching us where they found us, and so avoid further trouble. I will sa}" for the guard, however, that they treated us with as much kindness as prisoners of war could expect. As we approached the house, which until that morning had been the headquarters of Gen. Porter's" provost-guard, but was now Gen. Wigfall's headquarters, and general Confederate hos pital, the shrieks and groans of the wounded, with which the house and surrounding grounds were filled, and the torches glancing about, lighting up with a fearful glow the ghastly spectacle, it was hard to realize that we were approaching human beings, or that the scene before us was not located in the infer nal regions. Entering the yard we were laid upon the ground, and Dr. Seeley reported to the surgeon in charge. He was well received by the doctors, who had so many of their own men to look after that they could pay no attention to its, and they re quested Dr. Seeley to dress the wounds of the prisoners. The doctor dressed my wounds. I was much relieved when he said my leg could be saved, for when I observed the rapidity with 136 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, which limbs were being amputated I had fears. When I learned that my skull had a slight fracture from the blow given me by the cowardly fellow on the battle-field, I realized what a narrow escape I had had. Soon after our arrival, Private Foss, of Company D, was brought in with a ball in his shin, so firmly embedded that the surgeon could not extract it. Corp. Frothingham, also of Com pany D, turned up quite unexpectedly, with a wound in the shoulder. He was cheerful as usual, but forgot to make a pun. Although in the hands of our enemies, our condition was made more tolerable by companionship. Terrible as were the sights and sounds about us, they were not sufficient to keep us awake, but overcome with fatigue and the loss of blood, we soon fell sound asleep on the bare ground, and forgot our troubles. About midnight one of the rebel surgeons awoke us, and in sisted upon our taking a small dose of brandy, which he had in a tin milk-pan. He said he pitied any man who was wounded, whether friend or foe, and urged us to drink his "gentle ration," as Martindale would have said, as in our low state, without something of the sort, we weie "ready to perish." A shower came up soon after, and I crawled into a shed for the rest of the night. When morning broke, we found that more of the Twenty- Second had been brought in during the night. Sergt. Bicknell, of Company K, wounded in the elbow ; his arm was amputated when he reached Philadelphia. Lieut. Stearns, of the same company, was there, wounded in the foot. Corp. French, of Company A, had seven wounds. While assisting a wounded comrade from the field, he lost one of his fingers ; next, he was shot in the leg ; while crawling away on his hands and knees, a bullet took off the point of his nose, and cut a bad gash in his forehead ; another clipped away half of one ear ; his left arm stopped one more ball, and a piece of shell ploughed a ragged furrough up his back. French lived through it, and died in 1883. Private Abrahams, of Company G, was shot thrqugh the face, the ball breaking his jaw, and cutting his tongue so that it protruded. He had a cloth over his face like a mask, with SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 137 holes for his eyes, and with a sponge was constantly at work bathing his tongue to reduce the swelling. He had a shingle and a piece of charcoal, and when he approached me, and wrote "How are you, Parker?" I was startled, as he could not be recognized through his mask. He was quite cheerful, and a veritable Mark Tapley. I saw him three days later, when he had reduced the swelling on his tongue, and his mask had been replaced by a bandage. Not many prisouers were brought in on Saturday, but wounded rebels continued to arrive until every available spot in the yard was occupied. A large hole was dug in the yard, about the size of a small cellar, and into this the legs and arms were thrown as they were lopped off by the surgeons, with a coolness that would be a terror to persons unaccustomed to the sights of military surgery after a battle. The day was hot and sultry, and the odor of the ether used in the operations and the effluvia arising from the receptacle of mangled limbs, was sicken ing in the extreme. Flies came down upon us in clouds, tor turing us with their bite during the day, and when night drew on, the3r clung to the under side of the leaves of the trees in the yard, until the foliage seemed black. Where did they come from? While we were in camp within a few hundred yards of this very spot, we were not troubled with them. They scent a battle from afar, and are always in at the death. There was water in a well in the yard, and our guards allowed one prisoner who was able, to go to the well and fill our canteens, which some had saved. No food was given us while we remained at Wigfall's headquarters, and it may be believed that the wish of the prisoners was to be taken " anywhere but here." The rebels surrounded us all day Saturday, anxious to con verse. Except in a very few instances they seemed ignorant of the causes of the war, and looked upon us as invaders who had come down South to deprive them of their rights. Though confident we could not conquer them, they were anxious for the war to cease. One man offered to bet his life that the Consti tution of the United States contained a clause which expressly guarantees to each State the right to secede at pleasure. The 138 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, conversation turned on the relative treatment of prisoners by the two armies. They claimed that we always killed the wounded rebels when opportunity offered, while they treated our men with humanity, instancing our own cases as proof. I then related what Col. Johnson had said to us, and also my own treatment on the field, exhibiting the fresh wound on my head. They were much chagrined, but claimed that it was an exception, which they strongly condemned. Later in the day, large numbers of civilians came out from Richmond to look over the battle-field. They were anxious to talk, but were not so temperate in their expressions as were the soldiers, and could talk but a few minutes before getting in a rage. They gave us the wildest rumors concerning the fate of our army. As for us, we were assured that we were lucky they had not found us on the battle-field, for in that case we would never have seen Richmond. Their conversation amused us aud also our guard, for we well knew that these doughty gentlemen were too great cowards to do more than talk to us, even in our helpless plight. Just before dark an unarmed man in the rebel uniform quietly dropped down at my side, and asked me if I was from Massachusetts. On replying in the affirmative, he inquired from what part I came, and, on being told that I came from Woburn, astonished me by asking, " Do you know old Jim Cutler ? " naming a man with whom I was well acquainted, who was a bricklayer in that town. He then went on to say that he was a bricklayer by trade, and had worked on the Lyceum Hall when it was building, with our mutual friend Cutler. After the building was finished, he had gone out to Western Virginia and engaged in mining. When the war broke out he was given his choice, — join the army or be hung. He naturally chose the former, but he had never been in a battle, shamming sickness when one was likely to occur. His regiment was in the battle on Friday, and as it was then Satur day afternoon, he remarked dryly that he was " afraid " he would not be able to catch up in time to go in with it. He was an Irishman, had been twenty-seven years in this country, SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 139 and had two sons in the Union army. By this time the guard had begun to look at him rather inquisitively, so, bidding me good-by, he straggled on after his regiment. I have forgotten his name, and have sometimes wondered what his fate might be. Probably he succeeded in deserting to the army where his sons and his sympathies were. Saturday afternoon, June 28, a long train of hacks- came out from the city, and the removal of the rebel wounded began. All the Union prisoners who were able to walk were marched off for Richmond. Corp. Frothingham. was in this party, and I parted with my friend with regret. Saturday night was passed on the ground, the same as Friday, though hunger somewhat interfered with sleep, for I had had nothing to eat since Friday forenoon. I was sick and off duty on Thursday, and did not go on piaket with my company. Later in the day, when orders came for six companies to go to Mechanicsville, although excused by the surgeon, I was ordered into Company C, and was in the fight, and on the picket-line until recalled at two A.M. Friday. My tent-mate, John F. Gleason, knowing my condition, had procured some yellow meal from Commis- sary-Sergt. Hackett, and when we got back to camp, he had a most welcome dish of gruel ready for me, which I took with a good relish. I had nothing more to eat until Monday morn ing, when it may well be believed I was very hungry. About noon on Sunday, June 29, a train of baggage-wagons was drawn up near the entrance to the yard, and we were loaded into them. I secured a slat from the fence which served me as a cane, and with the help of one of the guard reached my wagon. The wagons had no springs and no seats. There was not room enough to lie on the floor, there were so many of us, and the torture of that ride no one who endured it will ever forget. Our route lay through Mechanicsville, past the field of Thursday's battle. All along the road, and in the fields on either side, lay the fragments of army-wagons and gun- carriages, and near by the carcasses of horses and mules once used with them, and at frequent intervals the yet unburied 140 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, remains of soldiers, telling how fierce had been the contest. There was a continuous train of vehicles of every description coming out of the city for the purpose of bringing in the wounded. The day was excessively warm, and the road very dusty. Each wagon was in charge of a soldier with loaded gun and fixed bayonet, with orders to shoot if any attempt was made to escape. So far as our wagon-load was concerned, the precaution was needless. We entered Richmond about three o'clock in the afternoon, and passed through the city to " Camp Winder " on Chimborazo Hill. This camp was a collection of wooden barracks, used the previous winter as quarters for the rebel army, but at this time was used as a hospital. The city was quiet, and but few persons were seen upon the street; but it soon became known that*we had arrived, and a large crowd quickly assembled to have a k>ok at the " Yanks." The barracks were pretty well filled with rebel wounded, and we were kept in the wagons several hours, until quarters could be procured for us. The rebel surgeon in charge and the wagon-master were very angry that wounded prisoners had been forced on their hands, and talked loudly of raising the black flag. The wagon-master assured us that if the matter were left to him, he would soon provide for us, as he would drive his teams down to the wharf, and dump us iu the dock ; and that would be a better place than we deserved. The crowd seemed anxious that we should denounce our flag, and promise never to return to fight them. A young fellow in my wagon told them that if he recovered and was exchanged, he would rejoin his regiment and fight them again. • At once a cry was raised, " Hang him ! " and one man jumped upon the wheel as if to pull the plucky prisoner down ; but our guard was good grit, and charged on the citizen with his bayonet, which cooled his ardor. The guard was bound that we should neither get away nor suffer harm while in his custody. We finally got rid of the crowd by asking them to fill our canteens, or give us a piece of bread. The man addressed would turn to some col ored man near, and say, " You, Bill, come 'yar," and then turn away, leaving Bill to get it or not as he chose. At first the SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 141 slaves complied, but the surgeon put a stop to it by saying, " I'll take the hide off the first nigger that goes near that wagon again." About sundown we were carted back to the city, and finally brought up in front of the tobacco warehouse, on Carey Street, of Libby & Sons. It was a brick building, three stories in front and four on the back, the rear facing on the canal. The basement was occupied as cook-house, stable and dead-house, and above this were three floors, divided into three parts, and above all an attic. It took quite a while to unload the prison ers, as each one had to be registered. The time was improved by another crowd of idlers, among whom were women, whose savage talk at times amused us and again alarmed us, for their conduct was almost insane. There was one notable exception, however. An old lady, of benevolent aspect, stepped to our wagon, and said to me, in a low tone, " I pity you, poor soldiers, and wish I could help you. Tell 3'our companions to take no notice of what these persons say. It will be better if they make no reply." At last I was in the famous Libby Prison, lying on the floor of the middle division, just off the street. A partition sepa rated us from the main room, in which were captured Union officers. These climbed upon the partition, and recognizing some of their soldiers, gave them bread, and we all had a share, so that we did not go supperless to sleep. Two rebel officers soon appeared, with a negro bearing a large basket, and began to search the prisoners. When it came my turn, the officer asked me for my money, and took my wallet, which contained a greenback and some change. He examined the bill critically, counted the change, and asked if I had any Confederate notes. I had none, and he returned my money. The other officer took every thing a prisoner had. Wishing to keep a knife which had been a pocket companion for some time, I asked permission to do so, but my searcher referred the matter to the other, and a sharp " Of course not ! " made me think I was lucky for once in not falling into his hands. I had a gold watch with me, which I concealed in my armpit, and was greatly pleased that 142 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, it passed the ordeal safely. We were told that offering Con federate counterfeit notes was a capital crime ; and as most of the rebel money the boys had was counterfeit, printed in Phila delphia, we were fortunate in not having any in our possession. Monday morning, June 30, I was awakened by the singing of a familiar hymn in the officers' room, where Col. Stockton, of the Sixteenth Michigan, had started the music, — " Behold, the morning sun Begins his glorious way; His beams through all the nations run, And light and life convey." We now had a chance to observe the situation. One window gave light and air. The outer door was guarded by two rebel soldiers, and a third guarded the door leading to the officers' quarters. Breakfast, consisting of bread, meat, bean-soup and coffee, was passed through our room to that of the officers, and the aroma sharpened our appetites, which were now almost ravenous. When the door was opened, I caught sight of Lieut. Crane, of my company ; and when he knew that I was there, he soon appeared, and managed to get me passed into his room. Here I enjoyed- the luxury of a wash. Dr. De Benueville, of the Eleventh Pennsylvania Reserves, dressed my wound, which was now in a dangerous state, having not been touched since Friday night, and made me as comfortable as possible. There were forty officers in the room, including Col. Stockton, of the Sixteenth Michigan, Lieut.-Col. Varney, of the Second Maine, all the officers of the Fourth New Jersey, Capt. Conant and Lieut. Crane, of the Twenty-second. Lieut. Crane was caterer for the mess, and had secured Private Blahey, of our company, whom he had found among the prisoners, as servant. After the mess had breakfasted, I was invited to partake, and Blaney can testify that I did ample justice to the repast. The officers in this room were not wounded, the disabled ones being in another department. I was informed that Major Tilton, Capt. Whorf, and Lieuts. Stearns and Washburn, were among the latter. SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 143 Returning to the enlisted men's room, I was soon transferred to the middle room on the second floor. It was entirely bare of furniture of any kind. There were five windows that looked out on the canal, and four windows and a door overlooking Carey Street on the front. The sashes had been removed from the windows, and the openings barred. There were a fire-place, water-pipes and sink in the room. I had the good fortune to be placed near the middle window, in the rear of the room, where fresh air could always be obtained. I managed to secure a joint of stove-pipe, which was the only movable thing in the room when I entered it ; and of this I extemporized a pillow, spreading my overcoat on the floor for a bed, with the cape over the stove-pipe. It occurred to me that my lot was much easier than those of my comrades who were obliged to lie on the bare floor without a pillow. The water-pipes were filled with water from the James River, which was very red, looking as if it were a weak decoction of brick-dust. It had a disagreeable taste, and affected us very unfavorably. Our keepers continued to bring in wounded pris oners, until all the available space was filled, leaving only a nar row walk between the rows. Each man had only room enough to lie down, and had to be careful in turning over not to en croach on his neighbor. On my right was Corp. French of the Sixth Vermont, and next him Corp. French of Company A, of our regiment. On my left was Sergt. Bicknell, of Company K, and next him Corp. Mclntire, of Compa*ny E, of our regiment. In front of me, our feet almost touching, was Private C. H. Walker, of Company D ; and Corp. Kelly was, I think, in the opposite end of the room. There were two hundred and fifteen men in our room, June 30. About a dozen members of the Fourth New Jersey were detailed from among the well prison ers to act as our attendants, and they at once commenced dress ing our wounds. There were no medicines at their disposal, and " water-dressing " was the only care we had. The wounds were washed clean, a bandage wet with water applied, and our canteens filled, and we kept the bandages wet ourselves. Every day several of our surgeons were allowed to visit us, 144 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, and we did not see a rebel doctor during our stay in Libby. The surgeons could do but little, as the rebels wanted all their hospital stores for their own wounded. I had a little roll of bandage that I had carried in my blouse for an emergency. When my wound was first dressed by Dr. Seeley, I furnished my own bandage. When Dr. Benneville dressed it I furnished another. The next day I found that we were not likely to get any bandages, and so washed my old one and used my last piece of cotton cloth. And so I alternated, all the time I was in that upper room at Libby. The floors actually swarmed with lice, and although I entered the place clean, and with a new uniform drawn the previous Sunday, before night on the day I settled down in the new quarters, I was painfully aware that ownership of my clothing would be disputed by other occupants, inch by inch. It was no uncommon thing for the men during the warm days to remove all their clothing, and so get temporary relief from their blood thirsty tormentors. The flies were also a source of great annoy ance. Not only were their bites painful, but we were obliged to be constantly on the watch to prevent their depositing eggs on our bandages, and so produce maggots. During the latter part of our stay the nurses were furnished with iodine, turpen tine and pulverized charcoal, with which they made war on our persistent enemies, the flies. We were fed twice a day. About ten o'clock, Tuesday fore noon, July 1, was the first time we got food from our captors, and daily afterwards, at ten A.M. and six p.m., our rations were brought in. These consisted of a thin slice of bread about four inches square, and about every other day a pail of fresh meat was divided between the two hundred and fifteen men. The meat was boiled fresh, and when there was any salt, the nurses brought it around in a cup, and gave each man a small pinch. The water in which the meat was boiled was called "soup," and served to the weakest of our party. Our floor was directly over the room used by Lieut. Crane's mess, and there was a hole a few inches square, through which a hoisting-rope once ran. On the second day I was hailed through the hole, and crawling to it FIRST LIEUT. JOHN L. PARKER. SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 145 was made happy by seeing a loaf of bread rise from below, in. the hands of Private Blaney, a present from Lieut. Crane, whose generosity I shall never forget. I wrote home on the first day of July, sending a short letter by the surgeons, who were sent down the river under a flag of truce. 1 wrote three letters while I was in Richmond, and all of them reached their destination. The letters were read by the Commissioner of Prisons, and had to be short and unobjection able in order to get through. We saw few rebels after entering Libby, as it was very rare for soldiers to visit us. The clerk of the prison, Russ, a snarl ing little fellow who delighted in giving us pain, came in every morning to count the prisoners. The nurses he would form in line on one side of the room, and the rest of us must lie down and keep still until counted. If anybody moved, he would fly in a passion. He was very profane in some of the rooms, but he never swore at us after the first morning, when one of Duryea's Zouaves ordered him to stop, saying that although he was a prisoner he deserved to be treated like a man, and he would suffer no man to swear at him. It would be difficult to describe the look of surprise with which he regarded the " Zoo- zoo " who had had the audacity to rebuke him, and we expected to see him call the guard. But he seemed to think better of it, and muttering an apology he went out, and never swore in our room again. He was a curious specimen of humanity, a little over five feet in height, and no one could tell whether he was an old man or a boy, a true Southerner or a renegade Yankee. His hair and complexion were light, face smooth, his nose approached so near his chin that he could not help talking into it, and his dialect was that of the negroes. " Lay down dere in yer places, and not be crawlin' all round de flo' like maggots ! " was his usual salutation ; and as he always left directly we were counted, we soon learned to lie down and keep still, and so secure a short visit. One morning he came in and ordered all who could do so, to get up and form in four ranks. Word ran around that we were to be exchanged, and every man who could hop got into line. He kept us standing until some nearly fainted with 146 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, pain, and then he told us to lie down, and grinned when he noticed the discomfort he had caused. Friday, July 4, was not so " glorious " with us as we had hoped it would be. Whether by orders' or not, I cannot sayr but there was no firing heard all day, and the stillness outside was almost painful. Usually the guard discharged their pieces each morning as they were relieved, but this day it was omitted. No mention was made of " the day we celebrate," by any of the Richmond papers. Our means of celebrating was limited to singing patriotic songs, and we sang them over and over until fairly tired out. The officers were removed from the room below us, on that day, to Castle Thunder. An arrangement was made through one of our nurses where by we exchanged our greenbacks for rebel money. A five- dollar note would bring seven dollars, and two dollars in gold were worth three doljars in rebel scrip. Those who had any money were able to supplement the prison-fare, but the enlisted men were not very flush at the time of their capture. Bread was the only cheap thing, 10 cents a loaf being the ruling price. Tea was worth from $16 to $20 a pound ; coffee, $3 ; butter, $1 ; eggs, $1 a dozen ; brown sugar, $1.50 ; molasses, $6 a gallon ; and salt, |20 a sack. Vegetables were sold singly ; an onion being worth 15 cents, a potato or an apple 10 cents, and a sweet-potato 25 cents. Milk was 25 cents a quart. Pies were a favorite with our boys, and we paid from 20 to 60 cents apiece. Monday, July 7, Capt. S. I. Thompson was brought in, wounded in the ankle. When he learned that I was in Libby, he wrote me the following note : — "Corp. J. L. Parker: — I was badly wounded in the ankle on the 1st inst. Have suffered greatly, but am more comfortable now. Sergts. Run- die and Dennett are wounded in the shoulder, and with the company, which is dwindled to merely a squad. Sergt. Stratton and Frank are not heard from. Can you give any information? Corp. Simonds is wounded in the leg. I did not hear from the company after I left them." I wrote him that Frank was dead, but he could not believe it. The loss of his son had a very depressing effect upon his SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 147 spirits, as I was told by the nurse, and it hindered the healing of his wound. Between hope that he should see Frank, and fear that my information was correct, his mind had little rest, and his chances for recovery grew less each day. He was exchanged on the 18th, and died at Annapolis. When it rained, as it did several times, we had a gQod deal of trouble, as the' men who were lying near the windows had to crawl into the territory of those who occupied the middle of the room. This crowding together did not improve the air of our room, which at all times was very offensive to the smell. Deaths averaged one a day in our room. One died of lockjaw, others of fever, and some from mortification of their wounds. Several times the rpom was fumigated, and the floor strewn with lime. Sunday was religiously kept in our room, much more so than I ever saw it in camp. Nearly every soldier had a Testament, and one man, Private Burbank, of the Fifth New Hampshire, had. a Bible. The men were very quiet, and though we had no services, thoughts would go back to our Northern homes, where those who were dear to us were praying for our safety, and the day seemed especially holy. There were religious men, and men who made no pretentions to piety, in that company of suf ferers, but all with common consent observed the day, during the four Sundays we were in Libby. We had Richmond papers every day, and one day a prisoner was brought in who had a copy of a " Memoir of Deacon Saf ford." It caused some merriment when it became known, as no one could imagine, not even the prisoner himself, how he came to hold on to such a piece of baggage. The book went the rounds, however, and every one in the room read it, and could tell all about the pious blacksmith who built the iron fence around Boston Common. Parole or exchange was the common topic, and the Richmond papers kept us on the qui vive all the time, by the rumors they published from day to day. Our hopes were raised by one issue, only to be dashed by the next. At last, on the 18th of July, the wounded officers were actually sent away, and our 148 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, names were taken, with the assurance we should soon follow. Next day about seven hundred of those enlisted men who could walk were sent away. Private W. T. Foster, of the Fourth New Jersey, in whose special care about a dozen of us were, got permission to take his squad down-stairs, to the room vacated by the officers. He got us all safely down, and furnished each with a cot-bed and plenty of quilts. Here we- had plenty to eat and good care, one nurse being detailed to four men. My old friend Marshall S. Pike, our drum-major, was in this room. He got a stout stick from somewhere, and. a nail. We then cut off a piece of my fence-paling that I had brought in from young Gaines's fence, and nailed it across the top of Pike's stick. Some flannel from the shoulder-lining of my overcoat was next torn up, and wound about the cross-piece, and I had a crutch not to be despised. The hole in my leg was gradually healing, and with crutch and " cane," I thought I could get on very well if the rebels would only let me go. Marshall does not remember his kindness to me, but I shall never forget it, and I take this opportunity to say that his cheerfulness in trying situ ations, and his readiness to help any one who needed assistance, did much to make camp-life pleasant, and prison existence en durable. Private Charles H. Walker, of Company D, who lay near me up-stairs, awoke one morning, and said he had had a bad dream, and believed he would die. He had lost an arm, near the shoulder. We tried in vain to cheer him up ; nothing could drive away his dreadful presentiment. His state of mind af fected his body, and the day after we moved down-stairs he died. I think he was homesick, and could he have gone off when the officers did, he would not have died. Private S. John son, of Company H, belonging in Georgetown, Mass., died July 14, of mortification of his wounded shoulder. About five o'clock on the morning of Tuesday, July 22, a long train of wagons, of all shapes, sizes and colors, drew up near the prison. The wagons were called " ambulances," be cause they were set on springs. For a wonder, bread was plenty that day in our room. At last the welcome order to move SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 149 came, and I mounted my prison-made crutch and my fence- paling cane, and hobbled to the door. Here our flat-nosed clerk in his green bombazine jacket took down my name, and snarled at me for the last time. I was mounted on the seat with the driver, and we started for the Petersburg depot. I had just ten cents left, and a newsboy coming along just then, I bought a copy of the Richmond " Despatch," of July 22. I intended to preserve it as a souvenir of my visit to Richmond, but on the voyage to Philadelphia one of the hospital attendants borrowed it, and I never saw it again. When we reached the depot we found a train of baggage- cars, fitted with boards from side to side for seats. It took several hours to load the train, during which time we conversed with the bystanders, who were not nearly so bloodthirsty as they had been a month previous. All our canteens were filled, some treated to fruit and pies, and there seemed to be a desire to send us off with as favorable an opinion as possible. At ten minutes past ten we were off, moving slowly across the James River. We obtained a glimpse of the camp on Belle Isle, where our comrades were enduring great hardships as compared with ours. A parting glance at Libby, as it reared its grim walls on the bank of the now distant canal, was enough. The day was warm, and the car close, although both doors were open ; the seats were hard, the road was rough, and we had not left all of our Richmond tormentors behind ; but every discomfort was borne without complaint — we were going home ! At half-past twelve we were in Petersburg, and were delayed several hours before we could get off for City Point, which was our destination. A colored man picked some black berries, which grew luxuriantly near where we first stopped, and all in our car had a taste of the luscious fruit. In the town a crowd soon gathered, as usual, and the discussion of the war began. One obtrusive old fellow, seeing a colored girl about to give a glass of water to one of our boys, took it from her hand, and said, "There! when you get back up North, I want you to remember that a good Democratic Baptist South ern rebel gave you a cup of cold water, and you do the same 150 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, for any wounded Confederate soldier you may meet." He did not offer to go for any water, however ; and but for the thought- fulness of the colored girl, who continued to bring water from a neighboring well, we might have gone thirsty. We got away at half-past four, and reached City Point after a ride of an hour, during which we were in constant fear of a smash-up, as the cars bumped and swayed over the poorly bal lasted and cheaply ironed road. The first thing to attract our attention was the stars and stripes floating over the Sanitary Commission steamer "S. R. Spaulding." The men embraced each other, laughed, cried, cheered the flag, and cried and laughed again. "Can it be true that that is our flag? Can we see it once more ? Are we no longer ' missing ' ? Have the lost been really found ? But the rebels may detain us ! the train may take us back ! " and then, like frightened animals, those whose legs would permit it, jumped from the cars almost before they stopped, and rushed for the steamer. There were men who could not walk, who, in their eagerness to once more be under the flag they had fought for, actually crawled on their hands and knees to the boat that would bear them away from the scenes of their suffering. Nothing could be heartier than the welcome given us by the people of the " S. R. Spaulding." As I hobbled up the plank, to my great joy I recognized in the person of a medical cadet, helping the wounded along, my friend Charles E. Sanborn, of Winchester. He embraced me as if I were his brother, ordered me taken to his ward below, and personally attended to my wants, until arrival in Philadel phia. The dirty and tired prisoners were treated to a warm bath. The filthy clothing worn in Richmond, and of which we could not claim to be the only occupants, was thrown overboard, and each man was arrayed in suits of clean white. Our wounds were skilfully dressed, and soft bandages substituted for the dirty rags which we had been obliged to use in Libby Prison. For supper we had soft crackers, tea (with milk and sugar), and apple-sauce, and we almost forgot the pain of our wounds. So great was the contrast between this and our condition 'in the SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 151 morning, that one of the men inquired, as he saw a group of white-robed soldiers standing in the passage, " Is this heaven ? " As the steamer moved out into the stream, the released pris oners, as by a common impulse, raised the grand old hymn, " Praise God, from whom all blessings flow." During the night the " Spaulding " dropped down to Har rison's Landing, where we remained until one o'clock in the afternoon, July 23. I did not see much of the river, as I was glad to keep my berth. At seven o'clock in the evening we were a.t the wharf at Fortress Monroe. Here a hundred and fifty of the least disabled were put ashore to go to Mill Spring Hospital. We lay at Fort Monroe until seven p.m., July 24, when we were started for Philadelphia, where we arrived at eight p.m., Friday, July 25. We remained o.n board that night, and at ten a.m., Saturday, July 26, made fast to the Vine-street wharf, and commenced going ashore. A detachment of police came on board, and helped those who needed it ; and ou the wharf a deputation of ladies, from the Ladies' Transit Aid Society, received us with such kindness as the women of Phila delphia so well know how to bestow. This society was com posed of eleven ladies, who lived near the Vine-street wharf, and made it a point to be on hand whenever a transport came in with men from the front, and render any assistance that might be required. They were surprised to learn that our every want had been provided for from the moment we entered the "S. R. Spaulding," for sometimes transports had arrived with men who had not been properly provided for. But the Sani tary Commission did nothing by halves, and the promises of Dr. Bellows, when the regiment halted in New York ou its way to war, were all fulfilled in our case with a liberal hand. I was placed with others in an ambulance, and taken to the General Hospital, at West Philadelphia, and once more resumed my place among those "accounted for," after having been for just one month among the "missing." CHAPTER IX. HARRISON'S LANDNG TO HALL'S HILL. July 4, 18R2, at Harrison's Landing. — President Lincoln in Camp.— Sfarp's Rifles for the Sharpshooters. — Col. Griswold returns to the Regiment. — A Breeze of Excitement among the Sharpshooters — Quiet restored. — Soft Bread once more. — A Sand-spout. — Discharge of the Band. — Aug. 14, on the Move again. — Dan Rankin and the Turkey.— Through Williamsburg. — Old Camp at Wormsley Creek. — Camp near Hampton. — Newport News. — Steamer to Aquia Creek. — Cars to Fred ericksburg. — Kelly's Ford — Warrenton Junction. — Bristow Station. — Manassas Junction. — Drawing Fire of Rebel Battery. — Detached on Picket. — Sent to Griffin's Brigade. — Cross Bull Run at Stone Bridge. Col. Parker, of the Thirty-second, donates Hard Bread. —Centreville. — Rejoin the First Brigade. — Fairfax Court-house. — McClellan again in Command. — Hall's Hill once more. — Arrival of Recruits. — Col. Wilson visits the Camp. THE Fourth of July found the Twenty-second in camp at Harrison's Landing. The camp was laid out in a wheatfield, about a mile from the river. The rain had soaked the ground so that it was little better than a bed of mud. The hot sun, however, soon changed this, and by night there were a good many spots where the regiment paraded. The day was cele brated with spirit by the troops. The batteries fired national salutes, and the bands played national airs, and the men en joyed themselves as well as they could under the circumstances. The next day the sick and wounded arrived in camp from the hospitals, and those who were unfit for duty were sent on board transports to go north. After the camps were cleared up, there was a thorough regimental inspection, and the Sharp shooters were reported unfit for duty, on account of the loss of ammunition and necessary articles, which occurred when SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 153 the knapsacks went at Malvern Hill. The weather was very hot, and the effect on the men was bad. On the 8th of July, President Lincoln visited Harrison's Landing. The Twenty-second was ordered into line for review by " Old Abe," but it was so dark when he passed the lines that his features could not be distinguished, and the men returned to quarters slightly disappointed, for the President was always a favorite with the army. July 11 Dr. F. S. Ainsworth, the new surgeon, arrived in camp. Before the " Seven Days," camp-gsuard was done by company, but at Harrison's Landing the companies were too small, and the guard had to be made up by details from all the companies. Company-drills were resumed early in the morning and late in the afternoon. Sun day, July 13, there was a regimental inspection, the first Sunday inspection since June 22, three weeks before, and the terrible experience through which the regiment had gone was made sadly apparent. The misfortune of the Sharpshooters, previously mentioned, having rendered their telescope rifles practically useless, Col. Barnes, of the Eighteenth, commanding the brigade July 14, ordered Lieut. Stiles to make a requisition for Sharp's rifles, to replace the old ones. This was done because fixed ammuni tion for this arm was always on hand in the ordnance train, and could be served easily and quickly. It was also decided that a lighter arm would be better for the health of the men, as they could drill with it, carry it on marches, and so keep in better physical condition. The news of the change threw the Sharpshooters into a state of excitement. They had carried the heavy guns so long that they were attached to them, as a good soldier always is to his weapon, and it seemed to them like parting with old friends to give them up. Col. Griswold came to camp, and resumed command July 15. He had been been absent sick, since the regiment was before Yorktown, and had not participated in the stirring events of the previous two months. By the death of Col. Gove he had succeeded to the colonelcy. Adjt. Sherwin was promoted major, as Adjt. Tilton had been, and the captains were a good 154 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, deal disturbed at being again superseded. Capt. Sampson's conduct at Gaines's Mills had called for unfavorable mention in the official report of Major Tilton, and he did not expect pro motion. Capt. Wardwell, who was next in line, was under arrest at the beginning of the Seven Days, on account of some trouble with an engineer officer while the Woodbury Bridge was building, but he went into the fights, and in the absence of Capt. Sampson, commanded the regiment at Glendale and Mal vern Hill. He was much offended at being jumped, and on the return of Col. Griswold applied for a furlough for ^hirty days. This being refused, he applied for twenty days' leave of absence and got it. Returning to Massachusetts, Gov. Andrew commissioned him lieutentant-colonel of the Thirty-eighth, and the next time his old comrades saw him, his shoulders were decorated with silver oak-leaves. Capt. Burt, of Company C, finally got his promotion to the majority in October, the plan of jumping the adjutants over the captains being abandoned. Capts. Dunning and S. I. Thompson were dead, Capt. Paine had been previously transferred, and all the other captains re signed, except Capt. J, J. Thompson, of Company H, who was dismissed. Lieut. Field was promoted captain, Second Lieuts. W. S. Davis and Benson were advanced to first, and Benson was detailed as adjutant. Sergts. Benjamin Davis, Hamilton, and Nason were, commissioned second lieutenants. All these promotions dated from June 28. July 28 the Sharp's rifles were received in camp, and the excitement among the Sharpshooters, which had been smoulder ing for two weeks, broke out afresh. The company fell in, and were marched to the quartermaster's tent, where the old rifles and equipments were turned in. The Sharp's rifles were then offered, but only one man took one, and he threw it down when he found himself alone. The men were then marched to quarters, to give them time to reflect upon the situation and get some supper. Again they were ordered on the line, and Col. Griswold made a speech to the men, and gave them five minutes in which to take the Sharp's rifles. Before the time was up, Col. Griswold asked for the objections to the new arm, and sev- SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 155 eral of the members stated the position assumed by the Sharp shooters, after which the company was dismissed. In a few minutes, however, Col. Barnes, commanding the brigade, came down to camp, and the Sharpshooters were again ordered into line. A guard was placed around them, and Col. Barnes ad dressed them at considerable length. He accused them of being in a state of mutiny and rebellion towards their officers, and of being a disgrace to the State they came from. He did not spare his epithets, and threatened them with court-mar tial and Dry Tortugas, and reminded them that he might, even order the guard to shoot them. He finally said, "All those who are willing to obey all lawful orders of their superior officers, step six paces forward." The men stepped forward, and they were then dismissed. Nothing was done about the matter the next da.v, and on the 30th the new rifles were dis tributed in the tents, and the men took them under protest, and the trouble ended. With a little tact on the part of Col. Griswold and Col. Barnes, all trouble might have been avoided, as the Sharpshooters subsequently came to like their new arm, admitting that it was better for general service than the old. Like a good many organizations raised during the war, these men were enlisted under an understanding that they were to form part of a regiment of their arm of service, and many promises were made them which were not fulfilled after the men were where they could not help themselves. To over come the feeling of wrong, required tact and judgment on the part of their superior officers, and the absence of these neces sary qualities made trouble where there was no need of it. The little breeze blew over, thanks to the good sense of the company, and they did splendid service during the remainder of their term of enlistment. The regiment was paid off at Harrison's Landing. Soft bread began to be served about the first of August. Released prison ers came down from Richmond, and rejoined the regiment early in August. The camp routine was drills, an occasional review, and picket-duty. Aug. 10 the camp was visited by a sand spout. The sand and dust began to whirl into the air a quarter 156 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, of a mile from camp. In a few minutes it had extended upward to a very great height. In its progress toward the camp it encountered some gun-carriages in its course, and the bottom of the column was broken, and it passed over, only twisting the tents from their pins. The trunk of the spout was about the size of a hogshead, and it extended hundreds of feet into the air, where it spread out like an umbrella. Aug. 11 the band was discharged by General Orders, and the musicians bade their old comrades good-by and started for Mas sachusetts. Since leaving Yorktown they had been of little service as musicians, though as hospital attendants, and in the ambulance and stretcher corps, they had done well. The gov-. ernment was learning the art of war as well as the soldiers, and after the first year brigade and division bands were all that were allowed. Rumors of a movement began to fill the air about this time, and every man was on the alert. One day everybody was sure the army would move, and the next they were equally certain of remaining at the Landing. About eleven o'clock on the night of Thursday, Aug. 14, the Twenty-second left Harrison's Landing, going in the direction of Charles City Court-house. The objective point was New port News, on the way to join Gen. Pope. The march through the night was slow and tedious, and when morning dawned the regiment was but five miles away from camp. All through the forenoon it was a succession of short marches and halts. Passed through the village of Charles City Court-house, and the pace .was then faster. The day was cloudy, which was quite a relief, for the columri was pushed on to the mouth of the Chickahom iny, and the men crossed the long pontoon-bridge just before dark. The regiment went into bivouac in a large field just over the river. Only twenty-seven men came into camp with the column. The march had been about twenty-five miles, and the men straggled considerably. During the night most of the men came into camp. , Saturday, Aug. 16, the line started at seven o'clock in the morning. Very strict orders were given against straggling, but there was a good deal of it done, all the same. Foraging was SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY, 157 winked at by the officers, who were not forgotten by the for agers. A member of Company E called at one house, and find ing a mule, harnessed him to a cart. He next killed two turkeys, and filling up his cart with vegetables was about to drive off. The women and children begged so hard for the team that he relented, and taking only the turkeys, went into camp with his prizes. Daniel Rankin, of Company C, tells this story : Dave Murray and Rankin had got ahead of the col umn several miles, when they noticed a strange object ahead, which proved to be Pat Curley and another member of Com pany E. The two had thirteen turkeys between them. Dave and Dan asked if there were any left, and Pat said there was one, and they started for that turkey. Arriving at the place pointed out, they found a Ninth Regiment man and the turkey in a lively chase around the field. Both man and turkey seemed pretty well exhausted. Dan was feeling fresh, and throwing off his equipments he soon ran the turkey down. The man- of the Ninth came up, all out of breath, and gasped, " That's my turkey." Dan asked him if he bought it, and he said no, but he had been chasing him for an hour. " That's where I am more fortunate than you," says Dan, " for I have chased him but five minutes." Ninth then wanted to toss up a cent, to see who should have the turkey, and though Dan won the toss, Ninth was satisfied. That night there was plenty of turkey for supper in Dan's tent, and Company C sat up nearly all night, cooking and eating. The regiment reached Williamsburg about four o'clock in the afternoon, marched through without making a halt to about two miles on the Yorktown road, and encamped on the battle field of May 5. Although it was but a short time since that memorable day, the field was overgrown with vegetation, and the marks of battle obliterated, except that the earthworks re mained. The town of Williamsburg is the seat of the William and Mary College, next in age to Harvard College, and the town itself is the oldest incorporated town in Virginia. It was the prettiest town we had seen in the Old Dominion. Nearly all the buildings were of brick, and had a neat appearance. 158 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, Sunday, Aug. 17, the line started about sunrise, on the way to Yorktown. The day was hot and dusty, and tried the endur ance of the men severely. They reached Yorktown late in the afternoon, and went into camp near the old camping-place on Wormsley Creek. The water looked so inviting that many of the men took a good bath in the creek, and were much refreshed. Reveille was blown at half-past three on the morning of Aug. 18, but we did not get off until five. Had a hard march over the same route we had travelled in April, and at night we had marched twenty-four miles and made camp near Hampton. Next day the regiment marched to Newport News, and ex pected to embark at once on the transports. At dark they were not ready to take the troops, and the regiment marched back and went into camp near the earthworks. On Wednesday, Aug. 20, went aboard the steamer " North America," and waited at' the wharf two hours, before getting underway. Steamed across to Fortress Monroe, where we took in a supply of water, but the men were not allowed to leave the vessel. The steamer was rather crowded, but otherwise the trip up Chesa peake Bay was delightful, and gave the soldiers a good rest. We entered the Potomac River about dark, and ran until mid night and came to anchor. About ten o'clock, Thursday, Aug. 21, we were alongside the wharf at Aquia Creek, and were soon disembarked. Some of the wagons and ambulances came by sailing-vessel from Newport News. At the latter place, Sergt. Robert Bourne was detailed, with fourteen privates, to report to Capt. Batchelder, ordnance officer of the corps. They went on board a schooner owned by a Jerseyman. The vessel was loaded with powder and mules, and sailed for Aquia Creek. After unloading, the schooner was run between Alexandria and Aquia Creek for a month, and Bourne and his men had a soft time. The captain's wife was on board, and the duty was made very pleasant, and they remained until the return of the army to Washington. At Aquia Creek the regiment was put aboard the cars, and went to Fredericksburg, arriving about noon of the 21st. Here SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 159 we had a chance to buy something to eat, as the haversacks were empty. Marching back from the town about two miles, we encamped on a rough hillside. Stumps, bushes and rocks had to be cleared away to get a place to spread blankets. It rained during the night, adding to the discomfort of the men. Next morning, Aug. 22, marched about half a mile farther, and massed in an open field. Remained here nearly all clay, the men not daring to pitch tents, in momentary expectation of an order to move. At five P.M. the order came to march, and the regiment was on the move all night, and by daylight were not far from Kelley's Ford, on the Rappahannock. Halted about three A.M., Aug. 23, and rested two hours. Again, a little after sunrise, halted to cook coffee. The sun came up hot, and the march was tedious. The column moved on briskly all day. Heard cannonading all day. At five p.m. went into camp with only twenty men, but the stragglers got in later. A fine shower of an hour's duration cooled the air nicely during the evening. Cannonading was heard in front of us until nine o'clock. Sunday morning, Aug. 21, the men had hoped for a "day of rest," but there was no rest for the weary soldier. Rations gave out the night before, and as the wagons had not come up, the prospect was dubious. When it was learned, however, that we were to take the back track, our spirits revived, for it was sur mised that we might meet the wagons and get something to eat. Started at noon and marched until sundown, and went into camp in sight of the wagons parked in the distance, so had to content ourselves with coffee, which is often both food and drink to the soldier. Monday, Aug. 25, turned out at five o'clock, and then stacked arms and wajted until ten. Marched about two miles and halted in the road. After waiting three hours, got the order "About face ! " and marched back to the camping-place of Sun day night. Ponchos were pitched, and the men settled down. Foraging parties went out in all directions, in the hope that rations might be procured. Green corn, sweet-potatoes, and a carcass of mutton made one company happy, and the others 160 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, were mostly lucky in their expeditions. At ten o'clock that night the sergeants were called to draw fresh beef. Tuesday, Aug. 26, hard bread and coffee were issued early in the morning, but the regiment was off before the meat could be cooked. Most of the men cut off pieces to be cooked on sticks over the fires that boiled their coffee. Commenced the day's march at sunrise, and continued until four P.M. Halted near a cornfield and a stream, of water, and roasting-ears were soon over the camp-fires. The distance covered by the clay's march was about fifteen miles. Heard cannonading at the right about sundown, but we were not disturbed. Wednesday, Aug. 27, the sun was hot, and the men fell out constantly. About noon the regiment struck the Orange and Alexandria Railroad, and followed it to Warrenton Junction and halted. Fires were started and the coffee put on, when the order to fall in was given, and the regiment moved out about a mile and went into camp. Thursday, Aug. 28, reveille was blown at half-past three, but it was two hours later before we got under way. After march ing about half a mile, We halted beside the road to allow the remainder of Porter's corps to pass. The various brigades had left Harrison's Landing by different routes, and this was the first time tliey were all together again. The march was very slow, the wagons obstructing the road and making travel difficult. The direction was along the railroad toward Manassas. The day was hot and the road dusty. At Bristow Station the rebels had torn up the rails, cut the telegraph-poles, and destroyed a train of cars which they had captured. Our advance had had a skirmish with them, and when we reached the spot, the dead were being buried, and the wounded being carried off the field. A few prisoners had been captured. Halted near by for the night. A shower which lasted half an hour cooled the air, and changed the dust to mud. Cannonading was heard in front about sundown, and continued until late at night. Friday, Aug. 29, we did not start very early, and had time to broil some fresh beef that was issued late the previous night. There was about enough for each man to have a good breakfast. SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 161 Six hard-breads were issued for the day's ration. Marched up the railroad until we reached Manassas Junction, and then turned in the direction of Gainesville. We went double-quick for about three miles, and then halted to prepare for action. Guns were loaded, canteens filled, and blankets disposed so that they would be no hinderance in handling our rifles. While thus engaged, Gen. McDowell and staff rode past. The column then advanced, and formed line of battle.- A rebel battery paid its respects to us, and three men of the First Michigan, which was directly in our front, were killed. We were moved out of range, and the Third Battery soon silenced the troublesome guns of the rebels. From this time until dark, we were moved backward and forward as the battle progressed in our front. About eight o'clock in the evening the brigade went into camp in an open field. Before we could cook coffee the Twenty- second was ordered on picket. It took until midnight to post the guards. Saturday, Aug. 30, just before daylight, the Twenty-second was ordered in from picket, and returned to the field where we had left the brigade the previous night. We found the field deserted, and were ordered to follow and rejoin the brigade. Rations were to have been issued, but they came too late, and finally fell into the hands of the enemy. Double-quick down the road for a mile, and we met Gen. Morell at the head of Griffin's brigade (the Second). Col. Griswold asked Gen. Morell where the first brigade was, and Morell replied that he did not know, but for Griswold to keep with the second brigade until the two brigades were brought together- again. Marched through Manassas Junction, which was a scene of deso lation, every thing destructible having been burned. Crossed Bull Run at the stone bridge, and passed over the old battle ground of July, 1861, and continued on to Centreville before halting. Our stay at Centreville was quite brief, and we were soon ordered back about a mile, and halted near a little stream of clear water. Remained here about two hours, and the men went foraging, bringing in green apples, corn, potatoes and beans. The boys made a hearty meal of the green stuff. Col. 162 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, t Parker, of the Thirty-second, gave us two boxes of hard-bread, which were very acceptable. About five o'clock the cannonad ing became very brisk, and the Twentj'-second was ordered back to take part in the engagement. Before we could reach the scene of action, we met troops coming away, and the road was so blocked with wagons and ambulances that we were obliged to halt. Wounded men filled the ambulances and stretchers, and there was every indication of a very serious battle. About eight o'clock we were ordered back to Centreville ; but it was one o'clock in the morning before we got there, and when we did, as soon as we made a stack, we dropped down in our tracks, regardless of mud or any thing else, and were soon asleep. Sunday, Aug. 31, awakened by a drenching rain, which con tinued until noon. The first brigade was encamped near us, and we found that they had been in the fight, and were badly cut up. The Twenty-second, by a chain of circumstances, had fortunately escaped the disaster of the Second Bull Run. There was no fighting on Sunday, the rebels holding the field. The ambulances went to the field, under a flag of truce, and brought off many of the wounded, who were paroled. Rations *of hard-bread and coffee were issued, but no meat, although other regiments in the brigade were able to get all they wanted. This caused some growling among the men. Some of the stragglers came in about dark. Monday, Sept. 1, troops were marching in all directions, but the Twenty-second remained in camp. Got orders to pack up at three P.M., when it commenced to rain furiously, and the .men were drenched. Fell into line, this time with the first brigade, at about five o'clock, but remained until near mid night. After getting into the streets of Centreville, our march was so slow that daylight found us still in the town. Tuesday, Sept. 2, we marched to Fairfax Court-house, arriv ing there about ten o'clock in the forenoon. The town had not .changed in appearance since March, when we were last there. Turning to the right, we moved around the town, and went into camp early in tlie afternoon. Wednesday, Sept. 3, the Twenty-second reached its old SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 163 camping-ground on Hall's Hill. Colored people had taken pos session of the cook-houses and the adjutant's office, and so we camped on the old parade-ground, on the extreme right of the old line. Of the eleven hundred men who marched off that hill six months before, not more than two hundred remained. It seemed like getting home, however, and the men set about making themselves comfortable, as though they expected to remain there. The old camp had not changed much. Some of the stockades of the Sibleys were still visible, and there was considerable amusement . created by the attempts to find the company streets, or where one's bunk had been located. Now, how changed! Few had even a piece of shelter-tent; and even they, in most cases, were not pitched, but each man, choosing a soft spot, spread his blanket alone, or with some chum, for the night. There were a few attempts at making bough-huts; but the contrast between Hall's Hill of yore and our camp now was, on the whole, a sad one. The day after our arrival, Col. Henry Wilson came out to visit us, and when he looked about him, he exclaimed, " Is this my old regiment?" and the tears ran down his cheeks. In stead of the finely clothed, contented, and well-disciplined regiment which he had parted with in the spring, nothing met his eye but the ragged, dusty, broken-up companies. There were slouch hats, straw hats, caps of nearly every hue and pattern ; blouses ragged and buttonless ; trousers ditto, and scorched in many instances to the knee; some without shoes, and many without stockings. But the men who were there were stronger than when the Senator last saw them, and the contrast was more fancied than real. They had been tried by fire, and had proved good metal. Capt. Williams rejoined us here with recruits, he having been absent since the Gaines's Mills fight, on sick-leave. Capt. Wentworth also returned, very much to the surprise of his men. He had resigned early in July, and going back to Massa chusetts had commenced to recruit another company of sharp shooters. Another man was making the same attempt; but neither were able to recruit full companies, so some of the re- 164 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY. cruits were sent to the Twentieth, and some to the Twenty- second. Col. Wilson recommended that Wentworth should be recommissioned captain of his old company, and it was done, his commission dating Aug. 20, 1862, and he reaching camp Sept. 5. Sergt. Bourne's party of fourteen men also rejoined us, coming back from the detail on the schooner. Strong pickets were thrown out in the direction of Fairfax Court-house, and on the evening of the 4th the brigade pickets were driven in, and the regiment was turned out in a hurry. We marched out to the line with Martin's battery, but after proceeding about a mile, and finding no force, were ordered back, the enemy shelling the woods for a short time, after which all was quiet. We felt that we were simply lying on our arms, awaiting orders to move. They came on the evening of Sept. 6, for about dark we were ordered to fall in ; and, after some delay, we once more turned our backs on Hall's Hill, and filed out on the road to Alexandria. CHAPTER X. RECOLLECTIONS OF A BATTERY-MAN. Good Living in Camp. — Thanksgiving Feast. — B.vttery Savings. — Accident to Harry Fisher. — Difficulties of Getting Supplies. — Whiskey a Use less Article. — Gen. Porter and the Balloon. — Buying Vegetables and Fruit. — Forty Thousand Rations Destroyed in a Hurry. — Teamsters in Trouble. —A Straight Line of Knapsacks. — Death of Lieut. Mor timer. —Dark Night in the Swamp. — Crooked Brigade Commissary. — Quartermaster Sergeant of the Battery. — Exciting Search for Rations. — Battery on Short Forage. — In Camp at Upton's Hill. THE Third Light Battery, Capt. Dexter H. Follett, reached Washington Oct. 11, and camped on Capitol Hill until the 16th, when it was sent over the Potomac to Hall's Hill, where it remained until March 10, 1862. The battery was finely equipped in every particular ; the uniforms being made to order by Macullar, Williams, & Parker, of Boston (the dif ference in cost being met by friends of Capt. Follett). John D. Reed, a private in the sixth detachment, No. 5 man on the gun, was promoted commissary of the battery, by Capt. Follett, and his recollections form the basis of the sketch which follows : — Four men were detailed to report to me for cooks, and a horse and equipments were assigned for my use. My duty was to receive the rations, and see that they were properly cooked and issued to the men, and cater for the officers' mess in Wash ington. At that time, we had to go every other day four miles, with a wagon, on the road to Washington, for our soft bread. Then we cooked our meats in three-gallon camp-kettles, on the bleak side of a hill, without any shelter. All the water used had to be carried a number of rods from a spring at the foot of a hill. We went to a grove and cut small trees to make a 166 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, stockade for the kitchen. A tent was given me for the cook's headquarters. Satisfied I could save money on the rations, as the men at that time were receiving boxes from home filled with good things, I had two large sheet-iron kettles made, holding a barrel each. One was used for meats, the other for tea and coffee. As it required a barrel of coffee every morning, I found it a great advantage over the ordinary camp-kettles. Hall's house on Hall's Hill was burnt before we arrived there, the chimney-stack remaining. Some of the men being masons, I procured lime and sand, and, digging down two feet, built an oven four feet long, four feet wide, and four feet deep, from the chimney-stack, so that Sunday morning we had nine camp- kettles of home-baked beans. Two weeks before Thanksgiving, I began making arrange ments for a Thanksgiving dinner, by laying aside the choice roasting-pieces of fresh beef. The officers gave me twenty-five dollars, with which I purchased seventy-five pounds of fresh pork, a hundred pies, and sufficient butter, milk, and other arti cles to make a first-class dinner. I roasted in the oven two hundred and fifty pounds of beef and pork. At a farm-house near by I procured boards to make a table to set a hundred and fifty plates, which I hired for the occasion at Washington. The dinner was a great success, there being an ample supply, and all were 'more than satisfied. During the next four months, before leaving Hall's Hill, I replaced all the money for cooking utensils, and saved a hun dred dollars from the company's rations. Capt. Martin then being in command, I turned the money over to him, taking his note for the same. A vote was taken in 1863 to purchase a camp-stove for fifty dollars, which was used a few months and then abandoned. The remaining fifty dollars was spent on the way home for a lunch for the company. Capt. Follett resigned Nov. 27, 1862, and Nov. 28 Lieut. Martin was promoted to be captain. A few days after this, the battery was inspected by Capt. Charles Griffin, then Chief of Artillery, of Gen. Porter's corps, afterwards brigadier-general, later major-general, commanding the first division in the corps. SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 167 At the close of the war he was commander of the Fifth Army Corps. After the inspection he told our commander he had a fine body of men and well-equipped battery, but officers, men, and horses had a great deal to learn. He was very sure that they soon would be well drilled. He said to the captain, he could see in him the qualities of a good soldier, and as he him self had been in the regular service for the past fifteen years, he ought to know something about it. Told him it would be a very pleasant duty to give all the instruction to the officers possible, and would invite them to his quarters, and give them lessons three evenings each week. It was gladly accepted by our officers. After Capt. Martin had drilled the battery three months, it was again inspected by Capt. Griffin, going through the full field and park movements. After the inspection the Chief of Artillery rode to the front, and taking off his hat, he said it was surprising to him to see the proficiency attained since the first inspection. He had seen nearly every battery drill in the regular service, but he must say he had never seen a more perfect drill than he had just witnessed. It was great praise, coming as it did from the commanding officer of a regu lar battery. Gen. Griffin after that always had a good word for the Third Battery. Soon after Thanksgiving, Harry Fisher was thrown from a caisson on drill, the wheels passing over his hip, breaking it in two places, and badly bruising his body. He was carried to the hospital, and, taking cold, had a high fever. He was very sick, but pulled through. A few days before the battery moved to Centreville, he begged to be sent home if it was possible, being at that time nearly helpless. He could not ride in the ambulance furnished the army at that time. A thoroughbrace wagon and harness were procured near Fall's Church, at a sta ble two miles from camp. Filling the wagon with straw and a mattress,. it made a very easy bed and conveyance. I hitched in my horse, and took him to the Capitol very comfortably. Placing boards across the seats of the car for the mattress, and with blankets, made him a good bed for a long ride to Boston. I left him in care of the conductor in cheerful spirits. 168 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, Before we left Hall's Hill, Capt. Spear was appointed com missary for the first brigade where I drew our rations. He sent a request to Capt. Martin, asking to have me detailed to assist him, which was refused. But a renewed request was complied with after we arrived at Yorktown, and I was detailed to the first brigade commissary. Frank W. Steer then suc ceeded me as commissary of the company. I was very glad of the change. There was a great difference' between camping on Hall's Hill, where the men received post rations and boxes from home, and being on the campaign receiving marching rations. At the battle of Yorktown, April 5, 1862, Charles L. Lord and Edward W. Lewis of the Third Battery were killed. Their lives were very closely connected. They married sisters, lived in Charlestown, Mass., in the same house, and they both worked in the same grist-mill. They enlisted in the Third Battery at the same time, were both in the sixth detachment, and it was observed that each tried to lighten the other's duty in every way. Lord was No. 1 man on the gun, while Lewis drove the lead-team. When the battle opened, Lewis was dismounted and standing a few feet in the rear of the gun, holding his horses by the bridle. A shell from the fort burst close to him. One piece went through the neck of the horse he rode, nearly severing the head from the body ; another piece struck Lewis in his side, nearly cutting him in two. Lord at that moment was sending a shell home in his gun, and cried out, " Some one go and pick up Ned." No one starting, Lord went, and just as he got to his friend he was hit, much the same as Lewis had been, bj a shell, and killed instantly. Two as good soldiers as ever went into battle lay mangled and dead together. They were buried in one grave; afterwards were taken up, and brought home together. Our battery of twelve-pound Napoleon guns was placed in position that day three-quarters of a mile in front of Fort Ma gruder, which was mounted with thirty- and one-hundred- pound guns. It was throwing away life needlessly, as no attempt was made to storm the fort ; and it was about as foolish as throwing SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 169 a handful of beans at the side of a brick house, expecting to demolish it. After the evacuation of Yorktown, the first-brigade commis sary's stores were put on board a small, flat-bottomed boat, and run up York River above White-House Landing, and stopped at Hill's Plantation while the battle of Williamsburg was being fought. I bought of Hill one hundred chickens at twenty-five cents each, and fifty turkeys at fifty cents each. Those were put on board the steamer, and sold to the officers of the brigade. From there we loaded our supplies on wagons, and went to Gaines's Mills on the Chickahominy. We there had to draw our supplies from Despatch Station, twelve miles. The first train that went to Despatch Station was sent in charge of the commissary clerk and one of the detailed men. They had hard luck, returning with one wagon. Capt. Spear came out to the tent very much excited, and asked me if I could run a train down to Despatch Station and have it all back in a week's time. I told him I could not say, but would in twenty-four hours if possible. He said twenty-five wagons and twenty men had been gone fifteen hours ; the men with only one wagon had reported in camp, the others were stuck in the mud. He said twenty-five wagons and twenty men would report to me at daylight the next morning, and hoped I would have better success. The roads were in a very bad condition. Hundreds of men were detailed to corduroy the worst places. As I had done teaming of all kinds in the ten years previous to enlisting, my knowledge in that line was of great advantage to me. We met the wagons that were in the train the day before ; some had got out on hard ground, others were stuck fast in the mud. I told the teamsters not to balk their mules, but when we came back would help them out. We had good luck in getting to the • station j ust ahead of the cavalry-corps train, and found rations enough to load our train. I started the first team as soon as loaded, and told the driver if he got in a bad place to wait till we came along to help him out. We had the train loaded at one o'clock, and started for 170 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, camp; each team starting as soon as loaded. One-quarter of a mile from the depot the first team got badly stalled.' With the twenty men and plenty of Virginia rails, we soon had him on dry land. For ten miles we had to help the teams. Within two miles of camp, on Gaines's Hill, the roads were more like Massachusetts thoroughfares. I halted the lead-wagon half a mile from camp, closed up the train, and just after sunset arrived at headquarters, men, mules, and wagons covered with mud. I reported to Capt. Spear that I had returned with my train, and all the wagons found on the road. He said we had done a big thing, and there would be no danger of starving. He wanted to know if I had drawn any whiskey; I told him there were five barrels in the first wagon. He said that was good, and ordered a barrel sent to his tent. The army at that time was allpwed one ration of whiskey per day, and the offi cers any quantity they wanted and paid for ; but in changing base of supplies, we had been for a few days without it. In my opinion whiskey, except for medicinal purposes, did more harm than good in the army. I noticed those who made free use of it were much oftener in the hospital, and on the sick-list, than those who did not drink it. I am proud to say I did not make any use of it ; I did not drink one ration of whiskey in the three years I was in the army. While in the commissary de partment, I had many offers to fill canteens, and be liberally paid for it. I never sold a canteen of whiskey. A few days later, when I was destroying rations and using whiskey to burn them, I did so without any regrets. The Army of the Potomac, in the first year, had with it still another useless expense; that was the balloon. I am sure that if that and the whiskey had been left in the rear, the army would have been more successful. I witnessed, early one morning, before Yorktown, Gen. Fitz John Porter make an ascension. He was in a great hurry to go up, and did not wait. to have men enough to hold him in position. A gust of wind drew the ropes out of the men's hands, and he sailed off towards the rebels. The general worked himself up in the netting, and cut the balloon, letting out the 'gas. He came down very SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 171 near the enemy's lines. The balloon was used nearly every day before Richmond, where a great many of the enemy could be seen, and tended to intimidate our generals. With both whiskey and the balloon, the Army of the Potomac retreated before the enemy. The successful general of the Rebellion never had a balloon attachment in any of the armies he com manded, or favored the issuing of whiskey. He always marched his army to victory, and never retreated. When on the Chickahominy the brigade numbered over seven thousand men. Capt. Spear had a special commissary-train of forty wagons. He could call on the brigade for thirty more. It required 'fifty wagons every alternate day to supply the bri gade. As there were no sutlers allowed to follow the army, he sold, on officers' orders, a thousand rations per day. At the battle of Hanover Court-house the first-brigade supply-train followed in the afternoon, and stopped at night by the school- house (church) at the cross-roads seven miles from Rich mond. While the train was hitching up in the morning, I rode out on this road half a mile, passing a number -of small farm houses, and found that the strawberries, peas, and other vege tables were ready to pick for market. They were usually disposed of in Richmond, but at that time could not pass through the army lines to the city. I told the farmers if they would get the vegetables together, I would be there in the after noon, and buy them, paying for them in coffee, sugar or gold. Arriving on the battle-field where we issued our rations, I told Capt. Spear they were picking vegetables back by the school- house, and that I promised to be there in the afternoon and get them. We went back at two o'clock, and in a short time loaded a four-horse wagon. It was a godsend to the people, as I paid them liberally in coffee, sugar and tea. Capt. Spear sent many of the vegetables to the headquarters of the army, corps, and brigade, which was very much appreciated. After that, I went out there six times with one army-wagon eight miles outside the cavalry picket-line, it requiring a special pass from the headquarters of the army. As soon as the farmers saw me coming, everybody, old and young, turned out, 172 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, and began to pick vegetables. After they were well supplied with commissary stores, I paid them gold. They could no{; seem to thank me enough for the way I helped them, as they were a poor class of farmers, and quite destitute. The vege tables were sold to the officers' mess of the brigade, at quite a good profit to the commissary, except the first lot. The last day I was out, a commissary-train was burnt by the rebel cav alry that passed around our army, so that no more passes were issued to go outside the lines. The battle of Hanover Court-house opened about two miles from the village of that name, and the rebels were repulsed, going off in the direction of the court-house. Gen. Porter followed with the main body of his troops, leaving behind him a portion of Martindale's brigade and a section of the Third Batterjr, under Lieut. Dunn. The Second Maine was on the right, and the Forty-fourth New York on the left, of the battery. After Gen. Porter had been gone some time, the rebels threw a heavy force upon the rearguard. The Forty-fourth was thrown into temporary confusion by the unexpected attack, and the battery men, left without support, were forced to retire, with a loss of two men wounded, three horses killed, and two disabled. The Forty-fourth soon rallied, and the Second Maine holding its ground, a detachment under Major Daniel Chaplin volunteered to assist Lieut. Dunn in recovering his pieces ; and the guns were brought off with the prolonges. The section was under a murderous cross-fire, but the supporting regiments replied with so much spirit, that the guns, to use the. words of Col. Roberts's official report, "were not polluted by rebel hands." Major Chaplin's sword was struck by a bullet, and rendered useless. In recognition of his gallantry, Capt. Martin pre sented Major Chaplin with a sword he chanced to have on the battery-wagon ; and the gallant major wore it until his death, and his family still cherish it as a memento of his service. John Ryan was slightly wounded in the abdomen, and James B. Robinson wounded in the neck, from the effects of which he died, June 13. Soon after the brigade returned back to camp from the bat- SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 173 tie of Hanover Court-house, it moved, and went into camp one mile nearer Beaver Dam Creek. The order for the bri gade commissary, at that time, was to have three days' rations in the haversack and two on hand in wagons. Capt. Spear over stepped his orders, and had three days' in the haversack and five on hand, drawing eight thousand rations daily, having on hand forty thousand rations. Two days previous to the " seven days' fight," Capt. Spear received leave of absence for ten days, giving me orders to run for stores and keep forty thousand rations on hand, for the reason that he was selling from one thousand to two thousand rations daily, and that the army would not move until his return. There were seven detailed men at commissary headquarters, and five for butchers. There was more labor in selling the rations than in issuing them to the brigade. On the day the battle commenced at Beaver Dam, I went to Despatch Station with thirty wagons. When I had loaded five, the report of the first gun was heard at Beaver Dam. News was soon received that the " seven days' battle " had commenced. I told Capt. Granger, chief of the commissary department, that the brigade had forty thousand rations on hand in camp, and that if the army retreated, they would have to be destroyed, or fall into the enemy's hands. He advised me not to draw any more rations, but to go back to camp with empty wagons. Just at that time, a despatch arrived to him from Gen. Mc Clellan, ordering a telegraphic battery from that station to Savage Station, nearer Richmond, with haste. Capt. Granger asked me if I would take it there, as there was no other train there having a four-horse wagon not loaded. I took that, and sent the train to camp ; and taking the battery, went- across Bottom's Bridge to Savage Station. Leaving the battery, I went to Woodbury Bridge, but could not cross with the wagon, as the supply-train was moving back from Gaines's Mills. The team turned with the train, and I rode across the bridge to camp. When I left in the morning, there were ten thousand tents in the field where we were camped. When I got back, the only tent to be seen was the commissary-tent. One 174 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, team with three mules, and five butchers with seventy-five head of cattle, was all there was to be seen. The brigade had moved two miles to the front, the transportation all flying to the rear. Remained all night with the rations, waiting orders ; the other detailed men had gone with the train. At daylight Gen. Mar tindale passed by, and asked what those rations were there for. I told him the wagon-trains had taken the camp equipage and the quartermaster's stores, leaving forty thousand rations be hind ; I was expecting the train back to get them. He said, " No train will come back ; the enemy will be here in thirty minutes." He turned to one of his aids, and told him to ride to Gen. Por ter, and tell him his command had forty thousand surplus rations that could not be moved, and ask what should be done with them. The aid very soon returned, his horse upon the dead run, and said to me, " You have only fifteen minutes to destroy those rations." The butchers helped me take down the tents. The one team was left, because the driver was too sick to go. They took half of his mules, leaving him three. He hitched them up, and we loaded in the tent and what he could haul, and he started with the butchers and cattle to the rear. There were eight hundred boxes of bread piled up outside the tent. I heaped hay at each corner of the bread, aud lighted it, and in five minutes it was a live coal. It was the most magnificent fire I ever witnessed. The boxes burnt away from the hard tack, leaving it in tiers of live coal. The other rations were not so easily destroyed. There were fifteen barrels of whiskey marked " Old Bourbon." I burst in the heads, and poured it over the coffee, tea and sugar. I set fire to the whiskey, and got it burning. A number of ammunition-wagons that were flying to the rear, stopped, and took some molasses and sugar. I remained there, keeping them burning as much as possible, when, hearing a crack of muskets one-quarter of a mile down the field, I saw the rearguard coming out of the woods with the rebels after them. I at once mounted my horse, and rode from there a mile and a half, where the line of battle was formed, at Gaines's Mills. On every side there was a scene of destruction. I rode to the Third Battery, and spoke to Capt. SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 175 Martin; and passing down the hill found his headquarter-wagon tipped over, wheels in the air, and bows in the sand. The wagon had been in that position for more than six hours. Hundreds of teams had passed the teamster, but no one would stop to help him right his wagon. When I saw him, he was just ready to leave with his horses. He said he never was so glad to see a man as he was me. I asked him if he knew the battery had been within twenty rods of him for four hours. He could not believe it. I went back to Capt. Martin, and told him the con dition his wagon was in. He sent some men, and righted it up, and I conducted it across the bridge. The commissary-train and cattle being in camp on the other side, and nothing special for me to do, I accepted a challenge from the Fifth Corps reporter to go over to the front. We rode to the , Watts House and hitched our horses to a fence, and went across the grain-field to the edge of the woods, passing through the Twenty-second Regiment's line of knapsacks just as the men laid them off. They were in almost a perfect line, and they appeared to have been "right dressed." We went to the edge of the woods and received a spent volley, and in a few moments a second volley, but not hard enough to do any dam age. 1 told the reporter as we had no call in there, we had better move out, and we went to our horses. I left the reporter there, and rode up the line about half a mile, and soon returned to the battery. Lieut. Mortimer had just received a mortal wound in the abdomen, and was carried to the rear. I told Capt. Martin I would take charge of the ambulance, and get him into the hospital across the river, if possible. It was heart-rending to hear his groans at every jar of the ambulance. We had to go as slow as possible. When nearly over the bridge, the Irish brigade were coming down on the double-quick to re-enforce Porter. I rode to the colonel commanding, and told him I had a badly wounded officer, and asked him if he would halt till I crossed the bridge. He com plied with the request, saying, " Be as quick as possible." I took him to the first house, which was used as a hospital by Sumner's corps. As the rooms were full, I got the consent of 176 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, the surgeon to lay him in the hall. It was some time before I could get a surgeon to examine him. He said, " Don't try to do any thing more for me, John, as I can't live but a few hours." I told him the surgeon would examine his wound very soon, and give him something to relieve the pain. He said, " That's all they can do, as I can't live." I remained with him through the night. At daylight started to find the battery ; found it near the bridge. Told Capt. Martin the condition of Lieut. Mortimer, and that the surgeon said he could not live half an hour. Henry W. Taylor and William Nevell were detailed to go back with me to remain with him while he lived. I left them, and went back to the train. Mortimer died at three P.M. His body was taken to Savage Station and embalmed, and buried near there under a tree. Taylor cut his name on a board, and placed it at the head of his grave. At the battle of Gaines's Mills, the battery had the best posi tion in the line of battle for damaging the enemy. It was placed in position on the crest of a hill, in front of the roads running through the woods, where the enemy had to pass within canis ter range of the battery. Several times the rebels advanced to take our guns, but the terribly destructive discharges of canister from them broke up the enemy's formations. About five o'clock in the afternoon our line of battle was forced back. Capt. Mar tin saw he could not retain his position without losing his guns. Prolonges were attached, and they were drawn a few yards down the hill. He ordered them double-charged with canister-shot. Three guns had their sponge-staffs left in them. Capt. Martin told Frank Steer, standing near -him, to look out for his colors, as that would be the last shot they could give them. Steer says the rebels were massed on the top of the hill, not more than fifty yards from them, when the guns were dischaiged. He watched the effect of the shot, and when the smoke arose he could not see a man standing in front of the guns. They were in position five yards apart. A few of the enemy remained between the range of the guns, as the canister did not spread enough to hit them, because they were so near to them. Two cases, or double-discharge, of canister contained a hundred and SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 177 twenty musket-bullets. They commence to spread as soon as they leave the mouth of the gun, and make awful havoc at short range. All our guns were taken from the field. I am sure it is safe to say that very few batteries in the service did more damage to the enemy at any one battle, than the Third Massachusetts Battery did at Gaines's Mills. John W. Carey and John Parsons were wounded, and Parsons died of his wounds, July 29. In crossing a deep ditch one of the guns run off the end of the planks, placed there to cross on, and turned over, gun doWu, into the ditch, and had to be abandoned ; the others crossed the Chickahominy in the night. The battery went into park on the south side of the river. Frank Steer says he and Bugler Fairbanks were sent by the commander to report to Gen. Mar tindale that his battery was drawn from the field, but lost one gun in the ditch near the bridge. Three of his caissons were sent to the left and rear; the enemy breaking through that part of the line, captured them. Gen. Martindale replied,. " The battery did splendid service ; take my compliments to Capt. Martin, and tell him he is the most proficient volunteer officer I ever knew." The Fifth Massachusetts Battery lost all but one of their six guns on the field. They were consolidated with our battery, and remained with the Third until we reached Upton's Hill. From there they went to Washington, and had a new battery, horses and equipments issued to them. They soon after joined the Fifth Corps Artillery. June 28, the Third Battery started in the afternoon, and marched to White Oak Swamp; from there to Malvern Hill, and went into position in our line of artillery that so effectively held the enemy in check. The next day marched to Harrison's landing. At the battle of Malvern Hill, the last ditch or line of battle in the Peninsula Campaign, the Confederate Army was placed at a great disadvantage. The Union artillery broke up their formations, and their desperate charges were repulsed with great slaughter. June 28, the army-supplies started for the James River. 178 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, That night the Fifth Corps train and cattle • reached White Oak Swamp at ten o'clock. At three o'clock next morning a bugle in the cavalry regiment sounded a halt, causing a great scare. The long roll was sounded, and the brigade laid on their arms until noon. We issued rations to the regiments in the afternoon. Started at five o'clock with the train and cattle, driving the cattle through the fields and woods near the roads. At dark we started to go through a dense swamp two miles long. We came out at ten o'clock with only the lead-ox, the seventy- five head of cattle having laid down in the woods. It was a very dark night, and was known as "the dark night" in the "seven days' fight." Holding a consultation, we decided to remain near there until daylight, knowing it would be use less to attempt to find the cattle in the dark. Seeing a light down the road, we went in that direction, and came to a large mansion. A number of slave-houses being near by, we hitched our horses and lead-ox to the fence, and went to the house ; found it occupied by a rebel officer and his family. He had been given leave of absence to guard his property, while our army was passing. He was much excited, and ordered us away. We told him we intended to remain there until daylight, as we had lost a drove of cattle in the swamp, and politely asked him to furnish supper for six, as we were very hungry. He refused, saying he had been feeding Yankee officers all day ; he only had a little corn-meal and bacon left. We told him that was enough, and must have that, but would pay him well for it. He reluctantly ordered his slaves to prepare it for us. Arranging guard to relieve each other and keep a sharp lookout for the rearguard and daylight, got all the sleep we could. As soon as day broke we went back to the swamp, and found every ox lying down. In three hours had them all out in the field. At that time all transpor tation was rushing to the rear, as the battle of White Oak Swamp had opened. We drove the cattle fifteen miles without stopping, came up with the train, and camped near Malvern Hill. Moved in the afternoon to Col. Carter's plantation on the James River SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 179 while the battle of Malvern Hill was being fought. The trans portation trains were camped on the plantation owned by the rebel Col. Carter. The army hospital was located there near the steamboat-pier. The wounded were taken by boat from there to Hampton and Crainey Island near Fortress Monroe. Col. Carter had leave of absence from the rebel army, arriving at his plantation on the day that the advance of our army arrived there. Carter, with his overseer, was placed under the provost-guard, his slaves having their freedom. His mansion and plantation were the best, by great odds, I saw in Virginia. His mansion was protected by the provost-guard, but his stock of sheep, hogs and poultry suddenly disappeared by the aid of Yankee soldiers, because there were not guards enough to protect so large a plantation. It was divided into three fields, each containing over one hundred acres, — one of wheat, one of corn, and the other clover, where the stock was. He had over one hundred sheep, fifty hogs, forty mules, thirty cows, and other small stock. The teamsters exchanged their poor, skinny specimens of mule-flesh for his fat, glossy, firm ani mals. His slaves were kept busy baking hoe-cake for the boys, and watching their ducks and chickens. Two days after, the trains were ordered to Harrison's Landing, three miles down the James River. Starting at noon, the head of the column soon reached Tur key Creek, crossing over a pontoon-bridge. At three o'clock it commenced raining — one of those pouring rains after a battle. Soon the mud on each side of the bridge was knee-deep, the wagons passing over very slowly. To make matters worse, the enemy followed our army from Malvern Hill, putting their bat teries in position within short range, and shelled the train all through the night. Near midnight, orders were received that if the enemy could not be held in check, to shoot the mules and burn the wagons. A large force going back over the creek, drove the enemy back at daylight. Our brigade teams and cattle crossed the bridge at noon, and went into park at Har rison's Landing, where they camped until the army moved back to Washington. 180 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, Capt. Spear returned that day, coming up the James on the steamer with the Thirty-second Massachusetts Regiment. Har rison's Landing at that time, with three inches of mud in every direction, presented to the boys of the Thirty-second a comfort less camp-ground, but they soon got used to it. I reported to Capt. Spear, that, by order of Gen. Martindale, I had destroyed forty thousand rations, saving camp equipage, all his govern ment papers, and accounts. He replied, he wished the papers, books, and accounts had gone to Sheol. He reported to head quarters of the army the loss of two trunks filled with govern ment and valuable papers, and said they were taken off a steamer, and put on a wagon. He told the driver to take them to Gen. Birney's brigade. He kept his detailed men, all the time that could be spared from the commissary tent, riding through the army, putting up notices of the loss, and searching wagon-trains, hoping to find them. I was satisfied, from the remarks that he made about the other papers, that he had destroyed the trunk and papers himself. In less than forty days the trunks, with a large amount of torn and disfigured papers, were exhibited in front of his tent, and were said to have been found in a swamp in that condition. With the knowledge I had, I was sure he was grossly wrong ing the government and the first brigade. Officers and men were finding fault because they had to pay much more for rations than was charged in other brigades; army regulations stating they should be sold, on officers' orders, at government cost prices, the commissary allowing ten per cent shrinkage. As I received the rations from the commissary depot, was given a receipt with the price of every article for every requisition put in. Dried apples cost seven cents per pound, but were sold for fourteen cents. When we had been camped at the Landing about one month, the quartermaster-sergeant of the Second Maine Regiment wished me to ask Capt. Spear what price he would charge for a barrel of dried apples. I did. He flew into a passion, and said, " Fourteen cents a pound ; they cost that this morning." I had seen the price before he had, and it was seven cents. After I left his tent the guard heard him say, SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 181 " That Reed knows too much about my business, and will make trouble for me some day." Capt. Spear then sought occasion to quarrel with me, and finally, on a mere pretext, sent me back to the battery. Capt. Martin said he was about to send for me, as Quartermaster- sergeant Hill was to get his discharge, and as soon as his papers arrived, I should have the place. I made out a government price-list of all stores sold to officers, and showed it to the offi cers of the Eighteenth Massachusetts. The difference between that and Spear's prices was so great that they made a fuss about it, and Spear was relieved and sent to the division, where he had no chance to sell to officers. I was promoted as quartermaster-sergeant July 28, 1862. I went to Capt. Martin for orders, and he told me I had been in the commissary department long enough to know my duty, that I must look out sharp and see that the battery received all it was entitled to. In a few weeks the army marched down the James, and sailed back up the Potomac River to Aquia Creek. Landing there, marched to Falmouth, remained there a few days, then started to re-enforce Gen. Pope's army, then at Centre ville. The Army of the Potomac advanced very slowly, moving in line of battle, watching the enemy on the other side of the Rappahannock. Gen. Lee was advancing to meet Gen. Pope. The artillery brigade carried ten days' rations from Falmouth, then the base of supplies. When out twenty miles had used seven days' rations. Capt. Martin, who was at that time acting chief of the Fifth Corps Artillery, sent eighteen wagons be longing to the batteries of the artillery brigade, in charge of Lieut. Scott of the Fifth Massachusetts Battery, back to Fal mouth for rations. I was ordered to report to him as his assist ant. We started at four o'clock in the afternoon, run within four miles of the ration-depot, and went into park at nine o'clock. Started at daylight for the depot. When we arrived at Falmouth Heights we met an extra supply-train of seventy- five wagons, driven by darkies, loaded with rations for the Fifth Corps. We loaded our train with forage, and as soon as possi ble started for the batteries. When about a mile from Falmouth, 182 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY. near ten o'clock, an orderly met us and said he had orders for every train to hurry along and reach the army at Bealton before dark, — twenty-nine miles from there, — as the rebel cavalry had crossed the river twenty-five miles above. Gen. Burnside had returned from Newbern, N.C., and with a part of his army was encamped at Fredericksburg and Falmouth. Gen. Mc Clellan was his guest for a few days before going to Washing ton. Nearly every hour we met an orderly hurrying us along. There were several hundreds of wagons on the road. About four o'clock in the afternoon an orderly came down the road, his horse on a dead run and covered with foam, and ordered the trains to turn back, as the enemy had captured over three hundred wagons, and destroyed the telegraph station three miles up the road. The Fifth Corps supply-train that we met were among those captured. We had forced our mules so much that they were nearly exhausted. Running back two miles, where there was a good place to water, we halted half an hour and fed our mules, the drivers making coffee. We were then fifteen miles from Falmouth, half-way between the Army of the Potomac and Gen. Burnside. About dark a cavalry force and a flying battery were sent out by Gen. Burnside for our protection. At twelve o'clock at night we arrived inside the picket-line at Falmouth, men and animals played out. At daylight started for Aquia Creek, arriving there at noon. A rebel battery followed us, and at intervals shelled the trains. The wagons and mules were loaded on steamers and sailed for Alexandria. When we arrived there the army was retreating back from second Bull Run. The batteries camped at Upton's" Hill, where we reached them with the forage six days after starting for it. The horses in the batteries had been four days without grain or hay, having only that which they could graze in the fields. CHAPTER XI. ANTIETAM AND SHEPHERDSTOWN. Farewell to Hall's Hill. — Lieut.-col. Tilton rejoins the Regiment. — One Hundred and Eighteenth Pennsylvania. — Rockville, Md. — Mo nocacy Junction. — Frederick. — Over the Mountains. — Middleton. — South Mountain Battlefield. — Battle of Antietam, Sept. 17. — Sup porting the Batteries. — Burnside's Advance. — Across Antietam Bridge. — Preserved Fruit: Was it Poisoned? — Tilton and the John nies. — Blackford's Ford. — Sharpshooters at Work. — Gen. Griffin re-captures Guns lost at Bull Run. — Col. Barnes in Command of Brigade, —r Under Fire of our own Guns. — Rebel Charge at Shepherds town. — Disaster to the Corn-exchange Regiment. — Brigade re-crosses the River. — Heavy Loss. — Plucky little Major. OUR destination was Tanleytown, and our movement there, on the night of the 6th of September, 1862, was for the purpose of taking the place of the troops moved out of the intrenchments. The laugh and jest had long ago died out ; the clink, clink, of the tin dippers against the bayonet-shank and canteen, and the low murmur of voices, as they moved rap idly onward in the darkness, alone could be heard; and each individual in that hurrying column was a busy thinker, — a machine, temporarily, which once set in motion goes to the utmost of its endurance. Morning found the Twenty-second at Fort Worth, near Fairfax Seminary, where were thousands of troops in position behind infantry lines of breastworks, apparently making preparations for a great battle. As far as the eye could reach, there was an irregular mass of blue, all looking for the fight to commence. It did not come, however, and we were marched and countermarched several times from this position before we turned our heads away from what surely seemed the scene of battle. Sept. 9 we arrived at Fort Corco ran, and from this time to the 12th the " uncertainty as to the 184 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, intentions of the enemy " caused the commanding general much solicitude. On Wednesday night, Sept. 10, Lieut.-Col. Tilton joined the regiment at Arlington Heights, and was cordially greeted by three cheers. "It was known that the mass of the rebel army had passed up the south side of the Potomac in the direction of Leesburg, and a portion had crossed into Maryland ; but whether it was their intention to cross their whole force with a view to turn Washington, by a flank movement down the north bank of the Potomac, to move on Baltimore, or to invade Pennsylvania, were questions which at that time we had no means of. deter mining." The army was somewhat disorganized and confused, therefore, when we found ourselves behind the works awaiting definite results. Gen. McClellan was still looked up to by the masses, as the only man who was wholly competent to lead our army. It was a critical moment. Pressure on the President was very great ; and McClellan had been requested to resume command of the army which he had so carefully and successfully organized, and whose fortunes he had thus far so unselfishly shared. There was a hurried re-organization, but so short was the time, that many things so essential to the comfort and well- being of the men were unfortunately, though necessarily, for gotten, as was afterwards shown. The Peninsula Campaign and the "seven days' battle" before Richmond, with the subse quent marches from Fredericksburg, had told with fearful effect upon the general appearance and morale of the army, and it was a bronzed, dust-stained and war-worn looking column that filed out of the earthworks along Arlington Heights that bright September morning ; going, they knew not where, and little did they care, for they had already learned, through war's stern and bloody lesson, that a soldier's first duty or step toward perfect discipline was to obey orders when given, and not ask too many useless questions. It had rained on the night of the 11th of September, 1862, just enough to soak our blankets and increase the weight of our loads, and yet not enough to lay the dust or cool the atmos- SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 185 phere. Reveille had sounded, rolls were called, breakfast fin ished, and blankets rolled. What an hour before might have appeared to the inexperienced eye of a civilian observer as dire confusion and an entirely disorganized rabble, was now changed to blue lines of men, quietly and patiently waiting for the command to move. Who has ever seen thousands of men moving out of a bivouac, and not been struck with the beauty of the scene, or felt its effect upon the senses ? Knapsacks had been returned to the regiment on the 11th, clothing issued, and many boxes, a long time on the road and in a deplorable condi tion, were received. In the afternoon our hopes of a stay in this camp had been crushed by the issue of three days' rations, which was equivalent to an order to march. On the morning of the 12th the meat, the cooks not having time to boil it, was left on the ground, to be brought along in the teams if there was room ; if not, it was to be thrown away, as usual. Instead of taking the cars after reaching the high ground south of the Capi tol, we countermarched, and took the Rockville road. A new regiment had been attached to our brigade, — the One Hundred and Eighteenth Pennsylvania, the famous "Corn Exchange." The wet, heavy loads began to tell upon the men, especially upon our newly found friends from Pennsylvania, who from that time on to the memorable battle-field of Antietam, seemed to literally strew the road, — always recognized by their large brass regula tion "118" on their caps, — by the roadside, under fences and trees, seeking shelter and rest from the intolerable heat of the day. The perspiration flowed in streams, the dust almost suffo cated, and soon after leaving Washington one could hardly distin guish an object a dozen yards away. Fine and penetrating, the dust sifted into the eyes, nose and mouth, and soon changed the appearance of the moving column. The expressions of the countenances were certainly very ludicrous and one could scarcely refrain from laughing as the dust-and-sweat-streaked face of some individual would look up with rueful glance, with such a pleading, beseeching expression, seemingly asking for sympathies which under the circumstances could not be o-iven, so nearly alike was the condition of all. There was 186 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, considerable straggling, and there was certainly need for pluck and power of endurance ; every step was a weary and painful effort. We went into bivouac near the town of Rockville at Silver Spring, a march of twelve miles. It certainly seemed nearer eighteen. The Twenty-second made camp with only eighty-six guns. The fires lighted, coffee boiled, and hard-bread disposed of, orders came to leave all unnecessary things behind to be taken back to Washington. By the light of the fire, selections were made ; all superfluous things were packed, and we were stripped, if any thing, lighter than before, and many were liter ally reduced to the clothes they stood in, rations, cartridges, canteen" and rifle. The stragglers came in all night, and hard indeed was it for many to find their commands. Reveille was sounded at four o'clock on the morning of Sept. 13. Leaving our knapsacks and superfluous clothing in piles, we moved out on the hard road. Rests were few and far between. We passed through the town of Rockville about noon. After passing beyond far enough so that the men could not straggle back to it, a halt was made, and we were allowed to build fires, and make coffee, for about an hour. Before all could drink it, the march was continued to what was called Middlebrook. Crossed the stream on a bridge, and camped on the top of a very high hill at Seneca Mills, where we had difficulty, after once depositing ourselves on its slopes for the night, in preventing ourselves from rolling off into the valley below. Green corn, apples, etc., were brought in. Could hear distant guns as we halted. Monocacy Junction was reached on the 14th ; a long march of over twenty miles, most of which was enlivened by the rapid booming of cannon at South Mountain. Much of this portion of Maryland was a beautiful country, and the people in the towns of Clarksburg, Urbana, Hyattstown, and other smaller hamlets through which we passed, turned out, some shouting and cheering in their patriotic ardor ; although it seemed as if the greater portion wore dark and scowling faces, too cowardly to join their Confederate brethren, but always disposed to aid SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 187 and comfort them in various ways. Peaches and apples were ripening. Corn was in the milk. And to our dust-laden throats all the rations we " drew " of that kind were very acceptable and delicious. The rapid, forced marching to the doubtful music of the cannon on the 14th, as we neared the beautiful town of Frederick, created a feeling of subdued excitement. A heavjr battle was in progress, and we expected by dark to be in it. We had been pressed to the utmost all day, and pride and courage kept all up to the mark. As we bivouacked that night in the beautiful valley of the Monocacy, we were a hun gry lot of men. We had nibbled our hard-bread away on the march, and as the teams were all night in getting in, rations were not issued until about seven o'clock in the morning of the 15th, although the order had been to move at three. A bath, a good breakfast of hard-bread, pork and coffee, comforted us in the morning; and as the march was not taken up until about ten o'clock, we rested and forgot our hardships of the day before. Our march lay through the town, and we soon wound down the hill into old Frederick town, which has now become so famous by Whittier's graceful pen. The sidewalks were filled with rebel prisoners just come in from South Mountain ; taR, bronzed, ragged, barefooted men in butternut, greasier and dirtier even than our own. They seemed to be made up of every color, shade and hue. Bread and water were freely distributed by the good Samaritans of Frederick as the army passed through, and things wore a lively and cheerful aspect. The utmost en thusiasm (repressed during Jackson's raid through the town) pre vailed during our short stop. These poor, bulldozed people, in their loyalty and patriotism, cheered and waved their arms in joy ful appreciation of their deliverance from the gloom of the past few days. " On that pleasant morn of the early fall, When Lee marched over the mountain wall; Over the mountains, winding down, Horse and foot into Frederick town," the hearts of the loyal Marylanders of Frederick sank within them; and our advent, together with .the victory of South Moun- 188 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, tain, re-assured them, and filled them with a feeling of security and safety. Our halt was short, and we pushed on to Middle- town, the next town beyond, making an easy march of about ten miles. On the road we passed the provost-guard of regular infantry, guarding prisoners. We hurried on, and evening found us bivouacked on a small creek, in a beautiful valley near Middletown, one of the most lovely of Frederick's surroundings : "The clustered spires of Frederick stand Green-walled by the hills of Maryland; Round about them orchards sweet, Apple and peach tree fruited deep. ' Near the place where we camped had been a long bridge that was destroyed by the rebels, as was a large barn that had stood near it. After leaving Frederick, we began the ascent of the mountains in good earnest, but the road wound about the hills in such a way that we had no steep hills to climb. Reveille at daybreak on the 16th, and marched soon after sunrise. Continued to climb hills all the forenoon. We passed over the battle-field of South Mountain. The evidences of the struggle along the road, everywhere beyond Middletown, were now apparent. The dibris of the fight lay about in the road, in the fields, outside the town. The wounded of both armies were in hastily improvised hospitals, waiting their turn to be carried into the city. Some of the dead were lying by the roadside, yet unburied. As we passed through Turner's Gap, the burial party was there, busily at work performing their sad but disgusting duties. The bodies presented a ghastly and sickening spectacle, unwashed and unkempt, just as they rushed into battle, — a terribly demoralizing evidence of the cruelty and misery of stern, diabolical war. Knapsacks, canteens, guns, blankets, hats, etc., were lying about in confusion all over the ground, but as no halt was made sufficiently long for us to leave the ranks, we had no opportunity of seeing where the fiercest fighting had taken place ; where Gen. Reno was killed, or where the rebels, after making a desperate charge, had been compelled to turn and hastily abandon the field. The rebels SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 189 had chosen a strong position, there being but two practicable passes, — Crampton's and Turner's, — and these offered a very strong natural barrier to our advance. They are easily de fended, having rough, precipitous, rocky sides. On the sides of the road the mountain slopes are difficult to ascend, being covered with ledges and loose rocks. Add to these a dense for est, with here and there an open or clearing, and the reader will see at once that the whole presented a formidable front. At Boonsboro'ugh all the churches were turned into hospitals, and filled with rebel wounded. The movements for a great battle were commencing. We were evidently nearing the lines of the enemy, and every thing was hurrying to the front. Cavalry and artillery were moving on the same road, and we had fre quently to take the fields or make long halts, to allow the- bat teries and cavalry column to pass. The irrepressible straggler was unexcitedly moving on in the even tenor of his way, undis turbed by the jibes or chaffing that usually took place between the mounted and dismounted troops. We halted in a field just beyond Boonsborough to eat dinner ; while halting, heard rapid and heavy firing about two or three miles ahead. It did not last long. On the afternoon of the 16th, about five o'clock, the column entered the town of Keedysville, and slowly, and with frequent halts, moving through wagon-trains, artillery and cavalry, we filed to the left near what appeared to be a small church or schoolhouse, and a few moments later threw our wearied bodies upon mother earth. For although our march this day is re corded as but twelve miles, we had been on our feet since early morn, and our progress had been blocked continually, making the marching much more tedious. All about us was bustle and rapid movement. Hardly were we settled before an artillery duel commenced, and as it was then about dusk, the fuses of the shells appeared like shooting stars, as they curved through the air, and then, bursting, sent a glare through the sky, signifi cant of their power to wound and destroy. On the right of the road the lines of battle covered the slopes of the hills. It liter ally seemed black with men in the fast-gathering twilight, and 190 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, extended as far as the eye could reach. Batteries were in posi tion ; and while we were boiling our coffee, one eye was upon our responsive guns, while the other watched the carefully balanced rail, with its line of delicately poised black dippers, to see that somebody's No. 11 did not accidentally catch on the end. The artillery fight continued into the evening, and once in the night an alarm was given. The firefly-fuses as they darted here and there, and the harsh, grating sound of shells, were ominous of the morrow, and prevented that calm and peaceful slumber which a good bed in God's country might invite. It commenced raining, and as the pyrotechnic display seemed to be only shell ing for position, we sought what little shelter we had at hand. But not to sleep much, for we were thinking of the future ; and late«into the night groups were gathered about the fires, listen ing to the far-off cheering of our men, and gravely discussing the probabilities of to-morrow's fight. With the early day on the 17th, a terrific fire opened; and soon it was a roaring, bellowing cannonade, incessant and elec trifying. The battle of Antietam, or Sharpsburg, had com menced, soon to become a part of our national history, as showing how much it is possible for man to suffer when the vitality and interests of a country are at stake. There was no time for sentiment then. At eight a.m., " Fall in ! " came sharp, and full of meaning, and we at once moved slowly to the front. A march of a mile or more brought us to our position on the east side of Antietam Creek, upon the main turnpike leading to Sharpsburg, and directly opposite the centre of the enemy"s line, thus filling the interval between the right wing and Gen. Burnside's command, and guarding the main approach from the enemy's position to our train of supplies. Sumner's corps was to have moved at 7.20 A.M. ; but Richardson's divis ion did not move until an hour later, owing, as has been stated, to the need of having Morell's division cover the ground which he was to vacate. We did not reach this ground, there fore, until about 8.30 A.M. It was necessary to watch this part of our line with the utmost vigilance, lest the enemy should take advantage of the SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 191 first exhibition of faltering to push upon us a vigorous assault, for the purpose of piercing our centre and turning our rear, as well as to capture or destroy our supply-trains. Once having penetrated this line, the enemy's passage to our rear could have been met with but feeble resistance, as there were no reserves to re-enforce or close up the gap. The Ninth Corps, Gen. Burn side, was posted on the left; the First and Twelfth Corps, com manded respectively by Hooker and Williams (Mansfield mortally wounded early in fight), on the right, across the creek, supported by the Second (Sumner), on the east side of the creek ; the Sixth Corps, Gen. Franklin, — not then up, — shortly after noon supporting Sumner. Sykes's division had preceded the Fifth Corps, and on the 15th had been posted on the left of the old Sharpsburg turnpike, on the left of Richardson's divis ion, covering and protecting Bridge No. 2, over the Antietam, and exposed to the enemy's artillery and sharpshooters. His left, opposite to and some distance from Bridge No. 3, was occupied by the Ninth Corps. When we filed to the left, at dusk of the evening of the 16th, we relieved Richardson's divis ion of Sumner's corps on the right of Gen. Sykes; and con tinually under the vigilant watch of the enemy, the corps guarded a vital point. Sumner and Hooker, during the day, met with severe losses, and at the risk of greatly exposing our centre, two brigades from Porter's corps, the only available troops, were ordered to re-enforce the right. Six battalions of Sykes's regulars had been thrown across Antietam Bridge on the main road, to attack and drive back the enemy's sharpshooters, who were annoying Pleasanton's horse- batteries in advance of the bridge. Warren's brigade was detached to hold a position on Burnside's right and rear, so that Porter was left at one time with only a portion of Sykes's division and one small brigade (Barnes's) of Morell's division, — but little over three thousand men — to hold his important position. Our position was under cover of an abrupt bank, on the reverse slope of the hill, where a number of heavy batteries were posted. Lying down here, and making ourselves as thin as possible, we waited, listened and watched, the shells occasion- 192 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, ally going clear above our heads, and on one or two occasions wounding a horse, mule or man. Private William Harmon, Company A, was wounded at this period by a stray shot. The battle raged and roared, and soon our curiosity aroused prompted us to clamber the slope, and view the battle until ordered back to our positions in ranks. About 3.30 P.M., McClellan with his staff rode out on the road by our position. The men sprang to their feet, and gave him a rousing reception. The contest was now at its full height. Notwithstanding the shells were coming in fast, and the cannoneers of the batteries warned us away, we watched the progress of the battle with increasing interest. On this high ground between the Keedys ville road on the left and Fry's house, not but a few hundred yards from where we were lying, one could take in the entire field of battle, extending from east to west. Heavy timber met the view in both directions, to the right and left, while the straight-away view in the centre overlooked open space trav ersed by fences, cornfields and cleared land. Our batteries swept this ground. Our hill, though a small one, dominated the surrounding country, and we could see the lines of battle go up, an indistinct and irregular mass, through the clouds of smoke; the battle-flags just floating out from theii* staffs, and showing the divisions, brigades and regiments. Fresh and rapid rolls of musketry would succeed this movement. Sharp flashes preceded by puffs of smoke, and succeeded by the rapid boom-boom, followed by another and another in quick succes sion, marked the batteries of light guns and their demoraliz ing work. Sometimes the lines would waver and break, the fire from the guns would slacken, and through the drifting smoke we could see the confused and shattered fragments come staggering and flying back; then came the yells of the rebels, followed by the solid, sturdy cheer of our boys. The renewed crackling of the Parrots, as battery after battery came hurrying up to stay the onward rush, checked the temporary confusion. A rally, a re-enforcement of the lines from some other portion of the field, and the same ground was again passe'd over in fearful struggle. It was a vivid and realistic SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 193 picture to us on the hill. Gen. Pleasonton asked Porter for a division to follow up some slight successes, but Porter refused, as his orders were positive to hold this vital point in the centre. Whatever may have been his opinion as to the necessity of putting in any part of the reserve, his duty then was to obey that order. We saw Burnside's advance in the afternoon through the cornfield, which seemed alive with "Johnnies." It was a grand spectacle, a splendid exhibition of pluck and bravery. Our intense interest in this game of war was several times cut short by shells bursting over the battery, or rolling without bursting among the cannoneers, and twice by an order to " fall in ; " the order, however, being countermanded as we were just moving out for the right, to follow Griffin's brigade and re-enforce Hooker and Sumner. Night closed in upon the scene. Our German batteries in front of us had ceased firing. Only an occasional shot or two could be heard, and darkness soon gave us an opportunity to make coffee, spread our blankets, and go to bed; the ground for a mattress, the sky for a canopy. Thursday, the 18th, a bright sunny morning, we had three days' rations of coffee, sugar and hard bread issued, and one day's of pork and fresh beef. We moved out in advance on the road to the creek, and across the blood-stained bridge, pass ing through, on our route, fields and barnyards, where many wounded had been gathered of both armies, now undergoing treatment from our surgeons. It seemed like a New England Sunday, such a hush and calmness had succeeded the terrible uproar of the clay before. At the creek, on both sides of the bridge, the dead and wounded were everywhere lying about, stretched in every conceivable position. Some were then being carried to the rear as rapidly as possible ; and the burial parties were commencing their sad duties, picking out the corpses from amonc the dying and wounded where they fell together on that awful day. The sun came out hot ; decomposition was going on rapidly, blackening the faces, and many of them were already bloated beyond recognition. The bridge bore evidence of having been the scene of a desperate and savage struggle. Bullet-holes were to be seen everywhere about the woodwork, here and 194 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, there splintered. It was hardly wide enough for a file of fours to march abreast, and the position had to be carried by a char ging column, one of the most dangerous methods of attack, and oftentimes hopeless ; and the result was apparent. The trees were splintered in all directions, aud scarred up and down their trunks. On the steep hillside, completely overlooking and command ing the bridge and its approaches, were the rifle-pits of the rebels, which with the trunks of large trees and bowlders had served as a shelter to them as our column advanced on the charge. Gen. D. R. Jones commanded the Confederates on the rising ground near the Burnside Bridge. Gen. Toombs defended the bridge, with two regiments of his brigade. After the passage of the bridge, Porter's corps advancing caused Jones to withdraw. On the morning of the 18th, Burnside re quested Gen. McClellan to send him another division, as he feared he could not hold his ground if attacked again by a superior force. Morell's division was sent him. It was to be posted on this side of the creek, not only that it might cover Burnside's withdrawal should it become necessary, but at the same time be in position to re-enforce the right and centre if needed. Late in the afternoon, Burnside, though not attacked, had withdrawn his own corps, and sent Morell's division alone to -hold the opposite side. As we relieved a part of the Ninth Corps across the bridge and skirting the creek, it showered heavily, cooling the air, and the wounds of chose lying thickly about us on the field. The Twenty-second relieved the Forty-fifth Pennsylvania Volunteers, and our command picketed the banks of Antietam. That night a ration of whiskey was served out; the meat issued in the morning, and which we could not cook, was eaten raw. Some wet split-out clapboards served as a bed, and we tried to sleep ; but the shot of an occasional picket close at hand pre vented, and about midnight a squadron of cavalry attacked a house just in front of us, occupied by Sharpshooters, and sent them flying out of it. The balls sung about us for a time quite lively, but being on the slope of a slight rise, and hugging the SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 195 ground hard, we escaped with no loss. After this, no one thought of sleep. " The harvest moon o'er the battle plain Shines dim in the filmy eyes of the dead ; And the yellow wealth of the later grain, Ground by the millstones of death and pain, And wet by the life-blood of the slain, Is kneaded to horrible bread. The dying by twos and threes, as night Kisses their brows with cooling breath, Gather, with failing outward sight, To tell of the inward visions bright That rise like a tender morning light Over the hills of death." Upon visiting the house the following morning at daybreak, after first ascertaining that Lee's army had left our front and the pickets gone, we found it quite a sumptuous affair. It had been vacated hastily by its inmates, being between both lines and in range of fire, and every thing was lying about in strange ¦ confusion. The foragers ahead of us had pulled out what edi bles it contained, and among them a splendid assortment of jellies, preserves, etc. The orchard was filled with the choicest of apples. What a feast ! A lot of men habituated for months to " salt horse " and " hard-tack," finding such a hive of honey as this! No crowd of schoolboys let loose from the confine ment of the recitation-room, ever acted so absurdly as did these rough, bronzed fellows. They would seize a pot of jam, grape jelly, or sweet pineapple preserve, and after capering about a while with extravagant exhibitions of joy, would sit upon the ground with the jar between their knees, and with a piece of hard-tack for a scoop, would shovel out great heaps of it upon a whole cracker for a plate, which disappeared, as if by magic, into their capacious mouths. This went on for some time, while waiting for the order " Forward ! " when some wag, not wisely but too well, spread the rumor that the rebel pickets occupying the house had purposely poisoned, out of revenge, every pot and jar from which we had been eating, and had carefully left them 196 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, in full sight as a temptation to the Yankees. Such looks of consternation, and such a panic ! A battery of Napoleon's play ing upon them at that moment would not have produced such elongated faces. Some went for emetics, some rushed for the surgeon, and many imagining, upon the spur of the moment, — and feeling nausea from overgorging, — that they could feel the pain of the working poison, applied nature's relief, and inwardly groaned in spirit. Nor did the panic subside until we were well upon the road long after, and confidence restored, from the fact that nobody had died from the effects. Men would carry a jar of jam a short distance, when becoming tired of its weight and temporarily surfeited, they would throw it away, bidding the morrow take care of itself. It was a lively scene that morning as we hurried through the streets of Sharpsburg. The men trudged through the mud, and joked and chaffed with the regiments of other brigades or divisions. The signal-flags on top of the church-tower were wig- wagging like mad, conveying rapid messages. Orderlies and aids, bespattered from head to foot, were galloping here and there, exciting the ire of our grumblers, by the coat of slime and, mud they splashed on them in their hasty ride. The streets were filled with wreckage. Here and there a wagon, a wheel, a dead mule, or a defunct caisson keeled up as though in its death agonies. Artillery and cavalry were hurrying to the front, aud long columns of infantry were being directed along the main roads out of the town, to different positions on our new front. Many of the houses and front-yards were filled with wounded of both armies, whom the enemy in their hurried re treat could not take with them. Hundreds out in the open air, lying on clean straw provided by our men, and with such attention and acts of kindness as they never received before. We moved about four miles, halting once or twice, where the rebel camps had been, now scattered with plunder of all kinds, and many old letters which we amused ourselves reading. Rich literature they would prove in these pages, had they been preserved, but we cared not then for such trifles, and soon threw them back into the dibris and filth that cumbered the ground. SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 197 Leaving the road we changed direction to the left. Just as we had turned, some rebel prisoners, seated on and about the fence, took notice of us. Lieut.-Col. Tilton, who had been wounded at Gaines's Mills and taken prisoner, had been ex changed, and rejoined the command at Arlington Heights. He was at the head of the Twenty-second. " I say, Bill," said one tall North-Carolinian, who stood six feet four inches in his stocking-feet, to his companion in misery, "Isn't that the old cock," pointing to the lieutenant-colonel, " we had in Libby ? " " Yes," said the other ; " that's him." The lieutenant-colonel pricked up his ears, and replied to the astounded " Johnnies," imitating their nasal drawl and dialect as closely as possible, " Ya-a-as, tha-a-at's him, but you will never get him again." We advanced to the Potomac, only to find the enemy all across. We halted to reconnoitre ; evidences of the retreat all about. Capt. Wentworth was detailed with twelve Sharpshoot ers to go forward to the banks of the river as skirmishers. Ad vancing, they took position behind trees in order to observe the enemy. Saw a considerable force, and two batteries posted to command Blackford's Ford. Orders were given the Sharp shooters to pick off artillery-men and horses, and when the batteries opened, they were- to fire at every one they saw mov ing. A few shells from one of our twenty-pound batteries, with the assistance of Berdan's and Wentworth's men, soon scat tered the enemy away from their batteries, our Sharpshooters popping away at every man who showed himself. Towards dark, Berdan's men pushed forward to the water's edge, while two others prepared to ford the river; when they had got about midway the stream, they were fired' upon by a party concealed on the opposite bank, but our men soon drove them from their position, with the aid of a few shells from our batteries. At the time of our men crossing the river, it was so dark that they could only tell where they were by the flashes of their guns. After they had crossed, and we had learned, by their cheers, of their success in capturing the batteries, our Sharpshooters re tired to a wheat-stack to pass the night. The Twenty-second after leaving the road, halted about one mile from the river, 198 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, .near the road leading to Blackford's Ford, below Shepherdstown, and, procuring straw from the stacks, "turned in for the night." The scouting-party referred to, in which the Sharpshooters took a part, was taken partly from our own and Gen. Griffin's bri gade, who lead the party in person ; the Fourth Michigan was with it. . A fearful racket ensued, and we were expecting to be sent for to their support any moment; but soon they came through our sleeping men, stating, to our inquiries, that they had taken several (four) guns and caissons. Among them was one of Battery D of the Fifth United States Artillery, Griffin's old battery, captured at the first Bull Run battle ; the others being of English make, having the Tower stamp on them. Sykes had been ordered to send over a party, but by some misunderstanding, it was not clone. After this alarm, we slept without further disturbance until morning. In the re- organizations and changes that had taken place in the division, our brigade was now commanded by Col. Barnes of the Eighteenth Massachusetts, and the other two by Gens. Griffin and Butterfield. On the morning of Sept. 20, Gen. McClellan, to determine whether the enemy had withdrawn entirely, directed Porter to send over a larger force on a reconnoissance, the understanding being that he was not to bring on a general engagement, or sacrifice his troops. Batteries were posted on the Maryland shore, and soon Barnes's brigade was by the river bank, strip ping for a passage of Blackford's Ford. This had been used by Lee, both in coming into and retreating from Maryland. It was, where we forded it, some distance below the dam, quite shallow, — a little over the knees, — with a somewhat pebbly bottom, but not many large rocks. Innocent of the diversion which was in store for us on the opposite side, we splashed and paddled our way along. Some of the men had taken off both shoes and stockings, others, perhaps the majority, had kept them on ; these were the wise ones, for we had use for them on our return. Meeting the cavalry midway in the stream, the usual question was asked, "Any dead cavalrymen at the front ? " and we were soon in line of battle on the other side, SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 199 halting for a few moments until the rear had caught up. We moved up a narrow road, passing an old mill (Boteler's), and, taking advantage of a slight slope, were ordered to lie down. We had scarcely done so, when the air was filled with what seemed to be the evil ones let loose, for the case and solid shot from twenty pieces on the Maryland shore skimmed over oui heads, raking and scraping the top of the trees, sending branches upon us, and endangering our own lives. At last, getting the range so that we were out of danger from them, they lent a sense of security to our position, which we had not felt before, while awaiting the skirmishers coming in to an nounce the enemy's advance. It soon came ; an oblique divis ion-line .of battle from the woods on our front, bearing flown steadily upon our little brigade, notwithstanding the batteries burst their shell and case-shot in, through, and around them, knocking big holes in their ranks. The right of the brigade was held by the new regiment before mentioned, the One Hundred and Eighteenth Pennsylvania ; behind which was a sheer bluff with rocky face, only a few yards distant, with the river at its base. The only means of retreat was by the flank along the narrow cart-path we had a few moments before traversed. The blow struck this regiment obliquely, and crushed them. Col. Provost was wounded (the color-bearer having been shot) while seizing the colors, and rallying the men on him. Many were made prisoners, others driven in sheer desperation over the bluff; many were killed and wounded, others, seeking the only means of escape, retreated down the cart-path, — all fight ing gallantly against overwhelming odds. The blow glanced by us, or, in fact, never reached us, as we received the order to retire after our bayonets had been fixed, and we had fired a few rounds at the right of the rebel line, considerably thrown back or refused while advancing. We retired in good order, in almost entire ignorance of the fate of the One Hundred and Eighteenth, until we were well in the water on our way back. Unfortunately, we struck in higher up, and nearer the dam (some hundreds of yards above the main ford) ; here the water was deep, swift, and full of snares and pitfalls, there being 200 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, many large, jagged rocks and hidden holes. Now it became lively. The men as thejr struggled across shed all* superfluous baggage. Capt. Williams, of Company K, one of our most di minutive officers, went in all over. Walter Carter seized him, as he supposed, but only got his big hat. Making another grapple, he brought him out to the next rock, when the strug gle was renewed. It was slipping, tumbling, and sloshing about, until we arrived half-drowned on the Maryland shore, under cover of our guns and Sharpshooters. During the pas sage, the rebels having driven the flank regiment over the bluff, or completely broke it up, appeared upon the bluff, and commenced firing at the struggling mass in the water. The bullets hissed and spit about us, the shells still shrieked and made their hideous music over our heads. Berdan's Sharp shooters with other troops were lying in the dry bed of the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal, and gave us comfort and aid by firing also over our heads ; the two combinations keeping the Johnnies down, and driving them back before they could hardly secure their prisoners. We kept on, through the Sharpshooters in the canal, halted a moment to breathe and collect our com panies, then, moving off a short distance out of range, threw ourselves wet, tired and dispirited, upon the earth. Our loss was about three hundred — killed, wounded, and missing — in the brigade. The One Hundred and Eighteenth Pennsylvania lost nearly the entire number : Capt. Sanders and Lieut. White, killed ; Capt. Ricketts and Lieut. McKeen, wounded ; and about sixty-four killed and a hundred and eighteen wounded out of a total of eight hundred men. Our own loss: one killed, Joseph Young, of Companj' B ; one wounded ; the latter, Chauncy C. Knowlton, Company I, there is every reason to believe, by a shell from our own batteries, which burst over our heads while we were lying down, knocking the right side of his face off. He died at Sharpsburg, Oct. 13, 1862. Here occurred an incident and a mistake, quite common at different times during the war. An order had been sent for the brigade to withdraw across the river. Gen. Barnes sent the order to the right, but it either never reached them, or the en- WILLIAM STJWELL TILTON, COL 22° MASS.RLO.BVT. BRI&.&LNLRAL.U ?-. -. d Jry &.E..Haa,fivmQ,Fti»U fy.BlaolcS. Cast. PuJiUshed by Jno B Bachelder. NEWTQR-.K. SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 201 emy had even then come in contact with it; perhaps the One Hundred and Eighteenth attempted to withdraw when too late. We received it, and withdrew in good order ; but either on account of the chaffing they received, or the sensitiveness which they naturally felt about this being their first battle, there was never, from that time on, a real, cordial, fraternal feeling between our gallant comrades of the " Corn Exchange " and ourselves. They insisted that we ran away and left them to their fate. We retorted that had they not been new to the business, they would have retired when they got their order, instead of stand ing up, and trying to whip a line of battle, as the spectators said on the Maryland shore, nearly a mile long. As the rem-, nants of the various commands were being collected after cross ing, a little short major of the One Hundred and Eighteenth, dripping with water from head to foot, and followed closely by a few of our gallant Corn Exchange comrades, turned, and waving his drawn sword in their direction, shouted in a high, squeaky voice, — " Fo-o-o-l-l-low me, a-1-1 that are left of the gal lant C-o-orn Excha-a-ange ! " It was too much for our boys, and the Sharpshooters in the canal, and they burst out laughing. Perhaps this served to open wide the wound. Suffice it to say, whenever on picket, scrambling for water at a small spring, gathering rails, or "reaching" for straw, there were numerous collisions, although no bloodshed, between the two commands. We returned to our camp, related our adventures, and soon grappled with our featherless beds. Nine or ten rebel brigades took part in this affair; and " Stonewall " Jackson's report states that it ended in an appalling scene of the destruction of human life. A. P. Hill, who commanded, reports : " Then commenced the most terrible slaughter that this war has yet witnessed. The broad surface of the Potomac was blue with the floating bodies of our foe. But few escaped to tell the tale. By their own account, they lost three thousand men, killed and drowned, from one brigade alone." Our regiment numbered one hundred and ninety-eight guns and sixteen officers. CHAPTER XII. SHARPSBURG TO FALMOUTH. Camp near Sharpsburg. — Soldier and Sutler. — Flag of Truce. — Presi dent Lincoln in Camp. — Re-clothing the Army. — Potomac crossed at Harper's Ferry, on Pontoons. — Maryland Heights. — Snicker's Gap. — Snickersville. — Middleburg. — White Plains. — New Baltimore. — McClellan relieved by Burnside. — Farewell to the Army. — Fitz John Porter relieved by Hooker. — Private Pitman, Son of a Sandwich- island Princess. — Warrenton Junction. — Mud Camp. — Smoky Camp. — Meagre Thanksgiving. — Hartford Church. — Bitter Cold Weather. — War Correspondents. — Preparing for Assault on Fredericksburg. — Unaccountable Delays. OUR brigade now consisted of the Second Maine (two years), First Michigan, Eighteenth Massachusetts, Thir teenth and Twenty-fifth New York (two years), and One Hundred and Eighteenth Pennsylvania, Gen. Barnes, of the Eighteenth, commanding. Berdan's Sharpshooters were de tached. The Eighteenth had the right of the brigade line, the Second Maine the left, then came in regular order from right to left, the Thirteenth, Twenty-fifth New York, One Hundred and Eighteenth Pennsylvania, First Michigan, and Twenty-second Massachusetts. We camped in this order. Sept. 24 we changed our camp a few rods to the north, and here we remained, with out proper shelter or clothing, until Oct. 31, vainly endeavoring to get our requisitions filled for shoes, socks, blouses, blankets, shelter-tents, etc. Most of the days were quite comfortable, but the nights were cold and frosty. The men suffered intense ly from the cold. Our rapid marches from and down the Pen insula, leaving knapsacks with clothing at Gaines's Mills, and our movement into Maryland, had left no opportunity for a re- supply, and now, instead of somebody attending to our wants, SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 203 there was a wordy Avar between the quartermaster-general and McClellan, which, however, did not help us much. Our camp was on two sides of a small valley through which ran a narrow wood-road to the river, nearly a mile distant. From the woods we daily toted our supply of fuel, mostly black walnut, and it would have been a damper on the spirits of the average Yankee farmer could he have seen our camp-kettles and coffee-dippers boiling over such expensive fires. Our daily routine was drill ing, guard-duty, fatigue and picket, interspersed by visiting other regiments, seeing our friends, hearing the chaplain of the Fourth Michigan preach on the sabbath, reviews, etc. Unfor tunately our water, which we had to procure from very near the river, came from a limestone spring highly impregnated. This, with no shelter, and lying on the frosty ground nights, together with the warm days, brought many down with diarrhoea. With those who had had it from the Peninsula, it assumed a chronic form. Our inability to change our clothes increased the ver min, and with a number of cases of typhoid fever in camp, our condition at any and all times in this camp was mentally, mor ally, and physically bad. Many sutlers were about, having come in from Pennsylvania and the surrounding country; and where money was obtainable, altogether too much was invested in cakes, pies, and such trash, those ever palatable delicacies to the New-England boy's stomach. Their prices were exorbi tant, and occasionally when they were located near the road leading through our camp, and the boys' indignation had been aroused to the proper pitch, the cry, "Rally! Rally!" was raised, and in a moment a perfect cloud of men issuing like magic from the ground, charged in from sides and rear, over turned the cart, took every thing from it, and quickly retiring, in five minutes not a soldier was visible. Butter was a dollar per pound, six cakes for fifty cents; cheese, tobacco, etc , in pro portion. The officers, while not encouraging vandalism or un- soldierlike conduct, gave the sutlers but little comfort, as it was impossible to fix the individual responsibility in a brigade of seven regiments. We picketed the river from the front of our camp to Shep- 204 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, herdstown, on the banks of the canal. The latter, supposed to be dry, we made our beds on its slopes, an angle of about fifty degrees, and did our cooking in its bottom. The cold mists of night hung over the river and in the canal, chilling us to the bone, many of us being without overcoats and blankets as we were. No large fires being allowed, many shivered the nights away, and caught colds which told on their vitality and strength, and have lasted them through life in many forms. The next day after the disaster to our brigade, we were picketing the river.. A body of about four hundred paroled prisoners crossed in the afternoon, laughing, joking, and splashing the water in their delight at being en route to the Virginia shore. The flag of truce which had crossed the dam for the purpose of getting our wounded and burying our dead, now visible, many of them at the foot of the precipitous bluff, returned at five P.M., and while it was in force, we bathed in the Potomac, washed shirts, and sat about in our blouses while they dried, cleansed our persons as well as possible of our close and personal enemy, and got ready for a Sunday feeling of comfort. At night, if it was not too cold, we listened to and enjoyed hugely the bands in Sykes's division up in the camps play selections so familiar to many of us. Sept. 22 three or four of our Sharpshooters were sent to a high hill that commanded the road to Shepherdstown on the opposite side of the river. There appeared to be four churches, with another one being constructed ; rebel flags were floating from these, and from the tops of many other buildings. The Sharpshooters opened fire upon any one who came from that direction, and continued it until out of ammunition. About noon, another flag of truce crossed the river. The Sharp shooters were then relieved. Capt. Wentworth and Sergt. Leech each shot a turkey attempting to enter our lines just at dusk. Sept. 25 the Sharpshooters started to rejoin the regiment. They found it on picket, and they occupied the camp. Our troops were crossing and re-crossing all day. Out of a total of 915 men, 327 were reported as present, 588 absent sick ; and of 16 captains and first lieutenants but 6 were SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 205 present, and 3 of them on the sick-list. In the detail from the brigade for picket, the Twenty-second was called upon to fur nish 160 men, while the others furnished but 140, to make up the 800 called for. On the 29th a force of cavalry with a light battery crossed the river on a reconnoissance, and we went on picket. They went ten miles in two directions, driving in the enemy's pickets ; and when returning had a skirmish with Stuart's cavalry. Oct. 1st another large force of cavalry crossed the river. Oct. 1 the President visited the Arm}' of the Potomac, remained several days, and Oct. 3 reviewed the Fifth Corps. We formed line at 9.30 A.M. ; marched half a mile to get suitable ground. Took position in column of brigades; closed en masse. Remained in burning sun two hours before " Old Abe " made his appearance. He was greeted with a salute of twenty-one guns by Martin's Battery, and with deafening cheers from the various brigades as he appeared in front of them. He rode in front and rear of each regiment, giving us a fine view of him. We were not required to march in review, and as soon as he had reviewed the division, we were marched back to camp and dismissed. Notwithstanding his long, gaunt form and plain features, with such a kindly smile did the President greet the " boys in blue," as he hastily rode along the lines with " Little Mac," coming, as it did, from such a careworn and anxious face, it touched the hearts of the bronzed, rough-looking men more than one can express. It was like an electric shock. It flew from elbow to elbow ; and, with one loud cheer which made the air ring, the suppressed feeling gave vent, conveying to the good President that his smile had gone home, and found a ready response. The new regiments were thinning out awfully; and out of a total of seven hundred men in one regiment, when it moved out from Arlington Heights Sept. 12, it had now but three hundred left. Our recruits now numbered eighty-eight. Our brigade left Hall's Hill with forty-one hundred and eleven men, and had two new regiments of one thousand each join us since, yet we now numbered but a little over fifteen hundred. 206 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, We were inspected Oct. 7 by Col. Webb, inspector-general, of Gen. Porter's staff. Line was formed in four and one-half minutes. Oct. 9. Regiment ordered out without arms ; marched a few rods to left of camp to clear up a piece of ground, to shift camp. We had the rocks well gathered in heaps, when further progress was stopped by the major of Berdan's Sharpshooters, who came out, and claimed the ground; so we went back to quarters .to await farther orders. Had our usual squad and company drill. Battalion drill in afternoon, and dress-parade. Just at sunset one of the batteries fired a few shots over the river, but received no reply. Oct. 10. Drilled in forenoon. Commenced to rain towards night. No parade. In the afternoon a sutler came into camp with bread to sell. Not being able to deal it out quite fast enough, Col. Barnes confiscated the whole load. Oct. 11 and 12. Cold and dreary ; rained at intervals. 13th. Same. Drill and parade. , Pickets returned. 14th. Cleared, but cold. Men suffering much for clothing. Had battalion drill. About two hundred shelter-tents issued to the command ; and it was a busy day the 15th pitching tents, and making ourselves comfortable. Received first mail for a week. Oct. 16. A heavy reconnoissance went out by our camp. All the forenoon, rapid and heavy artillery firing was heard in the direction of Charlestown, and we were ordered to be ready to help support the movement, if necessary, with one day's rations in haversacks. Heavy thunder-storm toward dark. Oct. 19. Major Sherwin, Adjt. Benson and Lieut. Nason were arrested, and ordered to Harper's Ferry to report to the provost- marshal-general for having been in Sharpsburg without a pass. Major Sherwin reported by letter, but that would not do, and he was directed to report in person. Oct. 20. Very cold. Not much sleep after midnight. Came out warmer. Battalion drill at four P.M. Sharpshooters left in camp. Oct. 21. Cold, stiff frost ; ground white. SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 207 Oct. 22. Heavy gale, threatening to destroy our frail shel ters. Blew all day; almost impossible to hear orders on drill. Oct. 24. Prepared for inspection, which took place in the afternoon. Heavy picket guard on the 25th. Cold and raw ; north-east storm. Oct. 26. Inspection ordered, but the storm broke, and it was postponed. Artillery firing heard. Martin's Battery opened upon a party of rebels who came to the river to get stray cattle, and drove them back. One of the Sharpshooters had his jaw broken in two places by the kick of a horse. Ordered at night to prepare three days' rations, and have ready in haversacks to move at any moment. There was a rumor that McClellan had been superseded, and Hooker placed in command. Oct. 27. Cold, piercing gale of wind all day. On the 29tli we had another battalion drill. Two loads of men who could not march were sent away, preparatory to a move. Out of eighteen, however, in the ambulances in the other loads, twelve were sent back to the regiment after a closer inspection by Col. Tilton ; eleven of the invalids got away before he dis covered them. We visited many of the wounded in field-hospitals near our camp. There were two in one tent with their legs off. Rebel nurses had in some cases been left behind to take care of them ; but they contrived to leave for a season, and the poor wounded victims asserted that they had been treated much better by our own men, than when they were in their own hospitals. They were sick of the war, and scarcely knew what they were fighting for. Some were better, and notwithstanding their conditions, were for fighting the war through. Various rumors were rife in camp ; some that we were to build log houses, and remain in winter quarters, others that we were to move to Washington to guard the Capitol. On the 7th of October, the commanding general bad received a telegram directing him to "cross the Potomac, and give battle to the enemy, or drive him south. Your army must move now while the roads are good." 208 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, But upon repeated representations from Gen. McClellan that the army was wholly deficient in cavalry, and a large part of the troops were in want of shoes, blankets and other indispensable articles of clothing, the movement was delayed. Then followed despatches, and innumerable communications, criminations and recriminations, until Oct. 21, when Gen. McClellan stated that he was happy to say we were nearly "supplied with cloth ing absolutely necessary for marching," and begged "leave to ask whether the President desires me to march on the enemy at once?" To which Halleck laconically replies, " He directs me to say that he has no change to make in his order of the 6th inst. If you have not been, and are not now in condition to obey it, you will be able to show such inability. The President does not expect impossibilities ; but he is very anxious that all this good weather should not be wasted in inactivity." McClel lan, considering that this left it to his judgment when to move, named Nov. 1, as the earliest date. We shivered on, therefore, until Oct. 30; at which date we received marching orders, which we were not loath to comply with. The order came at dark. Down came bough-huts, hastily constructed shelters, and building fires of the huts, straw, shelter- tent poles, dried cedar boughs, which we had placed under us as mattresses, and, in fact, all boxes, barrels, combustible and 'perishable material, we gathered in knots about the blaze to discuss, pro and con, the objective point, the probabilities of when we would reach it, and how. At seven o'clock we were off for a night march. We moved by the Antietam Iron Works, and continued until midnight along a very hard and good road, with the usual amount of joking, hard talk, and amusing incidents. It was bright moonlight, and with a good road we got along very well, and bivouacked four miles from Harper's Ferry, a march of about ten miles. We were mus tered here for pay; but "broke camp" early in the forenoon, — about ten a.m., — and crossing the pontoon-bridge at Harper's Ferry marched to Hillsborough, Va., about sixteen miles. This march was tedious, on account of the numerous halts made for the teams to cross the river ahead of us, so that it was SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 209 nearly dark when we settled for the night. We saw all the John Brown celebrities, and took in some of the most beautiful scenery in this country, both around Harper's Ferry and in Loudon Valley. Maryland Heights overlook the river and town on one side, and high spurs of the Blue Ridge, called Loudon Heights, on the Virginia side, making a kind of gorge, or canon, through which the river swiftly glides. The latter heights were occupied several times by the enemy during the war, artillery being planted to control the approaches to Harper's Ferry. They command the heights opposite, which were shelled whenever our folks were there. Many artillery duels occurred here with varying losses. It is the dividing point between the Shenan doah and Loudon valleys; and the swift, bold stream, which takes its name from the former, makes its juncture with the Potomac at this point. The town was dingy and dirty in the extreme, and the ruins of the United States Armory and other buildings were sad to behold. We were now bivouacked in full view of the beautiful Loudon Valley, stretching in every direc tion for many miles. Report said we were here to re-enforce Sigel and Burnside, and cannons were then booming about ten miles off. When passing Maryland Heights, we saw some of Company F of the Fourteenth Massachusetts Heavy Artillery detached from the regiment, to man the guns at that place. Here we drew some clothing, which added somewhat to the comfort of the boys. We remained here all day Saturday, the 1st, expecting to move any moment, and were mustered for pay. The day was spent in writing letters, cleaning up, admiring our new blankets, etc. Sunday, Nov. 2, we marched, at eight A.M., to Snicker's Gap, — fifteen miles. A beautiful day. The booming of the guns quickening our steps ; too late, however, to participate in the fight at the Gap. The road up the valley was a good one, and comparatively free from dust. The odor of pennyroyal and mint, as the horses and men crushed it under foot, was a pleas ant contrast to some odors that had laden our nostrils the past few months. Gen. Morell had been detached by McClellan to' command a division left to guard the Sharpsburg fords, and Gen. Butterfield now commanded our division. 210 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, On the 6th we moved again, having enjoyed a rest from the 3d to the 5th in camp, although our picket and camp guard was hard. On the 5th the wagons were loaded, things packed up ready for a start ; a rumor coming late that afternoon that we would make an early move, some said for Ashby's Gap. Papers had been" overhauled, a well had been dug, and then we knew we must move. The 6th was 'a cold, rainy morning, threatening snow, cloudy and windy; and as we filed out early the spirits of the heroes were below par. The "rebs " had been crowding along the other sides of the mountains, making feints to break through, but finding us too strong, glanced off towards Fredericksburg. We moved at half-past eight A.M., without getting our breakfasts, and crunched our hard bread as we marched through Snickersville. It grew colder, and the wind searched us more keenly. As the day wore on, spits of snow warned us of what was coming. All who had old stockings — for none had gloves or mittens — put them on their hands for protection, as we trudged along until dark. There were few or no halts made, and the men, tired and worn, gave full vent to their feelings, no matter where or who it struck. We passed through Middleburg, at the head of the valley, about three P.M., a town full of bitter rebels. All the blinds were closed, and scarcely a person was visible on the streets ; but, we venture to say, behind those blinds many scornful, revengeful eyes were watching the " Yanks " as they kef)t step to the music of the Union. We bivouacked on a bleak, bare hill, after marching, the adjutant-general's report says, eighteen miles, and, of course, having the last chance of ground, having been in the rear of the brigade as rearguard of the division all day, and it being dark, we pitched our weary frames upon the frozen ground wherever we could, but not to sleep. The wind blew hard ; the fires were well patronized all night. Many a blue pant-leg be came more scorched. Our canteens froze solid at our heads, and we welcomed daylight for a change. We had scarcely been on the road an hour on the morning of Nov. 7, before a hard snow-storm set in, — about nine a.m., — and wallowing and wading, halting, and suffering severely, we SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 211 were ordered into the woods, and into camp at White Plains, near Manassas Railroad, having gone but four or five miles. There were six inches of snow to pitch a camp in. Buttoning our ponchos together, and tying the ropes to the trees, our mus kets for poles, we stretched them out, and ourselves down, for whatever solid comfort we could get. It came in the shape of a ration of quinine and whiskey, more of the former than latter, or else the black camp-kettle made it look blacker. No one was compelled to take, and anybody was free to give theirs away. Was it accepted ? Well, most always ! Was it ever rejected ? Well, hardly ever ! The better part of the comfort was a huge mail of letters and papers. We crossed the fields to the straw-stacks, loaded ourselves with all the straw we could well carry, filled up our tents, first scraping away the snow ; and those who were not picketing, or guarding against imaginary enemies in camp that night, managed to worry the night out. There were some precious pieces of candles, and "Boston Jour nals " and " Travellers " were in demand, while those who could not boast of such extravagance as candles, planted them selves at full length by the fires. The following day was warmer, just enough to turn the snow into mud, and from our camp here at White Plains we moved across the railroad at seven A.M., and on through New Balti more, camping beyond the town, a distance of thirteen miles. TJie turnpikes were stony, and slippery with surface mud; and with wet feet and sliding gait, we journeyed on with the ever marching, ever fighting, ever suffering and unfortunate Army of the Potomac. This was a wearing and exhausting march, and it was five p.m. before we bivouacked, pitched tents, and gath ered leaves, stalks, hay, etc., to keep our bodies from the cold ground, and make ourselves as comfortable as possible ; the nights were becoming more and more bitter. We then collected immense piles of wood, in prospect of a cold night. On the next day, Sunday, about four a.m., we moved four miles to a better camp, in the woods and on higher ground. Here we again made our shelter-tents comfortable with hay and cedar-tips, leaves, etc. In the camp at White Plains, men were 212 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, said to have frozen to death, or at least died from exposure. The hard-tack was so wormy that it went against a man's stom ach terribly to introduce the foreign matter. But without con sulting our scruples long, we bolted the bread and meat, and complained not. On the 7th, Gen. McClellan received the fol lowing order : — War Department, Adjutant-general's Office, Washington, Nov. 5, 1862. General Orders, No. 182. By direction of the President of the United States, it is ordered that Major-Gen. McClellan be relieved from the command of the Army of the Potomac, and that Major-Gen. Burnside take the command of that army. By order of the Secretary of War, E. D. TOWNSEND, Acting Adjutant-General. He was directed, upon receipt of the order, to immediately turn over the command to Major-Gen. Burnside, and repair to Trenton, N.J., reporting arrival by telegraph, for further orders. The general afterwards reported the army massed at Warrenton ready to act in any direction, perfectly in hand, and in admirable condition and spirits, and expressed doubt whether, during the whole period that he had the honor to command the Army of the Potomac, it was in such excellent condition to fight a great battle. He indicated the possibility of separating the two wings of Lee's army, and either beating Longstreet separately, or forcing him to fall back, at least upon Gordonsville, to effect his junction with the rest of the army. Could Lee have been brought to a battle within reach of his supplies, he could not doubt that the result would have been a brilliant victory for our army. But the fiat had gone forth, and the much-beloved com mander of the Army of the Potomac was relegated to civil life. It is not within the province of this book to discuss the prob lematical issues then pending, Gen. McClellan, or the ifs, buts, whys, and wherefores. That part of history is, perhaps, yet to be written. There is, however, scarcely a military student who can help feeling, after carefully reading his report and his testi mony before the Committee on the Conduct of the War, or the SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 213 criticisms more recently made by those who were near him in high official positions, and understood and rightly interpreted his motives, that he was over cautious, and hesitating even to timidity. Though we never doubted his courage for a moment, in the light of the present knowledge of more recent records and official data, his hesitation to move upon a defeated army — always more illy supplied with the wherewithal to conduct a campaign than ourselves, and with scanty resources ; always with the great, generous North behind him, ready to supply money, men and means — was certainly at times unac countable to us in the ranks, even though we were hatless, shoeless and ragged, and though the resultant sufferings should and did come upon us. If we were barefooted, so were the rebels. If we were ragged and without rations or pay, so were they, and always to a greater degree, as it was a rarity for them to ever get the latter, while our crisp greenbacks purchased us many comforts, yes, luxuries, comparatively speaking. His loy alty and patriotic devotion to the army which was the creation of his brain and will-power, can never be questioned by those who disagree upon his military genius. But that he ever seized the opportunities to carry that army forward to a final, unequivo cal and undisputed victory, hurling it as a unit, instead of by piecemeal and driblets, upon the enemy, and beating it from the field by his ability to fight a large army successfully, there is, and always will be, a doubtful question in the minds of the majority of the men, even, who served under, and loved him for what he was. His failure to fight the parts of an army as a whole, and in grasping opportunities on the field as they occurred, even to putting in his reserves to the last man, if necessary, and his hesi tation in following up a defeated army, was nowhere so clearly demonstrated as at Antietam, and stamped him in all future his tory as unsuccessful in the Napoleonic sense of a great general. It was certainly a dangerous move, as many in the ranks can, even to-day, testify, and no act of the government put the army to so great a strain, and tested the loyalty and devoted patriotism of the majority of our noble Potomac army, as the relieving of George B. McClellan from its command. " The half has never 214 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, been written." Night after night, about the camp-fires, the dis cussions and acrimonious, bitter debates ran high. It was not understood. The sequel could not be foreseen. The advent of extreme cold weather, and a winter campaign ahead, failure to secure the fruits of our last victory (?), and the jealousies which had rankled in the Pope campaign, communicated with demoral izing effect to the rank and file, and were among the causes of dissatisfaction, discontentment and ominous growling. It was not alone confined to the men in the ranks. On the 10th of November we took leave of the idol of the Army of the Potomac. As he rode along the lines, electric magnetism was as nothing to the wild and boundless enthusiasm which greeted its relieved commander. It surged and raged ; cheer upon cheer rolled along the fronts of the command, and but for that battle discipline which the intelligence of the men had stored up by virtue of necessity and length of service, it seems as though at times they must have broken from the ranks. That they did not, but took up the line of march under Burn side through mud and rain to Fredericksburg's bloody future, shows the true stuff of the Army of the Potomac, and will im mortalize its name and esprit de corps among the once living armies of the world. Our own favorite, and next to McClellan one of the most popular generals in the army, Fitz John Porter, was also taken from our corps, by force of circumstances we could not then understand ; and on the 12th, the division was called to take leave of him, and welcome " Fighting Joe " Hooker as our new commander, lt was a sad parting; many shed tears, while Porter was very much overcome. The same scenes were re- enacted as at McClellan's farewell. It was a magnificent sight, and as the regiments and brigades cheered, waved their tattered battle-flags, and saluted their departing commander, it was •enough to move a heart of stone. By this time, however, the old army had become a heart of stone, and there was no time for brooding over the lost fortunes of individuals. There was work ahead. Gen. Hooker reviewed the corps. The army was re organized here into three grand divisions. Ours was the centre, SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 215 under Gen. Hooker, composed of the Third and Fifth Corps, the latter under command of Gen. Dan Butterfield. Nov. 15. Cold and blustering. Company drills and division review, when Gen. Hooker was present and took command of the grand division. On the 16th we were directed to be ready to move in the early morning, and on the 17th, in a cold drizzling rain we pulled up stakes, and husbanding our courage, patriotism, and all our physical and mental resources, we struck out for pastures new. It was a long and terribly exhausting march. It rained nearly every day. In vain did the water-soaked, drowned-out men try to dry out their clothes and cleanse the mud from their persons, now filthy from long neglect. We wallowed and floundered along the boggy roads ; the wagons stalled ; the mules, no longer able to scarcely drag the wagons, lay down in their harness, many of them to die. The teamsters cursed and swore, and the col umns staggered along. We moved through Warrenton towards Warrenton Junction. At noon we were marching over the same ground we had gone over three months before ; marched until dark. Commenced to rain as we halted. Firing in advance all day. On this day when just beyond Warrenton, and the march was beginning to tell upon our endurance and spirits, Private Henry Pitman, Company H, asked a member of the company if he would fall out with him as he was sick, and his feet, from wearing tight boots, were blistered and unfit for march ing, and his comrade consented to do so. A fire was started, coffee put on to boil, and the rear of the column had nearly passed, when it was decided that without authority to fall out, even to care for a sick man, arrest or disastrous consequences might result, and the comrade determined to move on. Pit man was urged to make further effort and go into camp, but he positively refused to budge until his poor sick body was rested from the exhausting efforts of the day's march. Leaving him as comfortable as possible, his comrade joined the rear of the column, and struggling to the head joined the Twenty-second, and went into camp an hour later. Pitman was never heard 216 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, from, and was always borne upon the rolls as " missing." Nearly a year later, upon picking up a Boston paper, his funeral was announced to take place in Roxbury, where he had resided. When left by the roadside, he remained drinking his coffee until the rear of the column was out of sight. No sooner had it disappeared than four of Mosby's guerillas came out of the woods, and without a struggle took the poor fellow prisoner. He was sent to Libby Prison, and not being strong, contracted still further the chronic disease which, after being exchanged and sent to the parole camp at Annapolis, ended his life. His father, in early life a sea-captain of Boston, had married a Sandwich Island princess, own sister of King Kalakauha, daughter of Kamekameha. Two children were the result. His mother died, and Capt. Pitman marrying again, the boy was subjected to neglect and treatment, that with his sensitive nature he could not bear. Leaving the Boston schools, he en listed in August, 1862, with the foregoing sad result. His sister was still alive, and was with the king upon his visit to Boston a few years since. His hair was jet black, his eyes large and lustrous, his face swarthy, and from the ambrotypes shown us of the princess, his mother, he strongly resembled her whom he mourned, and recalled to memory in his brief service with the Twenty-second. Nov. 18. Called at four A.M. Weather cold and damp. Loi tered about till noon, but when we did start, we made good time until after dark. Halted about seven p.m. Few pitched tents, so weary was every man in the regiment. Damp and misty day, with showers. , Firing seemed to be in our rear during the day. Nov. 19. " Pack up " was not blown until about noon. It began to rain, and then we waited an hour for some thing or some body. Marched steadily for eight or ten miles and camped. It continued to rain. Nov. 20. Remained in camp all day. Raining as though the bottom was about to give out. Man and beast suffered alike from the cold, penetrating rain. It seems an exaggeration, the phrase " wet through," but we were truly " soaked." As we SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 217 moved hurriedly along the red-clay turnpikes leading into and beyond the town of Warrenton, every thing wore a forbidding aspect. After bivouacking at night, and after vain attempts to securely fasten our tent-pegs in the bottomless clay, a squall would come, lift all over our heads, and leave us floundering in the dark, vainly groping for something tangible to again com mence the operation. Getting up at night after our wet clothes had become warmed in the wet blankets, and we ware fairly steaming and parboiling, trying to feel utterly unconscious of the wild elements without; then to wade about in the water and mud, such as only exists in Virginia after a long storm, to find something to pound down the pegs with, to pull, tangle and disentangle three ponchos buttoned together, and then to find the ground too bottomless for the task, — was enough, and more than enough, for most of us ; and again and again we abandoned our slight huts, and the ground, now a water hole, and seeking the brightest fires, wore out the livelong nights, morning finding us unrefreshed for another day's slipping, slid ing, and mud-gathering. After marching through Elkton and Spotted Tavern, we filed into what has always been termed by the regiment the " mud camp." We seemed to have pitched our camp in an overflowed meadow or swamp, for the water, instead of running off, gathered about us in every direction, until at night it actually flooded us out. This was near Hart wood Church. On the 23d, moving from the last "mud hole," and slowly paddling the roads, we reached the vicinity of Stoneman's Station on the Aquia Creek and Fredericksburg Railroad, ap parently in our fighting position. Dirty, filthy, covered from head to foot with mud, now dried on by the little sunshine of the 23d, and too lousy for the distinguished consideration of our friends, could we have perchance rushed into their arms that moment. Yet our letters written Sunday night, stretched on the ground by the bivouac fire, say, " Still we are patriotic, and are disgusted with the poor dupes among us, rank and file, who curse the army, damn the abolitionists, and think the fight has been won by the enemy, when our little George B. Mc- 218 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY. Clellan left us. We are for the cause, and unless the army is for it, we shall never be victorious. . . . We only wish for vic tory, and to gain it, we must have a principle to fight for. . . . Our thoughts are on two grand extremes, — home, and our coun try and her enemies. . . . We pray that God may give us the victory ; and the blessed influences of it, or a master stroke of Burnside's, may ease the North. We want a waking up, an enthusiastic survey of the whole field, a rush, a triumph, as shall gladden you all who love the flag, even though it cut the heart strings of many as fond and dear mother as you, and break as dear a circle as ours." We were now in what is known in the history of the regiment as " Smoky Camp." It was located on a broad and rather low plateau which sloped down to a small stream, which we had to bridge by felling trees across, over which all our wood for cook ing had to be carried. In a few days it was scarce, and so green, or full of sap, that with a damp, sluggish atmosphere which prevailed most of the time during our stay here, filled the camps with a dense, acrid smoke, which, in spite of all exer tion, caused the men much suffering. It penetrated to the innermost corners of our shelter-tent ; caused the eyes to smart and fill. When open, the pain was irritating, almost unen durable. At night we could not sleep on account of it, our eyes becoming so poisoned and inflamed as to be almost useless. There was no retreat from it, and we bore it, like all else, in the line of duty. Nov. 24. The cold was now so intense, and our feet at night so benumbed, that it was with difficulty we could stir, much less sleep. As the men turned out, there was a general complaint of rheumatism, and it was not until fires were started, that we could thaw our stiffened bodies out. Nov. 25. Another cold morning. We heard several guns. Gen. Hooker rode by our camp in the forenoon. Began to rain about dark. The change of base to Aquia Creek, with time necessary to repair the railroad, the rainy weather, and impassable con dition of the roads, had put us on the shortest of rations, and SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 219 Thanksgiving Day beheld most of the men fishing around for crumbs of hard bread, picked out of the mud, and boiled with an old pork bone also raked from its slimy bed and washed; the two boiled together, and seasoned with patience to make "scouse," formed our Thanksgiving dinner. The governor's proclamation and address to Massachusetts soldiers, read at parade, made up the plum pudding and dessert. The men shouted " hard-tack ! hard-tack ! " even in the night, and occasionally, when one regiment was more fortunate than an other, nocturnal raids were made, resulting not infrequently in disaster to the raiders. This plain became a wallow-hole ; the clay surface freezing at night and thawing by day, trampled by thousands of men, made a vast sea of mud. A man going over it in the early morning, light hearted and light footed, re turned in the afternoon, sliding and skating into camp, loaded down with the viscous, adhesive stuff. It clung closer than a brother. It had to be scraped and washed off, to prevent our tents becoming hog-pens. Many rumors were flying about, as usual, of intervention (foreign or otherwise), of a demand for the surrender of Fredericksburg, etc. ; but our eagerness for food in our almost famished condition, caused us to disregard these camp stories, and we remained in blissful ignorance. A demand had been made for the surrender of the city, and it is a matter of history now, that upon Gen. Sumner's sending the provost-marshal of the army, Gen. Patrick, over the river under a flag of truce, the rebels were so incensed that he was immediately placed in the guard-house, ostensibly to give them time to go on with their preparations. The. state of the weather, the pontoons not arriving, and other causes, are given as Burn side's reasons for not at once allowing the impetuous, but sturdy old fighting " Bull " Sumner to occupy it. Had it been done, our massacre three weeks later might have been avoided, and the army been on the same line occupied in 1864 by Grant. Perhaps there was a kind Providence in it all. We shall see. Those of us fortunate to obtain passes could see from the plateau near Burnside's headquarters, the city, the movements of the enemy, his wagon-trains, and the works rapidly going 220 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, up. Many an ominous shake of the head was given by the " boys in blue," for the men in ranks could at times then, as later days proved, display a heap of wisdom, when future move ments, fraught with exposure, danger, and bloody sacrifices, were to be called for. Monday, Dec. 1, after breakfast, while the fatigue of the camp was being done, the " pack up " sounded. Down went our huts, and we were on the march in short notice, and were soon sliding and slipping along the plain. We supposed we were going on picket, but it proved a reconnoissance, as we found out after five miles or more of exhaustive marching. Halted about three P.M. We went back to near our old " mud camp," in the vicinity of Hartwood Church. No "bugle calls" were allowed, no fires nor coffee made, and we subsisted on our raw pork and omnipresent cracker. We lay at night in a low marshy wood. Our cavalry brought in a rebel scout. On the morning of the 2d, we started again, and moved eight or ten miles through woods and underbrush, across mud- holes, and where we know not, back to camp. Up hill and down, a rapid gait, and with the sticky mud impeding every motion, it proved exceedingly wearisome, and there were many expressions more forcible than elegant, as mile after mile was covered by the " worm-crushers " on their homeward trip. We had no halts, and moved at nearly a double quick, and did not slacken until within the picket-lines. We arrived soon after noon, more dead than alive, ready to drop down with fatigue and pain. From that time on, " Barnes's cavalry " was applied to the brigade. There was nothing at this time that excited our disgust, but at the same time amused us, so much as the incom plete, or entirely incorrect, letters of the army correspondents; their description of our stay at White Plains in the snow, our camp at Warrenton, McClellan's being relieved, Fitz John Por ter's succession, etc. We were, however, so entirely cut off from reliable, and of course official, news, and from the outside world, that we devoured very greedily any thing and every thing that had any bearing upon our situation or movements. Days and sometimes weeks after our marches and battles, we SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 221 learned from newspaper sources the causes, supposed or real". The nights grew colder. The white frost and occasional spurts of snow betrayed the approach of winter, and still our little log tents were our only protection. Three and even four men occupied them. It was only by the most careful manage ment that we drove Jack Frost away those nights when the ice on the stream grew thick, and water in our canteens froze solid at our heads. The outer men or flankers alternately froze and thawed back and fronts, in their desperate midnight energy to " spoon in " and " flop over " at the command. Yet our patriot ism had not congealed, nor our hopes for something tangible in the way of a substantial victory vanished. There had been a severe strain upon our esprit de corps, but our spirits did not waver. Dec. 5. Commenced to rain at nine A.M., but soon turned to snow. It seemed to be the beginning of winter in Virginia. It continued all day. Cold, sloppy, and wet in our ponchos, and dreary and disagreeable everywhere. Dec. 6. Found several inches of snow on the ground. It had frozen some, but soon thawed out. It took nearly all the time to bring wood to keep us from freezing. About three P.M. it grew bitter cold, and at night we had the alternative of freez ing to death, one side at a time at the fire, or "turning in." We did the latter, but could not sleep on account of the intense cold. The 7th proved to be the coldest day of the season. Long before daylight the men were marching up and down the com pany's street trying to keep from freezing. We heard during the day that three men, of some other regiment, had died from exposure. Our wood came from a distance, and it was as much as a detail could do to supply the fires. Dee. 8. Another very cold day. Another death from expos ure during the night from a New York regiment. The sur geon's call was well attended by the poor, shivering wretches, and getting wood took the place of all drills. Dec. 9. So many men sick that it took nearly all for wood and fatigue, leaving few for drills. It being a little warmer, drilling was attempted. CHAPTER XIII. BATTLE OF FREDERICKSBURG. Dec. 11,1862, March to Stafford Plains. — Gallantry of the Nineteenth and Twentieth Massachusetts. — Tobacco Plenty. — Crossing the River to Fredericksburg. — The Brickyard. — Charge of the First Brigade. — Sergt. Martis and the Colors. — Relieved by the Twentieth Maine. — Terrible Sights and Sounds. — Issuing Cartridges to jl Dead Man. — Suit- day, Dec. 14, in the Town. — A Memorable Night. — Retreat over the River. — Twenty-second the Last to cross. — Burnside's Disappointment. — Winter Camp. — Winter March. — Across Richford Ford. — Rebel Hard-tack. — Ellis's Ford, Mill, and Farm. — Expedition Deferred.— Hackett comes back as a Sutler. — Whiskey Riot. — Back to Camp Oove. — Winter Picket-duty. — Burnside relieved by Hooker. — Army re organized. — Corps Badge adopted. — First of the Maltese Cross. — President Lincoln reviews the Army. RUMORS reached us on the 10th of December, 1862, that we were about to move. The heavy booming of guns on the morning of the 11th started us from our blankets, and in the darkness, relieved only by the innumerable fires now springing up in every direction, we packed up, and stood in groups around them in the chill, crisp- air of that December morn. We soon marched in the direction of the enemy's guns. Daylight fast succeeding the gray of dawn, a march of four miles over the hard, frozen ground which reverberated the tramp of the now silent column, brought us to the plains of Stafford, overlooking the river and city. Here we were massed, and allowed to rest. The sun came out warm, melted the mud, and we were glued to the spot until night, when we moved back a mile nearer the woods, and where it was a little drier. The incessant cannonading continued, obscuring the city in a cloud of smoke, and it was not until night that the bridges were thrown across so that the city could be occupied. Our SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 223 laying the bridge and occupation was a gallant affair, performed by the Nineteenth and Twentieth Massachusetts and Seventh Michigan as volunteers. At night a part of Sumner's corps occupied the city, and after moving a short distance into a wood we sank down upon the fast stiffening " sacred soil" for a rest. Despite the cold, and conflicting thoughts and emotions regard ing the morrow's fight, the battle line slept, for when the writer returned from Gen. Burnside's headquarters after twelve mid night, only a " night owl " could be seen, and it was with difficulty that he threaded his way through the black masses to his luxurious bed. Our enthusiasm at dark, when we heard the cheers at the bridges, saw the flashes, heard the crackling of the musketry, and knew that our gallant boys were over, knew no bounds, and we broke out into prolonged cheers that must have reached even the " Johnnies " on Marye's Heights. Boker's " Battle of Fredericksburg " aptly describes the cross ing : — ¦ 1 ' They leaped in the rocking shallops, Ten offered where one could go, Aud the breeze was alive with laughter, Till the boatmen began to row. Then the shore where the rebels harbored Was fringed with a gush of flame, And buzzing like bees, o'er the water The swarms of their bullets came. Not a whimper ; each man was conscious He stood in the sight of Death, So he bowed to the awful presence, Aud treasured his living breath. And many a brave, stout fellow, Who sprang in the boats with mirth, Ere they made that fatal crossing Was a load of lifeless earth. But yet the boats moved onward, Through fire and lead they drove, With the dark, still mass within them, And the floating stars above. 224 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY Cheer after cheer, — we sent them As only armies can, — Cheers for old Massachusetts, Cheers for young Michigan. They formed in line of battle, Not a man was out of place; Then with levelled steel they hurled them Straight in the rebels' face. Oh, help me, help me, comrade! For tears my eyelids drown, And I see their starry banners Stream up the smoking town." A more gallant act history scarcely records during the war. The houses were occupied, the Mississippi riflemen driven through the streets or captured, and Devens's division occupied with a thin line the streets of the old city. In the morning we were on the move. It was bright and sunny, and marching at ten A.M. towards the river were soon in rear of our batteries planted on Stafford Heights, here a low range of hills that overlook the city, but too far distant for an effective shelling of the more distant heights. We remained here until sundown, expecting to cross the river, when we got orders to bivouac for the night. On the morning of the 13th we were ordered to be in readiness at nine a.m. The two pontoon-bridges were early alive with Sumner's corps crossing for the fight, and soon we could see the advancing lines moving out under a terrific fire, in rear of the city. Being ordered to remain where we were, ready to move at a moment's notice, we were breathless specta tors of the scene until word came sharp and clear, " Fall in ! " About three o'clock we started, entirely in ignorance, up to this moment, of the results thus far obtained. While lying here, our attention had frequently been attracted by men going to the rear passing our command, many loaded to the chin with large plugs of tobacco, some . dry, others wet and dripping. The eyes of our tobacco-chewers grew large, and soon men might be seen stealing off in the direction of the coveted treasure. It seems that a short time before the bombardment, SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND' THIRD BATTERY. 225 some of the large tobacco-dealers in Fredericksburg, fearing that their facilities for transporting their large stock to Rich mond would be curtailed in case of the occupation of the city, tumbled it into the river. Our pickets had observed the opera tion, and locating it in their mind's eye, had notified the men, and Sumner's first division was scarcely across before the Yankee spirit and natural love for gain asserted itself, and box after box was fished out, the top layers wet, the rest good. These speculators going to the rear ran the usual gauntlet: " How much did you give for that ? " — "I say, pardner, where did you get that? any more there ? " — " Where is the sutler? " — " How much for the lot ? " Most of it was freely distributed, and many hearts made happy, who before night were still in death. We moved out in column ; and while filing across the pon toons, a wounded man ran by us at full speed, jostling our men, the blood spurting out of his throat, as he held it with a vice like grasp, in vain endeavor to save his life. He grew paler, weaker ; the blood fairly spurted. He staggered, and fell head foremost upon the bridge by the side of the hurrying column, not one of which could give him a helping hand in his dark hour of distress. The shells buzzed and shrieked from our bat teries we had just left, shelling to cover our movement. We were still under cover of the houses. Reaching the streets, we soon filed left out of a street ; and no sooner had the head of the column turned, than a spherical case struck in Company F, knocking two or three men over, and mortally wounding one as we supposed. This was Private William H. Mudgett, shot through the breast, but recovered from the wound. The ball went clean through him, coming out at his back, but Mudgett is still alive and well (1887), and apparently good for a long life. The Eighteenth Massachusetts was leading, followed by the Twenty-fifth and Thirteenth New York regiments. Then came the One Hundred and Eighteenth Pennsylvania, First Michigan, Twenty-second Massachusetts and Second Maine. We were soon huddled into the brickyard. The huge piles of burned brick were everywhere about, and the mud was deep and 226 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, waxy, so that it was difficult to move. Griffin vainly endeavored to form a line of battle, but we were in a basin that gave no room for deployment. The rebels had our range, and the solid shot, shell and shrapnel rained upon us, until 'it seemed as though the infernal one was let loose. Men cast off knapsacks, rolls, and even in some cases haversacks with precious food, to lighten themselves for the charge. " Forward ! " was given. We stumbled through a railroad cut, along whose sloping banks were many hundreds of wounded, dying men, re-enforced from time to time by the skulkers and stragglers from the fight. Scrambling up the bank, we heard the order, " Left front into line ! Double quick ! " We heard no order to charge, but fixing bayonets on the run, and glancing our eyes to the right, we saw our noble brigade staggering into line, and charging for the foot of the slope. No sooner did we reach the crest of the railroad bank, than the fire which we had received in the brickyard, and there seemed horrible, was doubly increased, — every thing that could be brought to bear " turned loose." As we fully dSbouched upon the almost level plain, the gravel, dirt and dust flew in our eyes from the constant storm of iron. Pushing on, we reached a slight rise of ground, till trailing to the rear, with our efforts, as the sixth regiment, to come into line, and the exhausting run beginning to tell upon all, some stopped for a moment for breath. " This is awful, we better go forward," said one man, as the exploding shells and solid shot covered us with gravel and dirt from the crest of this little rise. He sprang to his feet — but a thud, and his brains were spattered about us. Many were wounded here, as the enemy's range was most perfect, and the men instinctively turned their sides to the storm. We reached a point perfectly black with our lines of battle, lying flat on the ground, under the guns of the enemy ; farther they had not gone, and farther flesh and blood could not go. Griffin's division relieved Sturgis's division, Ninth Corps ; Barnes's brigade relieved Nagle's brigade, as the dead of the Twelfth Rhode Island, in that brigade, covered the ground we then held. We pitched headlong upon the ground, and re covering breath opened fire upon the foot of the slope where SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 227 the rebels, covered by intrenchments, in many cases stone walls, were blazing away. In the intervals were light batteries, and above siege and heavy guns, all belching forth, as new lines were pushing up. The Washington Artillery occupied Marye's Heights ; Ran som's brigade supported it. At the foot of the heights were Cobb's brigade, of McLaws's division, and the Twenty-fourth North Carolina, of Ransom's brigade. Light batteries from Mc Laws's, Ransom's and Anderson's divisions were also on the heights. The Second Maine, on our left, had not been as successful as ourselves, for being on the left flank, their deployment and charge were more difficult, and it was not until nearly dark when the gallant little regiment struggled up. We were fully employed now, loading and firing. The enemy occupied houses inside their lines, which overlooked our position, and many of us busied ourselves silencing their guns and picking off the can noneers of the light batteries. To describe the battle would be impossible. The roar and din were terrible, the smoke blinding, the groans heart-sickening, the cheers inspiring and elevating. How we did cheer ! Our little color-bearer, Sergt. Martis, planting the staff firmly, would occasionally wave and " wig wag " it at the Johnnies, which only called down their wrath, and the showers came harder. All among, around, and in our midst were the dead, dying, and the wounded. Our charge had started the perspiration, and the smoke clung to our faces. We yelled, cheered, and kept our cartridges busy until, when nearly exhausted, a voice from a tall, soldierly-looking colonel moving over our prostrate bodies, asked, " What regiment is this?" — "The Twenty-second Massachusetts." — "Where is your commanding officer ? " Upon Col. Sherwin, who was nearest, being pointed out, he said " Colonel, my regiment will relieve yours firing, if you will move them to the rear." We had seen their long, unbroken line, moving almost as though at parade, coming across where our route had been marked by slaughter, the gaps and holes and tremulous movement of the line showing the shock, as the shells and shot raked through. 228 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, It was Col. Adelbert Ames, of the Twentieth Maine, who after wards commanded a division, and later became governor of Mississippi. Our cartridges were exhausted, and creeping on all fours to the rear, about twenty feet, his line swept over us under a galling fire. They needed no orders. It was their first fight, and, under splendid discipline, those Maine boys opened a terrific fire. For a moment it seemed as though everybody had taken a new lease of life. Our position, upon falling back after being relieved, was along a slight board fence that skirted, here at this point, a deep cut, on either side of which were steep gravel, embank ments. Across this sunken road the Ninth Massachusetts were in line of battle, our line broken by this gap. They opened with the Twentieth Maine, and as it was getting now quite dusky, it lent a terror to the scene. The rebels replied with renewed vigor, followed by renewed cheering and yelling. The bullets flew, the shells screamed and burst with a most hideous sound, and amidst this terrific uproar, the blackness of gathering night was dispelled by the lurid flashes of the guns in the rebel batteries, and the blaze of the exploding shells. We were now in an exposed position, as there seemed to be a cross-fire down this road, and the shot striking in the gravel-bank before ex ploding, sent the gravel all over us, and bursting, would carry fragments and all, through the fence, into our eyes, mouths, and down our necks. A shell struck a mess-pan or kettle in the road, carried it along into the bank, exploded, and tore the pan, and scattered the fragments and the splinters of the boards all over Company H. To add to our misery, the place had been used as a "sink." A voice comes out of the depths, and above the howling and screaming uproar of battle, we hear, from one of our comrades who had been a school-teacher, a squeaking voice precisely utter these words, " Who is in command of Company H ? " — " What do you want to know for ? " said Sergt. Haseltine. — "I motion that we be taken out of here by some responsible officer." Capt. Baxter was just across the road, help ing Lieut. Bennet, his wounded friend, and Sergt. Haseltine was in command. "Oh, lie down!" said Haseltine, "this is as SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 229 good a place as any." And the sepulchral voice was lost, as its owner vainly sought to make himself thinner upon the filth- covered ground. The firing, gradually ceased, our line was re-formed, the roll called, and the men sank down quietly to rest upon this awful field of blood and suffering. A little splutter ing musketry occasionally, alone indicated that a dreadful battle had been raging a few moments before. Many had lost their haversacks, and the stomach called loudly. Stumbling over dead and dying men, oblivious to groans, shrieks and prayers, we found some haversacks full of food never to be needed by their dead owners. Near a well-curb many bodies lay. One's haversack was full of flour ; it lay under him ; a shell had almost disembowelled the man ; a plunge of the hand, and it went to the wrist in cold, clotted blood. He had bled it full. Abandoning it in haste, we soon struck an officer's haversack, full of nice- hard-bread and white sugar. The first mouthful of sugar with our crackers caused a sneezing and spluttering that almost choked us. Upon examination, the sugar was found to be mixed with red cayenne pepper, a package of which had broken loose. We contented ourselves with the hard-tack. We lay down upon the cold, mire-trodden, death- strewn and anguish-laden battle-field that black December night, but not to sleep. A low murmur was heard all about, and along the irregular lines. Wherever they could approach under cover of darkness, ambulances were rumbling along, followed by the stretcher-carriers. The ground was freezing ; and the wounded, to be rescued, must be reached before they chilled to death. Many of the dead of the Twelfth Rhode Island were about us, and we literally slept' upon them. They were groaning, imploring and screaming, several in their last death-agonies. Their distressed, harsh, rattling breathing told us of the near approach of the Grim Destroyer. In a little shed-door sat a man, his leg shot off, and hanging by the skin. He had partially stayed the bleeding ; had been propped up in the doorway, too weak to sit up. Life and hope were strong within him. He heard the ambulances at a dis tance. They would come nearer, then recede, and the alternate 230 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, hope and despair were terrible. He offered fabulous prices, if we would carry him in on our back ; any way to save his life. In the gray of the morning his voice had eeased. We thought he slept, but his body, stiff and lifeless, was still in the same position. That long cold night of waiting and hoping and final despair had worn his life away. A look of almost savage hopelessness about the eyes and half-closed mouth, in which his teeth were clinched, told of his indomitable courage for the final struggle with the unknown. Such was one of many scenes. In the gray of morning, after a sleepless night, our regiment was aroused. The roll was called in whispers, cartridges were distributed, and we prepared to move up to our line of the pre vious afternoon. " Why don't you get up, and get your car tridges," said Sergt. Knowles, of Company H, as he moved with his foot the blanketed form of a man who was lying with us, not moving. Cold and shivering, and a -little out of patience, the sergeant stooped over, lighted a match, removed the blanket, and one of the Twelfth Rhode Island dead was exposed to view. He had tried to issue cartridges to a dead man, and compel him to answer to roll-call. He had answered hours before; his duty to his country in the ranks of the army was done. And who knows how that stranger in our company died, or what were his thoughts, that cold, bitter night on the battle-field of Freder icksburg ? Crouching and creeping to avoid the deadly sharpshooters' bullets, we pushed up a few yards upon the line. The sun rose, the misty, cold fog drifted away, and shadowy forms now became distinct in quickening daylight. The contest was renewed. Who does not remember, in the Fifth Corps, " Sunday at Fred ericksburg " ? The field of the day before, and of that terribly long and painful night, lay spread before us. To the front were extended Marye's Heights, with frowning batteries overlook ing our position, and from which we had received such a death shower ; at its foot, the low, gray stone wall from which such a sheet of flame had sprung, at each fresh attempt to charge. By raising ourselves slightly on our elbows, from our prostrate posi tion, the rebels could be seen stirring, like angry bees. Our front SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 231 stretched away to the right in an irregular line, to conform to the contour of the land and natural features for protection. The dead and many wounded were stretched all about, having been passed unnoticed the night before. The houses on our front, inside their lines, were crowded with sharpshooters now earnestly at work picking off our men, who dared not stir hand or foot. Behind us lay the city; every street, lane and avenue under controlling fire by the guns of the enemy. There was the level plain extending up to our -line, over which we could trace our weary and dangerous course of the day before. Scarcely a battery of our army could be placed in position. It was sure annihilation : we could not go back or be with drawn except under cover of darkness ; we could not go forward. Not a soul could be seen between us and the rebel town. Many men were being wounded, notwithstanding we spread ourselves so thin, and remained so immovable. Wherever we could, we rolled the dead bodies together, forming breastworks ; horrible as they were, at first without covering them, but, as rapid decomposition soon took place, a rubber or woollen blanket was thrown over their ghastly, mangled remains and staring eyes ; and they proved in many cases our salvation, as many a thud in their stiffening limbs gave evidence during the day. Our posi tion was painful. JThe ipen sought water and food. Dragging themselves, sometimes crawling, again rolling over, until they reached a fence, they would spring up, and make a dash behind it, or the shed spoken of, and then stretch out and obtain what they were seeking. The Ninth Massachusetts were especially daring in this manoeuvre. The movement always drew fire, and sometimes a perfect volley ; many were wounded, and one of our diversions was counting the number of fresh bullet-holes in the shed as we lay on our backs. As the men scrambled and dodged about during these fresh fusilades, Col. Tilton would peer over his glasses, cautiously raising his head, and say, " Boys, don't dodge so." Whiz zi-i-i-p ping ! — and a bullet near his head cut short his kind advice, and sent him to Mother Earth, endan gering head and glasses, and a hearty shout greeted his efforts. Night again came. In the afternoon, many had tried to reach us 232 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, from the city, to rejoin commands, who had gone with wounded the night before, — surgeons and others ; but after dodging and many fruitless efforts, with a few exceptions they were com pelled to return. Nothing human could live under the fire the enemy were able to concentrate. We were beginning to despair of any relief, when we heard a low murmuring and buzzing sound, a tramping of many feet, and a division of the Ninth Corps made us happy once more. We were relieved, and in the darkness moved impatiently into the city. Our painful, prolonged suspense was over for the moment, the severe tension on our nerves somewhat relaxed. How pleasant the change ! How cheerful the street-lighted city ! to watch the groups of men upon the sidewalks, in the gutters, in the houses, and on the balconies ! Fredericksburg that night had a picnic. Fires were everywhere to be seen ; some were mixing bread, others frying flapjacks, some making coffee, and all busy with some culinary process. The basements were all aglow; kitchen stoves were in full blast; candles lighted, and on the tables ; cracked fiddles and accordeons sounded forth their more than sonorous notes, under the hands of most unskilful performers ; flutes, pipes and unmelodious voices added to the uproar ; some were playing cards, others writing letters, — all en gaged in something, which to our regiment, just from the death front, seemed novel, strange and amazing, almost unaccountable. Truly, in the midst of life we are in death. But it smoothed the hard lines of anxiety and suspense from our faces, and com pelled many a half-repressed smile to break into a hearty laugh, which to us, out of the gloom and dark despair of that terrible Sunday's experience in the line of battle, was refreshing and never to be forgotten. Halting in a vacant lot, with a sigh of relief, we sank down to a night of refreshing sleep, although it was in the cold, bleak December night; a few, however, going into a house to hear one of our number play upon a piano. Supposing Lee had opened on us that night with his guns, as it was proposed to do, or Jackson had sallied out of his breast works, as we now know was under discussion, what then? But he didn't; and we all may count that a red star in our lives, SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 233 for we should certainty have been driven pell-mell into the river, and the slaughter been dreadful. Lee's reason for not attacking us after the 14th was : " The attack on the 13th had been so easily repulsed, and by so small a part of the army, that it was not supposed the enemy would limit his effort to one attempt, which, in view of the magni tude of his preparations and the extent of his force, seemed to be comparatively insignificant. Believing, therefore, that he would attack us, it was not deemed expedient to lose advan tages of our position and expose the troops to the fire of his inaccessible batteries beyond the river, by advancing against them. But we were necessarily ignorant of the extent to which he had suffered, and only became aware of it when, on the morning of the 16th, it was discovered that he had availed him self of the darkness of night, and the prevalence of a violent storm of wind and rain, to cross the river." Nothing disturbed our slumber, and Monday morning, early, we moved from the vacant lots to the bank of the river, where we made coffee, washed the gunpowder and dirt from our faces, and rested. Some wandered up into the city to witness the carnival going on, and visited the hospitals to seek out wounded comrades. While this almost unaccountable cessation of hos tilities took place, no one could better understand what actual war is, than by walking up some of the streets of the almost destroyed city. Turn where you might, and your eye would meet some sad evidence of the terrific fire from our guns into the streets and houses. Nothing appeared to have escaped; roofs, walls, fences, trees and chimneys were riddled, and in some instances to such an extent, that the front of a house pre sented the appearance of a large pepper-box, the holes being so many and regular, while next to it would be the smoking re mains of some stately mansion. Upon going into some houses directly on the bank of the river, the question naturally arose, how could any thing animate ever remain there and live ? and yet a few residents did remain through it all, and escaped in jury. The streets were strewed with bricks ; on the sidewalks were barrels of flour and sugar, some of it scattered about ; 234 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, furniture of all descriptions; while by the fires upon the side walks and in the gutters, groups could be seen still frying the everlasting flapjack, or baking biscuit in spiders. The square tower of the brick church, although struck many times, still remained standing. Had there been a wind during the bombard ment, nothing could have saved the city from total destruction. The houses were nearly empty, and with the exception of a few chairs, or an old table, etc., whatever remained was now in the possession of the men, and some ludicrous scenes were the con sequence. They arrayed themselves in old antiquated bell- crowned hats of a century ago, large poke bonnets and skirts, and paraded the streets, until checked by the provost-guard, because it was subversive to discipline. Household goods were carried out, only to be thrown away in the next street, adding confusion and disorder to the already mixed state of things. At night we were moved cautiously into the streets, in column, and after halting, and moving first to the right, then to the left, we stacked arms, and sought another night's rest. Some went into the stores and buildings, for we were on the main business street (Commerce, I think). The one we entered was a jewelry and lamp store. The lamps were still on the shelves, and the show-cases intact. We ensconced ourselves on the floor for a sleep, first lighting a fire in the fireplace, which was at once or dered put out by the provost-guard. The wind blew, the blinds and signs rattled in the fitful gusts outside, doors slammed, and an occasional dash of rain warned us that a storm was close at hand. About three o'clock we were routed out, " took arms," and, while waiting with chattering teeth in the searching wind and gusts of rain, heard all sorts of rumors, the most ominous of which was, that we were a " forlorn hope " (we were forlorn enough) to again storm the heights ; a column of assault eighteen thousand strong to be led by Burnside in person. But we soon heard the loudly whispered question by an aid, " Which bridge ? " and we knew that we were to cross the river. We were soon in motion, and crossing the bridge. The city seemed deserted of troops, and we were the rearguard of the Fifth SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 235 Corps and the army, the pontoons being taken up immediately after our passage. The rain now poured in torrents ; the mud grew sticky and waxy. We halted a few moments to allow the rear of the column to close up in the inky blackness just preced ing the dawn of day, then started for our old camp four miles away. Gen. Burnside with his staff passed us on the road. The stillness of death reigned over all, broken, only by the splash, splash, in the cold, liquid mud. Not a murmur of disapproba tion, not a cheer or a shout of either joy or relief. It was a vast thinking-machine, each man intent upon his own private thoughts. The general's hat was slouched far over his face, which wore a saddened and disappointed look, and he fully realized that he had sacrificed his judgment to the Northern rabble ; had been the victim of jealousy, perhaps treachery ; and the blood of our sacrificed thousands bore heavily upon him. We wallowed into our old camp, and wearily sought the soaked ground for a little rest. The division lost in this battle eight hundred and eighteen men killed and wounded. The casualties in our regiment at Fredericksburg were as follows : — Killed, 4. Company C. — Private George A. Perry. Company B. — Privates Henry Poole, William F. Pope. Company F. — Private Thomas Murray. Died of Wounds, 8. Company A. — Private Dennis Barry. Com'pany C. — Privates Charles G. Lincoln, Samuel W. Richmond. Company E. — Sergt. Daniel Morrissey, Private Richard Goggin. Company I. — Privates Otis M. Burrill, Martin Gradwell. Sharpshooters. — First Sergt. Nathan W. Haynes. Wounded, 42. Company A. — Privates Henry B. Burton, William Pender- grast. 236 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, Company B. — Privates William A. Currier, Patrick En- wright, William Flynn. Company C. — Sergts. John Rock, Levi L. Crane, Privates Bela F. Brown, Vanzant E. Smith. Company D. — Privates John D. Collins, John Q. Maynard. Company E. — Privates Andrew Ayer, John Hustley, George W. Pearl. Company F. — Corp. William B. Smith, Privates Rodney N. Flagg, Martin J. Griffin, William H. Mudgett. Company G. — -Lieut. Edwin C. Bennett, Sergt. John H. Buxton, Privates Thomas Branigan, Handley C. Gardner, Frederick G. Haberland, Martin Lyon, Austin Toole. Company S. — Privates William C. Craig, Stephen W. Fitts. Company I. — Sergt. William Breese, Corp. Bartholomew Clancey, Privates Lyman Ball, Edwin F. Gould. Company K. — First Sergt. Daniel Walker, Sergt. Charles E. Anderson, Privates Hugh Gilligan, William F. Norcross, Michael Quigley, John Timoney. Sharpshooters. — Lieut. Robert Smith, Privates Ezra W. Chapman, Walter S. Craft, Sewell D. Richardson, Walter Steele. Among the casualties at Fredericksburg was Sergt. Nathan W. Haynes, of the Sharpshooters, who was mortally wounded. He was company clerk, and kept a very full diary of events, from which many incidents related in this history have been drawn. He was a fine soldier, and his untimely death was sincerely mourned by his comrades. The following is an ex tract from the company journal : — Dec. 13, 1862. — Woke up this morning about daylight. Quite cool. Got our breakfast quite leisurely, and were ready for orders. The first gun was fired at nine a.m., and with the report came the order to pack up and be in readiness to march at a moment's notice. The cannonading was very spirited for the rest of the day. We were ordered across the river about noon. Got across without any difficulty, and advanced to the front. Quite a number of the regiment fell in the streets by the explosion of shells, and while advancing across a very exposed part of the ground, four of our company fell wounded, myself among the number — my leg being broken. I could not crawl off, so I had to lie three hours exposed to a most terrific fire of musketry and artillery, but fortunately I was not hit a second time. SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 237 After dark, some of my comrades came after me and took me to the com pany, where I lay till two o'clock at night, before an ambulance could be obtained to c6nvey me to a hospital. After I was loaded, they put a man in with me who was wounded in the head. Before we reached our destina tion, I was lying beside a corpse. I was taken into a building, up a flight of stairs, and placed among the dead, dying and wounded. There has been a severe battle to-day, but not much gained. Sunday, Dec. 14, 1862. — Woke up this morning from a short nap, to find myself in a building completely riddled by shells and rifle-balls. Have been very kindly treated by the nurses, but did not get my wound dressed until late in the afternoon, because the surgeon had so much to attend to. Still they were very kind and careful of me, and assured me that I would not have to lose my leg. Should like to be present with the company, but as I left them on the ground they occupied yesterday, thought I should not be present with them again very soon. There was some firing early this morn ing, but it soon ceased, and has since been very quiet all day. Many of the wounded died during the day. It is now nearly dark, and I suppose I shall have to pass another sleepless night. Have seen two of my company back here in town. Dec. 15, 1862. — I was rejoiced to see daylight. Was in distress all night. Another poor fellow died beside me during the night; he died quite calmly. We had orders to prepare to leave the hospital in all haste. I was tumbled into an ambulance, and brought to the Falmouth side of the river, and left till they could pitch tents to receive us, when we were taken in and made very comfortable. Were crowded to overflowing, but it was the intention to send off the wounded as fast as possible. It rained during the night, but the tents were of good stock, so we did not get wet. Heard that McClellan had once more taken command, and ordered the troops to recross the river. " The foregoing records were written by Sergt. Haynes, of the Sharpshooters company. He was wounded in action, Dec. 13, 1862, in the leg ; was sent to the hospital at Georgetown, D.C., where his leg was soon after amputated. On Jan. 12, 1863, news came that Sergt. Nathan W. Haynes was dead. He con tinued to keep the records for three days after he received his fatal wound. The following letter was written by his dictation, Dec. 23, 1862:" — To Capt. L. E. Wentworth. Sir, After arriving at this hospital, the surgeon found it necessary to amputate my leg. Am very comfortable under the circumstances. It has been very painful, and after an examination it was found to be much more 238 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, shattered than was supposed when I left you. Am obliged to lie flat on my back from morning till night and from night until morning. It is not a very pleasant condition to write in, but I want to let you know" my condition and other matters as soon as possible, not knowing what may happen any day. Any communication that is sent to me at the regiment can be for warded to me at the hospital. Ezra kept with me till we got to Aquia Creek, where I lost him. I suffered some on board the boat, but am amply repaid in finding such good quarters as have been furnished me. I have suffered terribly since it was amputated. It was taken off three inches below the knee. Is George O. Pond with the company? Please send a list of the wounded in our company. If that box comes, you will please forward it to me. If I can get an envelope large enough, I will send those records. Please send my. daguerreotype by the 1st of January. Remember me to all the boys. Truly yours, N. W. HAYNES. A correspondent of the " London Times," then with Lee's army, wrote, that the 13th of December, 1862, was " memorable to the historian of the decline and fall of the American Repub lic- and declared that Lee, and his captains under him, enjoyed a moment of proud gratification, when they realized, beyond all question, that the enemy was about to force an attack under circumstances which would have insured defeat, had the onslaught been made, by the bravest disciplined troops of Europe ; " and what Lee and his captains knew before the assault was delivered, Burnside ought to have known then, and was mad not to recognize it after the experience of the day. And again, " That any mortal men could have carried the posi tion before which they were wantonly sacrificed, defended as it was, it seems to me idle for a moment to believe." The battle of Fredericksburg was lost either through treachery and insub ordination and rank jealousy on the one hand, or gross incompe tency on the other. Gen. Franklin, with one-half of the army on the left, either deliberately misconstrued, or maliciously mis interpreted, the spirit of his instructions, or was grossly incom petent to command so large a force. Gen. Hooker wilfully disobeyed his orders on the right, after being ordered three times to go in and support Sumner, or lost his head in his zeal to save the army from useless slaughter. The conclusive testi- SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 239 mony is, that had Franklin made his attack, with all the force that could have been used for that purpose, their right flank would have been turned, our right been relieved, and the plan of Gen. Burnside, no matter how vague in its conception, would have been successful, and our army achieved a most brilliant victory. Henry Wilson was present at inspection on the 18th ; only about one-third of the regiment he had commanded was alive, and sad indeed did he look upon the remnant of the brave boys. On the 20th it was the coldest morning of the season. We remained in our camp but a few days, for on the morn ing of the 22d we were ordered to change camp ; and moving across the railroad about a mile from Stoneman's Switch (or Brooks Station), we went into our new camp, named " Camp Gove " in honor of Col. Gove, where we remained until our final departure in June, 1863, on the Gettysburg campaign. Here we were ordered to build log huts for the winter. It was on a side hill, rather steep in places, but which gave good drainage, covered with a dense growth of underbrush and cedar thicket, which we soon cleared away with axes and knives. The line officers' quarters occupied the crest of the hill, in rear of which was a deep hollow, then another hill, upon which were located the field and staff. From the crest of this hill, heavily wooded, we could see a great distance. Potomac Creek and the trestle bridge were quite near. Having but a few dull axes, it took much labor and patience to construct our rude huts ; but by working day and night, and after much borrow ing, the camp was completed. There was but little uniformity enforced, and each hut represented the ideas and tastes of its occupants, none of whom had been educated as architects or builders. They were simply shelters ; and when covered in by our rubber blankets, or ponchos, with their ungainly mud and stick chimneys, some surmounted by a pork barrel, were crude affairs. Here we lived, or existed, and performed the ordinary routine and drudgery of camp-life. A bunk of cedar poles, made by driving crotched stakes upright, and laying horizontals in them, then covering closely with small, springy poles, and 240 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, these by cedar boughs, over all our blankets, made a bed not to be ridiculed, after sleeping in furrows, on rocks, boards and rails. Our fatigue consisted, principally, in sweeping down those everlasting steep, hilly streets, until it seemed as though the soil would all be carried to the plain below ; and we got so that we welcomed a rainy day, for then the streets were like glare ice, the clayey mud furnishing a good coasting-track for anybody who, venturing out, attempted to descend. Extra work of all kinds, such as ornamental brush-fences leading to officers' quarters, fancy arbors, guard duty and picket, kept us from rusting until the 26th of December. The whole command was ordered to prepare three days' cooked rations, to fill the wagons with ten days' more, and to be ready to move at a moment's notice. It took us entirely by surprise, the rumor being that we were to leave our newly made huts and fixings behind ; we felt blue enough, but on the 30th the order came. At eleven a.m. we packed every thing, and at noon, without dinner, were off on the road leading out across the railroad and the old road, towards Hartwood Church — we all remember it well. We marched until nearly dark, when we halted in a grove near Hartwood Church, and remained more than an hour. Starting again, we moved several miles, when the regiment in front of us was suddenly turned off to the right, upon another road, by a staff-officer. We followed, as also did the Second Maine, and a battery in our rear. After marching a short dis tance the officer halted the regiment, and galloped away, after waiting awhile. Soon the aid told the colonel who commanded this regiment, to put it into the woods and defend a certain hollow. The Twenty-second was ordered to follow the brigade. Col. Tilton took the responsibility of following the original road, being satisfied that the aid was a little' in the dark. We were outside the picket lines, and the remainder of the brigade being ahead without artillery, made our position one of much anxiety, and a hard task to overtake the column. We made a forced march of over an hour or more, before overtaking the brigade, and then only knew we were on the right road by SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 241 overtaking some stragglers of the One Hundred and Eighteenth Pennsylvania. In the darkness we had not been missed at the head of the division. We lay three hours on the road in the bitter cold, which, after our rapid and heated march, chilled the men to the bone. It was one of those disgusting and unaccountable delays,which are the bane of marching, and which usually bring upon those in authority "curses not loud, but deep." It was reported that the battery was stalled, and we were waiting for it to come up. Bivouacked until morning, then marched through a road much blockaded by felled trees. We moved, at eight A.M., about one mile down to Richard's Ford of the Rappahan nock, and breaking the ice in many places, forded it about knee-deep, each step chilling us to the bone. Capturing some rebel pickets, about one dozen in number, being on the other side where we halted while our skirmishers and Berdan's Sharp shooters cleared the way, and covered the crossing of our cav alry. The morning wind was piercing, and with our wet clothes, many having slipped on the stones and fallen in, we were soon shaking and shivering, anxious for any thing to warm our con gealed blood. We moved towards Culpepper, but soon swing ing to the right, moved up the river to Ellis's Ford. All the dispositions of this march were admirable. We had skirmishers and an advanced guard, flankers on each side, and a strong rearguard. The road was guarded, the rests in good time, and the march rapid. While halting in the woods, a greasy, black- headed, black-bearded " Johnny " was marched by us a pris oner. He had broken his horse's leg, and been "run to earth;" his canvas haversack thick with dirt and bacon fat was ex posed to our view, apparently full of rations. One of the boys lifted the flap, and pulling out a flour "pone " as large almost as a small cart-wheel, said, "Johnny, what is that?" The answer came crisp and surly — " Confederate hard-tack." The plan of Gen. Burnside was to cross the river six miles below Fredericksburg, at a point opposite the Seddon House a short distance below Hayfield, and to make a feint above the town ; this to be converted into an assault, if discovered below, bu t if not, to throw the entire army across at the point opposite 242 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, the Seddon House, or points near by, where bridges could be built. Positions for artillery to protect the crossings were selected, roads surveyed, corduroy necessary to prepare the roads cut. In connection with this, a cavalry expedition, under Gen. Averill, was organized of picked men who were to cross the rivers at Kelly's and Raccoon fords, cut the Virginia Cen tral Railroad, cross the James, and then cutting the Lynchburg also the Weldon roads, destroying all bridges, canal locks, etc., was to join Gen. Peck at Suffolk. To insure the success of this expedition, a division of infantry with a battery was detailed to accompany it, and secure the passage of the Rapidan. An extra brigade to accompany and cross with it, then, turning to the right with six hundred additional covering, it was to attack any and all forces in the direction of Culpepper Court-house, returning by crossing farther up the Rappahannock. Griffin's division of the Fifth Corps was detailed for this work. The expedition was organized the Monday before New Year's, and was completed the next day, and Tuesday, the 30th, we were on the road as narrated. We left the brigade at Ellis's Ford, well warmed up by our long and rapid dStour between the two fords. It was late in the afternoon. There was a small scow which some of the officers used in paddling over; but the men, seeing there was no escaping another wetting, plunged into the icy water above our waists, and after many " ahs ! " and " ohs ! " scrambled up the opposite bank. When we arrived at Richards's Ford, several rebel cavalry were discovered, who retreated on our approach in the direction of some houses. Our skirmishers opened fire on them, and succeeded in capturing two prisoners. When our men reached the houses, it was discovered that a woman had been wounded. It seems when the firing began, she started to go up-stairs, when a stray bullet entered the light over the front-door, and wounded her in the leg. Our surgeon offered his services to dress the wound, which was not a dangerous one. His offer was accepted, but he got more curses than thanks for his kindness. The Twenty-second was marched farther up the river, and crossed on some rocks, so that most of them, by skipping from SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 243 rock to rock, crossed dry-shod. The Twenty-second was de tailed to picket the ford, while the rest of the brigade went for ward a mile, and bivouacked in a large wood. We remained in a garden where there were turnips and cabbages. There was a mill at the ford, owned by Mr. Ellis, an old bachelor, whose house was near by, surrounded by the usual quarters and stables. He came there thirty years before, owned about two thousand acres of land which he then bought for two dollars an acre, and which was at this time valued at fifty dollars an acre. The farm was extensive and beautiful ; the whole estate a gold-mine, he hav ing worked out thousands of dollars' worth of gold. The night was dark and bitter cold. No fires were allowed, though the cavalry, which camped farther up in the timber, had fires. We picketed the river at night, and after an all-night effort to keep from freezing to death in our stiff, icy clothes, and too benumbed to sleep, we gladly hailed the dawn. Hastily moving from our cheerless bivouac, we started for our old camp at Stoneman's Switch, thirty miles away. Before dusk, we were there. I say we : a few were there, for just inside the picket- lines, half-way in from Hartwood, which point we reached at eleven A.M., the men dropped out in bunches, and all night long dragged their weary, chafed limbs and blistered feet along the road. It was said we marched over twenty miles in eight hours. Averill says, that at 10.30 a.m. Wednesday morning, as his head of the column was approaching Kelly's Ford, he received an order by courier to defer the expedition. The whole plan was frustrated by information furnished the President by two officers high in rank, of the movement, causing him to send the following message to Gen. Burnside: "I have good reason for saying that you must not make a general movement without letting me know of it." At least two-thirds of the men fell out on this, one of the hardest, most exhausting marches the regiment ever made. We understood that a bet was made that our brigade could march the distance in a certain time. Whether we won the bet for these considerate individuals, we never knew. Jan. 8. The Fifth Corps was reviewed by Gen. Burnside. 244 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, Gen. Barnes commanded the division, and Col. Johnson com manding the picket as general officer of the day. Col. Tilton commanded brigade. Jan. 15. Our sick were removed to Aquia Creek in antici pation of a move of twelve miles. General inspection took place, of men, guns, equipments, etc. Jan. 16. The sutler Ephraim Hackett arrived at last, and was hailed by the regiment as an indispensable addition. Hack ett went out with the regiment as commissary sergeant, and was popular with the boys. He was allowed to sell such articles only as were included in Senator Wilson's bill passed the winter before. 17th. Skirmish drill. Rumored move with three days' rations in haversacks and five in teams postponed. Jan. 20. At one p.m. we started on the "mud march." We marched a mile or more, halted three hours, started again, marched two miles, and went into camp rather disgusted at our slow progress. The plan Burnside had in view was much the same as before described, — a flanking movement, both up and down the river, one a feint ; the other proved so before we got through. Our route was the same as in the reconnoissance, out past Sykes's division, and towards the fords. The rains came, the floods descended, all was a sea above and beneath. The bottom seemed literally to have dropped out. The one incident worth relating, or perhaps not worth relating, as being too dis graceful, was the unfortunate whiskey-riot. As this is a his tory of the regiment, these are the facts : whiskey rations were served out in the rain, the men being chilled to the bone. The rebels knew we were coming, and tauntingly placarded the opposite bank with suggestive invitations to come over. Some procured the ardent fluid, on orders from the officers, until there were several canteens to each company throughout the brigade, enough to start the noisy and quarrelsome ones. It commenced in one of our best companies, C. In attempting to quell what was at first a slight matter, the officers from other regiments fanned the flames, and soon the One Hundred and Eighteenth Pennsylvania (our old friends?), the Twenty-second, and Sec- SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 245 ond Maine were inextricably mingled. It was a "Donnybrook Fair." Hit wherever a head could be seen. The major of the One Hundred and Eighteenth went sprawling into the mud with a cocked pistol in his hand, which, had it snapped, would surely have injured the owner; and many other narrow escapes took place. The giants of the Second Maine soon cleared the field, and the whiskey having given out, and the effects worn off, quiet reigned over the field ; no more sanguinary than a few bloody noses and black eyes. Jan. 19. Had a skirmish drill of three hours. Received let ters and papers from Massachusetts, predicting a move on the 20th. On the 21st, before light, Gen. Griffin in person roused Col. Tilton, and ordered him to get his regiment ready to march immediately. We were soon in line ; and, without coffee, re mained four mortal hours until Humphrey's and Sykes's divis ions filed past us. The rain which had poured in torrents during the night had not ceased, but, accompanied by an east wind, penetrated and sought our bones. We marched about half a mile farther, then halted in a bleak field where we made coffee, and "felt better." In an hour or more we again moved, going two miles farther towards Hartwood Church. We biv ouacked in a fine old forest of oak, and got ready for night. The way was blocked ahead. On the 22d (Thursday) we lay still. Friday, the- 23d, we turned out at daybreak to corduroy the roads back to camp, under the impression that it was to enable supplies to be pushed out to us. Details were sent into camp for axes and tools. The sun coming out on the morning of the 24th, the com mands were set in motion for camps, wallowing, sliding, and slipping at every step ; the artillery being gathered in the next day. To describe this movement, with its gloom, rain, cold, mud, and dispiriting, humiliating and demoralizing scenes, would be beyond our power. We are content that it was part of the history of the regiment, in which we suffered, and that we did our entire duty there as upon the more bloody battle- 246 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, field. Orders were received to move back to our old camp, at eleven A.M. on the 24th, but it was not until some hours after this that the Twenty-second started, going two or three miles out of our way across even a worse country, through Col. Barnes's very kind efforts to save distance by cutting across, which will long be remembered by all. What old, muddy cornfields we explored ! what hills we ascended and descended ! what ravines we traversed, and brooks and brooklets we waded, with our loads on our half-broken backs ! only to find ourselves about one-half a mile nearer our old camp than when we left the main path. We arrived at four p.m. in the old quarters at " Camp Gove." On the 25th, very pleasant and warm, rain falling in the morning until eleven a.m. Orders read on parade, and many reports of courts-martial of officers for drunkenness. Whiskey was evidently the worst and most powerful enemy of the army, and of the rank and file, as we suffered always from its baneful influences and effects. Whole volumes might be written upon it, — the exposure and sufferings of the men, whereby many a poor fellow laid down his life ; the sea of mud ; the ropes bent to pontoon-trains, and artillery caissons and limbers, in vain effort to move them an inch from their oozy beds; the dead mules and horses by the roadsides, more than half buried by the mud where they fell ; the deluge of cold, penetrating rain, that constantly soaked us to the skin. All these scenes have been described, drawn and painted for the vivid imagination of the new generation of military readers and students ; and yet it would be hard for the boy reader of to-day to realize those scenes, or what suffer ing and sacrifices were endured, by our brave boys, or what treasure was poured out by our country to redeem it from the curse of human slavery, and to establish the supremacy of the Union. It has been estimated that the Army of the Potomac while in its winter cantonment about Fredericksburg and vicinity, picketed nearly forty miles of lines. Our corps picketed be tween Hartwood Church and Stafford Court-house, and our SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 247 brigade line was generally about the'same; our tours of picket were three days on, and from two to three weeks off. On the 28th of January, 1863, we went out on picket on one of the roughest days we ever experienced. Our brigade supplied the line for the corps, fifteen hundred men relieving the Jersey brigade, Third Corps. Col. Tilton was general officer of the day, and was responsible that the picket commander did his duty. The line was a long one, extending from the right of Sumner's corps tp the left of Sigel's. Rev. Mr. Macklelamee's house was headquar ters. Firing was heard from the direction of Stafford Court house, Sigel's position ; and as the wires were down, Gen. Meade sent word to Col. Tilton to be unusually vigilant. Col. Gwyn, One Hundred and Eighteenth Pennsylvania, being sent to find Sigel's connecting line, returned without being able to find it. Col. Tilton sent his own orderly and a squad of cavalry, with instructions not to come back until they had found the pickets. After dark they returned with word that Sigel was two miles from our right. The gap could not be filled, but renewed pre cautions were taken, and the facts were reported to Gen. Grif fin, commanding corps. There was an easterly storm of snow, which seemed to cut and blind one with its stinging fury. Then the road was so bad from mud and ruts that it was almost impossible to keep from slipping and falling at every step. About eight inches of snow fell, on a level, and the regiment suffered terrible exposure, it being impossible, on out-post duty, to make ourselves comfortable. Those cold, bitter nights, when returning chilled, through the forest paths, we had to make our beds in the thickly falling snow. When it turned to rain and sleet, or melted as fast as it fell, wading streams, and floundering in the deep, waxy mud, made our condition at those times almost unendurable. On the 20th of February the regiment while on picket experienced another terrible storm. The first night we slept under a blanket of snow, and the cold was in tense. Our picket line ran near a house said to belong to the rebel general Ashby. On the 26th of January, Gen. Burnside relinquished command of the army, Gen. Hooker becoming his successor. The army 248 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, had become not only dissatisfied with Burnside, but had lost all confidence in him. Desertions had become so frequent, that many thousands were then absent. Rations were poor, and although not insufficient in quantity, were below the average quality, and irregularly issued. A new order of things immedi ately took place ; vegetables were issued, and though oftentimes in homoeopathic doses, its effects were at once seen. Soft bread alternated with hard bread. Our issues became regular. In short, we commenced to live. Furloughs were granted to officers and men, — to the latter in small doses ; but this also had its effect. Cheerfulness, good order, and military discipline at once took the place of grumbling, depression, and want of confidence. A soldier must be reached through his stomach. Without good and sufficient food, his legs are gone ; and without legs, an army can do nothing. Lieut. W. S. Davis was promoted captain, to date Oct. 18, 1862. Lieut. Gaffney was on Feb. 25 assigned to Company F, temporarily, Capt. Crane having had his leave extended thirty days. Sergt. John Rock was promoted to be first lieutenant. Lieut. Cloney dismissed the service. March 6, Lieut. C. M. Hamilton dismissed the service. March 13, Lieut. W. R. Bennett took command of Company F. March 15, Capt. Crane returned. Jan. 26, Sergt.-Major Nathan Meands having been promoted, Corp. Walter Carter,' Company H, was made sergeant-major of the Twenty-second. The army was re-organized. Gen. George G. Meade was as signed to command our corps, and immediately corps, division, brigade, and regimental inspections took place. It began to tell, and soon mentally and physically the army was in better condition than ever before in its palmiest days. Desertions entirely ceased, and the morale was excellent. Paymaster Holman paid us about midnight, Jan. 21. We adopted here the Maltese cross for our corps badge. It was worn upon the top of the men's caps, and on the sides of officers' hats. Our division flag was a rectangular white flag, with the red Maltese cross in the centre. The first brigade flag was a plain white, triangular flag, with the same badge in the centre ; the second SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 249 brigade being designated by a blue bar or border next the staff, supplementing the other two colors. Gen. Kearney of Kearney's division of the old Third Corps originated this excellent plan, by adopting the red diamond patch worn on the side of the cap during the Peninsula Campaign. Gen. Butterfield, upon Hooker assuming command of the army, was made his chief of staff. Meade took command of the Grand Division,. Gen. Sykes the Fifth Corps, Gen. Griffin the First Division, and Gen. Barnes resumed command of our brigade. On the 5th of February the cold weather had changed into a snow-storm, followed by a drizzling rain. The regiment was inspected by Col. Tilton in a snow-storm, and although the order was countermanded, being about half through, he kept on and finished. Feb. 12. Regiment mostly engaged in repairing bridges and fatigue work. Dr. Simmons went on leave, Dr. Perkins on a furlough of fifteen days, and Capt. Field on leave to get married. Feb. 16. Exceedingly pleasant. Dress-parade at four p.m. Army regulations read regarding saluting of officers. Also orders for four rations of flour or soft bread, with more onions or potatoes. Feb. 17. Major Burt returned from leave. Col. Tilton went on leave about this date, and returning brought Mrs. Tilton, who with other ladies then in the brigade, served to make life a little brighter by their presence, and smooth the rough hand of war about the camp of the Twenty-second. She staid about four weeks. On the 17th snow-storm set in again, making roads horrible : it turned into rain, and forcing its way into our tents, put out fires. On the 18th heard heavy guns up the river in direction of picket line. Feb. 21. Went on picket at seven a.m. Marched until eleven. Reached Stafford Corner, four miles from camp. Commenced to snow at ten p.m. Feb. 22. Found ourselves covered with snow as we had but 250 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, slight bough-shelters. All turned out and built bough huts. Waded through snow ten inches deep to get firewood. At twelve M. cannonading commenced. Concluded it was Wash ington's birthday. Feb. 23. Snow still lay heavily on the ground. Ration of whiskey served. On the 24th we were, relieved at ten. Ration of whiskey served. Marched for camp, reaching it about twelve. Feb. 25. Men removed snow from camp. Dress-parade at four. Ordered to be ready to march at a moment's notice. Aroused at midnight, and to be ready for any thing. This was on account of raid by Stuart through our picket lines, which indicated a forward movement. Some sixty or more prisoners were taken. Orders were read at parade on March 8th, naming our camp " Camp Gove." On the 13th dress-coats were drawn for the regiment. Men did not like to take them, as they would have to be thrown away when we marched again. On this day a new state color appeared in line. On the 15th we had a heavy thunder-shower, with rain or snow nearly all night, suspending nearly all except necessary duties. Most of the boys went over on the 17th, St. Patrick's day, to see the Ninth Massachusetts observe it. Greased pigs, hurdle races, etc., were very amusing. Heavy firing heard up the river. We learned that an officer of the Ninth was killed at the hurdle race. March 20. Went out on picket. Terrible snow-storm. Started at 7.30. Snowed all day and night. We had begun to think that all the stormy details fell on us. Snow turned to and rain, on the 22d it had pretty much disappeared. March 26. It rained early, with occasional dashes of snow. The regiment turned out to go on review at nine A.M., and started, but were ordered back at half-past eleven. It having stopped snowing, after considerable delay we arrived at the place for review, where the second and third brigades were already in line. We were moved about for half an hour for exer cise, and were then reviewed by Gen. Meade. On the 5th of April, 1863, we had a division review, Gen. Meade reviewing SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 251 us. Gen. Hooker was also present. And on the 8th the army was reviewed by President Lincoln. After the line had been formed, and the men impatiently waiting, the command was given for the artillery, which moved first. The infantry in column by divisions, as the President rode along their front, dipped their flag-staffs ; 'the bands played " Hail to the Chief." Then the corps were reviewed separately, the President taking his stand, with the brilliant staff surrounding him, on a slight knoll. The sun shone out occasionally, and lighted up the plain with flashes that vanished and re-appeared in quick succession. The shadows chased each other and drifted over the masses of blue, and the sunbeams caught upon bayonet and flag, making a beautiful and never to be forgotten spectacle. The front of the column was soon lost in the valleys leading to the different camps, and the rear still waited impatiently upon the knoll. During the afternoon, brigade after brigade, divis ion after division, swept after each other in almost rhythmical regularity. The drums and bands kept up their ceaseless music, and the sunbeams still played among the moving masses. The spectators grew tired of the monotony, and still the President waited wearily upon his horse for the last of this magnificent pageant to pass. At last the rear-most regiment came, dipped its flag to the front, vanished over the hill, and the immense retinue of officers and orderlies went leisurely back to their can vas headquarters, and the review ended. The ground was in full view of the rebel camps. It was a magnificent sight, rarely seen in a lifetime, and full of visions of the brightest splendor. The bronzed veterans, the bright, scoured-up rifles, the shining equipments, and clean, neat uniforms, must have made a favor able impression upon our good Abraham Lincoln, so full of anxiety for our future success in the now rapidly approaching campaign. On the 6th was reviewed the cavalry of the army, on the plain near Falmouth. Boxes were coming in by the wagon-load, and turkeys, chickens, pies, cake, doughnuts, etc., were distributed with a generous hand. Impromptu parties, not to speak of an occasional serenade, were in order; and the two spring months in Camp Gove, with an occasional bitter 252 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY. picket experience or bridge-building detail, were full of happy remembrances, soon destined to be ruthlessly disturbed. Rumor after rumor came that we were to start this day and that. The rainy season seemed to be about over, and the programme was ready. April 12. Had Sunday morning inspection, at which the Arti cles of War were read. Then came an order to form brigade line for review by a Swiss general, formerly chief of staff for Emperor Napoleon III. He rode splendidly, and gave a most flourishing salute as he rode by the colors of the Twentj^- second. He wore a cocked hat, with an immense plume of cocks' feathers, gold epaulettes, and every thing to match. He was about thirty years of age, fine looking, and wore glasses. On the 13th Stoneman was started to carry out his part, when it set in rainy, and the ravines, small streams, and the whole country about became almost impassable for any movement. Space does not admit of a careful rehearsal of this plan of opera tions. On the 16th our good friend Henry Wilson came into camp, and smiled upon all the boys as though they all were his special prot6g6s. He never lost an opportunity to show his thoughtfulness and good-will for us. About the 14th we were ordered to hold ourselves in readiness to move at any time. On the 21st ambulances were going by Chancellorsville camp, filled with sick, indicating a move. CHAPTER XIV. DRUM-MAJOR PIKE'S EXPERIENCES. Captured at Gaines's Mills. — Booked at Libby. — Hungry but Harmoni ous. —Old Acquaintances in Richmond. — Ma jok Tilton and Dr. Prince. — Hope deferred. — Prison Quartet and Choir. — Religious Services. — Concert to the Citizens. — Broken by Wirtz. — Tempting Offer by Richmond People. — Released at last. — Fourteen-mile Tramp. — Legs give out. — Friendly Help. — Down the James. — Nursing the Wounded. — Waiting at Fort Monroe. — Arrival in Washington. — Back to Fort Monroe. — The "S. R. Spaulding." — An Old Friend. — Fort Delaware. — Ninety-nine Days at the Fort. — Tedium relieved by composing Mu sic— In Washington at last. — Gen. Martindale's Welcome. — Hunting up the Regiment. — Lost in the Darkness. — Hunger and Cold. — Shel ter in a Coffin. — Driven out by the Guard. — Fraternity and Charity at last. — The Twenty-second found. — Merry Christmas. — Good-by to the Boys. MARSHALL SPRING PIKE, drum-major of the Twenty- second, was- captured by the rebels at Gaines's Mills. The band was discharged by orders of the War Department, Aug. 11, 1862. Major Pike did not secure his exchange until late in the fall, and reached the regiment Christmas Eve, and was given his discharge the next day. His experiences are given in his own language in this chapter : — It was near the sunsetting on June 27, 1862, immediately after the last furious rally of our brave boys under Col. Jesse A. Gove at Gaines's Mills, that myself and some twenty others, many of whom were slightly wounded, were surprised and made prisoners, and, under guard, ordered across the battle-field, cov ered with our dead, dying and wounded soldiers. As we halted several times, to allow the approaching victori ous Confederate troops to break line for our passage through, I saw, amidst the carnival of death around us, many old famil- 254 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, iar faces, that I shall never look upon again. Leaving the sor rowful scene behind us, we were marched on into the woody timber-range below, where human destruction was piled about us on every side. Here, for a time, we were busily occupied dodging the hissing shot and bursting shells thrown from our own artillery. Once over the creek into the open fields beyond, we were out of range and the deafening noise ; but here, every where on the roadways and waysides, were strewn midst the debris of war, the mangled remains and bleeding bodies of the Confederate dead and wounded. Arriving at Mechanicsville, we passed over the grounds of the previous day's hard-fought conflict, where an insufferable stench from the bloody battle-field filled the atmosphere with a sickening smell which hurried us quickly along to the plains beyond it. Once away from the confusion of the day's contest, where only our heavy trampings broke the silence, my ears rang with the wild vibratory intonations of a thousand sounds, as if all our grand, exultant Fourth of Julys had been combined into one great concentrated jubilee-celebration. The excitement of our "sudden taking off" was over with, and then, in the dark ness of the night, commenced my own selfish self to think of its empty stomach. Having had no nourishment for some thirty hours, it was now yearning and craving for food. Hard-tack of the hardest kind, and mule meat, raw and tough, would have been a most acceptable lunch. Nothing edible, of course, could be had either in small or large doses, and so each time we halted to rest, I filled into my longing vacuum ponderous supplies of pure, fresh water, which wet the lining, and seemed to refresh me, to help carry my tired feet on their weary way to Richmond. We arrived in Richmond just as daylight awakened and smiled up in glimmering rays on the summer morning, and were halted in front of the Libby, formerly an old tobacco-house, which I had often visited in the days gone by. None of us were particular in the selection of sleeping-quarters ; so without further ceremony, we commenced occupying the vacant street- gutters. Here most of us soon were in a profound slumber, vigorously engaged in the serio-comic musical performance of SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 255 the snorers' chorus, which only ended when the watchful guard roused us to consciousness and life. We were then searched. My own few greenbacks, gold watch and chain, and other little valuables I had placed, during my march in the night, in the most invulnerable spot about my person, and they, of course, were undiscovered, but my other little effects and light camp- trappings I was deprived of. We were then ordered above to the large, west room on the upper floor, where I chose my quar ters by one of the cross-barred open windows that looked down upon the canal and river, the bridge and Belle Isle, over to Manchester, and far away out into the open country. There, with my new-made prisoner companions, I set up house-keeping, lived and slept, ate and drank, and talked over the past, while enjoying our small allowance of poor rations. Our drink was a horrible mixture of James-river water and red mud, mostly mud, which was nasty and nauseating, and caused much of the sickness and many of the deaths during my stay there. Our mattresses and beds were the hard compound of floor-boards and trodden-down dirt, visibly feathered with a tremendous overgrowth of rabidly inclined gray-backed vermin of monstrous proportions, which proved our closest friends, and stuck to us through all our prison adversities. Daily the prisoners increased, until came the glorious anni versary day of American Independence, when Libby was crowded to its utmost, and the weather being hot, we, as a human mass were half-smothered in the stifling air that "breathed contagion" on the atmosphere. I could only liken our situation to the generally made-up train of cattle-cars, loaded with living freights of packed animals, regardless of life or future consequences. None of us found it difficult now to find a spot to sleep on ; for in close juxtaposition, standing, leap ing, and being crowded together, we could sleep at any time, and no one could fall. The morning of the 4th opened in its beauty. The outside world looked in upon us in pity. The early sunshine lent us its blushing blessings, and warmed us into an elevated degree of enthusiasm, until our hearts and heads grew wild and jubilant 256 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, with real patriotism, and we rallied for the occasion. Soon our voices in one great, harmonious volume burst forth in the grand old anthem "America," and its echo rolled like a billow of liberty through each room of the entire building. At the con clusion, each heart beat faster, as the thought of home, mother, father, wife, sister, friends, formed pictures of the past in mem ory. Then again national airs and songs swelled in harmony, till the Libby walls greeted and applauded, echoed and re-echoed, our free-born love for principle and country. Silence succeeded cheers and tears. In the stairway landing stood the guard with levelled rifles pointed to our crowd, demanding quiet. Our boys bravely defied them, and sent them hissing to their holes below, not to return again. Uproarious songs followed. Free-lunch time came, but no free lunch came. Noon arrived, and still no dainty repast, but boiled unsalted, tasteless meat and shrunken morsels of poor bread (our usual rations) were offered us. The hot afternoon went by, and day passed on to twilight. The sun had set hot and fiery, and had left his red rays of ven geance on the golden heavens behind him. Darkness came, and shadowed the Libby and its half-famished inmates, who now became more turbulent and frenzied than ever, and broke out in boisterous chants of " bread or blood " and "meat or murder," which were borne from room to room in frantic chorus over the entire prison, and out into the streets, as a menace to the city. The inhabitants, alarmed at the mutinous cry of disorder, ordered us food forthwith, which was promised us, but not given us until the early morning of the 5th. The guard then came to the upper stair-landing with large kettles filled with smoking-hot boiled beef and new-baked loaves of bread, which were thrown promiscuously about the room, over our heads, in huge chunks and small loaves, till quiet reigned through the prison. The semi-starving human menagerie had been fed, and our satisfied natures ceased to fight longer against fickle fate and varied circumstances. After two weeks more in this crowded Confederate caravan sary, by permission of the officers below, to whom I addressed a note by the guard, I was allowed the privilege of writing out CHAPLAIN CHARLES M. TYLER. DRUM-MAJOR M. S. PIKE. BREV. LIEUT.-COL. W S. DAVIS. CAPT. JOHN P. CRANE, SERGT. B. B. BROWN BATT Q.M.S. JOHN D. REED, BATT. SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 257 letters to several of my former old friends of the city. They were written, and sent to Gen. Winder, who faithfully forwarded them. Another week of suffocating, monotonous prison-life passed, when a call from the guard summoned me to the office. Here it was that I again met my old city friend Hitchcock, then major and prison commissary, with whom and the other officers I held a pleasant conversation, telling them of my present discomforts in the apartment above. They manifested pleasure in meeting with me, and then ordered the guard to transfer me to the lower rooms in the other end of the building, which were the quarters of our Union officers and the medical department, afterwards the prison hospital and death-rooms. On entering the door, what was my surprise to meet my old friends Major Tilton, Dr. Prince, and other officers of the Twenty- second, with many others whom I had frequently met and known in camp, who greeted me with cheers and a hearty welcome. Soon Major Hitchcock appeared, with a bountiful relish of boiled ham, new bread, and onions, and a cupful of superior whiskey, all of which gave me a new life, and made my heart light and my soul happy. We then unanimously attuned our voices, and sang together many of the dear old home-songs which will never be forgotten. Though a prisoner still, I here felt a freedom in action and thought which had hidden itself in my heart ever since my arrival. I found jolly fellows with noble spirits here, as I had in the upper room, who enjoyed making the time pass quickly and joyously. One day on the following week, orders came to prepare for a leave of prisoners, and I received from Dr. Prince my parole to go ; and when called, I filed out, only to file back again by the command of prison-officers Emack and Turner, who promised me, however, that I should go in the next squad. Sad with disappointment, and the loss of those whose society I had already learned to love, my whole nature was flooded with dis gust, when a rushing mob of fresh prisoners like wild wolves came howling into the vacated room from some chambers above. They proved excellent fellows, however, and I soon knew them well, for soldiers need no introductions. 258 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, On two subsequent occasions I took my place outside as promised, with expectations of leaving ; but each time was politely requested by the officers to turn back, and go the next time. On my second return, which I did with reluctance, I became demoralized, but felt determined to do something for our own amusement, and therefore organized a quartet of selected voices, and prepared ourselves for rehearsal. In a few days, with considerable practice, we were well up in some twenty-five or thirty old favorite, familiar quartets and glees, and had also formed an excellent choir, offering to furnish music for religious services if our civilian prisoner, Rev. Mr. Reed of Washington, would preach to us on Sundays. He gladly accepted the call, and our meetings were interesting, and were listened to by all of our prisoners with pleasure and profit. On pleasant evenings we often gathered about our iron-barred window-openings, where, by repeated requests from the citizens outside, we entertained them with music for hours, as well as the prisoners and ourselves inside. One day my friend the major desired us to give himself, and his few select friends of the city, a private concert. We con sented, and the entertainment which was given in the back medical room was pronounced a splendid success. Several weeks of matchless sameness passed afterwards, with its days of shadows and sunshine, and its music and melodies, till news came one day that a squad of prisoners would leave the city next day, and we were to join them. The day came, and we all rejoiced. My singing companions and myself for the third time boldly pushed ourselves outside, by general orders, but were again remanded by Emack and Turner to return to our late accustomed duties of nursing and caring for our sick and wounded. Obedience is a comely virtue in necessity, but sub mission to injustice is a power to tyranny. So thought I, as fanciful reveries ransacked my brain daily to discover the cause of our detention ; when, on inquiry of my good friend the major, I was told by him that it was wholly caused by the cunning of Doctors Bonham and Coggins, the prison-officers, and some sympathetic citizens, who desired to keep us for their general SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 259 amusement, and to soften the sorrow's of the sick in prison. The brilliant idea then dawned upon my stupid senses, and I fully decided what course to pursue ; so I requested the major to intercede with Gen. Winder for our departure, which he soon did, and obtained permission to place on the next list of pris oners to leave the Libby twelve names of his Northern friends. I felt grateful for expectations, but was hopeless in regard to its fulfilment ; for all life is full of schemings, false promises and delusions. A few days afterwards Major Hitchcock called upon me, and personally promised that I should certainly go from prison soon, and as a last favor, desired me and my friends to give him and his friends a farewell entertainment in the front medical room on some evening in the near future. I was glad to com ply, of course, and the evening came, with an audience composed of editors, officers, doctors, and many old friends, and " stay-at- homes " who crowded the rooms and surrounding vacancies, at an early hour, to repletion. The performance was rapturously applauded, and gave great satisfaction till we commenced our last quartet of " Good-night, Dear Friends." We had sung the first two words, " Good-night," when we were all hushed into silence by repeated heavy knocks on the outer door. Over the city, rain was pouring in torrents, and each one present won dered who was the intruder and mystical knocker. Again came the knocks, louder than before, with a demand for admission. The door was opened, when, to our great surprise, there stood the hated tyrant, Wirtz. No one spoke. He entered, and, sullenly looking around the rooms, exclaimed, "What are you doing here?" Editor Pollard arose, and remarked, "The prisoners present are singing us a programme of their sweet old fire side family songs. There is nothing in song or sentiment of a sectional nature, and we desire the gentlemen be allowed by you to finish their entertainment." ' The old villain's replies were, " If you have a home, go to it, sir ; go to it. And as for you, citizens, get to your homes immediately. And you, officers and doctors who are holding positions, leave, and attend to your duties, or I'll put every one of you in the guard-house. As 260 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, for you, prisoners, if you open your mouths to sing another word, I'll buck and gag you, and order you to the Tredegar." I stood motionless in amazement while the audience thanked us, and quietly dispersed. Wirtz went also. Soon after, my friend the major sent us a tray loaded with refreshments, which regaled our stomachs, and re-imbursed us for our efforts in giv ing our friends a satisfactory entertainment. The following morning "Pollard's Examiner," containing a flattering notice of our prison concert, and regretting the sudden unrighteous finish, was sent me by its editor. More days passed on, when one morning a message from the major told me I would leave prison on the following morning. The day came, and brought its excitement. I could not sleep, so arose early. Soon the officers, doctors and city friends called to interview me; they had just learned that my name was on the signed list of prisoners who were about to leave. They had hoped I would remain with them, and trusted they could hold out inducements to keep me ; that on the following morn ing I should have a paper signed by Gen. Winder, allowing me the full freedom of all the Confederate States ; that I should not be drafted into their service ; that my friends in Richmond would build me a pretty little opera-house, and furnish me with the money necessary to commence business with to make it a success. For all of which generous and friendly intentions I most truly thanked them, but courteously declined. I was born in one of the liberty-loving free States of the old Union, my interests and future pursuits for pleasure and prosperity would be there, all love of, country centred under the old flag, and over the homes of loved relatives and friends at the North ; therefore I spurned their offers, and rejected their hos pitalities. I loved them for their manliness and true friendship on all former visits to their city, when, as now, kindnesses were bestowed upon me lavishly ; but time and war had wrought its changes, and my late prison life, with all of its vicissitudes, had already become tiresome to me. My soul had grown wearied by the sad sights and delirious expressions of the sick and suffer ing beings among the maimed creatures daily dying around me. SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 261 It was a hot, close, Sunday morning in early September, when our eyes, through the back prison-windows, caught sight of the straggling squad from Belle Isle on the bridge, who were cross ing to halt at the Tredegar and Libby, where other prisoners were to join them. I was prepared. I had no Saratoga trunk to pack. My wardrobe was on my person, and consisted of a pair of old pants, cut off at the knees, tucked into my long- legged boots, which had served me for my pillow upon the floor since my arrival ; no underwear, no socks, no cuffs or collar ; a faded-out cap upon my head ; a well-worn, old woollen shirt around my body, over which I wore my cut-away blouse, held together by the clasped battle-belt of my dear, lamented Col. Gove, from whose dead body I unclasped and snatched it while a halted prisoner by his side, under rebel-guard, on the battle field at Gaines's Mills. Attired in my best and only suit, I awaited orders to fall into line and march away, when my prison friends determined to give me a better "send off." So one proposed and shaved me ; another put about my neck a new collar; another placed new socks upon my feet ; and another, a clean handkerchief in my pocket. My heart was full of kind ness for their friendly acts., but my purse was light, and several gave me money. I looked in a two-inch piece of broken looking- glass, and recognized a new man in myself. I then received orders to report to the commissary office, which I did, where I met my old friend, Major Hitchcock, who gave me a new, white sack, with ham, bread, and onions, for my next meal on my fourteen-miles trip to the landing. The squad of prisoners now arrived, and with sorrowful hand-shakings all around, I parted- with my friends, with my heart broken with grief. We left at midday. The roads were feathery with a light accumulation of dry dust, which soon made respiration difficult, by the incessant tramping of a thousand feet ; compelling many, who weakened and sickened on the way, to fall out, and be re turned in ambulances to prison again. We had travelled along some six or seven miles when we came to a long halt, near a running brook of clear, cool water, under a heavy growth of old, shady trees. Here with two of my newly made road-friends, 262 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, I gladly rested, and with them shared my lunch. Orders came to move on. Attempting to rise, my legs crippled with cramps from over-exertion by walking, and set me down again. I could not stand, and the thought of being returned to prison again was horrible. Just then my old, true friend, the major, rode briskly up to me on his beautiful black stallion, and hitching his body in front of his saddle, ordered several colored men to assist me to mount. In moving me, my pains were so great that I could not fit my foot into the stirrup, and fell to the ground. Just then a low-bodied carriage stopped beside me, containing four of my one-legged old prison-friends, who claimed my company anti invited me to ride. After vigorous rubbings of my limbs by lusty fellows, I was lifted in between them, and after two hours' travel, through the shaded woods, we sighted in the distance our Union flag. We were soon exchanged, the major and his friends waving us an adieu. On board the steamer, that was to convey us down the river, all was hurly- burly and confusion, till hot coffee, salt meat and bread had been served us ; the like of which our longing eyes had not looked upon, or our tongues had tasted, for many a day. Soon afterwards, and before the boat started, I was waited upon 'by the captain and officers on board, who pleaded for my services in taking care of the many sick and wounded. I was surprised ; for I was much fatigued and half-sick myself, and refused decidedly to comply. After much complimentary talk, best excuses were of no avail, and I consented. The surgeon appointed, it seems, on coming aboard, drew for.the sick some dozen or more bottles of old whiskey, but after a little time could not be found. At length he was discovered with several friends in a stateroom, all in a state of deadly drunkenness. The plaintive calls and pitiful looks from the poor, weak, sick, helpless invalids about me, aroused me to a sense of duty, and forgetting my own miserable feelings, I decided to fill the posi tion as best I could till promised relief should be had on our arrival at Fortress Monroe. Here we remained several days awaiting orders ; but no surgeon or physician came to relieve me, and we steamed for Washington, where, on arrival, another SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 263 delay occurred in consequence of the late battle of Antietam, which had filled the city with prisoners and the citizens with alarm. Still I was surgeon, physician and nurse, and nearly broken-up by loss of rest and quiet sleep. After a day's delay, we had orders to return to Fortress Monroe, and left for Point Comfort ; but our boat grounded, and after two more days' hard pulling with tugs and steamboats, we were obliged to abandon our boat, and remove all our sick and wounded, with ourselves and stores, to another steamer, which carried us on to the fortress. Here we were transferred again to the large, staunch boat, " S. R. Spaulding," which had been sent us by the government to convey us to Fort Delaware. Once on board, I received the kindest treatment from officers and men, espe cially the surgeon, who told me he had heard the most flatter ing reports from all the sick prisoners present, who during our long and tedious trip had been faithfully nursed and cared for by me ; that my attention to the sick by himself, also, was fully appreciated. His glowing compliments for doing my duty restored me to a sense of happiness, which my tired body and mind enjoyed. There I met my old Boston friend, Ezra Forrestall, Jr., the purser of the boat, and then my heart was happy. He selected and gave me clean clothing, a plenty of excellent food, and put me into a tidy, clean stateroom, to rest and sleep. Though years pass by, kindness is never forgotten by the wretched. On the following day we were put on shore at Fort Delaware. Here I remained with a vast 'crowd of Union and Confederate prisoners, separately confined, for ninety-nine days, enjoying all the pleasures, and observing all the miseries, which a prison-life permits. Here it was in a meditative mood one day in October, that I wrote my song and music of the " Grave of Gove," the words of which were published soon after in " Forney's War Record," in the " American Union," and other patriotic papers of the day. The music was not published, although I often sang it before large parties of friends. The subject was not considered popular enough to warrant a sale sufficient to pay the publisher. Soon after my return from Washington, in 264 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, 1863, I sent a copy of the words and music in manuscript with our colonel's belt and a letter, by express, to his widow in Con cord, N.H., and in a few days received from her a sad but polite reply. A few years since I wrote a "Decoration Day" song, — "Love Guards Each Soldier's Grave," — and adapted the words to my old music of the " Grave of Gove." It was published soon after, and has been sung by most of the post- quartets over the country on " Memorial Day." I am in receipt of some two hundred complimentary letters from commanders and officers who have written me, thanking me for the produc tion. At Fort Delaware the great clearing-out day for prisoners at last arrived, and we were forwarded through the canal by steamers to Annapolis, where I was seized with chills and hemorrhage, and was left behind as too sick to go, farther. In the hospital, after a day or two, I recovered sufficiently to take the cars for Washington. From my old friend, the first colonel of the Twenty-second Regiment, Senator Henry Wilson, I learned that our late Brig.-Gen. Martindale was provost-marshal of the city. I was hungry, but proud. I had no money. Meet ing some old Boston friends on the avenue, I was hailed by them, and by their invitation I feasted on a meal " fit for the gods." I left them and started for the provost-office, en tered, and asked the guard for the general. The guard looked at me in derision, and gruffly replied, " At home, I suppose ; he sees nobody after six o'clock." I said, " The general is my friend, and I must see him to-night." He answered, " He will see no one to-night on business." Not discouraged, I asked him the number of the general's house, and he said, " It's no use for you to go there, he will not see you ; but there's the number." The next minute I was out, and off for Seventh Street. A ring at the bell brought a colored boy to the door, and he took in my name. Gen. Martindale soon appeared, greeting me with open hands and a friendly welcome. His friends withdrew into an inner room, by his desire, and he ques tioned me on my imprisonment, and errand at such an hour. I told him, and he immediately wrote me out a pass, with orders SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 265 to return to the office for customary stamps, and giving me a fervent shake, with a "God bless you" and "Good-by," I left him, feeling that the cold world had many warm hearts. Back I hurried to the office, and the same guard took my pass, looked at it, then at me, and invited me to sit on a chair by the fire. My pass was stamped, and I left delighted. That night was a jolly one. I ate a midnight supper with my two friends, and accepted a room and bed with them at their home on the avenue. I slept but little and arose early, taking breakfast with my friends, and leaving for the little steamer all ready for Aquia Creek. The few on board eyed me suspiciously, as all passes down the river had been stopped since the late battle of Fredericksburg. From Aquia Creek I left the water for the rail, and in a few hours was let off at the depot opposite the ruined city. Here on the eastern side of the Rappahannock, in the dense woods below, were massed in camp the regiments of the Potomac army. I received instructions from a guard what trails to follow, arid roads to take, to carry me to my regiment. It was getting late in the day ; without money, and hungry, I decided to find the Twenty-second Massachusetts Regiment that night. After plodding my weary way along for hours, I found, by some strange miscalculation, I had mistaken my road in the darkness, and on coming out from the forest, saw lights ahead, and discovered to my astonishment that I was again back at the depot. What must I do ? I was tired and hungry ; so speak ing to a guard, I related my story, but he turned away and could not assist me. I spoke to others, but n°ne seemed to believe or pity me, telling me it was too late to find any food. In looking around on the platform, I found hundreds of bags of shelled corn standing loosely together, with a huge stack of new empty coffins piled up in miscellaneous order. From the holes in several of the bags of corn, I drew out handfuls, of which I ate without molestation, and then filled my pockets. From a tent near by I then begged some water, and was happier. Everywhere I applied for lodging I was refused. The tents were all over-crowded and packed full, and the December winds 266 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY. were cold, so I returned to the depot, which was locked, and then to the platform, resolved to make my bed in a coffin. In walking to and fro, I discovered several with their lids loose, and after the guard who had been watching me had passed along, I stepped back and quickly ensconced myself cosily into one. I was soon missed by the guard, who hunted me out, and ordered me off with a reprimand. I apologized and left him, not knowing what to do, or where to go. Soon another guard called to me. To him I related my story, and the adventures of my prison-life in Richmond, my long stay at Fort Delaware, my trip to Annapolis, my illness and entry into Washington, my present hunger, my loss in the woods, my desire to find my regi ment, my return to the depot, and my fatigue and wish for some little spot to rest and sleep in on a winter's night. He listened attentively, and believed me. With a true soldier's heart he hunted me up some bread, and found me a warm, com fortable place to sleep, in a large tent full of sleeping soldiers, closely huddled together. I slept soundly, and arose early, making my toilet over the brook, then starting on my journey over a road through an in terminable forest, in search of and inquiring for my Twenty- second Regiment. Noon arrived, and I had not found it, and hunger overtook me. I sat by a stream ; and squirrel-like, I nibbled my corn deliciously, and slaked my thirst from the running water, and " tired nature " was again satisfied. The afternoon came, when I reached camp, where I was heartily welcomed by the boys, who soon served me with a sumptuous dinner with hot coffee and cigars. I sincerely hope all the good deeds and kind acts of our brave and generous soldiers are as sacredly recorded by the angel scribe in heaven, as they are re membered by their worthy, unfortunate pomrades on earth. The following day, Dec. 25, 1862, Col. Tilton gave me my discharge, and with a sorrowful but grateful heart, I bade the Twenty-second Regiment boys good-by, and returned to Wash ington, thence on to Boston. CHAPTER XV. LEAVES FROM A GUNNER'S DIARY. Battery Leaves Upton's Hill. —March to Antietam. — At Sharpsburg. — Reviewed by President Lincoln. — Charlestown, Harper's Ferry, Snick er's Gap, Millburg, White Plains, Warrenton. — Gen. McClellan and Gen. Porter given Parting Salutes. — Review by Gen. Hooker. — Winter Quarters at Potomac Creek. — Battle of Fredericksburg. — Potomac Creek again. — Knit Jackets from Home. — Reviewed by Gen. Burnside. — "Mud March." — Reviewed by a Swiss General. — Chancellorsville. — Capt. Martin Chief of Corps Artillery. — Gettysburg Campaign. — Back in Virginia. — Execution of Deserters.— Culpepper Court-house. — Battle of Bristow Station. — Camp near Warrenton. THE following diary was kept by Corp. John W. Dennett, of the Third Battery, and covers the time from the begin ning of the Antietam campaign to the beginning of the Mine Run campaign, a little more than a year : — Friday, Sept. 12, 1862. — Left camp at Upton Hill at eight a.m., and marched through Washington. Went into camp at five p.m. Distance, fifteen miles. Sept. 13. — Started at six a.m., and marched to Clarksburg, passing through Rockville. Fifteen miles. Sept. 14. — Started at six a.m., and marched through Hy- attstown to Frederick, Md. The railroads at Frederick are destroyed by the rebels. Fifteen miles. Sept. IS. — Started at ten A.M., and marched to Middletown. Saw one hundred and eighty rebel prisoners on the road. Went into camp at six P.M. Ten miles. Sept. 16. — Started at six A.M., and marched through Boons- borough and Petersborough to Antietam. Saw a squad of rebel prisoners on the road. Ten miles. Sept. 17. — Battle of Antietam. Fighting began at nine A.M. along the whole line, and ended in the afternoon, with 268 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, defeat to the rebel forces. The battery was hitched up all day, but was not called upon. Sept. 18. — Started out in the morning, and went into bat tery at Cotoctin Creek, and remained all day and night. Sept. 19. — Started at eight 'a.m., and marched through Sharpsburg, and went into camp on the outskirts of the town, which was very much riddled with shot and shell. Saw a num ber of dead rebels in the town. Sept. 20. — Went into battery on the banks of the Potomac. In the mean time the first brigade of the first division went across the river to reconnoitre, but were driven back by the rebels with considerable loss. Our battery, as well as the First Rhode Island and Battery D, shared in the fight. The One Hundred and Eighteenth Pennsylvania Volunteers lost severely. When the rebels retreated across the Potomac, after the battle of Antietam, they left a number of pieces of artillery behind them, and also left in Sharpsburg a lot of their wounded. On picket at Sharpsburg, with our guns in battery, from Sept. 20 till Oct. 30, with the rebels on the other side of the Potomac. Gen. Porter's division was reviewed by Gen. McClellan and President Lincoln on the 3d of October. Oct. 16. — First division, and one section of our battery and two sections of Hazlett's Battery, went across the Potomac as far as Kearneysville. We drove the rebels from the river to Charlestown, Va., having several skirmishes, with losses on our side small. In our battery we had one man, Charles Donahoe, slightly wounded, and one horse killed. Stopped at Kearneys ville that night, and returned across the river the morning of the 17th, passing through Shepherdstown on the way. Gen. Humphreys commanded the Union forces. Oct. 30. — Started from Blackburn Ford, Md., at six P.M., and at eleven o'clock put up for the night. Ten miles. Oct. 31. — Started out at half-past nine a.m., and marched to Loudon, passing through Harper's Ferry ; and went into park at seven p.m. Eight miles. Saturday, Nov. 1. — In camp in Pleasant Valley all day. Mustered for two months' pay. SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 26& Nov. 2. — Started out at eight a.m., marched to Snickersville* and went into camp at Snicker's Gap. Eleven miles. Nov. 3. — In battery at Snickersville all day and night, and until Nov. 6. Nov. 6. — Started at half-past six A.M., passing Millville and Philmont, to Millburg, where we saw a lot of wounded rebels, and went into camp at five o'clock. Eighteen miles. Nov. 7. — Started out at half-past seven, and inarched to> White Plains, where we camped for the night. Seven miles. Nov. 8. — Started from White Plains at half-past six, passed through New Baltimore, and went into camp three miles from Warrenton. The roads being covered with snow made it bad marching. Nov. 10. — In camp at Warrenton. Gen. McClellan left the army to-day, and Gen. Burnside was his successor. He re viewed the troops before he left, and we fired a salute of thir teen guns. Gen. McClellan was the father of the Army of the Potomac. Nov. 12. — Gen. Porter left his command to-day, and Gen. Hooker took his place. He reviewed his corps before leaving,. and we fired' a salute of thirteen guns in his honor. Nov. 15. — The corps was reviewed by Gen. Hooker. Nov. 16. — The battery was inspected by Capt. Martin. Nov. 17. — Started from Warrenton at eight a.m., and marched till six p.m. Fifteen miles. Nov . 18. — Started out at nine A.M. Marched twelve miles. Roads were very muddy. Nov. 19. — Started at eleven A.M. Marched till four p.m. Nov. 20. — In camp all day and night, eight miles from Fal mouth. Nov. 21. — Three brigades of cavalry passed the camp. Nov. 22. — At one o'clock had orders to get ready to march. We hitched up, and waited till five, and then the order was countermanded. Nov. 23. — Started at eight A.M., and marched to Falmouth. In camp at six P.M. 270 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, Nov. 25._ — Started at two p.m., and moved to Potomac Creek, where we spent the winter. Nov. 29. — Began to build log houses for winter quarters. The fifth detachment built the first house. Nov. 30. — Had inspection and drill this morning. Thursday, Dec. 4- — Sergt. Follet got his commission as junior first lieutenant. j)ec, 8. — George H. Cornwall died at six A.M. yesterday, and was buried to-day. Bee. 11. — Left camp at half-past six, and marched to Fal mouth, arid staid all night. The bombardment of Fredericks burg began at daybreak, and lasted till dark, and the city was set on fire by shells from the Union artillery. Twenty-five rebel prisoners. Bee. 12. — Marched to the railroad, and went into park, where we stopped for the night. Bee. 13. — Battle of Fredericksburg. The cannonading be gan at sunrise, and was kept up till twelve o'clock, when the infantry advanced, and there was a continual fire of musketry for eight hours. Our men charged the rebel batteries a number of times, but were repulsed every time. The rebel position was a strong one, and their artillery heavy. Bee. 14- — Started out at eight' a.m. Crossed the river on a pontoon-bridge, marched through the city, and went into bat tery six hundred yards from the enemy. There was a line of battle in every street in the city, which were strewn with broken furniture, together with a number of dead rebels. Bee. 15. — On picket at Fredericksburg all day. Started at half-past six p.m., marched to the upper part of the city, and went into battery, and threw up earthworks for our guns. Fin ished two of them, and got one of the guns into them, when orders came to evacuate the city with as little noise as possible. We re-crossed the river on the morning of the 16th, and were about the last to leave the city. Nearly every house was broken open, and the contents destroyed. Bee. 16. — After getting a little coffee and hard-tack, we started for our old camp at Potomac Creek. Arrived there at SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 271 noon, and found the camp occupied by wagon-train of the First Army Corps. It rained hard all day. Bee. 17 to 23. — Occupied the time in fixing up our quarters, and building a stable for the horses. Bee. 26. — Arthur Sullivan died at twelve o'clock in the hos pital. He was buried with funeral services in the forenoon of Dec. 28. The company marched to the grave with the remains. Thursday, Jan. 1, 1863. — Reveille was sounded at the usual time. Half an hour after roll-call every one was wishing each other "a Happy New Year." The division came back from a reconnoissance. Jan. 4- — The battery was inspected in the forenoon, and began to drill for the first time since we crossed the river. Mrs. J. C. Johnson of Boston sent the battery a case of knit jackets, one for each man, — one hundred and fifty in all. These jack ets cost two dollars apiece in Boston. Jan. 8: — Weather pleasant, but rather cold. The Fifth Army Corps was reviewed by Major-Gen. Burnside. Started out of camp at nine a.m., marched about four miles, and came to the place where the review was held. The corps was drawn up in line, and passed in review ; was dismissed, and returned to camp. Capt. Martin started for home in the first train for Aquia Creek the next morning. Jan. 12. — Received our big cook-stove. Our ammunition was examined, and nearly all condemned. Usual routine of camp-duty. Orders were received to be ready to march at one o'clock, Sunday, Jan. 18; countermanded till Monday at the same hour. Capt. Martin returned from his furlough. Jan. 19. — Received orders to march at one p.m., but they were countermanded. Jan. 20. — Started at two p.m., and marched about two miles, and went into camp. This is known as the " mud march." It rained very hard all night. Our tents blew down, and all were completely soaked. It was a very disagreeable night to every one. Jan. 21. — Started at half-past seven, marched about two miles, went into camp in the woods, stopped two days and two 272 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, nights. The roads were so muddy the army could not march. We were virtually " stuck in the mud." Jan. 22. — The infantry was at work all day, corduroying the roads for the army to go back. Jan. 23. — Began to go back to old camp. Could not advance on account of the mud. Mud was the greatest general this time. Jan. 24- — Started at six a.m., and arrived in camp at Potomac Creek at eleven o'clock. Time occupied in once more fixing up our old quarters, that being the second time we had returned to them. We were paid off for four months. Sunday, Feb. 1. — Lieut. Cargill went home on a twenty days' furlough. Feb. 2. — Weather pleasant. Took account of all the stock in the battery. Lieut. Dunn received his discharge, and went home. Feb. 5. — Battery "hitched up" in the forenoon, and went out to be inspected by Capt. Weed of Battery D, Fifth United States Artillery. He did not come, consequently it was post poned. Owen McManus went home on a furlough. Feb. 10. — Battery was inspected in the morning by Capt. Weed, and had a piece-drill in the afternoon. The Ninth Army Corps left the Army of the Potomac. Feb. 17. — Snowed all day. About eight inches fell. Owen McManus returned from his furlough, and two were received for Sergt. Brown and Charles Donahoe. Feb. 22. — Snowed all day and night. From ten to twelve inches. Lieut. Cargill returned from his furlough, and Lieut. Follet went home. Feb. 28. — Battery mustered for four months' pay. Sergt. Brown returned from furlough. Capt. Martin went to Wash ington. Wednesday, March 4- — Capt. Martin's and Lieut. WalJ cott's wives came from Boston. Corp. Bowman received his furlough papers, and John Churchill his discharge papers. Sergt. L. V. Osgood received his commission as junior second lieutenant. Lieut. Osgood went home on a ten days' furlough. SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 273 Corp. Bowman was promoted sergeant of the second detachment, Private Prescott was promoted corporal of the fifth detachment, and Private Kelly to corporal of the first detachment. Charlie Donahoe returned from his furlough. March 19. — Lieut. Walcott and James Daley went home, and Mrs. Walcott and Mrs. Martin went with them. Com menced painting the battery. March 21. — Weather very cold. Snowed all day and night. Three men from the Sixty-second Pennsylvania Volunteers came to join the battery. Donovan came back from his fur lough. March 23. — Weather pleasant. Cleaned up the park. John Haney went home on a ten days' furlough. Sergt. Goliff, Sergt. George, and Corp. Clark were reduced to the ranks at the first roll-call, for disobedience to orders. March 24- — Sergt. Brown received his discharge for dis ability. Sergt. Prescott was promoted sergeant of the first de- . tachment. Private Ransom was promoted corporal of the third detachment. Lieut. Osgood returned from his furlough. March 27. — Lieut. Cargill and Sergt. Turner went to Mas sachusetts, to recruit for the battery. Had a section drill in the afternoon. March 31. — Lieut. Walcott and James Daley came back from their furloughs. Daley brought me out my watch. Thursday, April 2. — John Haney came back, and Sergt. Osgood went home for ten days. April 3. — Battery drill in forenoon. Private Haney was promoted sergeant of the third detachment. Private Philip Goliff was re-instated, and made sergeant of the sixth detach ment. Private Daniel Norcross was promoted corporal of the fifth detachment, by order of Capt. Martin. April 8. — Four men from each detachment went off on passes. All of the infantry in the First Corps was reviewed by the President. Capt. Martin went home on a furlough. April 12. — Had an inspection in the forenoon by Lieut. Walcott. The Third and Fifth Massachusetts, the Fourth Rhode Island Battery, and Battery D, Fifth United States 274 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, Artillery, were reviewed by a Swiss major-general in the after noon. April 19. — Capt. Martin came back from his furlough. April 26. — Inspection of battery in the forenoon. Edward Cutter came back from Massachusetts, where he had been since his release from Libby Prison. April 27. — The division marched to-day. Had our grain packed on to our pieces. April 30. — Mustered for two months' pay. Started from Potomac Creek at half-past one p.m., with eight days' rations. Each off-horse had a bag of grain on his back. We marched to Hartwood Church, and went into camp at six P.M., having marched eight miles. Friday, May 1. — " Boots and saddles " at five a.m. Crossed the Rappahannock on a pontoon-bridge at United States Ford. Marched to Chancellorsville, and went into camp at five o'clock. Skirmishing going on all day. We have marched eight miles. May 2. — Started out at eight A.M., Marched down, and went into battery on the banks of the Rappahannock, behind a line of rifle-pits. Firing, at intervals, all day, and heavy firing during the night. May 3. — Battle of Chancellorsville. In position all day and night. Heavy fighting in front of the battle at night. May. 4- — In position, supported by Second Massachusetts Regiment. Firing at intervals all day. May 5. — In the afternoon, at five o'clock, it began to rain. Threw up earthworks for our guns. Started at night, and re crossed the river at United States Ford, and marched to our old camp at Potomac Creek. Reached there at eight in the morning, that being the third time we had returned to our old camp. Remained in camp, having the usual duties to perform, till May 15. May 15. — The Fourth Rhode Island and Fifth Massachusetts batteries left the brigade, and went into the reserve artillery. Corporal and four men came from the Fourth Rhode Island into our battery. SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 275 May 19. — The Fifth Corps was reviewed by Major-Gens. Meade and Bntterfield. May 28. — Signed pay-rolls for two months. Received march ing orders. May 29. — Started from camp at Potomac Creek at six A.M., marched to the Rappahannock, and went into position at United States Ford. The rebel earthworks could be plainly seen, on the opposite banks of the river. The weather was pleasant. Marched fourteen miles. Remained on picket at United States Ford until June 4. Thursday, June 4- — The First New Hampshire Battery came up, and went into position on our left. June 5. — The caissons went back into the woods ; the left section of the battery went back to position on the other side of the ford. In afternoon we had a heavy thunder-shower. June 7. — Started out at half-past two A.M., and went back into the woods about a mile and a half. The First New Hamp shire Battery was relieved by the First Pennsylvania. June 9. — Cannonading heard toward Warrenton, in the after noon. June 13. — Received two months' pay. Left camp at seven o'clock at night, in an awful rain-storm ; marched through the mud, and arrived at Hartwood Church at eleven o'clock. Went into camp for the night. Marched six miles. June 14- — Reveille sounded at half-past two a.m. Started from Hartwood Church at nine o'clock, and marched to Wea- verville. Went into camp at seven P.M., after a march of twenty- three miles. The day was very pleasant, and the roads good. June 15. — Reveille sounded at two a.m. Left camp at five o'clock, and marched to Manassas Junction, where we went into position on the left of the railroad, at three P.M. Marched nine teen miles. June 16. — In position at Manassas Junction, while troops were passing all day. Capt. Martin received his appointment as chief of the corps artillery. June 17. — Reveille was sounded at one a.m. Marched till half-past four, to Centreville, where we saw the Ninth Massa- 276 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, chusetts Battery. Went into camp at three p.m., at a place called Gum Springs. The day was very hot, and the roads dusty, and several of the men were sun-struck. Eighteen miles. June 18. — In camp at Gum Springs all day. It began to rain in the morning, and rained all night. Left Gum Springs at four o'clock the next afternoon, and marched to a place called Aldie, and went into camp at half-past seven. June 19. — The cavalry had a fight at Aldie. Sunday, June 21. — Reveille sounded at one A.M. Left camp at three a.m., to go on reconnoissance with the cavalry. Fell in with them and the flying-artillery, and marched to Middleburg, and went into position on the outskirts of the town. Our cav alry fought the rebel cavalry all day, and drove them to A.shby's Gap. Marched six miles. June 22. — Started from Middleburg at half-past nine A.M., and stopped in the road three hours while eight or ten thousand cavalry passed us. Saw a lot of rebel prisoners in a barn. Started about noon, and went back to the town, and went into battery about a mile, from it. Stopped an hour, then limbered up, and started up and went back to camp at Aldie. Arrived at half-past four, and remained in camp till June 26. June 26. — To-day begins the Pennsylvania campaign. Re veille sounded at four A.M. Left camp at six o'clock. Marched through Leesburg, and crossed the Potomac on a pontoon-bridge at Edwards's Ferry. Went into camp on the Maryland side at eight P.M. There was a fine rain almost all day, and the roads were very bad ; but marched twenty-two miles. June 27. — Started at five a.m.; marched through Buckeye- town, Md. We passed a great many fields of wheat and corn. The roads were muddy. Crossed the Monocacy River. Marched fifteen miles. A year ago to-day was the battle of Gaines's Mills. June 28. — In camp near Frederick. Gen. Meade took com mand of the army to-day. June 29. — Left camp at eleven a.m.; marched till nine p.m. The day was pleasant, but it rained during the night. Marched fifteen miles. SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 277 June 30. — Started at five A.M. ; marched through Liberty, Johnsonsville, Middletown, Union Bridge, Uniontown, and Frizzleburg, and went into camp at six p.m. Marched twenty- eight miles. Wednesday, July 1. — Mustered for three months' pay. Started from Myerstille at ten a.m. Marched to Hanover, and went into camp at half-past four, where we saw a lot of dead horses. There had been a cavalry fight. Marched ten miles. Started again at half-past seven, and marched to within three miles of Gettysburg, Penn., and went into camp at twelve o'clock at night. Heard, cannonading all day. July 2 and 3. — Started at half-past five A.M., marched to Get tysburg, and reached there about noon. The battle commenced at four in the afternoon, and lasted till eight at night. We went into position four or five times, and had six men slightly wounded and four horses shot. " Boots and saddles " at twelve o'clock at night ; started out, and went into position on the extreme left of the line of battle. Stopped there all day and night. Fighting going on all day. It rained during the night. July 4- — 1-° position all day and night. Rained all afternoon and night. Went over on the battle-field in the afternoon, and saw a great number of the dead of both armies. July 5. — In position till four P.M. Started, and marched till nine o'clock. Seven miles. July 6. — Reveille at two a.m. ; started at half-past four ; marched about a quarter of a mile, and went into battery. Started again at eleven; marched five miles, and went into camp. Raining all day. July 7. — Reveille at two a.m. ; started at four ; marched by Emmettsburg and through Utica, Md., and went into camp at five P.M. Roads very muddy. Twenty-seven miles. July 8. — Reveille at four a.m. ; started at half-past six ; marched to Middletown, and went into camp at six p.m. Saw a squad of rebels. Fourteen miles. July 9. — Reveille at three A.M. ; started from Middletown at half-past five ; marched over South Mountain, and went into camp at the foot of it. Seven miles. 278 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, July 10. — Reveille at three a.m. ; started at half-past six ; marched by Boonsborough to Antietam Bridge, where we went into position at one P.M. Eight miles. July 11. — Reveille at three A.M. ; started at half-past six ; formed a new line about a mile from where we left, and ad vanced again at four p.m., and stopped there all night. July 12. — Started at eleven A.M., and advanced about a mile, where we stopped a short time, and then went down to the left, and went into battery at half-past eight p.m. Slight skirmishing in the afternoon. Three miles. July 13. — Started at ten A.M. ; advanced half a mile, and went into battery again. Stopped all day and night. July 14- — Started at half-past eleven, and marched till four P.M. Marched through and encamped in the rebel fortifica tions. Seven miles. July 15. — Reveille at three a.m. ; started at four ; marched through Kediesville and over South Mountain, and went into camp at eight p.m. It rained in the afternoon, and a lot of horses gave out. It was the hardest march in the campaign. Twenty miles. July 16. — Reveille at three p.m. ; started at half-past four ; marched through Burkittsville, and went into camp at half-past nine A.M. Seven miles. July 17. — Started from Berlin at half-past five. Crossed the Potomac, into Virginia, over a pontoon-bridge. Went into camp at eight p.m. Six miles. July 18. — Reveille at three ; started at half-past five ; marched through Burlington, Va., and went into camp at half-past ten. July 19. — Reveille at four ; started at six A.M. ; marched through Princeton, and went into camp at nine o'clock. July 20. — Reveille at two ; started at four a.m. ; went into camp at half-past ten. Twelve miles. July 21. — In camp at Goose Creek. July 22. — Started from Goose Creek at half-past one p.m. ; marched to Rectortown, Va., and went into camp at six p.m. July 23. — Reveille at four a.m. Left Rectortown at half- SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 279 past six, and marched through Markham. Went into camp at Manassas Gap at three p.m. Thirteen miles. July 24- — Started at half-past ten A.M. ; marched through the Gap a mile or two, and went into camp on the Blue Ridge Mountains. July 25. — Reveille at half-past three ; started from the Gap at five A.M., and went into camp at three P.M. Weather hot. Fifteen miles. July 26. — Reveille at three, and started at half-past six. Marched to within three miles of Warrenton, and went into camp at three P.M. Marched ten miles. July 27. — Reveille at three ; started at half-past five ; marched through Warrenton, and went into camp two miles from the town. July 28 to Aug. 3. — Remained in camp at Warrenton. Monday, Aug. 3. — Started at eight a.m. ; moved to a new camp. Just got our tents up, when orders came to march. We packed up and started at six p.m. ; marched till twelve o'clock. Weather was exceedingly hot. Aug. 4- — Started at half-past eight a.m., and marched to Fayetteville and went into camp in a pine woods. Aug 5. — Signed pay-rolls for two months. Remained in camp in the woods till — Aug. 8. — Started at six A.M., marched to Beverly Ford, and went into camp at eleven A.M. Paid off for two months, in the afternoon. This ends the Pennsylvania campaign, — a march of over thirty days and over four hundred miles. The hardest march the army had ever seen, — hard on both men and horses. The battery remained in camp at Beverly Ford with the daily routine of duty, till — Aug. 29. — The whole corps was ordered out to witness the shooting of five deserters belonging to the One Hundred and Eighteenth Pennsylvania Volunteers. Each man followed his coffin, supported by two soldiers, with the chaplain following. They marched through the corps, which was drawn up beside a hill, passed down to an intervale, where the graves were dug. Each man sat on the foot of his coffin, with his eyes bandaged. 280 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, A provost-guard of thirty-two men fired a volley — the men fell back in their coffins, dead. It was a sad sight. Sunday, Sept. 6. — The weather was pleasant. The battery was inspected by Capt. Martin in the forenoon. The battery has been in service two years to-day. Sept. 8. — Battery went to target practice in forenoon with Battery D, First Ohio. Sept. 16. — Started for Beverly Ford at half-past seven A.M. ; crossed the Rappahannock on a pontoon, and marched' in the direction of Culpepper. Went into camp five p.m. Marched twelve miles. Sergt. Haney was reduced to the ranks after six o'clock roll-call. Corp. Ransom was reported sergeant of the third detachment. Private Bowman was promoted corporal of the third detachment. Sept. 17. — " Boots and saddles " at five a.m. ; started at half- past six, and marched to Culpepper. Passed through the town, and went into battery on the outskirts. Went into camp at ten A.M. Five miles. Sept. 18. — In position near Culpepper. Twelve men were shot in the Eleventh, and one in the Fifth Corps, for desertion. Sept. 19. — In position near Culpepper. The day was very cold for that time of the year. Paid for two months, and set tled up the clothing account for two years. The battery was inspected by Capt. Martin. Sept. 28. — Orders came to put on our best clothes, and be ready to be reviewed. The battery moved out into the opposite field. The whole brigade of batteries were there, all in line, with the pieces in position. Gens. Meade, Sykes, and a Spanish major-general reviewed us, with the first division of infantry. .Afterwards they reviewed the second and third divisions. Sept. 29. — In position near Culpepper. The day was warm and pleasant. Myself and Owen McManus went to the Third and Sixth Corps. Started at eight a.m., and rode through the town of Culpepper ; went to the camp of the Eleventh Massa chusetts Regiment, and the First and Tenth Batteries. We met Billy Ford and Alonzo Huckins, of our men, at the Tenth Bat- SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 281 tery. They joined us, and we went together through the streets of Culpepper, and returned to camp at two p.m. Saturday, Oct. 10. — Reveille was sounded at two A.M ; had breakfast at half-past three ; started out of camp at half-past four o'clock, and marched till seven. Halted at three p.m., then countermarched, and went back to camp. Marched to within a few miles of the Rapidan. Oct. 11. — Left camp at eight A.M ; marched through the town at ten, and crossed the Rappahannock at Beverly Ford. Went to our old camp ; stopped half an hour. Started again, went to the river, and went into battery and stopped about an hour. Limbered up, and went back to the old camp at Beverly Ford, where we stopped for the night. Oct. 12. — Reveille at four A.M ; started at half-past five ; marched across the river again,- and went into battery until twelve o'clock, and then limbered up and went to the front, and went into park. Skirmishing commenced at two P.M., with the cavalry of both armies. Our cavalry drove the enemy to within a mile of Culpepper, then the infantry and artillery advanced in line of battle and stopped all night. Oct. 13. — No bugle call ; but we were ordered to turn out quietly, by the orderly, at one A.M. Started at two o'clock, without any breakfast. Marched back, and recrossed the Rap pahannock. At five o'clock went again to our old camp at Beverly Ford, and got our breakfast. Started out at six, and marched till twelve o'clock ; halted three-quarters of an hour ; started again ; passed Warrenton Junction at two p.m., and went into camp at five. Twenty miles. Oct. 14- — Reveille sounded at three a.m. We started out at six, and stopped two hours at noon. Marched again, and went to Manassas Junction, where we went into battery at three p.m. Stopped an hour, and then limbered up, and fell in behind the first division, and went back to Bristow Station on the double quick. The enemy attacked the rearguard of the Second Corps at Bristow, and had quite a sharp engagement. Our army drove the rebels back, and captured a battery of six pieces, and more than a thousand prisoners. We stopped by the railroad 282 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, two hours, and started again at eight o'clock, and marched to within a few miles of Centreville, crossing Broad and Bull Run, and went into camp at one o'clock the next morning. Marched fifteen miles. Oct. 15. — Reveille at six A.M. Left camp at Centreville at eight o'clock. Marched by all the forts, and went into camp at Fairfax Court-house at two p.m. It rained during the day. Ten miles. Oct. 16. — Reveille sounded at usual camp-time. Remained at camp in Fairfax till five p.m., then marched back to Centre ville, a.nd went into camp at eight o'clock. Roads muddy. Four miles. Oct. 17. — Seventeenth New York Battery, and Battery F, Rhode Island, came into the brigade. We started at nine A.M. ; marched about a mile, into a new camp. We met a pontoon-train on the road. Private Harding returned, after a furlough of ten days. Oct. 18. — Reveille sounded at three. Left camp at five A.M., and marched back to Fairfax, and went into position at eight o'clock. Just had our tents pitched, when we were ordered to start again. Marched, and went into camp at two p.m. Oct. 19. — Reveille at four A.M ; started at six ; marched through Centreville. Saw a lot of rebel barracks that were used two years ago. Stopped an hour at noon. Marched to the Bull Run battle-field, where we encamped for the night. A large number of the dead were buried only six inches from the top of the ground, and the rains had washed the dirt away in many places, so that the bones were visible. Some were not buried at all ; others were covered with stones and leaves. It was a most horrible sight. Twenty miles. Oct. 20. — Reveille at one. Started at five A.M., and halted at seven. Gen. Buford's division of cavalry, and Gen. Meade's headquarter trains passed us. Started at twelve, passed through Gainesville, and went into camp at New Baltimore at three p.m. Eight miles. Oct. 21. — Reveille sounded at six A.M. Remained in camp all day, with nothing going on. SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 283 Oct. 24-. — Left camp at New Baltimore at half-past four p.m. It had rained all night and day. Marched to Auburn, and went into camp at seven p.m. Oct. 25. — Moved camp at twelve o'clock, and pitched our camp in the woods. Oct. 28. — In camp at Auburn. Lieut. Cargill and Sergt. Turner came back from Massachusetts, after an absence of seven months on recruiting service, Oct. 30. — Reveille at five ; left camp at seven A.M ; marched to Manassas Junction, and went into camp at twelve. Were mustered for two months' pay. Eight miles. CHAPTER XVI. SPRING CAMPAIGN AND CHANCELLORSVILLE. April 27, 1863, leave Camp Gove. — Hartwood Church. —Kelly's Ford.— Mountain Run. — Fording the Rapidan. — Bullock's Tavern. — Chan cellor House. — Twenty-second in Advance. — Zion Church. — Banks Ford Road. — Sergt.-Major Carter recovers his Photographs. — Hooker discovers his Mistake too Late. — In a Tight Place. — A Little Boy under Fire. — " Gentle Annie Ethridge." — Death of Gen. Whipple. — " Sweet Revenge." — Sharpshooters at Work. — Night Fighting. — The Army withdrawn. — The Twenty-second for Rearguard. — Lost in the Woods. — Back to Camp. — Stonewall Jackson's Death. — New York Regiments under Guard. — Second Maine Term of Service expires. — Escorted by the Eighteenth and Twenty-second. AT a moment's notice the Twenty-second started, on the morning of April 27, 1863, heavily loaded with eight days' rations. Wagons, had been cut down to the lowest mini mum, officers were required to carry their blankets and baggage upon pack-mules, led by the buglers and drummers, and all had to carry three days' rations in haversacks, and five in knap sacks. Our few months of recuperative camp-life had not fitted us for hard marching ; that comes from successive marches with a daily increase in distance. We were soft in flesh, and the first day told heavily. It was warm, the roads were heavy, and soon the overcoats and surplus comforts began to line the road wherever a halt was made. After marching about eight miles we bivouacked for the night near Hartwood Church. On the 28th we started at one 'p.m., Humphrey's division leading ; and soon after it commenced raining. After a hard day's march of about eighteen miles, during which the men threw away overcoats, knapsacks and superfluous clothing at every halt, we bivouacked about two miles from Kelly's Ford, near Morrisville. On the 29th we moved at seven A.M., and SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 285 crossing the Rappahannock at Kelly's Ford an hour later, Griffin's division had the advance, and Barnes's brigade led the division. Striking the Ellis Ford road, we followed the river, crossing Mountain Run shortly after. The instructions to Gen. Meade, commanding corps, was to march with one battery and two ambulances to a division, and a pack-train for small ammunition, a few wagons for forage, balance of trains to be parked in vicinity of Banks Ford, off the road, and convenient to crossing the river at that point ; men whose term of service was about to expire left behind to guard public property. He was especially requested to " exercise all your accustomed zeal and devotion in hastening the passage of the troops across the Rappahannock ; he feels assured that you will. It is a great object to effect the passage of the Rapidan to-morrow, as you well know, and in so doing, the United States Ford will be uncovered, and our line of communications established with the left wing of the army." Reports of the strength of the enemy's forces holding fords on the Rappahannock, above its junction with the Rapidan, accompanied this ; and a hope was expressed that some of these forces " might be picked up." " Use your cavalry, and send them well out to bring you timely information." " Would it not be well to detach a division to seize the fords? " Griffin's division was selected to seize the fords. After cross. ing Mountain Run our clothes were wet, heavy, and bedraggled ; the roads were heavy, and the mud pasty and slippery ; each step loaded our shoes, and as the pace increased, and the march was now made without halts, it soon began to tell upon the column with exhausting effect, and there was soon considerable straggling. Word was sent ahead to Gen. Barnes that, the men were falling out in squads, entirely unable to keep up with the rapid gait, now almost a double quick. Barnes sent word back, that it was necessary ; his object being to seize the bluffs upon the opposite bank, before the enemy, as it would save us a battle. On we went, until we came within sight of the ford about four p.m., after marching some sixteen miles. Slight skirmishing ensued between our advance and the rebel skir mishers. Some prisoners were captured, and while halting in 286 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, the sunken road leading to the ford, they passed through our open ranks, not without a slight sprinkling of " chaff " between the sulky-looking " Johnnies " and our principal wags. Having cleared the ford, the majority stripped, made a small, compact bundle of our clothes, cartridge-box, etc., and running our rifles under the knot, and holding all above or upon our heads, just as it was fairly dark, we forded the Rapidan, the water being up to our arm-pits, with a swift current. Cavalry was placed below to catch some of the unfortunates who missed their footing. Some of the small drummer-boys went in all over;, one catching hold of our surgeon's (Dr. Stearns) bridle, and with the aid of the pack-mule the boy was leading, was drawn along. There were, however, very few accidents. Scrambling up the slippery, clayey banks, we soon started fires to dry ourselves, thankful we were no wetter, and rolling ourselves in blankets were comfortably preparing for sleep. The rain which had threatened all day now poured down, and we were soon wet through. Rivulets ran under us, down the hill upon which we were bivouacked. The night was dark, and our ponchos were not pitched. All night it rained in torrents, soaking our blan kets through, making our loads for the morning doubly heavy. Early in the morning of the 30th of April we were astir, and at seven A.M., floundering out in column, were at once inex tricably mixed up with the red sea of " sacred soil." Many who had clung to knapsacks with their precious load of sustaining food, now began to chafe and curse in their distress and ex haustion incident to wet clothes and soaked blankets, threw them off, and the hurrying column stumbling over them soon sunk them deep in the liquid wallow-holes. After moving a few miles, our skirmishers and flankers thrown out, soon began to feel the enemy. Moving into the right of the road and halting, we reloaded and recapped our pieces, and slowly felt our way along. The cavalry took the advance, and encountered a small force of rebel infantry. The first brigade went ahead. Col. Tilton was ordered by Gen. Barnes to throw forward the Sharpshooters, with two companies in support ; but the enemy retiring before the cavalry, left nothing to do. SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 287 The Ellis Ford road is heavily wooded on both sides ; here and there skirted by dense thickets and small scrub-growth, and crossed by numerous marshy runs and sloughs, with only an occasional clearing, until the cleared farm near Bullock's is reached. Here we found an earthwork of the enemy's facing the road, behind which the top of the white house could just be seen. Our skirmishers had just driven a small party from our front at this point. The road is here crossed by a small wood-road, leading to the Orange turnpike at Dowdall's Tav ern. After passing the open at Bullock's, the road is higher and drier, and again enters a wood, and rising a slight ascent, or hill, comes into the clearing at the Chancellor House, dis tant from Bullock's a little more than half a mile. It is on the right of the road, and a little back from it, of brick, and surrounded by a piazza. It is high ground here, sloping gradually to the south and east. It was a cleared farm of per haps seventy-five to one hundred acres, but at the distance of a few hundred yards in all directions, the eye meets nothing but interminable forest of scrub-oak and small but dense pines, forming large and almost impenetrable thickets. It was about eleven o'clock when we emerged into this clearing, halted, stacked arms, and made coffee, just across the turnpike, and to the south-east of the house. There were no other troops to be seen. We were the advance of the army at Chancellorsville. Shortly after, about half-past one P.M., we were ordered to " fall in," and taking the Fredericks burg turnpike, moved in column through openings and clear ings, the country all the time becoming more open until we came to the enemy's works across the road about three miles and a half, near Zion Church. We then moved off the road to the left, advanced our skirmishers, and halted in line of bat tle. Gen. Griffin rode down the road, and soon returning said something about a battery, and we expected our batteries would soon come to the front. He evidently referred to the enemy's, for we could see their cannoneers moving the guns in the em brasures, and could see the reflections of the sun on the pieces. We soon moved to the rear, by the same road, crossing the 288 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, branches of Mott Run and one or two sloughs, and at dusk went into bivouac off the Ellis Ford road, in a piece of woods, passing many troops some distance in front of the Chan cellor House, belonging to the Twelfth Corps. The whole of the Eleventh, Twelfth, and Fifth Corps were now up. Early on the morning of Friday, May 1, a beautiful, bright day, we moved out from our bivouac. All had gone well up to this time. The conception of the plan, the rapid concentration of that great army at a given point, at a given time, was. well-nigh perfect, and showed the power and energy of the man whose genius had wrought such almost miraculous changes and results. He could certainly handle the army ; could he fight it ? The following orders were given to our corps : " The Fifth Corps, including three batteries, will be thrown on the river-road, by the most direct route, the head of it advanced to near midway between Mott and Golin Runs ; the movement to be made by small parties thrown out iri advance, and to be completed by two o'clock." Similar orders were given the Twelfth and Third corps. On this morning, Hooker's plan was to get beyond the forests around Chancellorsville, and forming a line of battle with his centre at Tabernacle Church, the left between Mott's Run and Golin's Run, and the right near the unfinished rail road which skirts the plank-road at the south, invite the enemy to attack him in a defensive position. But he made no plans for such contingencies as happened during the day. General Orders, No. 47, Headquarters Army of the Potomac, April 30, 1863, were read to us in the woods, by the adju tant, on the morning of May 1, when in line, and awaiting the order to move out. This bombastic effusion was, in sub stance, that " the enemy now hemmed in would be compelled to fly in disgrace, or fight us on ground where certain destruc tion awaited him." Lee, knowing that his own situation was a critical one, had been hastening his columns since midnight to occupy this very same line marked out in Hooker's mind's eye. Griffin's , division led, at nine A.M., on the Banks Ford road, with a strong advance ahead. Humphreys's brought up the COL. CHARLES E. GRISWOLD. LIEUT, AARON F, WALCOTT. GEN. CHARLES J. PAINE. CAPT. WINSOR M. WARO. LIEUT.-COL. EDWIN C. BENNETT. SERGT.-MAJOR WALTER CARTER. SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 289 rear. Sykes moved at the same time on the old Fredericksburg turnpike, supported by Hancock's division of the Second Corps. The Twelfth Corps marched on the plank-road. The turnpike, the road we had marched on the day before, was a more open road, and Sykes's movement was more rapid than our own, or the other divisions. Sykes soon met the enemy, who, as has been stated, had anticipated our wishes, was skirmishing heavily with him on our right front, as we took the Banks Ford road. It appeared, while marching during the day, that we were mov ing beyond the sound of the musketry, which now rolled heavily, somewhat to our right and rear. We soon saw balloons over Falmouth, reconnoitring ; then, as we advanced a little farther, parts of Fredericksburg. As we emerged into the open country, and our divergence from the turnpike grew greater, our movements were more cau tious, and made with numerous halts. We passed through deserted rebel camps not long after starting, some with fires still smoking, and with many letters and debris scattered about. Sergt.-Major Walter Carter had at Fredericksburg, in Decem ber, lost a photograph-case, while lying in line of battle in front of Marye's Heights, containing twenty-five or more valuable photographs. On this morning a corporal of the Second Maine picked up a rubber portfolio used for note-paper, and opening it discovered some photographs, and read on one of the bottom ones, aloud, " Walter Carter, Bradford, Mass." Private William Emerson, Company H, happened to be near, recognized it, told the corporal that he knew a man by that name in the Twenty- Second Massachusetts, and it was reported to the major of the Second Maine. He came to Col. Tilton, the sergeant-major was called, and there recovered seven photographs lost nearly five months before. The enemy, by a rapid and earlier move, had succeeded in gaining the position at Tabernacle Church first, and commenced intrenching ; but Jackson pushed these troops of Anderson's ahead, and hurrying up Perry and Wilcox, formed a line with Kershaw on the left, Semmes in the centre, south of the turn pike, and Wofford on the right, along the old mine or mountain 290 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, road leading from Zoar Church to United States Ford. Sykes, now ahead of all, could not connect either with the Twelfth Corps or with Griffin, but seeing the high hill, the first to be met with after crossing Big-Meadow Swamp, pushed forward to seize it. Here he met Mahone's division, ascending on the other side, and a deperate fight took place. This ridge extends northward as far as the hills crowned by the Banks Ford road, from which it is only separated by a small ravine, and south ward to the ridge that the plank-road follows, and which it strikes again at the Aldrich House, between the points where the road to Catherine Furnace and the road to Todd's Tavern connect with the plank-road. Higher than all the surrounding hills, it commands both the clearings which border the road to Fredericksburg, at the east, and the plateau of Chancellorsville, at the west. Hancock moved up to support Sykes. Howard had but a short distance to march to join Slocum. About forty- five thousand troops were near at hand, within easy supporting distance, while our two divisions are on the river-road, seriously menacing the flank of the Confederates. Hooker was at the Chancellor House. It was about four o'clock. Sykes, though hard pressed, was holding his own, and the rebel right flank did not dare to risk an advance, when Hooker sent a positive order to withdraw, against the protests of both Couch and Slocum, and the opinion of Warren, who regarded this a fine defensive position, admitting ¦ of better chances for manoeuvring and holding on than the contracted line in and about the Chancel lor House. All commenced the retrograde movement. Hooker, when too late, countermanded his first order; but the enemy, following up, had seized the ridge described. We began to retrace our steps, without having met any enemy in force, and entirely ignorant of the part we were taking, regard ing it, up to this hour, as merely a reconnoissance in force. As we re-approached the line of Sykes's operations of the morning, it was at once apparent that the fire had receded far to the rear. We soon reached a fork in the roads, where the old mine or mountain road, from the Fredericksburg turnpike to United States Ford, intersects the one we were then on, and here met SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 291 a large squad of prisoners, being sent up the road to United States Ford. A little farther on some skedaddlers, of Duryea's Zouaves, Fifth New York, were emerging from the forest. We were now moving almost at a double quick, as darkness was fast gathering about us, and hurriedly moving off the river- road to the left, and into this dense forest lying in the angle between the two roads mentioned. We quickly formed line of battle, facing the direction from which we had just come, our right now joining the left of Hancock's division, of Couch's corps, which had fallen back to this point upon Hooker's order. McLaws's three rebel brigades, composing his division, had, by following up Sykes's rearward movement, so far advanced to the front, across the old mine road, and extended to the right, as to seriously endanger our little brigade in its march back to the Chancellor House. In a few moments we would have found ourselves cut off on the river-road. The enemy now made himself known in this effort, by push ing his line so closely that we could hear in the reverberating forest all commands as distinctly as in our own regiment, and running his guns probably up the main road, only a few hundred yards away, shelled us vigorously. Lying closely, and pushing out our skirmishers, we remained in this desperate position. The pioneers were set to work with their axes, making barri cades. Our skirmishers, in the mean time, kept up a sharp fire. The rebels were fortunately as much at sea as ourselves, ven turing no farther advance in the gloomy and almost impene trable forest. The shells glared, shrieked, and burst against the trunks of the huge pine-trees, or sharply screamed through the thickets in our rear, making the woods roar with the noise and confusion ; and still we hugged the ground. Dr. Stearns's little boy, who had been caught out with us this night, had never been in such an uproar. He could not be carried with any safety to the rear. Experiencing to the fullest extent the horrors of the situation, he lost all control of his feelings, be came hysterical, and in the midst of the awful tumult, above the roar of the guns, his voice could be heard in shrieks and screams, and piteous entreaties to be saved the terrible doom he 292 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, then thought impending. Nothing but sheer exhaustion calmed his fears. The moon rose, but our spirits did not rise. All night we heard the rumble of batteries on our front, and tramp of the rebel infantry, and knew not what our fate was to be. Our intense nervous strain increased. Not a man slept ; for when all had become quiet, and our safety seemed assured, the batteries would again open, and drive us to cover. Every stroke of our pioneers could be heard resounding in the woods, and we thought we could at times hear the responsive strokes of the rebel axemen. One of our Sharpshooters, Private Osgood, was chopping on one side of a huge pine, not more than ten or fifteen yards in front of the centre of our regimental line. By the strong moonlight, we could almost see the chips fly. Private William Webster, of Company H, was at work on the side of the tree next to our line. Both men were exposed to the full view of the rebels, not more than one hundred yards away. We were watching for the tree to fall, — our minds diverted, for the moment, from the cries of the little boy, and the terrors of the night battle, — when a shell struck the tree, exploded, and a fragment broke both of Osgood's hips. He died of his wounds, May 27. We were cautioned a little after midnight to keep our dippers and bayonets from clinking ; and at the command, whispered along the line, we crawled, crept, and gradually withdrew from our dangerous position. Marching till towards four o'clock in the morning, through the parked trains and reserve artillery in the clearing at the Chancellor House, we bivouacked, at length, in our position on the extreme left of the line, near Mine Creek, and covering the United States Ford. We were kept busy until afternoon, building strong barri cades and log breastworks with abatis and slashings, and that night felt quite secure. We remained here all of Saturday and Saturday night. About six p.m. on Saturday, May 2, we were startled by a heavy cannonading on our right, which grew in intensity, until it seemed as though a greater part of the right flank was engaged. At times it rolled in towards us, and we expected to be called upon any moment. The bands of SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 293 Sykes's division, in the midst of this belching and booming, struck up "Hail Columbia" and the "Star-spangled Banner," which contrasted oddly with the fierce sounds of battle. It inspired the boys, however, and quieted any apprehension that may have been felt that there was any disaster on our right. We were ordered on picket, and springing over our barricades, moved into the dense forests on our front. The moon was at its full, the night was warm and still, and the front almost as light as day. The stillness of death reigned over all, only broken by the plaintive note of the whippoorwill, and the incessant noise of the katy-did. About midnight a terrific artillery and mus ketry fire opened,, that made the forest ring. Although some distance from our position, it seemed working rapidly towards us. It was Berry's division of the Third Corps, working its way in on the plank-road after being cut off from the main army by Jackson's flank attack. The battle raged and roared ; and in the midst of it, a crackling on our front denoted the approach of a party from the direction of the rebel line. A challenge! No response. Another ; no intelligible answer, and we opened. No line appearing, the order was given to cease firing. The party shouted, first prostrating themselves on the ground, and a sergeant soon brought in some stragglers from the Eleventh Corps, who had been all night finding their way in from where the corps had been stampeded. The firing became spasmodic, and finally the cannonading almost ceased. About daybreak, however, just as we were being relieved by a portion of the Eleventh Corps, a musketry fire on our right began, which for volume and incessant roar and rattle, has seldom, if ever, been surpassed in the history of the Army of the Potomac. It increased, until its noise was such at that distance we could hardly make ourselves understood by the thoroughly demoralized Dutchmen who were relieving our picket posts. Finding our barricades were abandoned, and being moved rapidly towards the sound of battle, we found the remainder of the corps had been moved to the centre, where we soon joined them, passing through swarms of wounded, mostly of the Jersey brigade, Third Corps. On a stump, among the 294 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, wounded and dying men, giving them a cheering word as they passed, was Annie Etheridge, the heroine of Birney's division, Third Corps, who was with Sickles's command on the plank- road on that fearful night. A rubber blanket was over her shoulders; her black hair fell loosely about her ; and a pale, tired face, with expressive dark eyes, and a firm mouth, betokened the courageous, daring woman who won the respect of all alike dur ing those dark and perilous days. Our brigade was ordered to lie down. Then, finding the firing too hot, we were moved in column of battalions, by the flank, through a piece of woods near a field hospital, the yellow flag flying in a tree ; but the enemy thinking we were shielding our selves by a ruse, opened heavily upon us, the shot and shell driving through the poor wounded wretches every moment. The surgeons commenced to move them to the rear. We faced to the front, closed en masse, and were ordered to lie down. While occupying the first position, a portion of the Eleventh Massachusetts went through our lines, dragging off some of the guns of Dimick's Battery, completely disabled in horses and men. The officers and non-commissioned officers nearly all were killed or wounded. Here we lay until afternoon, getting coffee, and making ourselves as comfortable as possible. Our* position was on the Elli's Ford road, in the centre, near the small white house (Bullock's) with portico, which we had passed April 29, on our way to the Chancellor House, and about three-quarters of a mile north of it, which was then on fire from the enemy's shells, the dense smoke plainly marking its location. The thick woods on our front, filled with wounded and dying men, were also on fire, and the smoke that hung over our position soon grew stifling. We were overlooked by rebel sharpshooters. On Monday, the 4th, Gen. Whipple was shot, directly in our rear, a little to the right, the Third Corps having taken the second line of intrenchments across the road. Our position was strongly chosen, and our' entire front of works was lined with batteries. The bullets clipped the caissons, wounding and kill ing all about us. We hugged the ground well, yet occasionally a heavy, dull thud told the story of another man hit. One ven- SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 295 turesome individual attempted, by crawling and running, to reach another part of our line, was hit, within a few feet of us, by a ball glancing from a caisson. His groans and screams brought a few of us to his side. Stripping his shirt to see where the wound was, we found the ball, already spent, had made a terrible bruise, without breaking the skin, near the small of his back. When the victim discovered this, his courage arose, and between his half-smothered groans, his favorite exclamation was, " Oh-h-h, if I don't have sweet re-ve-e-e-e-nge for this ! " A captain of Berdan's Sharpshooters towards noon jumped over the log breastworks, and carefully working his way to the edge of the woods, concealed himself, and with his telescopic rifle awaited patiently for a shot. A puff of smoke from one locality in a tree, followed by a groan in our lines, rewarded some keen- eyed rebel overlooking our position. He saw the rebel shoot three times, but could not see his body through the dense foliage of the tree. Keeping his telescope on the spot, however, he was finally rewarded by seeing the rebel move to another limb to rest his cramped body, which then lay exposed. The captain pulled the- trigger, and dropped the rebel. In the afternoon, the third brigade was pushed out across the field, and met and repulsed a reconnoissance sent by Lee to ascertain if our position was too strong to attack. The fight was short and sharp. • All our batteries, about seventy guns, opened with canister and shrapnel, and for over half an hour the roar was deafening as we hugged the ground. About dusk we were ordered to the front, and moving over the breastworks, reached the edge of the woods, where we lay, with a strong skirmish or picket reserve for the night. The moon was full and bright. Heavy cannonading could be distinctly heard in the direction of Fredericksburg, and then cheering followed by the Confederate yell. There was no sleep ; all were on the alert. Every thing remained quiet until about midnight, when a shot was fired on our front and right, followed by a regular roar, running along the entire line. We sprang to our feet, ready to repulse the enemy, but the firing soon died away. The picket who fired said a line of battle was advancing on our 296 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, front. Our batteries opened all along the line with canister, and we had to hug close for them to clear us. Our little regi ment made noise enough for a corps, and the enemy must have thought discretion the better part of valor, and fallen back. In the early morning, about seven A.M., being relieved by the First Michigan, we moved back into the rifle pits, where we remained until about four o'clock. About half-past five P.M., the second brigade went out from our right to draw the enemy out of the woods. The batteries opened, and the enemy, advancing, were driven back. This brilliant movement was heartily cheered by the whole line. At half-past ten p.m. there was heavy picket firing. Tuesday, May 5, the Eighteenth Massachusetts went on picket, aud were soon driven in by the enemy. Our artillery opened a tremendous fire from all the guns, driving them back in confusion, and our pickets re-occupied the line. In the after noon a flag of truce went over the breastworks into the rebel lines, to get permission to bury the dead ; with what result we did not learn. The day was foggy ; no firing took place on our front, except ordinary skirmishing and picket-firing. Astonish ment at this inaction was plainly visible on the faces of the men. But long used to performing duty as it came, without question anoL with implicit obedience, little was said, and like our response to the order announcing .the bagging of the enemy, without cheers, and with silent philosophy we calmly awaited results. In the afternoon we learned from an officer attached to headquarters, who had run the gauntlet from the provost- guard opposite Fredericksburg, crossing at Banks Ford, that we were to withdraw that night. Late in the afternoon it commenced to rain, and as night ap proached, it increased. During the night, it rained in torrents ; the trenches filled, drowning us out. There was no choice, of position ; the ground was soon a vast quagmire ; the guns were run off the platforms, and limbered up, and rolled away. Dark as the night was, we could not see, but heard column after column steadily splashing by, yet we did not move. We had been without sleep now three nights, and our movements had SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 297 been constant. The men were much exhausted. At three o'clock on the morning of May 6, we moved a mile or two down the road to United States Ford, then halted behind a fresh line of log breastworks, our skirmishers thrown out, our pieces re loaded and recapped, as the heavy rain all night had rendered them nearly useless, and preparations were made for a battle. Barnes's brigade was the rearguard of the Army of the Potomac, as we had been the vanguard at the opening of the battle. This line was prepared under Gen. Warren's direction, from Scott's Dam on the Rappahannock, around to the mouth of Hunting Run on the Rapidan, a distance of three miles, to secure us from any " attempt of the enemy to interrupt the movement." He did not attempt it, being probably as thoroughly drowned out and soaked as we were. We remained behind this line less than half an hour, the rain then beginning to cease. About half-past seven A.M., on the morning of May 6, in column by companies, with arms at a shoulder, and our battle- flags flung to the breeze, we moved in mud nearly knee-deep, for another mile or more, to the river, which we crossed on the pon toons, under cover of thirty-two guns, and were then informed that we were to help the Fiftieth New York Engineer Regiment take up the bridges. This was a crusher; but not dismayed, we undertook the task. The road led up over a sheer bluff. The mules were balky, and after loading the wagons, carrying plank and stringers, and getting the bridges in, rope cables were bent on to the teams, and we labored until late in the afternoon, hauling the teams up that road. The mud was over our knees ; the men almost slept on the ropes. Many skulked off, and, taking the road, started for camp. Whiskey was altogether too free ; and although our orders had been to escort the pontoon- train inside the pickets at Hartwood Church, each command, independently of the other, started for our abandoned camp at Stoneman's Switch, which we had stripped, and never expected to occupy again. Across fields, through heavily timbered woods, in a bee-line, the columns struggled along. No commands were given ; and at dark we found ourselves hopelessly mixed up in the midst of a dense wood, so dark, that the men fre- 298 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, quently lighted matches to regain the lost path or cart-roads. Some gave out ; a few found their way in. It came on to rain again in torrents, and after once inside the old picket-line, all order was lost, and we remained where the darkness of Erebus had overtaken us, about forty men only reaching the old camp at eleven p.m. Col. Tilton in passing through the woods that lie between Hartwood Church and our camp, became be wildered, exhausted, and benumbed from cold, and wandering about became lost, not getting into camp until ten p.m. It is related that a bugler who led the pack-mules hitched them near the adjutant's gray horse, and the mules taking advantage of this streak of luck, ate the horse's tail off, so that it resembled a rat-tail file. While the men were still straggling into camp, an order came on the night of the 7th, for the command to proceed at once back to the pontoon-train, and safely conduct it in. We moved at nine A.M., on the 8th, with one hundred and seventy- five men ; met many on our way out, nursing up their blistered feet, and drying their drenched clothes. On the way out, the surgeon excused nearly one hundred unable to keep up. We found the pontoons safe, and came back about eleven A.M., the following day, being ordered to convoy a train in. The pon toon-train band serenaded the brigade for its valuable and effi cient services. Dr. Stearns went over the river on the 10th, to take care of our wounded, and the rebels told him that they had intended giving us the next morning, had we not left. Thus ended the Chancellorsville campaign. Comment seems to be unnecessary. Still new matter seems to be coming to light, which makes it almost imperative that a simple, unvarnished narrative should be supplemented by a brief review of the his tory of that campaign, in which we so faithfully bore our part. More than one-half of our corps, although under fire, had not been engaged, or come in contact with the enemy. Thirty-seven thousand men had scarcely fired a shot. As at Antietam and Fredericksburg, the army had had a large reserve, which stand ing or lying with arms in their hands as spectators, almost directly on the left flank of the enemy, could have, at an opportune SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 299 moment, advanced and swept Lee's army out of existence. We were to be used in that ever-present bugbear, with McClellan, Burnside and Hooker, as " a case of emergency." The emer gency arose several times during that well-planned but badly fought battle, as many men in the ranks could plainly see. Gen. Meade asked Gen. Hooker's permission to let the First and Fifth Corps push in ; but indecision had succeeded Hooker's boldness of conception, and division after division, and driblet after drib let, was sent in, only to be rolled away by Lee's constant watch fulness. No historian can ever gloss over Fredericksburg or Chancellorsville. The Army of the Potomac had marched, fought and endured, and was there, as it always had been, superior to the genius of any commander yet appointed. The columns should never have stopped at Chancellorsville at all ; but advancing on the 30th, when our division moved beyond the Chancellor House, should have cleared the forests and entanglements, and debouched into open ground. This would have placed us practically in connection with Sedgwick, and caromed Lee off towards Bowling Green or Gordonsville ; in either case, enabled us to follow up on the Richmond line. He should then have assumed and kept on the offensive, for stress was laid upon Hooker's plan as offensive from the start. Our offensive movement on the 1st of May, when we again shook clear of the Chancellorsville thickets, should never have been changed, nor the troops countermarched. Sykes more strongly supported, could have pushed his way out. The lines taken up that night were badly taken, and were in inextricable confusion, no proper examination of the ground having been made. All subsequent operations were defensive, circumscribed, and in the dark. Want of combined action between Sedgwick and Hooker, left Lee free to press both at will. The whole army felt the paralyzing effects of the inaction on the 4th, and stood still at a time when all the pressure of our unengaged forces should have been brought to bear, at every point. It was a cause of astonish ment to every intelligent private soldier in that army, and cer tainly its combined intelligence was no little power in itself at all times, and was always felt as such in subsequent movements ; 300 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, but without leadership, it could do nothing. Gen. Hancock testifies positively that there was no time, up to the moment of retrograding, but what a forward movement of the whole line would have been successful. This was the feeling throughout that entire part of the army, which had done none, or but little, fighting. Neither the stampede of the Eleventh Corps, nor the failure of the cavalry division, was a governing factor to any de gree in the operations, after May 2 ; for whether Lee's com munications were threatened or cut, his army was still in front of us, and had to be whipped, to get it out of the way, so that we could get between it and Richmond. Nor did the rising of the river, endangering our line of retreat or cutting off our supplies, have any or little bearirig on our withdrawal. For by two o'clock, before it sprinkled, or was even cloudy, it had been de cided by council, and Gen. Hooker's judgment, to re-cross, and it was known along a portion of our line. The Army of the Po tomac never had so good a chance to whip Lee's army as it did at this battle ; for considering it in the light of a complete surprise, and taking into consideration its numbers, and the per fect morale of our army, up to the disaster to the Eleventh Corps, and the confidence in its own powers, the advantage was cer tainly all in our favor ; and after more than twenty years' diges tion of all the facts in possession, pro and con, the foregoing conclusions are sufficiently clear and final as to the failure of the Army of the Potomac. Hooker lost his head entirely, at the wrong moment, and the army having no head to direct, was powerless, and was not half fought. Gen. Hooker when he had a corps or division "planned badly, and fought his command well; when he had the army, he planned well, and fought it wretchedly." Our cup was well nigh full to overflowing. The cellars of our deserted huts were literally so. We resolutely set to work bailing out the dug-outs, cleaning up, and renewing our house keeping facilities. Our usual duties were resumed, good order and military discipline grew out of choas and confusion, and we again courageously abided our time. Chancellorsville may, however, always be regarded as a crushing blow, — a gloomy day in the history of our little band. SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 301 There will always be much mystery surrounding the death of " Stonewall " Jackson, during the terrible night-attack on the plank-road, May 2. It has always been said that after his successful flank movement, and demoralization of the Eleventh Corps, he rode out in front of his lines to reconnoitre. It was dark, and only a small escort accompanied him. No directions were given by Jackson or his staff, to the pickets. It is said, however, that they had been previously instructed to fire upon any party approaching from the Federal lines. It has always been emphatically stated, and supported by what might appear to be incontrovertible proof, that he was killed by these pickets as he was returning. We give a version of the affair, obtained only two months after it took place, from a reliable man, — Corp. Moses H. Gale, of the Twentieth Massachusetts Vol unteers, then in the Second Corps. This regiment was in line of battle directly across the road down which the Confederate general rode. In the furious battle that had ensued in the dark, this man was wounded and taken prisoner. There was no time in the darkness and confusion to take him to the rear, and as he was wounded, quite impossible to move him far. He was therefore held just in front of our line, and barely inside theirs. While under guard, and keenly observing things about him, not being dangerously wounded, he saw a party mounted ride out by him on the road. He asked one of the rebel guard, knowing by the escort that he must be an officer of high rank, who it was, and was told, " Stonewall Jackson." Jackson rode to the front, and soon after a heavy volley of musketry was heard from our lines, followed by sharp firing. In a few moments, Gen. Jackson was borne by on a litter, to the rear, and near our wounded prisoner, on the same road. The escort with and carrying him, said, "The general almost rode into the Federal lines, they were so near, before he knew it, and was fired upon before he could turn back." In the confusion and darkness, Gale escaped, a little later, and crawling straight out on that road, kept its direction into our lines. The regiment he first struck in line of battle across the road, was the First Massachusetts, which had maintained this position before he 302 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY. was wounded, and while he was a prisoner. When he told his story, the regiment confirmed it, by stating that they fired upon this mounted party after discovering them to be Confed erates. It has since been substantiated by others, and the commanding officer of this regiment. The great general was undoubtedly killed by Federal bullets, and through his own desire to promote the welfare of the cause for which he fought. The rebels at this time must have been very short of pro visions, for one day a rebel picket shouted across, " We have a new general over here; he treats the men pretty severely." — " Who is he ? " inquired one of our boys. — " Gen. Starva tion, by ," was the reply. On the 11th of May the Eigh teenth Massachusetts was guarding several companies of the Twenty-fifth New York, who were mutinous, claiming their dis charge ; May 12th, First Michigan relieved the Eighteenth Mas sachusetts ; and on the 14th the Twenty-fifth New York was disarmed, and the Twenty-second was marched to their camp, where we surrounded them to prevent their running away. They came to their senses in a few days, without further trouble. May 19 sixty men of the Twenty-second Massachusetts were guarding the Seventeenth New York. May 20 the Second Maine left the brigade for home. The Eighteenth and Twenty- second Massachusetts escorted them to Stoneman's Station. It made us feel sad to part from them ; and as we cheered them on their way, thought of the twenty months of comradeship we had enjoyed with our Maine brothers, with much pleasure, for it was a gallant and true regiment, and our fraternal feeling for them was of the strongest type. CHAPTER XVII. HOW THE BATTERY WAS SUPPLIED. Antietam Campaign. — Trip to Washington for Stores. — Difficulties of Transportation. — Battery Wagon and Men Captured. — Securing For age for the Horses. — Union Women and their Hay. — Rebel Hay stacks in the Woods. — Army Butchers. — Noisy Wagon. — Rebels appeal to the Wrong Man. — Gettysburg. — Capt. Martin at Round Top. — Battery captured and re-oaptured. — Our Monument. — Capt. Martin earns the Star he did not get. — Barstow Station and Centreville. — Bob Duff fords Bull Run in a New Place. — Ghastly Bed-fellow.— Generosity of our Government. QUARTERMASTER-SERGT. REED, of the battery, continues : — The Fifth Corps held the centre in the line of battle at Antietam, giving assistance to either flank, as it was required. I rode up on a high hill in the rear of the corps, where Gen. McClellan and his staff were located, and the entire line of bat tle could be seen on the right. After the battle I rode over that part of the field, where over three thousand dead men could be seen. The Union dead were buried first, and two days after the battle, our men commenced to bury the rebel dead. They were gathered up, from fifty to seventy-five together. A trench was dug on the windward side, as the odor from the dead bodies was almost unbearable. It was very rocky, and hard digging, so that in many places it was impossible to have the trench deep enough to hold so many bodies, only about six inches of earth covering them. Our troops soon became hardened to that kind of duty. I noticed that one relief in a regiment would be dig ging trenches, another making coffee, the third playing cards to pass off the time. Soon after McClellan established his headquarters near Har- 304 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, per's Ferry, I was sent mounted to Washington, seventy-six miles by the turnpike. I left camp at four o'clock in the after noon, arriving at the capital in twenty-six hours, man and horse nearly played out. I had a requisition for a one-horse battery cart, and numerous other articles, at the arsenal. It was ex pected that I would take the cart back with my horse, but as I failed to find one at the arsenal, I sent the other articles called for, by freight-train to Frederick City. I was two days and nights riding back. A few days previous to the moving of the Army of the Poto mac through Snicker's Gap, I was sent by rail to Washington, with requisitions for five batteries, by Capt. Martin, then chief of Fifth Corps Artillery. I had orders, countersigned by Gen. McClellan, to draw on the quartermaster's department for all the wagons, and any kind of transportation I required to take the supplies to the army. The requisitions called for all kinds of battery equipments, from a bridle-strap to a spare wheel, and clothing for the men. I collected several hundreds of boxes et the express-offices, which had accumulated there for the officers and men in the command. It required three days' time, with a government team, to receive all the requisitions called for, from the different departments. All the supplies were left at the government depot, to be shipped by rail to Harper's Ferry. There were enough express-boxes and supplies to fill one car. To ship them, it required a special order from Capt. Smith, chief of transportation. I went to his office in the morning, at the stated time for him to be on duty, and waited nearly two hours for him, before I could make a request for the order to ship the supplies. He came in at last, his appearance showing a late attendance at a wine-party. At that time wine was too much indulged in by the army officers in Washington, for the good of the service. He refused to give me the order, as I was not a commissioned officer. I told him I had been sent, as a non-commissioned officer, from the front, with requisitions for supplies for the Fifth Corps batteries, and they were at the gov ernment depot awaiting his orders for transportation. I passed him the order, signed by the general of the army. He refused SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 305 to look at it, and was in very bad humor. I left his office, say ing I should go to army headquarters. I had proceeded a short distance, when his orderly stopped me, and said Capt. Smith wanted to see me. I went back, and he told me to go to a desk and make out a list of the articles. He passed it to a clerk, told him to make out the order, which he signed. He had come to his senses. The next day I applied to him for a pass by passenger-train to Harper's Ferry. He readily granted it. When I arrived at the ferry, the army had moved through Snicker's Gap. A small force of our cavalry was left to guard it. One brigade of infan try, with artillery and cavalry, was left to protect the ferry. I remained there .two days, waiting for the freight. The day it arrived, I met Cutter and Hunnewell, of the battery. They had been sent back by Capt. Martin, with a two-horse wagon, to pur chase supplies for his officers. They started to return about four o'clock in the afternoon. I sent word to the commander that I should start for the front in the morning. When they were almost through the gap they were captured, with their team. A large force of the enemy's cavalry had passed in the rear of our army, and taking possession of the gap, captured all there was in it, and then moved down on Harper's Ferry. Early in the morning a wagon-master, with eight wagons, reported to me. We had commenced to load them when news came that the rebels were preparing to attack the ferry, and that all in the gap were captured. I re-shipped the supplies back to Washington. The car was three days in reaching the capital. News was received there that the Army of the Poto mac was encamped at Warrenton, Va., thirty miles from Wash ington. I applied once more to Capt. Smith, and requested to have my car go in the first train, to the front. He seemed very friendly, and gave me the order. The train was made up of two engines, and about thirty cars with rations, and other cars for the construction-corps, one piece of artillery, and a company of riflemen to protect the train from the guerillas and. rebel cavalry. The road was destroyed in many places, and' had to 306 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, be repaired as the train moved along. The train was one day and two nights in reaching the army. Arriving at Warrenton at four o'clock in the morning, I asked the guard if he knew in what direction the Fifth Corps batteries were camped. He showed me the road, and said they were about one mile from the depot. I arrived at the Third Battery camp at daylight, after an absence of seventeen days, having been reported as captured. I went direct to the commander's tent, and stepping inside, I found him fast asleep. I touched him, and he awoke, very much bewildered at seeing me stand ing there, he supposing I was a prisoner, with Cutter and Hun newell, in Richmond. Told him I had been going and coming for seventeen days, and had just arrived, on the first train from Washington, and wanted two teams .from each battery to go to the depot. He was more surprised when I told him the supplies were on the train, as he was sure they were captured in Snicker's Gap. By nine o'clock the goods were deposited before Capt. Martin's headquarters. It seemed a glad surprise for officers and men, as nearly every one had an express-box. They had been so long on the way, that almost all the eatables were spoiled, but the useful articles were all right. Nov. 10 Gen. McClellan was relieved from the command of the Army of the Potomac. The same day Gen. Burnside was placed in command. Nov. 17, a move by the army was made in the direction of Fredericksburg. The new base of supplies was to be at Falmouth. Before reaching there, forage for the horses and mules was exhausted. The Fifth Corps stopped ten miles from Potomac Creek three days. When the army moved, unless it was a forced march, it was known soon after noon of each day where it would camp for the night. Nov. 19, I was sent ahead of the batteries, with two mounted men as guards, to the camp-ground where they would stop that night, to find near it, if possible, hay or grain. I found three stacks of hay near a small farmhouse, and put the men on guard to hold it until the battery horses came for it. When foraging, the driver rode one of his horses, leading the other to carry the hay. Six hundred horses from the five SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 307 batteries, with plenty of ropes to tie it up, would in a short time move eight tons of hay to the camp. Government re ceipts were issued to the quartermaster-sergeants authorized to take forage from the citizens. The price paid for hay was fourteen dollars per ton. The receipts were signed by the brigade quarterm aster. Those taking forage used their judg ment of the number of tons taken. When the receipts were filled out, they were left with the citizens for them to send to the quartermaster's department at Washington, where they would be paid, friends and foes the same. I went to the house, and asked the name of the people living there. Two middle- aged ladies came to the door, very much frightened, and said their name was Hughes. I told them I was obliged to take their hay for the Union army. They both burst into tears, saying their only support was a few cows, and if they lost their hay, the cows would starve to death, as winter had just commenced. They stated they were Union people from Pennsylvania, and that their brother was a soldier in a regiment from, that State. They had lived in Virginia only five years. They said the rebel army passed there three months before, and destroyed all their crops, as it was reported by their neighbor that they were from the North. Their father had hid the cows in a large forest near by, and because he would not tell them where they were, the rebel officers ordered him shot, but he escaped in the night, and went North. I saw at once they were not Southern people, and believed their statement, but told them our horses in the batteries must have the hay. I had estimated the hay as seven tons, but told them, as their situation was a hard one, would allow ten tons in their receipt. I said as the army would pass near them, their hay would be taken by some one, and they might not get a receipt for it. Told them I would remain and protect their property until a provost safeguard was sent to them, and as the army was expected to go into winter quarters ten miles from there, at Falmouth, the army would soon have an abundance of forage, and I would see that their hay was returned to them. The army stopped within a quarter of a mile of their house 308 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, three days. We were obliged to scout in every direction for forage, as the army supplies had not reached Falmouth. A Mr. Wallace had a large stock-farm abeut a mile from the house of Mrs. Hughes. He was a rank rebel, and furnished horses and mules for the rebel army. He had over a thousand bushels of corn in his bins that our army needed, but he had an order signed by Gen. Burnside the year previous, when his army was at Fredericksburg, that he would retain forage enough for his stock for one year. A train of fifty wagons waited twenty-four hours at his corn-bins before the order could be countermanded by the general, and his corn be taken. Only a few stacks of his hay were in sight, he claiming it was all he had. I asked the Hughes family where his hay was hidden. They said they did not wish to say any thing to injure their neighbor, although he had said much to hurt them. Ten mounted men were sent into the forest, and sixty tons of fine hay were found nearly a mile back in the woods. Mr. Wallace was not given a receipt for it, as he said all he owned was near his corn-bins. Three days after, when the army moved; i called at the Hughes house. They were feeling much better. Their brother was with them, and had been given a ten days' leave of absence. They all thanked me for my kindness. The army later was a great help to them. Their forage was returned, as they wanted it. Our cavalry was picketed along the river near them for more than six months. The officers purchased all the butter and milk they had to sell, and they could purchase stores at our commissary at government prices. Nov. 23 the Fifth Corps Batteries arrived at Potomac Creek, and went into winter quarters, the Third Massachusetts and Battery D, regulars, occupying a cornfield near a dense forest. The horses from both batteries had to go nearly half a mile to a running brook to water twice a day. After a few days the Third Battery found a spring under a persimmon-tree within five rods of our stable. A basin was dug out large enough to hold ten hogsheads of water, a dam built, and a trough twenty feet long was dug out of a large tree for the horses to drink from. A gate was put in the dam, and water enough let out SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 309 into the trough for all the horses as needed. It was a great convenience, as it was pure water. Our water privileges were much better than Battery D. The batteries left Potomac Creek quarters and returned to them three times. First time, the battle of Fredericksburg ; second, Burnside's mud march ; third, after the battle of Chan- cellosrville ; leaving the camp the last time June 11, 1863, for the Gettysburg campaign. A large part of the time in that camp was occupied in cutting down the forest, the trees being used in building the men's quarters and stable for the horses. A number of regiments and batteries in the vicinity did the same. Over one hundred acres of trees disappeared, only the stumps remaining. When the batteries were settled in winter quarters, Capt. Martin for the first time had the rations issued to the men from his headquarters. Previous to that they were drawn from the infantry brigade commissary. Lieut. Nason, from the Twenty-second Regiment, was then acting as his adju tant. The commander had papers passed through the depart ment making him the commissary officer for the batteries. I was detailed to assist him in receiving and issuing the rations. Andrew Smith, of the battery, and myself, had had experience in butchering cattle before enlisting. We sent to Boston for an outfit. We killed and issued from two to three rations of fresh beef each week. It required six steers for one da}^'s rations for the five batteries. The butchers were allowed the liver, heart, and tongue, which were readily sold, and usually netted one dollar and fifty cents for each steer. That paid us for the extra duty. .The commissary department was carried on very eco nomically while at that camp. I had so much to do that Capt. Martin relieved me of all duty in the battery, and from all roll- calls. I did not answer a roll-call for nearly two years, nor was reported as absent. Dec. 11, when the batteries left camp for the battle of Fred ericksburg, I was in charge of the artillery train. It was parked near the river. On the second day of the battle, the commandei sent an order for me to cross with two days' rations for the bat teries. When we got to the pontoon-bridge, Gen. Burnside was 310 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, crossing back, having just given the order for the army to re treat. I crossed the pontoon with eight wagons, and halted them in • a street of the city. I found Capt. Martin on the left of the line of battle. He told me to remain in the street, as he had received orders from Gen. Hooker, conducting the retreat, to take his batteries, at dark, over to the right of the city, to cover the retreat. They passed by the wagons, and took the rations, all but one load of hay. I was told to follow the batteries with that load. It happened to be a Massachusetts wagon, with Concord axle. The noise from the batteries was a dull, rumbling sound. The wagon had the famous Concord chuckle, and made more noise than every thing else in the street. It was driven by Nat. Jennings, with four horses. The batteries passed through the city and turned to the left, then advanced towards the rebel picket-line. I halted the ' team and rode to the commander, arid asked if I had not better go back for a dead-axle wagon, as the Concord made so much noise. He replied, " Never mind, let it come along." The bat teries went into position one-quarter of a mile from the city, very near the enemy's picket-line. The wagon having a white canvas top, and making so much racket, the enemy's picket commenced firing at it. Capt. Martin rode up, ordered the hay thrown out and the wagon to go back on the double quick, as it was drawing the enemy's fire. We went back, the horses at a brisk trot, with the bullets flying around us, but doing no dam age, with the exception of one going through the canvas top. When we found the other teams, some of the drivers had been imbibing freely of whiskey found in the city, and they were in a bad condition to drive over a pontoon-bridge, but we crossed safely about eleven o'clock. The batteries falling back, cover ing the retreat, crossed about four o'clock in the morning, and in the afternoon marched back to our camp. Jan. 20, 1863. The batteries started with eight days' rations and four days' in the wagon-train, for United States Ford, but after wallowing four days in the mud, returned to camp. April 30. The army started for Chancellorsville. The first division of the Fifth Corps camped the first night on the rebel SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 311 Wallace's farm. His miles of Virginia rail-fence were used to make coffee for the men. All that could be seen of them after the division left was thousands of little piles of ashes. The second night from camp the division commissary train parked around his house, the teamsters helping themselves to all move able articles. Before morning they found a way into his wine- cellar. He appealed to Capt. Burdett, the division commissary, for protection. With tears in his eyes he said that the Union army had ruined him. I heard his appeal, and thought he was rightly punished for injuring his neighbor Hughes. Capt. Bur dett told him he knew him by reputation, and had no sympathy for him. The captain stated the rebels had driven him and his family out of West Virginia, and burned his house, because he was a Union man. Wallace appealed to the wrong officer. Gen. Hooker crossed the Rappahannock at United States Ford. The guns of the batteries went into position on the left flank, near the ford. The caissons and wagons were parked near the river, the caissons going across to fill the gun limber- chests with ammunition. I was ordered the second day of the battle to report to the commander every two hours, so as to know the wants of the batteries, and send what they required across the river to them. Capt. Martin told me at three o'clock in the afternoon he expected an order very soon to fall back, as the army was flanked. " If you get an order from me to move back, follow the Fifth Corps supply-train." At five o'clock I received the order to move with all the caissons and wagons at once. Capt. Came, of the corps train, said he had no posi tive orders, but rumors that the army was going back to the old camp. Lieut.- Clark's ammunition train was sent to the rear. He said his orders were positive to go back to Potomac Creek. I followed his train. It Commenced to rain very hard, as usual after a battle. In an hour the wagon-trains began to stall. The train moved _at a snail's pace. They turned off the main road to Falmouth, taking a nearer cut to camp. The enemy occasionally threw a shell across the river at the trains. After waiting two hours in the road, not moving ten rods, I went down the road to- 312 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, wards Falmouth, half a mile, and found a field where they could be hidden from the enemy by a thick woods. At nine o'clock I parked there. We had thirty caissons, five battery- wagons, five forges, and twenty-two wagons, in, all sixty- two pieces. Orders at ten o'clock were received from the quartermaster-general of the army for all trains to camp as best they could. The horses were fed at three o'clock in the morning, and at four we tried to haul out of the field on to the main road. It had rained hard all night, and the wheels would cut through the. soil half-way to the hubs. . It was four hours' hard work to get all the teams out on hard ground. We went by Falmouth to the old camp. As the caissons went into quarters on one side, Capt. Martin came in on the other with the guns. For the third time all were back to the old barracks. May 29 the Fifth Corps batteries moved to United States Ford. They were on picket duty at different points on the Rappahannock River for fifteen days, leaving there June 13 for Manassas Junction. June 16 Capt. Martin was appointed chief of the Fifth Corps batteries, with orders to form a full brigade headquarters with five commissioned officers on his staff, — ad jutant, quartermaster, commissary, surgeon, and chaplain. The property of the Third Battery was turned over by Capt. Mar tin to First Lieut. A. F. Walcott. My duties were to assist the lieutenant, as our commander had formed a separate com mand, but he always had a fatherly care for his own battery. Our battery left Frederick June 29, at eleven A.M., arriving on the battlefield of Gettysburg July 2, at noon, having marched in three days sixty-five miles. Capt- Martin with three of his staff arrived on the field early in the day, and rode up on Round Top. Here he met Gen. Warren, at that time chief engineer and signal officer of Gen. Meade's army, afterwards commander of the Fifth Corps. Gen. Warren had just signalled for a brigade to defend Round Top, as he could see Longstreet's forces moving to occupy it. Gen. Warren asked Capt. Martin if it was possible to get guns on Round Top, saying if that position was lost, the line of battle could SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 313 not be held from there to Cemetery Ridge. Capt. Martin re plied that he would do all in his power to have them there. On riding down he found that Battery D, Fifth United States, had just arrived, in command of Lieut. Hazlett. Martin and Hazlett rode up Round Top, the lieutenant saying he could not possibly get his guns up there. Capt. Martin said, " You work them up as far as you can with the horses, and I will call for infantry volunteers, and throw them up by hand." It required thirty men to push a gun up over the boulders. They were got up there just in time, as the infantry was being pressed back. Longstreet was determined to have Round Top, but after a few hours' fierce struggle he gave it up. But in defending Round Top the brave Lieut. Hazlett was killed. After his guns were in position, Capt. Martin went down to find his other batteries. He had left one of his staff at the base to put the batteries into position, from Plum Run to the wheat-field, but as the air was full of bullets, the staff-officer went to cover at the rear of the hill, leaving the batteries to go as they pleased. Gen. Sickles coming along with his corps in the mean time, took the Third and Watson's United States batteries with him. Capt. Martin found Winslow's New York battery, and placed it in the wheat-field. Lieut. Walcott in command, was ordered back to the foot of Round Top with our battery. It was the first time he had command of the battery in battle. It was a bad position to go into, as there were both boulders and marshy ground to contend with. A stone wall was in front, and a regiment of regulars lay in its support near the wall. When the battery had remained there about two hours, and some of the men and horses hit with nearly spent balls, Gen. Wofford's Confederate brigade leaped over the wall, driving back the regulars, and demanding the battery to surrender. No one seemed to know where they came from, because they sprang over the wall and came up to the guns so quick. Gen. Griffin riding by a few moments before said, " Get that battery out of there. You can't live in that place five minutes." Lieut. Wal cott seeing no chance to save his guns ordered them spiked, and one was spiked just as the rebels got to them. But their 314 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, victory was short lived. A Bucktail regiment from the Penn sylvania Reserves was returning from the rear, where they had been for ammunition. They were just in the nick of time to charge and retake the battery, driving the rebs back over the wall. The guns were drawn out of that position by prolonges. On a boulder, near the stone wall, now stands a substantial monument to mark the spot where twenty-four years ago, on the afternoon of July 2, 1863, the Third Massachusetts Battery came so near losing their guns. On that day Capt. Martin won his star, but through the in gratitude of the State of Massachusetts and the War Depart ment, he failed to receive it, although he was mentioned by Gen. Meade, commanding the army, in his despatches, as ren dering great service in getting a battery on Round Top, and with the Fifth Corps, batteries at other points in the battle field. Some time afterwards he was offered a commission as lieutenant-colonel of the Second Massachusetts Heavy Artil lery by the governor, if he would leave the artillery service, and take an infantry command; but as he was wedded to the artillery branch of the service, he declined it. He com menced, when a clerk in the shoe business, to drive a pair of horses on the gun in Cobb's State Battery. He went out as sergeant of a detachment, in the three months' service, and so advancing step by step, at Gettysburg he had become pro ficient in all its details, in camp, on the march and in battle. Capt. Martin's energy in planting Hazlett's Battery on Little Round Top prevented Longstreet from getting his coveted posi tion on Round Top. Had the rebels succeeded, the third day's battle would never have been fought at Gettysburg. Our line of battle from Round Top to Cemetery Ridge, could not have lived two hours, and the battle of Gettysburg would have ended there, leaving Gen. Lee's success or defeat to be decided nearer Washington. The battery moved around to the left of Round Top, and went into position, remaining all night, and the third day was in support of the Vermont Brigade that was with the cavalry, protecting the left flank of the army. The Fourth of July, in SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 315 position all day and night. July 5, the battery left Gettysburg with the army, and marching one hundred and four miles in seven days, we crossed the Potomac, at Berlin, into Virginia. July 17, marched to Warrenton, remaining there until July 30. Aug. 3, marched to Beverly Ford, remaining there until Sept. 16. Oct. 13, started with the army, and made forced marches back to Centreville, as Lee's army had passed through Thor oughfare Gap, and was trying to cut Meade off by getting be tween the Union army and Washington. By our army making forced marches day and night, Lee was baffled. If the rebel army had had two hours' more time, it would have reached and occupied the fortifications and forts at Centreville first, and the Army of the Potomac been cut off from Washington. Thou sands of the enemy could be plainly seen from Centreville. It came very near being a third Bull Run battle. The forage supply-train and all surplus transportation,. with half the wagons belonging to the regiments and batteries, were on a road running parallel, but from ten to fifteen miles towards Fredericksburg from the army, for the reason that Stewart's and Hampton's cavalry was pressing hard on the rear, and Gen. Meade was obliged to march his army as compact as possible, as the enemy forced our trains day and night. For two days and nights the mules were not unhitched, fed or watered, except what the teamsters could give them out of a bucket, but were hauling along heav3r loads of forage all the while. When near Broad Run, after crossing Bull Run, the provost guard was hurrying forward all the troops and stragglers, as the enemy was close to them. The Fifth Corps batteries had crossed Broad Run, and unhitched their horses to graze, as the forage had given out, when the rebel batteries opened on them from a hill at half a mile range. It was the Battle of Bristow Station. Our guns returned the compliment, and went into battery, where they were parked. Capt. Martin sent orders for me to take all the wagons in the artillery brigade as quick as possible to Centreville, where the army headquarter trains were parked. The wagons made fast time until we were out of range of the enemy's shells. I had the wagons parked at eight p.m. 316 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, Two hours later I received an order from Capt. Martin to start at once and find the forage-train. I knew the forced ne cessity for such an order, as seven hundred horses were out of forage. 1 went to the headquarter train for information where the supply could be found, but nothing reliable could be ascertained ; only rumors that the quartermaster-general with the trains was trying to reach Fairfax Court-house, hard pressed by the enemy, who were trying to capture the supplies. I was undecided, not knowing which way to start. It was the most difficult order to execute, that was given to me while I was in the service. Quartermaster-Sergt. Lee, of Battery L, First Ohio Artillery, advised me to wait until morning, and he would go with me. We started at four o'clock, in the direction of Fairfax, with our eyes and ears open for Mosby's guerillas and the enemy's cavalry. We arrived at Fairfax at seven A.M., and learned that the trains were out three miles from there. We soon reached the head wagons. The Fifth Corps teams were three miles back in the line. They were moving, when the country would admit of it, in three columns. All the transportation wagons in the Army of the Potomac, with\the regiment and battery teams, would extend, when well closed up, forty-five miles in a eon- tinuous line. We found our brigade teams with teamsters and animals nearly exhausted. We then had to wait four hours, before the wagons could be taken from the trains, as Gen. Ingalls, chief quartermaster, had given strict orders that no teams should leave the column until permission was given by him. x We stopped half a mile from Fairfax Court-house, by a brook, at one p.m., to water and feed the famished mules and horses. Just as we were starting ior Centreville, expecting to go fifteen miles before reaching the batteries, the Fifth Corps Artillery appeared in sight, and went into park a few rods from us. The battery horses were soon fed. We remained there three days, to receive the full supply of rations. Oct. 16, in the afternoon, the battery was ordered to the right flank of the army, on picket duty. I had gone to the depot for SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 317 rations, with the' Third Battery teams. When I returned found the battery had moved. Orders were left for me to take all the camp equipage, and follow the battery. It was past ten o'clock at night before we started. Directions had been given me by the brigade quartermaster to take the road that led through a thick woods. It was a narrow wood-road that is usually cut through a forest. I happened to have a green team of mules, with a poor driver. Every few minutes he would bring up against a tree. As it was nearly a mile through, and a dark night, we were nearly two hours getting out to a good road. We were then three miles from the battery, and reached it at one o'clock in the morning. Orders were to light no fire, as we were near the enemy. A pond was near by, and the mules were watered and fed. In less than two hours, orders were given to hitch up quietly as possible. At four o'clock A.M. the battery moved back over the same ground, returning to the same camp that they left the previous afternoon. Not a pound was taken from the wagons in the mean time. About noon the battery started in the direction of the second Bull Run battle-field, where we camped that night. I remained back to load my green team with oats, and started two hours afterwards. The roads were badly cut up. We arrived at Broad Run after sunset. The team was played out, and after several attempts to pull out of the stream, we gave it up. I told the driver to unhitch his mules, and leave the wagon there. The trains were crossing the run at several places. When a team got stalled they could pass to the right or left. Told the driver to watch the wagon, as I was going to camp for another team ; I was* sure some wagon-master would pull it out, as it was in the best road. I found the battery camp about eight o'clock. My best team- , ster, Bob Duff, had just gone to sleep in his wagon. I woke him up, and told him to harness his lead and wheel mules to go back with me to bring up the team. I could not blame him for cursing the service, as he had been out with me the night before without any sleep. When we got back to the stream, we found the wagon on the banks, the driver and mules fast asleep. Hitch- 318 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, ing on eight mules, leading two, we started for Bull Run. There we ran against another snag. So many pieces of artillery had passed over the pontoon-bridge that the approaches on both sides were badly cut up, the wagons passing over very slowly. Not knowing any of the quartermasters, I knew it would be a hope less case for me to attempt to get my wagon over, as the quar termasters were then quarrelling about the right of way, with ten miles of wagons in line to cross. It looked as though I would have to stop' there two days, with both teams broken up. The teamsters were cursing the luck. I rode down the stream a few rods, and found a place where it might be possible to ford the run. For about three feet my horse could not touch bottom. On the other side the bank was hard and sloping. The trouble was in getting down to the run on our side, as the bank was quite steep. A place had been washed out at the roots of a tree, nearly ten feet wide, with a gully three feet deep beside it. I went back for Duff. We took a stick and measured the place, and found it one foot wider than it required for the wagon to pass. Knowing Duff to be as good a driver as ever threw a black-snake, I asked him if he could make a safe passage down to, and out of, the stream. After considering all the chances, he decided he could make it all right. We had to work his team through a piece of woods, before reaching the bank, in some very close places. We took time to have the team all right before the start. Both hind wheels were chained, as it was thirty yards to the water, and quite steep. When all was ready, Duff gave the word to start. His check mule was in the habit of following my horse. I started ahead, and when half-way down he yelled, " Let her go ! " We went into the stream and out with a jump, every thing all right, except one of the mules behind broke his halter. We had some trouble in driving him to camp. We arrived at the battery about midnight. I think it is safe to say that that was the first and last team that ever crossed at that place without a bridge. I was glad to spread my blanket at the first convenient place, after my horse was fed. On waking in the morning, I was sur- SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 319 prised to find a human skull not three feet from me. In riding over the second Bull Run battle-field, I saw hundreds of human bones. In some places many would be lying as they fell in a charge, or were killed by a volley. Afterwards they were gath ered together by the government, and reverently buried. After following the rebel army to Mine Run, the Union army went into winter quarters at Rappahannock and Brandy Station and Culpepper Court-house. The Fifth Corps were encamped along the railroad, near Rappahannock Station. There Capt. Martin had the finest brigade headquarters I saw in the army. It was in a maple grove, a few rods from the railroad. There for three months, in that camp, his commissary, by special orders from army headquarters, issued half-rations to destitute families living within ten miles from there. Seventj^-three families were kept from starving that winter by the generosity of our gov ernment. CHAPTER XVIII. MARCH TO GETTYSBURG. May 21, 1863, Presentation to Gen. Barnes. — Premature .Cheers for Vicks burg.— Murder of a Chaplain. —In Old Tracks again. — Muddy Springs. — Rough on the Sutlers. — Hackett runs the Gauntlet. — Death of Col. Gleason. — Twenty-fifth New- york mustered out. — The Twenty-second supporting Cavalry at Aldie. — Guarding the Supply-trains. — Rejoins the Brigade at Frederick. — Hooker relieved by Meade. — Into Penn sylvania. — The Straggler and the Camp-fires. — Bivouac on Power's Hill. — The Stragglers and the Mule. ON the afternoon and evening of May 21, 1863, a presenta tion took place at Gen. Barnes's headquarters, of a horse valued at four hundred dollars,. a sword and equipments costing three hundred dollars, and a saddle and horse accoutrements costing nearly two hundred dollars. The sword was of regu lation pattern, with two scabbards, — one for dress, and one for service. The gripe was of silver, with the device on one side, of a female bearing a flag, on which was inscribed "Excel sior." There were three medallions, of silver, upon the scab bard, bearing different devices, besides one containing the inscription, " Presented to Gen. James Barnes by the officers of .the First Brigade, First Division, Fifth Corps, Army of the Potomac, as a token of respect and esteem for their com mander." There was also a sash, belt, spurs, and gloves. Nearly all the officers of the brigade contributed. Col. Tilton was on the presentation committee, and Lieut.-Col. Gwyn, One Hundred and Eighteenth Pennsylvania, made the presenta tion speech. It was a brilliant affair, and all of us who could be spared from duty went. Invited guests inside ; those unin vited remained outside, to see how rank distinguished itself. At quite a late hour in the evening, after seeing the brilliant SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 321 illuminations, and admiring the artificial arbors, walks, and listening to the music, we had ample opportunity of judging for ourselves. A laughable incident occurred one day, while " Dinny," a recruit, was on guard, orders having been given to prevent any nuisances being committed about camp, especially near the parade. A man was observed by him washing in the stream across the parade. " Dinny " dropped his gun, seized a stone, and, throwing it at the man, said, " Blast yer sowl, what air yez doing there? " soon routed him out, much to the amusement of the officer of the day and the camp. On the 28th of May the regiment was on picket, when an order was received to "pack up" and move, Gen. Meade directing that it join the column on the march. Every thing was hurly-burly for a short time, the boys leaving all their traps in camp, taking only their blankets and rations. No body knew where we were going, or that we should ever return. The regiment, however, came in from picket in the afternoon, packed up, and on the 29th made a long march, in the direction of the upper river fords. It was very warm, the marching vim was out of the boys, and it was a weary, painful tramp of eighteen miles. We bivouacked at Wykoff's Mine. On Saturday, May 30, at six A.M., we moved to Morrisville, four miles beyond, and on the 31st two miles back, to " Grove Church," where we went into bivouac in a very beautiful field, part of the regiment in a fine grove. We had been over this same road in November. A report was given out that Vicksburg was taken, which started us into an enthusiastic cheering. The Fifth Corps was used as a corps of observation, and we were now covering the fords — Banks, United States, Kelly's — until Gen. Hooker could find out what the rebel army was doing. We were near Kelly's Ford, and as we expected to stay here for at least a few days, preparations were made for a camp. Ponchos were pitched, bunks made, arbors erected, and streets laid out. The large field in whicli we were situated was more like New England's green fields than any we had yet seen. It was upon the level summit of a roomy hill. To our 322 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, rear was a splendid grove of pines, extending far back. In the foreground an eas}-, sloping descent to a convenient stream; then an ascent of a few hundred yards, a dividing fence, and another field, to a crowning summit of woods. Three houses were in the open space, to add variety. On our left, deep for ests ; to our right, the winding road to Morrisville, Kelly's Ford, and Warrenton, and back to Camp Gove, twenty miles. It afforded a magnificent view, and was pronounced one of the finest camps the regiment ever made. Gen. Griffin was sick. Gen. Barnes now commanded the division, and Gen. Tilton the brigade. On Sunday, the 31st, the little chaplain of the Fourth Michi gan, the good man whom we heard so often at Sharpsburg and elsewhere, was murdered by guerillas on the corduroy road, near Hartwood Church, his throat being cut from ear to ear. Our duty here was continuous, unceasing, — detail after detail, for picket, guard, fatigue, etc. Guards were placed on all rebel property, the owners -of which were all rebel spies. Nine members of the regiment, with an officer, while on picket, June 5, scouted around until they approached a house. Supposing they might find some guerillas concealed, they cautiously advanced, surrounded it, and then, making a dash through a wheat-field, entered the house. Upon searching it, they found only an old couple ; but the negroes gave infor mation which soon led to securing four horses, secreted in the brush near by ; but the birds had flown. Stricter orders were given for pickets after this. On the 6th of June we were under marching orders again, to be ready at "five minutes' notice," and camp was full of every conceivable rumor. We were in ignorance of every thing except that we were to vacate our beautiful camp, upon which we had spent so much time and work. Field-works had been thrown up here by a detail of about one hundred men from the brigade,-to cover our positions at the fords. Two bat teries of Napoleons were placed iu them, but though finished about June 7, they were of no use. On the 8th, while picketing on the Morrisville road, we SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 323 saw the corps flags of all the corps in the army approaching through the dust. It proved to be two brigades of infantry, under Gens. Ames and Russell, going to support the cavalry in their reconnoissance to Beverly Ford. They carried the corps flags to deceive the enemy into the belief that the entire Army of the Potomac was .there. On the 9th, heavy booming all day, indicating a sharp cavalry fight. On the 10th, at eleven a.m., we moved to Kelly's Ford, as a support to the cav alry, but were not needed, and returned. Distance marched, six miles. It was a long, dusty march, and we did not get back until night. On the 11th we again received orders to be ready to move at a moment's notice. The Third Corps passed us on the 12th; First Corps on the 13th; and the same da}r, at dark, we broke camp for good, and moving to Morrisville, two miles, bivouacked for the night. We had started on our long and weary pilgrimage. There it was discovered, for the first time, that the enemy no longer confronted us along the fords. Pleasanton had superseded Stoneman in command of the cav alry, and was making strenuous efforts to discover their move ments. The battle of Beverly Ford had stiffened up the troopers wonderfully, increasing their morale and confidence. Pleasanton claims to have fully disclosed and thwarted Lee's plans, uncovered his movement, and compelled him to have taken the indirect route of the valley, instead of along the eastern side of the Blue Ridge, with Stuart's cavalry as a pro tecting flank. On the 14th we moved early, and made a long and exhaust ing march of twenty miles through Bristersburg. We bivou acked near Catlett's Station on "Deep Run," passing through several little hamlets on our route. We had but little water, and the weather being now hot and dry, the column suffered severely. We halted one hour to make coffee. Orders were to move on to Bristow Station, but it was countermanded, and the men received with cheers the order to remain at Catlett's. On the 15th we marched at half-past five a.m., through Catlett's, to near Bristow Station, about five miles, over a cleanlj7 swept tract 324 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, of the old Bull Run country, which bore all of the unmistakable evidences of war's destructive hand. It was terribly hot and dusty. No water could be got, and there was the usual suffer ing. We reached camp about eleven o'clock. The regiment was paid off here, and remained in camp dur ing the 16th, in a miserable, unattractive camp. On the 17th we passed through Manassas Junction, crossed the Bull Run stream, and with Centreville in view to our right, we gradually veered to the left, and striking the Gum Spring road, camped at night near Gum Spring. Twenty miles. After leaving Bull Run, there was nothing but slimy mud- holes to drink out of, and the suffering was intense. At every semblance of a spring, crowds of men swarmed ; and woe be to the sentinel stationed there by some considerate officer to se cure pure water for his own use, who tried to beat back this raging, thirsty, suffering throng. He was quietly lifted one side, and the scooping and filtering of mud, grit and filth went on. Several men were sunstruck in the column during the day. Towards afternoon, however, we gained the shelter and shade of a wooded road, and striking a slower gait, gathering up the stragglers, staggered into camp. The boys were coming in through the night in a deplorable condition. Col. Gleason, of the Twenty-fifth New York, died of exhaus tion and sunstroke, and it was said that seventeen men died in the division on this march. The Twenty-fifth New York, of our brigade (Col. Johnson), left this camp for home. Many men belonging to this regiment deserted while passing Centre ville, on the march of the 17th. On this march all sutlers' teams were ordered out of the trains, and sent to Washington. Having been paid off at Bristow Station, many of the men intrusted their money to Sutler Hackett. He started for Washington, carrying a large amount sent by officers and men to be expressed by him to their families. On the way he was warned that the country was then Swarming with guerillas between the army and Washington, and the chances were that he would be picked up. He pressed on, keeping a sharp lookout, and towards SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 325 night went into camp. Soon after camping the sorriest looking "cracker outfit" was seen approaching. Two old, broken-down mules hitched to an old, dilapidated go-cart, no two wheels alike, and containing five or six men, who proved to be sutlers of different regiments who had "seen" Mosby, and been " cleaned out " of every thing, — horses, wagons, goods, money, ¦ and, in some cases, the coats from their backs. They had started back on foot, and on their way had picked up this "outfit," and pressed it -into service. They camped with Hackett, who fed them well out of his own supplies, and in the morning they went on their way rejoicing, while Hackett went on his way, thinking his turn might come next. But fortune favored him, and he got through safely, delivered the money, took receipts, and started back. In the mean time, news had reached the regiment that " Hackett is captured, and of course our money ; " and when he rode into camp one after noon, a shout went up that he did not quite understand, until the crowd gathered around, saying they never expected to see him again. We remained at Gum Spring on the 18th, in a very good camp, with good water. Had heavy thunder-storm. On the 19th moved at three p.m. to Aldie, five miles. Here we found all the cavalry, and visited some of their camps. They had had a rough-and-tumble time of it, and our friends in the First Mas sachusetts Cavalry were loud in their denunciations of the Johnnies' methods of fighting them behind stone walls with dismounted infantry. The First Rhode Island Cavalry, in camp in a small grove near by, was fearfully cut up. From the 17th of June to the 21st, there were a series of in decisive engagements between the cavalry forces, developing nothing. On the 21st, however, at Pleasanton's request, our division (Griffin's) was ordered to support him in the cavalry fight of Aldie ; and we moved out bright and early, at three a.m., through and just beyond Middleburg. The scene was grand ; the open, rolling country beautiful. Formed line of battle in rear of the cavalry, Kilpatrick's division, which was drawn up in column of squadrons. Our brigade, commanded 326 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, by Col. Tilton, the second and third in reserve, threw out skir mishers some distance ahead of the cavalry. Being ordered to relieve the cavalry pickets on the right of the road, to connect with the third brigade (Col. Vincent) upon the left, three regi ments of the brigade proceeded upon this duty, which took an hour or more, the lines being one mile and a half long. Scarcely had we been posted, when we were withdrawn and relieved by cavalry. We were masked by a knoll or. ridge somewhat covered by a grove of trees. Lying down directly behind the squadrons of the First Massachusetts Cavalry, the enemy opened on us with shell from his mounted batteries. Our skirmishers ad vanced, the cavalry line of battle moved forward, followed closely by our brigade. We gained the ridge. The cavalry was charging. It. was a grand sight. First at a trot, and well together, then a gallop and a run, all semblance to a line of battle was at once lost ; the country was full of charging troop ers, eager to get in first. The cracking of carbines and pistols for a few moments was brisk, then the sounds gradually dying away, we could see the puffs of smoke, and through it the fall of some unfortunate man in going over a fence or wall, or through a gap in the fence, previously torn down by the ad vanced skirmishers. Men reeled in the saddle when shot ; riderless horses dashed by us into town. Here and there dis mounted men were endeavoring to catch the runaways. The rebels were scattering in every direction, some running in groups to gain shelter behind a barn or haystack. We could see them dislodged from these shelters by our men, and being pursued and pressed hard, until the dim distance shut pursuers and pursued from sight. It was like a vast moving panorama. Our reveries and appreciation of this novel sight and great cavalry battle were rudely disturbed, about two p.m., by the command to " Fall in ! " and " Forward ! " and we were soon filing out on the road towards Ashby's Gap, scarcely knowing whether night would find us fighting Lee's infantry supports or not. It was a hot day, but the roads were hard and in excellent condition ; our rest the day before at Aldie had refreshed us, and the excite- SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 327 ment stimulated our efforts. We passed Rector's Cross-roads and Upperville, and arrived near Ashby's Gap late in the after noon. We caught occasional glimpses of our cavalry on the road, and were assured of their complete victory by meeting re turning squads of prisoners, dismounted, on their way to the rear. The turning-point of the day's fighting was at a narrow bridge across Goose Creek, which we passed over, where a rebel mounted battery had been posted on a hill commanding it. The approaches to the bridge on either side were marshy and nar row, and our cavalry received a brief but decided check here. The Fourth New York behaved badly, but the Fifth United States made a gallant charge. Randall's Battery blew up a caisson and dismounted a piece, and the enemy were again set in motion. We bivouacked near the gap, — a rare scene of beauty at night, — with the entire cavalry corps near us. Col. Tilton received two orders on the road, from Gen. Pleasanton, and one from Gen. Gregg, urging him to hurry for ward. The last one from Gen. Pleasanton informed him that we were to go into action as soon as we reached the front ; but the rebels concluding to leave, left no fighting for the brigade to do. Having received orders to march back to Middlebursr, at such time as he chose, Col. Tilton started at three a.m. ' We hastily left our bivouac, leaving our fires burning, and retraced our way, the cavalry being ordered to return. A slight shelling during our withdrawal, with but few casualties, was the only incident. Orders were stringent against foraging. While re turning this day, a chicken came out upon the road in a most tempting manner. There was no resisting it ; a member of the regiment threw "his little hatchet," and, strange to say, it sev ered the head from its body, which flopping about over the ground, jumped into the hands held to receive it. A comrade coolly picked up the hatchet, and the chicken was conveyed to camp to be converted into rations. We moved through the silent streets of Middleburg, which we reached at half-past six A.M., and remaining until one P.M., marched to Aldie into camp. Here we experienced a fearful storm, which flooded our camp and drenched us thoroughly. 328 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, On the 24th had a novelty, in the shape of a brigade-drill. On the 25th we were detached from the brigade, and ordered, with the corps train, to Fairfax Station, to load, and then to re join the army. Taking the Little River road, we passed through Chantilly and Fairfax Court-house, and after loading the train with forage and rations, destroyed the remainder, and that night moved very quietly but rapidly away, passing through German- town aud bivouacking near Frying Pan. A force of rebels com ing in directly after we left Fairfax, shelled it vigorously, and captured some stragglers not on hand when the command moved. On the night of the 26th we bivouacked near Dranesville. On the 27th moved at half-past four A.M. After easy marching and leisure time to eat abundance of cherries, now ripe and plentiful, we arrived at Edwards's Ferry, where we had to wait until our own and the Sixth Corps trains crossed. We crossed at ten A.M., and camped at Bennett's Creek. At Frederick, on the 28th, we joined the brigade, after passing through Poolesville, Barnesville, and Buckeyetown. Marching on a fine turnpike-road and cross ing the Monocacy, we bivouacked about a mile from the town, near the cemetery and Ballinger's Creek. Again the spires of of Frederick town, in the Monocacy Valley, greeted our eyes, and in the bright sunlight of the beautiful June morning succeed ing, how beautiful aud refreshing it appeared, surrounded by smiling grain-fields, green trees, mountain background, inter vening meadows and valleys, which so strikingly mark this lovely region. Here Gen. Hooker strongly urged the co-operation of the Harper's Ferry garrison ; he was refused this force. At his own request, he was relieved, Gen. Meade being appointed to the command of the army. General Orders Nos. 65 and 66 were published, and we escaped a grand review, which Gen. Butter- field, on the ground of Lee's daily depredations, urged there was no time for. On the 29th we again started; marched through Frederick, Harmony Grove, Mount Pleasant, and passing through Liberty, Md., camped just ouside of the town, twenty- two miles. Our marches had been long, but they now stretched out. To Fairfax Station was twenty-two miles, to Edwards's SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 329 Ferry twenty miles, to Frederick thirty, and on the 29th twenty- two miles. It commenced to be showery almost daily, which, as we moved early and went into camp late, gave us little chance for drying our clothes. On the 30th we moved through Johnsville, on a good road, making a rapid and terribly exhausting march of twenty-five miles. Passing through Union Bridge and Union, reached Union Mills late in the afternoon, and bivouacked in the meadow near the town. Brigade on picket during the night. At early dawn, July 1, without coffee, we left our beds in the long grass, while it was so dark that the head of the column was indistinct ; and munching our hard-bread as we moved, washing it down with water in which coffee and sugar had been allowed to swash in our canteens, we strung out for another day's solid work. The flesh had got hardened now, and we were down to marching trim. We marched through Frizzle- burg, the men straggling more than usual. It is said there was a barrel of whiskey on tap here. Whole companies, and even regiments, fell out, with their colors. In the afternoon, some where beyond Frizzleburg, we struck the border of Pennsylvania, the line being marked by a substantial stone bound. As the head of the column reached this point, it dawned on our boys that we were entering a free State, and cheers arose from the dusty throats that had seemed incapable of uttering other than sounds of grumbling. The sight of this simple monument had an electric effect. The cheer passed along the line, those on the left wondering what was up ; and as- they also passed the " re viewing point," the cheer grew louder by reason of our being prepared for something to cheer for. The drum-corps of some of the regiments, and the buglers of others, added to the en thusiasm. The played-out patriot, just about to deposit his weary bones by the wayside, took the step ; the joke and good- natured chaffing were resumed, and late in the afternoon we bivouacked in the town of Hanover. Our cavalry, under Custer, had met the enemy here the day before, and dead horses lay all about the streets ; the wounded were in the schoolhouse ; and the good people of the town were working .hard, not only to 330 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, alleviate their sufferings, but to fill up our empty stomachs, and loaves of bread as large as a milk-pan, milk, and fruit were lib erally tendered us. The bivouac-fires of the Fifth Corps were brightly gleaming in the meadows west of the town, and our worn and wearied men were trying to catch a few hours sleep, perfectly oblivious to the battle which had been raging, when a sharp command was given, " Pack up ! " So sudden was the call that we were moving out on the road before we were fairly conscious of the fact. It was an all-night pull. Hurrying on through Mc- Sherrystown, Prussia, and the other small hamlets of Pennsyl vania, whose inhabitants we sharply chaffed for their want of patriotic ardor, in return for their enthusiastic cheers, and good- natured " Go in, boys ! " at about one o'clock the regiment went into bivouac near Bonaughtown. The march had been exhausting, and meagre indeed were the divisions, brigades* and regiments that threw themselves on the ground after that day's march. All night long the stragglers, involuntary as well as the habitual and chronic, were coming in, the clinkety-clank of the ever-present black dipper upon the bayonet shank giving the gait of the individual and the state of his mind, whether of anxiety to get in, or indifference as to the result, followed by the oft-repeated inquiry, " What regiment, partner ? " " Where's the second brigade, first division ? " This was sure to be propounded to some grum, grouty, tired patriot, stowed away perhaps comfortably in his blankets, or grimly sitting by the camp-fire " owling it," toasting his shins and hard-tack, and boiling his midnight coffee on the coals, his spectral figure serv ing as a monumental landmark towards which the irrepressible straggler invariably steered his way. The following scene and dialogue was sure to take place. Coming from the darkness so suddenly, the straggler is blinded by the fire ; cannot see dis tinctly ; steps upon the end of a rail, or stubs his toe against it ; a pot of coffee belonging to the owl is unceremoniously pitched into the fire, and the uncontrollable wrath of its owner is hurled in language more choice than elegant at the. head of the SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 331 blundering intruder. After numerous apologies, which hardly serve to mollify the irate victim, the question as above is pro pounded : " Where is the Fifth Corps ? " — " Over there ! " is the answer, pointing with fingers outstretched in every direc tion into the surrounding gloom. Off stalks the straggler, finds the corps, enacts the same scene at another fire ; finds the divis ion and brigade, and finally brings up in his own regiment and company, only to be roundly cursed by the whole command for waking everybody up, tipping over things, stepping upon some body's face or stomach, stubbing his toe against some well-filled haversack of hard-bread, and scattering its contents in all di rections. Such was a common scene at night on this march. By the light of the moon on our night-march to Gettysburg from Hanover, we could distinctly see a staff-officer or courier riding hurriedly along the column. Upon inquiry he stated that McClellan had arrived with sixty thousand men, and was in command. The name had lost its magical effect, for beyond a few feeble cheers from some of the commands, the column stalked on in moody silence. After getting coffee, the command, at half-past four A.M. again moved. We soon left the Hanover road, and marching over the low ground and through the fields that skirt Rock Creek, crossed it, and halted on high ground, just to the left of the Baltimore turnpike, on the prolongation of the ridge of Power's Hill. We were massed in reserve, nearly in rear of the centre, and within supporting distance of either wing. Here we sank upon the stony ridge, and were soon fast asleep, the line being marked only by the division, brigade and regi mental colors. The almost exhausted men, bronzed, dusty, ragged, many almost shoeless and hatless, after their long and weary journey from the Rappahannock, and their all day and night struggle to reach the scene of the battle of the day before, had well earned' this brief period of rest. It was a rocky bed, their heads rested on rocky pillows, but even the booming of guns, and the sharper rattle of musketry away to our front where the Third Corps were fighting, failed to disturb the tired men of 332 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY. the Fifth Corps. It was, however, the sleep of the ready soldier " on his arms," — ready at a moment's warning to fall into line and move into battle. The Third Corps was fully en gaged, the batteries belched and boomed, the shells crashed, the pieces whirred with the sound which had become so familiar to our ears, and whose peculiar howl a soldier only knows. The musketry rolled and rattled incessantly for hours, and yet there were men in that wearied, almost motionless line of battle, that never moved, perfectly oblivious to the world of struggle without, and to thoughts of fear and anxiety within. On the hard march to Gettysburg tlie boys had many new experiences, and learned some things they had not known before. A member of Company F, who had been nearly a year prisoner of war, rejoined the regiment just before this nmrch. He found it difficult to keep up, and one morning he was glad to notice a mule which a cavalryman was trying to get along, but with poor success. A bargain was soon struck with the cavalryman, the foot-soldier agreeing to forage the mule, and " turn him in " at the end of the march. A man from the Twentieth Maine coming along, our comrade agreed to carry the Maine man's traps if he would help forage the pack. This was agreed to, and the mule was packed, and away the trio trudged. On the second day, near Gum Springs, they halted for rest and refreshment. Coffee was cooked, and the mule given a big feed of salt, the only forage they had pro cured. There was some fear of Mosby, but tying the mule to a sapling, they " made up the bed " at its foot, and went to sleep. The next morning they were awakened by the sun shining in their faces. They had lain down in the shade, and now they had no shelter. The mule, hungry and thirsty (that salt), had commenced on the foliage, and actually eaten the tree, limbs and trunk and all. Their ravenous companion travelled well on his hearty meal, and by his aid both rejoined their com mands in time to go in with them in the famous battle of Gettysburg. CHAPTER XIX. BATTLE OF GETTYSBURG. July 2, 1863, the Twenty-second enters the Battle. —Engaged near Plum Run. — Change of Front. — Coolness of the Men. — Phillips's and Bige- low's Batteries. — Little Round Top. — Maine and Texas in a Death- struggle. — Gen. Tilton's Horse shot. --Col. Sherwin down. —Third Day. — Devil's Den. — Pickett's Desperate Charge. — Arkansas Sharp shooters. — The Battle-field at Night. — Last Shot at Lee's Retreating Columns. — John Morrison, the Farmkr's Boy. — Back through Maryland. — Blackberries in Abundance. — Gove Lyceum. — Good Times in Camp. — Five Deserteks shot. IT was about four o'clock on the afternoon of July 2, 1863, when the summons came for the Fifth Corps to move out to the support of the Third, which was being hard pushed by Long- street's desperate charges. It was purely a defensive battle Gen. Meade was fighting, and on ground accidentally chosen. He would, in case his flank was turned, and the dominant ground or key-point seized, be compelled to change his hastily and imperfectly conceived pro gramme. What was the key-point ? We shall see ; and also it would be well to consider whether the claim which has been held, and is now being pressed, that a point on the third day of July was really the " high-water mark of rebellion," has been well established. A sharp " Fall in ! " and we were hardly awak ened from the stupor which such sound sleep produces, before we were moving, almost mechanically, into battle. Descending the slope and passing to the right of Little Round Top, we moved about one mile and three-quarters. The rebels got our range, and shelled us vigorously on the way. We inclined slightly to our left, and then, striking the lane that runs to the Emmetts- burg road, but soon leaving it to our right, entered the point of woods south of Trostle's house for a short distance, and halted 334 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, on the edge of a dry run or ravine, which in rainy seasons is partially filled with water, and is one of the branches of Plum Run, into which it empties some hundreds of yards farther down. Less than fifty yards to the right was an open field, and about one thousand yards to our right front was Sherfy's peach- orchard. The wheat-field, running well up to the stone wall that separated it from the woods, was on our left as we passed. Directly to our front, about three or four hundred j'ards, was Rose's house, which we could plainly see, as the smoke occasion ally lifted, and whose bell, in the old-fashioned cupola, we heard ringing whenever a bullet happened to strike it. This locality is now termed " Memorial Park," and the entire ground in front of the Round Tops the " Valley of Death." The skirmishers came running in, " Fix bayonets ! " was given, and with no fur ther orders the firing commenced. Our boys, placing heaps of cartridges and some caps on the ground in front of them, were soon' busily engaged. We supported, and were thrown in on the left of De Trobriand's brigade, of the Third Corps. The Twenty-second carried into action sixty-seven guns. The discordant screeches and exultant yells of the gray-coated " Johnnies " rose high above the roar about us, and when in stantly followed by our solid, defiant cheers, our nerves strained tighter, and our wills grew stronger. We had marched too far, and borne too much, to be pushed over the ridge behind us. Now came the groans of the bullet-stricken wounded. The still air hardly stirred the heavy clouds of smoke. The green leaves and twigs fell from overhead in a constant shower, clipped by the singing bullets. Indistinct masses of men across the run, with here and there the cross-barred Confederate battle-flag, were now visible. With the strong, resolute desire to check the living torrent, came a slight tendency to doubt one's self when the death-dealing missiles came so closely by without touching some part of the body, and an occasional flash of sadness as the pain-stamped face of some dying man was presented to view, when carried hurriedly to the rear. So much din and smoke, yelling and cheering, however, kept the leading ideas upper most ; and if any man had sensations of fear before or while SECOND SHARPSHOOTERS AND THIRD BATTERY. 335 going in, he had no time or opportunity for such thoughts now. These are hasty reflections. We were not there long. The enemy now made a charge towards the gap which had been discovered between the left of the Third and the right of the Fifth Corps. The One Hundred and Eighteenth Pennsyl vania being thrown back and connecting with nothing, its right was "in the air." They pushed with a terrible desperation to secure this advantage. The two flanks were bent back, gave way, and word was passed along the line, " We are flanked ; change front!" No commands were given for this difficult manoeuvre on a field of battle, but the brigade, equal to the occasion, attempted its execution by the right flank. Birney's division of the Third Corps was just at this'moment being moved towards this point, to anticipate this very attempt. In a moment we were almost inextricably mixed up, with their regimental columns moving, seemingly in much confusion, through the woods by the flank. No military reader can fail to see what the effect must have been of a brigade changing front in the midst of a fierce charge, and meeting a division, closed en masse, marching by the flank. The Twenty-second coolly picked up their cartridges and caps, carried all wounded, and even their guns, to the rear. As we emerged from the wood into the open swale or pasture, studded here and there with large rocks and boulders, which time has not changed, we shook ourselves clear of our Third Corps comrades, and still moved at ordinary quick time. At the point where the lane divides the wood from Trostle's farm, the land rises abruptly to the north-west, and terminates in a plateau, or open, roomy ridge. On the north of the lane, at this point, there is also a piece of thin woods, leav ing an open space a little over one hundred and fifty yards in width. Here the rebels were pouring through. There was a hor rible din. No bugles or commands whatsoever co'uld be heard. We had fallen back a little more than one hundred* yards, faced about, and were now fronting this gap or elbow between the two corps, towards the peach-orchard. Although our line was broken and irregular, every man kept his eyes on the colors, and each company organization was complete. Gen. Barnes and 336 TWENTY-SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, staff were in this open space, as was also Gen. Tilton. For a few moments the -uproar and confusion, in the dense smoke, was appalling. Bigelow's Ninth and Phillips's Fifth Massachusetts batteries were at this break, vainly struggling to check the on ward rush of the rebel masses. The incessant flashes and rapid peals from their guns told truthfully that the awful work allot ted them was being well performed, and the desperate bravery of these gallant cannoneers in that awful breach can never re ceive enough praise. They were fighting retiring, with the pro- longe ropes attached. The enemy were almost clambering over the guns. Bigelow lost three officers, twenty-eight men and seventy horses. The battery was in the enemy's hands at one time, but the guns were saved and brought off by hand. At this moment Gen. Caldwell called upon Gen. Barnes for a brigade, saying he was driving the rebels. Barnes let him have the second brigade. - The first brigade then moved back slowly across' the field, keeping up a fire until we gained the position at the foot of the slope upon the right of Little Round Top. The scene at this period of that afternoon's memorable struggle now beggars all description. We had hardly re-formed our line, when Gen. Caldwell, with our second brigade, came pouring back, unable to resist the rush. Gen. Zook was killed (his monument now stands in the open space between the two woods referred to), and the Pennsylvania Reserves then moved for ward from the direction of Little Round Top, driving the rebels right back. It was about half-past six p.m., and dusky. Since the history of the brigade and division, or even the corps, is that of the regiment on this part of the field, let us turn to the remainder of the Fifth Corps. As we emerged from the dense smoke and terrible din in the gap, just to our right we saw Sykes's old division (Ayres com manding) of regulars, moving through the wheat-field in column of battalions, closed en masse, but marching as steadily as upon parade. They were delivering volleys from the front line, and the contrast with the tall yellow grain, so soon to be trampled by the succeeding columns, was very striking, and a scene never to be forgotten. Ayres had struck the enemy in flank, ¦