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MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE
AND WORKS OF
JEAN ANTOINE HOUDON
THE SCULPTOR OF
VOLTAIRE AND OF WASHINGTON

MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE
AND WORKS OF
JEAN ANTOINE HOUDON
THE SCULPTOR OF
VOLTAIRE AND OF WASHINGTON

BY
CHARLES HENRY HART
AND
EDWARD BIDDLE

WITH THIRTY-THREE ILLUSTRATIONS

PHILADELPHIA
PRINTED FOR THE AUTHORS
MCMXI

Copyright, 191 1, by
Charles Henry Hart and Edward Biddle

A^A^A

<*-**

Contents
Proem  xi

PAGE

Chapter I (1741-1769)  3
Birth and student days in Rome. Statues of Saint Bruno and
of John the Baptist. The ficorche.
Chapter II (1769-1777)  12
Return to Paris. Rapid rise to fame. Statues of Morphee
and of Diana. Busts of Diderot, Gliick, and Sophie Arnould.
Chapter III (1778)  32
Voltaire. His busts and his statue in the Comedie-Frangaise.
The bust crowned at the sixth representation of "Irene"
shown to have been by Houdon.
Chapter IV (1777)  62
Tomb of Montgomery by Caffieri: our first national monu
ment.
Chapter V (1778)  73
Bust of Franklin. Caffieri's jealousy of Houdon. Letters
from Caffieri to Franklin. Caffieri's bust of Franklin wrongly
attributed to Ceracchi. The busts of Franklin by Houdon
and by Caffieri compared and distinguished.

j Contents
PAGE
Chapter VI (1779)  IIQ
Moliere, Rousseau and Mirabeau. Death-masks of Rous
seau and of Mirabeau.
Chapter VII (1780)  • I25
Bust of John Paul Jones. The question of the identification
of his remains by Houdon's bust considered.
Chapter VIII (1776-1848)  J55
La Loge des Neuf-Sceurs. Membership of Houdon, Vol
taire, Franklin and Paul Jones.
Chapter IX (178 1-1785)  x73
Statues of Tourville and of "La Frileuse." Houdon's re
vival of the art of casting in bronze.
Chapter X (1785)  182
Washington. Houdon's visit to America. Domiciled at
Mount Vernon for a fortnight. Mask and bust from life.
Statue at Richmond, Va.
Chapter XI (1785-1790)  226
La Fayette. Busts for America and for France. Destruc
tion of the latter, August 10, 1792.
Chapter XII (1789)  248
Busts of Jefferson, Necker, Louis XVI, and Bailly.
Chapter XIII (1791-1814)  255
Escapes the guillotine. Busts of Robert Fulton and of Joel
Barlow; of Napoleon and of Josephine.

Contents

vu

PAGE

Chapter XIV (1814-1828)  272
Last days and death. Portraits of Houdon. His honors and
his genius.
Appendix A. Houdon's Account of Expenses on his Visit to
America  289
Appendix B. Houdon's Explanation of the Statue to the King . 294
Appendix C. Houdon's Views on Competitions  296
Appendix D. Houdon's Letter on Bust of Mirabeau .... 299
Appendix E. Sale Catalogue of Houdon's Works, 1828 . . . 300
Appendix F. Catalogue of Houdon's Works  306
Appendix G. List of Authorities used in the Preparation of this
Work  324
Index  329

Illustrations

photogravures bt the f. a. ringler company

I Portrait of Jean Antoine Houdon modeling a bust of
Bonaparte, by Louis Boilly  Frontispiece

PACING PAGE

II Statue of Saint Bruno, in Rome  8
m Statue of Morphee, in the Louvre, Paris  12
IV Bust of Diderot, in the Louvre, Paris  20
v Bust of Mme. Victoire de France, in the Wallace Collec
tion, London  24
vi Statue of Diana, in the Louvre, Paris  30
vii Bust of Voltaire, in the Theatre-Frangais, Paris .... 36
Viii Bust of Voltaire a I' antique, in the Louvre, Paris ... 44
IX Statue of Voltaire, in the Theatre-Frangais, Paris ... 54
X Bust of Louise Brongniart, in the Louvre, Paris .... 64
XI Bust of Alexandre Brongniart, in the Louvre, Paris ... 70
xii Bust of Franklin, by Jean-Jacques Caffieri, in the Institute
of France, Paris  86
xiii Bust of Franklin, in the Louvre, Paris  104
xiv Bust of Rousseau, in the Louvre, Paris  118
XV Bust of John Paul Jones, in the Pennsylvania Academy of
Fine Arts, Philadelphia  128

x Illustrations FACING PAGE
xvi Bust of Lavoisier, in the Louvre, Paris  *56
xvn Statue of "La Frileuse," in the Louvre, Paris  176
xvm Bust of Buffon, in the Louvre, Paris  180
xix Life-mask of Washington, owned by J. Pierpont Morgan,
New York  2o2
XX Bust of Washington, in the Louvre, Paris  206
xxi Statue of Washington, in Richmond, Virginia .... 220
xxii Bust of La Fayette, in Richmond, Virginia  236
xxiii Bust of Thomas Jefferson, in the New York Historical So
ciety, New York  248
xxiv Bust of Mme. Houdon, in the Louvre, Paris  256
xxv Bust of Robert Fulton, in the National Academy of De
sign, New York  262
xxvi Bust of Napoleon, in the Museum at Versailles, France . 266
xxvii Miniature of Houdon, in the Louvre, Paris  272
xxvm Miniature of Mme. Houdon, in the Louvre, Paris . . . 272
xxix Bust of Sabine Houdon, in the Louvre, Paris  278
xxx Bust of Anne- Ange Houdon, in the Louvre, Paris . . . 284
HALF-TONE PLATES
xxxi The Crowning of Voltaire, March 30, 1778. Part of en
graving by C. E. Gaucher after J. M. Moreau ... 47
xxxii Cenotaph to General Montgomery, by Caffieri, in portico
of St. Paul's Church, New York  62
xxxiii Signature of Houdon on Bust of John Paul Jones . . . 138

Proem
In presenting to the public these memoirs of the life of Jean An
toine Houdon, it seems a little strange that this tardy justice to him
should come from this side of the water, and that while his art is
appreciated in his own land, in Britain and on the Continent, no
one of his own tongue should have devoted a volume to his extraor
dinary career. Of course to the American people Houdon is very
near from his having chiseled the famous statue of Washington,
which has preserved best the features and form of that immortal
character, as also from his having sculptured busts of Franklin, Jef
ferson, Paul Jones, La Fayette, Fulton and Barlow, so that it is quite
natural we should be deeply interested in his life and in his works.
It was this keen interest of the writers that has resulted in the pres
ent work, in which his life, both as an artist and as a man, is traced
with a fullness that was felt very doubtful of accomplishment when
first undertaken. From the bibliography it will be seen that two
brief sketches of Houdon's life were printed in France more than
half a century ago, but they were published in such a way as to be
unknown outside of the limited few who would delve for them, they
having appeared respectively in the "Revue Universelle des Arts,"

xii Proem
in 1855, and in "Memoires de la Societe des Sciences Morales, des
Lettres et des Arts de Seine-et-Oise," 1857.
What seems quite a coincidence in this connection is the fact that
Houdon's career would appear to be too big a subject to be tackled
single-handed, as the first mentioned memoir was written in col
laboration by Messrs. Montaiglon and Duplessis, the second by
Messrs. Delerot and Legrelle, and the present by the undersigned.
As the material used in this work was necessarily chiefly in French,
and a large part unpublished manuscripts, all the translations have
been made by Mr. Biddle, who has also prepared the chapters on
the "Statues of Morphee and of Diana," on "Voltaire" and on
"Moliere, Rousseau and Mirabeau," while Mr. Hart is responsible
for those on "Franklin," on the "Tomb of Montgomery," on "John
Paul Jones," on "La Loge des Neuf-Sceurs," on "Washington" and
on "La Fayette." The other chapters are composite ; but that the
work should be absolutely homogeneous, Mr. Hart has revised Mr.
Biddle's chapters, and Mr. Biddle has done the like service for
those by Mr. Hart.
The writers were both surprised and delighted at the richness of
the field when they ploughed deeply into the published and unpub
lished material both at home and abroad ; but their employment of
it would have been impossible were it not for the unusual courtesies
extended to them on all sides. To the Librarians of the Library of
Congress, of Harvard University, of the Boston Public Library,
of the State Library of Virginia, of the Metropolitan Museum,

Proem

xm

New York, of the American Philosophical Society and of the His
torical Society of Pennsylvania, especial acknowledgments are due
and are most gratefully given for facilities extended, without which
it would have been out of the question to make this volume as full
and as complete as we feel it is. Owing to the many errors we have
detected and corrected, some parts of the work may seem to the
superficial reader to savor of the controversial ; but, while we have
not hesitated at acute criticism where necessary, we have not aimed
at, nor do we desire, controversy. We feel assured that the reader
will agree with us that Houdon's life was too rich to be left unwrit
ten, and we are well pleased that it was left for us to accomplish.
Charles Henry Hart.
Edward Biddle.
Philadelphia, December, 191 1.

LIFE AND WORKS OF
JEAN ANTOINE HOUDON

CHAPTER I
1741-1769
BIRTH AND STUDENT DAYS IN ROME -STATUES OF SAINT BRUNO AND
OF JOHN THE BAPTIST-THE ECORCHE
lEAN ANTOINE HOUDON was born at Versailles,
France, on the 20th of March, 1741. His parentage was
humble, for we learn that his father, Jacques Houdon,
was a servant in the house of M. Delamotte. His mother's maiden
name was Anne Rabache; our sculptor being the third child born
of this union.
His earliest years were passed at Versailles, and, perhaps uncon
sciously, in the midst of its gardens filled with works of art, his taste
and predilection for sculpture first took root. At any rate, at a very
early age he evinced a strong bent toward the art in which he was
to become so famous. When about five years of age, his family re
moved to Paris; his father still being employed by the intendant
Delamotte. Here Jacques Houdon, the father, seems to have held
the post of "concierge," and on the death of M. Delamotte, the
widow having rented the building to the King for the purposes of
an art school, Jacques Houdon remained as its janitor.
This school, or, to give it its full title, "L'ficole des fileves Prote
ges," was established in 1748, when our little Jean Antoine was

4 Life and Works of
seven years old. It is so linked with his after development that we
give some account of its history. It appears that in 1747 Coypel,
"the first painter to the King" and then director of the "Academie
de Peinture et de Sculpture," in Paris, complained of the poor work
sent in by the art students holding royal scholarships in Rome. He
attributed this to the lack of sufficient preparation for the sojourn
in Rome, and therefore he proposed to Tournehem, then director-
general of the royal buildings, to establish a special school in
which the holders of scholarships might be prepared by a course of
three years for their studies in Rome. Louis XV showed himself
favorably inclined toward this proposal; Coypel drew up the act;
and early in the following year the institution was established and
opened under the title, "Ecole des Eleves Proteges."
The school, as already mentioned, was installed in the house of
the late intendant Delamotte, which abutted immediately on the
old Louvre, close to the present Place du Carrousel, where the
Gallery of the Academy of Painting was then to be found. From
this time on, our Jean Antoine lived continually in the environment
of artists. Later on, when somewhat older, to quote from Raoul
Rochette,1 Houdon's son-in-law, "He tiptoes into the class-room,
and is happy if he can snatch a few pieces of moist clay in order to
imitate the work of the students. The attention of the professors,
especially of Pigalle, was attracted to the zeal and talent which his
attempts showed, and he considered it worth while to give advice
1 Preface to Houdon Sale Catalogue of 1828.

Jean Antoine Houdon 5
and encouragement to the boy, hardly more than ten or twelve years
old at that time." The whole atmosphere in which the lad lived
and moved and had his being was impregnated with art; if he en
tered the court of the Louvre, the studios of Francin and Vasse,
Pigalle, LeMoyne, Falconet, Slodtz, Bouchardon, and some two or
three others, were temptingly at hand. With the friendly feelings
of a number of these artists toward our embryo sculptor, oppor
tunities for intercourse with them must have been frequent. Prob
ably induced by the professors, who had noticed the boy's talent, he
entered the "Academie de Peinture et de Sculpture," where he be
gan to draw from the model, which is the basis of all artistic devel
opment. His teachers were the professors of the Academy, who
changed monthly in giving instruction.
In order to stimulate the diligence of the students, they had to
work for their places. Every three months the best three students
received a prize. This was called the small prize, in distinction
from the "Grand Prix de Rome." Houdon received the former
prize as early as the 25th of September, 1756, at the age of fifteen
years.1 As the quarterly prize just mentioned consisted of a silver
medal, the winners were called "medalists." They enjoyed the
right and honor of entering the studio preceding the other students
and immediately after the professors and the "Eleves proteges." In
the new class they no longer limited themselves to copying, but
1 "Registres de I'Academie de Peinture et de Sculpture, 1756, 25 Septembre" (Archives
de 1'Ecole des Beaux Arts). See note, Dierks, Houdon's Leben und Werke, p. 5.

6 Life and Works of
began to work from nature and to make original compositions un
der the instruction of the teacher. There is mention of Houdon's
winning third prize for a study from life about this period, Du-
vivier, the medalist, having carried off first prize, and Le Brun, the
painter, second.
With such studies time passed. The next goal for Houdon's
effort was in competition for the grand prize, "Prix de Rome" ; the
test for the talent of the up-growing artists. In 1761, when twenty
years of age, he considered himself strong enough to enter the lists
with his fellow-students. The competition was opened, as usual,
some days before the first Saturday in April. The subject given
out was "The Queen of Sheba offers Presents to King Solomon," of
which a sketch in bas-relief was to be made.1 On the 4th of April
the finished sketches were submitted to the assembled members of
the Academy, and after examining them, they considered the sculp
tor students Pollet, Houdon, Boucher and Fourreau entitled to
compete for the grand prize. They now had to execute their
sketches in special and separate booths. On the 15th of August the
works were finished and on the feast of St. Louis they were exhibited
for public criticism in the halls of the Academy. On the 29th of
August, 1 76 1, the final decision was given out, Houdon receiving
the first prize.2
This event was decisive for the future of the young artist. Be-
1 Houdon preserved the bas-relief he made and with which he won the prize until the
time of his death. It appears in the Sale Catalogue of 1828.
2Dierks, p. 5, quotes "Registres de I'Academie, 1761, 29 Aout."

Jean Antoine Houdon 7
sides the gold medal received for winning in the competition, he
also gained the privilege of seven years' study at the expense of the
King. To begin with, he entered the "Ecole des Eleves Proteges,"
which was established, as we have already seen, to prepare students
by a three years' course for their studies in Rome. At this point it
seems proper to state that neither Montaiglon and Duplessis nor
Delerot and Legrelle appear to have known the fact of Houdon's
having first entered this school in Paris before going to Rome ; on
the contrary, they are quite vague as to the length of Houdon's
sojourn in Rome, putting it at anywhere from seven to ten years.
Dr. Hermann Dierks, however, with characteristic German thor
oughness,1 unearthed from the Archives Nationales, 0, 1094, p. 21 1,
the "Brevet d'eleve sculpteur de I'Academie de Rome pour le
S. Houdon, du 19 Aout, 1764." This is signed by the Marquis de
Marigny, brother of Mme. de Pompadour, and is as follows:
"We, Marquis of Marigny— in consideration of the favorable
reports made to us of the good conduct of Sieur Jean Antoine Hou
don born at Paris [sicl] aged 23 years, and of his happy faculties
in the art of sculpture which he has studied as well under M.
Slodtz, Sculptor to the King, as at the Ecole des Eleves Proteges,
protected by his Majesty under M. Vanloo, Governor of said school,
in which the said S. Houdon carried off first prize on the 29th of
August, 1761, We have chosen and named him to take one of the
places of Student Sculptors at the Academy in Rome, under the
1 Houdon's "Leben und Werke," Dr. Hermann Dierks, Gotha, 1887, P- U-

8 Life and Works of
conduct and discipline of M. Natoire-with the responsibility
by S. Houdon to apply himself with docility and assiduity to the
studies and works that the said M. Natoire may order him. . . .
In testimony of which— at Versailles— "The Marquis of Marigny."
This, it will be seen, establishes :
First, that after winning the Prix de Rome, Houdon did not pro
ceed to Italy until three years later; actually on the i ith of Novem
ber, 1764;1 and that in the meantime he pursued his studies in
Paris. Secondly, as we have the date of his return to France, "the end of
the year 1768," that the time he spent in Rome covered just about
four years. On this point Dr. Dierks in a note states, "The 10th of
April, 1768, his name is still on the list of pensioners in Rome, but
on the 25th of January, 1769, it is there no more."
Few details are obtainable of these years passed by Houdon in
Rome. We learn, however, from a letter2 bearing date January 7th,
1767, that he worked with ardor. "If I do nothing of mark," he
writes, "at least I shall have nothing to reproach myself with." But
this modest summing up of Houdon's merits, by himself, does not
begin to do justice to his budding reputation. Italy, herself deca
dent at this period, confided to him the execution of a statue of
Saint Bruno, Founder of the Carthusian Order in the eleventh cen-
1 "L'Academie de France a Rome," Gazette des Beaux Arts, Vol. VI, 1872, p. 16.
2 Quoted by Delerot and Legrelle, p. 63.

Jean Antoine Houdon 9
tury, and intended for the Monastery of the Chartreuse. While not
going the length of Delerot and Legrelle, who consider this figure
even a greater work in some respects than the statue of Voltaire,
we confess to a very great admiration for Houdon's conception.
The naturalness and simplicity of the figure are remarkable and
striking, especially considering the period of its execution, differ
ing in this respect from the labored and studied art so prevalent at
that period. The statue is nine and a half feet in height, and is
placed in the pronaos of the Church of the Chartreuse in Rome,
also known as the Church of St. Mary of the Angels. The idea of a
"life dedicated to contemplation and religion" is admirably ex
pressed in the features, attitude and expression of the holy cenobite,
and the articulation of the hands is wonderful. Pope Clement
XIV, on viewing it, is said to have exclaimed, " 'T would speak,
did not the rules of its order enjoin silence." Connecting this anec
dote with the time that Ganganelli ascended the papal throne, in
May, 1769, would indicate that Saint Bruno was the work of Hou
don's last years in Rome. An eminent English critic, Mr. Claude
Phillips, has this to say of it:1
"He [Houdon] found time to execute a colossal statue of the
founder of the Carthusian order of Saint Bruno, of which a cast is
seen in the Trocadero [Paris]. It is a work of surpassing dignity
and simplicity, considering the age in which it was conceived and
executed and the youth of the artist; indeed, in these respects it may
1 The London Art Journal of 1893, Vol. XLV, p. 78.

to Life and Works of
be said to stand almost alone in the eighteenth century, which pro
duced so many skilful executants but so few sculptors of the highest
class." Houdon also executed, while at Rome, his "Ecorche," or skinless
figure, an admirable anatomical study which Lalande, in his "Voy
age in Italy," mentions as having been made in 1767. Houdon pre
sented it to the Academy on his return to Paris, at the date of his
"approbation" by that body. Afterward he modeled a second fig
ure, with the right arm in a different position, the first having the
arm extended at the level of the shoulder, while in the later one the
arm is uplifted above the head. Houdon gave this also to the
Academy, in 1792, to serve the students as a model. It is the better
known of the two, and is the one which the government had cast
in bronze. A striking fact about this model is its continued celeb
rity and the practical use made of it by students down to the present
day. After the lapse of one hundred and forty-five years, we find
it reproduced and cited in modern works on anatomy, still playing
its part in the field for which it was created.
A statue of Saint John the Baptist of this period at Rome has
given rise to a good deal of conjecture and doubt. The question has
been raised whether Houdon ever made such a figure. The proofs
that he did so seem to us overwhelming. Natoire, then the head of
the school in Rome, states in a letter that the statue was ordered for
the Church of St. Mary of the Angels, and there so late as 1887 Dr.
Dierks notes the statue standing directly opposite the Saint Bruno,

Jean Antoine Houdon n
"not of marble, to be sure, but carried out in gypsum." Dr. Dierks
thinks the style to be undoubtedly Houdon's. This is supported by
the following note in "L' Academie de France a Rome":1
n fevrier 1767 le Sr. Oudon sculpteur a fait dernierement avec
beaucoup de succes une etude d'anatomie, que tous les connoisseurs dans
ce genre trouvent fort bien. Elle luy doi servir a sa statue de saint Jean-
Baptiste pour l'eglise de Chartreux en la mettant ensuitte dans le carac-
tere qui convient a cette figure.
A gypsum head of Saint John is in the Museum at Gotha, having
been sent by Houdon, at a later period, to the court of the Duke,
and in a letter of Houdon's dated the 3d year of the Republic oc
curs the following :
"J'ay de plus fait a Rome pour l'Eglise des Chartreux un St.
Brunehaut [sic!] en marbre de 9 p y2, un St. Jean Baptiste."
Adding all these data together, we think it impossible to do other
wise than accredit Houdon with the statue of Saint John. There
seems to have been some straining after effect in the figure, which
the Saint Bruno is so free from, a reason probably for its not having
shared the fame of the latter. The head, on the other hand, is de
scribed as fine, of classical outline and full of deep expression.
There is also record of a copy made by Houdon in marble of a
Centaur, as dating from this period, which appears to have been at
one time (1818) in the Luxembourg Museum.
With the completion of these various works, Houdon brought his
student days to an end. The apprentice had become a master.
1 Gazette des Beaux Arts, Vol. VI, 1872, p. 16.

CHAPTER II
1769-1777
RETURN TO PARIS-RAPID RISE TO FAME— STATUES OF MORPHEE
AND DIANA-BUSTS OF DIDEROT, GLtTCK
AND SOPHIE ARNOULD
|ACK once more in Paris after an absence of four years in
Rome, the first move Houdon made was to present him
self for approbation to the Academy.1 His Morpheus
has always been the figure cited as the one to win his reception into
the Academy through a life-size model in plaster, the only exem
plar of which is now in the Museum at Gotha. Delerot and Le-
grelle and Montaiglon and Duplessis both give currency to the
suggestion that the figure had been executed in Rome; but a later
writer, Paul Vitry, in a contribution to the "Revue de l'Art" in
1907, makes out a strong case against this idea. According to his ac
count, the rolls of the Academy under date of July 23, 1769, record
that Houdon "exhibited from his works," that the Academy "recog
nized his capacity," and that "M. the Directeur will instruct him as
to what he is to execute for his reception." Not until nearly eighteen
months later, on the 31st of December, 1770, does one read that
1 The Rules of the Academy required that one should first be approved, then become
an Academician, afterward Professor, then Rector.— Paul Vitry, "La Revue de l'Art,"
No. 119, p. 149.

Jean Antoine Houdon i3
Houdon "has presented a sketch of the piece ordered him for his
reception, which represents Morpheus." M. Vitry deduces from
this, and we agree with him, that the Morpheus could hardly have
figured among the student works that the young sculptor had
brought with him from Rome and which he submitted to the
judges of the Academy in 1769. On the contrary, it would seem to
have been his first original work executed in Paris for submission
to the Academy on final judgment.
He doubtless submitted his "Ecorche" first, for the records of
the Academy under date of September 30, 1769, register his offer1
of a copy of this in plaster. Another piece might have been a
sketch or reduction of his Saint Bruno, and, beyond doubt, some
studies from the antique. When Houdon finally became Acade
mician in the year 1777, he made for his morceau de reception a
reduced figure, half life size, of his Morphee in marble. This is
now at the Louvre.
Quatremere de Quincy, as Houdon's successor at the Institute, in
a eulogy delivered at the Academy in 1829 on Houdon, stated that
"the little model which made him agree, and which later, rendered
in marble, inducted him into the Academy, was that figure of Mor
pheus which he carried sometime later to life size." Montaiglon
and Duplessis corrected this error in 1855, pointing out that at the
Salon of 1 77 1 there figured a Morpheus of life size, and that the
figure was not enlarged but reduced later by Houdon in 1777 when
1 Paul Vitry, "La Revue de l'Art," February io, 1907.

I4 Life and Works of
he made the marble. The explanation of this, given by Delerot and
Legrelle, is that the rules of the Academy prescribe that all sculp
ture intended for diploma work, morqeaux de reception, shall not
exceed three feet in dimensions, thus saving an expense for material
to the artist, and avoiding the dilemma to the Academy of having
to care for a constantly growing collection of life-size figures.
The "Secret Memoirs," under date of September 22, 1777, pages
49i 5°) 51) reviewing the Salon of 1777, write anent the marble
Morpheus, "The Morphee of M. Houdon characterizes the God
of Sleep so as to render him unmistakable. It is not an ordinary
relaxation ; it is an entire suspension of all the senses ; it is a heavy,
deep, and entire abandonment; it is a complete prostration, which
would mean illness— lethargy— in a mortal, and is merely the
natural state of this divinity. His wings alone seem to betray some
action, some movement, doubtless to express in the midst of his
torpor his complete ascendancy over nature."
Opinions seem to differ as to which of the two is the more con-
vincing, the life-size plaster or the reduced marble. Montaiglon
and Duplessis, writing in 1855, were of the opinion that the life-size
figure, which they apparently had not seen, however, must have
been superior, and that in the reduction it probably lost much of its
strength and meaning. Paul Vitry, writing in the "Revue de l'Art,"
so late as February, 1907, having access to both the life-size
plaster at Gotha and the smaller marble of the Louvre, takes an
opposite view, rather criticizing unfavorably the "academic round-

Jean Antoine Houdon 15
ness" of the plaster model and extolling the finer lines and finish of
the marble. From reproductions alone and without a comparison
of the originals, it is difficult to express an opinion, and we do not
attempt it ourselves, only remarking that it is natural to suppose
that Houdon's art had advanced, and that the marble, made seven
years later than the plaster, had the advantage of this greater ma
turity. At the Salon of 1771, at which the life-size model of Morpheus
was exhibited, Houdon showed also a medallion head of Alexan
der the Great, intended to serve as a pendant to an antique head of
Minerva, and two heads of young men are also mentioned, prob
ably studies. But what particularly marks Houdon's exhibitions at
this Salon, foreshadowing, as they do, his future fame, are the por
trait-busts ; inaugurating a career in this special branch of sculpture,
in which all agree he was to become unrivaled. Unfortunately,
two of the busts were of persons toward whom the public, owing to
certain happenings, were unfavorably disposed. These were M.
Bignon, the Mayor of Paris, and his wife. Bignon was a man of
good connections, but it so happened that at the celebration of the
marriage of the Dauphin and Marie Antoinette the year previous,
when Bignon was in office, a premature discharge of fire-works
and a consequent panic resulted in a dreadful loss of life, some one
hundred and thirty bodies being found trampled to death. A case
of a somewhat similar nature in the reign of Louis XI, where severe
punishment had been meted out to the Mayor, presented a prece-

l6 Life and Works of
dent for much unjust indignation; besides which, Bignon had had
the temerity— or bad taste, perhaps— to show himself at the Opera
shortly after the event, so that the public were not disposed to view
a likeness of him with much favor.1 Mme. Bignon, being plain of
feature, did not help to relieve the situation.
Houdon's bust of Diderot, however, now at the Louvre, and
probably one of the very best of his portrait-busts, made a great
impression and marked the beginning of that series of masterpieces
in portraiture which Houdon was to bequeath to posterity. The
contrast between the incisive, nervous, and alert countenance of
Diderot and the recumbent dreaming figure of Morpheus was very
striking and attracted general notice and appreciative criticisms, as
showing Houdon's versatile talent. Diderot himself points out the
difficulties Houdon successfully overcame: "I wear a mask that
deceives the artist; whether there are too many things blended to
gether, whether the impressions I receive succeed each other too
rapidly and show themselves all in my countenance, the artist thus
never seeing me the same from one moment to another, his task be
comes more difficult than he imagined."
At this exhibition, the Salon of 1773, Houdon had a great num
ber of works. Success had come, and he was eagerly besought from
every quarter, even outside of his own country. The reigning Duke
of Saxe-Gotha and Altenburg engaged him to make his own bust,
1 This marble bust is now in the Museum at Montpellier. Louis Gonze reproduces
it in his book on the Museums of France.

Jean Antoine Houdon I7
those of his father, wife and sister; the Empress of Russia, her own
bust; and the Galitzin family of Russia, two memorial tombs. His
opportunity for carrying out the first of these commissions was
afforded him by a stay of some months at the court of the
Duke. In a species of note-book kept by Jacques Houdon, the
father, there is mention of his son Jean Antoine's absence at
Gotha from October 12 to December 20, 1771, and again from
April 24 to July 1, 1773. The authority for this is a pamphlet
by M. Gaudoin, who had access to the papers of Sabine Houdon,
and a letter quoted by Delerot and Legrelle. The Duchess
Charlotte, writing to Houdon in 1803, recalls the visit by saying,
"Be assured that it is always with great pleasure I recall the time
that I had the advantage of seeing you here with us." Houdon,
not having visited Russia— indeed, he never went there— probably
owed the Russian orders to Diderot's influence and the friendly
offices of J. C. de Mailly, the enameler, whose wife had sat to Hou
don for her bust. De Mailly had gone to Russia, and it is perhaps
from one of the portraits of the great Catharine enameled by this
artist that Houdon modeled the bust, which he made larger than
life. The "Secret Memoirs" in "Letters on the Salon of 1773" have
this to say of it: "This beautiful head, larger than the usually ac
cepted size, seems to announce that Nature made an effort in giving
birth to the immortal sovereign whom it represents."
After this period, Houdon no longer consented to work at hap
hazard without the presence of his model ; and when it wasproposed

l8 Life and Works of
that he should make a statue of Washington, he refused to under
take it unless it was agreed that he should see Washington and
model him from the life. At the Salon of 1775, we find a superb
collection of busts, including such names as Miromesnil, Keeper of
the Seals ; the celebrated Turgot,1 Minister of Finance ; the head in
marble of the charming actress, Sophie Arnould, in the role of
Gliick's "Iphigenia," slightly flattered, it was thought, but full of
grace ; and beside this artist who interpreted his roles, a model of
Gluck, the marble of which was exhibited at the following Salon.
Gliick was pock-marked, and Houdon, with his ideas of realism
and fidelity toward his models, reproduced these blemishes faith
fully. He was a good deal criticized for doing so. But the bust
was afterward and is now counted as one of his most spirited and
life-like creations. The marble has disappeared, but an admirable
gypsum model is in the Berlin Museum.
One might suppose that the execution of all these matchless por
traits would leave but little time or inclination for indulgence in
imaginative work, and yet our artist had several pieces of that char
acter on view at the same Salon: the plaster model of a female
leaving the bath which was to be executed in marble ; a head of
Medusa, a I 'antique; and the head of a young girl in bronzed plas
ter, remarked upon for its "expression of sweetness and simplicity."
We shall find that Houdon became noted for this style of head, ex-
1 A fine plaster cast of this bust at the American Philosophical Society of Philadel
phia, was presented by Dupont de Nemours on December 6, 1816. Proceedings of Am.
Phil. Soe, 1744-1838, p. 468.

Jean Antoine Houdon i9
pressing youthful innocence and naivete, and the examples that we
reproduce of the two children of Alexandre Brongniart, the archi
tect of the Hotel des Invalides, and of the sculptor's own two chil
dren, show why he should have become thus noted.1 In connection
with one, particularly, a very amusing anecdote is told. We quote
from Bachaumont:2 "The most curious head in this studio, through
the novelty and originality of the story, is the bust of 'Mile.
Lise.' It must be recalled that in 1774 the City of Paris, instead of
giving useless entertainments in honor of the marriage of the Comte
d'Artois, conceived the idea of giving young girls in marriage. Of
this number was Mile. Lise. When she presented herself for regis
tration she was asked the name of her lover. She replied 'that she
had none, that she thought the City was to furnish everything,'—
and the City, as it turned out, found her a husband. The face of
such an innocent needed doubtless to be preserved, and this is what
Houdon has done; in this physiognomy, whose agreeable features
are well adapted to express the average face, there is a character
istic something introduced that it would be hard to detect in a hun
dred thousand others." But what drew forth the most general and
marked admiration was his "Dead Thrush." The bird is repre
sented hanging by one claw from a nail. Baron Grimm3 tells an
1 A beautiful marble of Louise Brongniart is in a New York collection, and while
not signed by Houdon, the slight deviations from the original terra-cotta and the
exquisite delicacy of the cutting, leave no doubt but that it came from the master's hand.
2 Bachaumont's "Memoires Secrets," April 19, 1778, Vol. XI, p. 198.
8 "Correspondance Litteraire," Vol. XIV, p. 416.

20 Life and Works of
anecdote of a child of six being taken by his father to Houdon's
studio, and, on looking at the bird, asking "where it had been
wounded?" The father tells him that the wound is probably con
cealed. "But, papa, of what is the bird made?" "Of marble, my
boy." "Ah, indeed," answers the child, "are feathers made of
marble?" Houdon, from this story, would certainly seem to have
reached perfection in simulation.
It has often been related as an example of our artist's fecundity
of talent that he exhibited on one occasion more separate works
than all the other exhibiting sculptors combined. This striking
fact is verified by the catalogue of the Salon of the year 1777.
There were on this occasion ten exhibitors and fifty-four works
shown. We are speaking now only of sculpture. Of these fifty-
four subjects not less than thirty were from Houdon's hand. This
is therefore more than half the entire number. A single artist ex
hibits more than nine others combined 1
A group of four busts signed by him attracted general notice.
They were those of Monsieur the King's brother, who later became
Louis XVIII, his wife, and the King's two aunts, Mme. Adelaide
and Mme. Victoire.1 A critic of the day, writing of these por
trait-busts, exclaims, "One must needs be an artist himself to express
in detail the skill of Houdon's chisel in imitating lace, in placing
1 Montaiglon and Duplessis speak, p. 176, of these ladies being the sisters of Louis
XVI. Dierks in his catalogue of Houdon's works puts them as sisters of Louis XV.
Of course, as should be generally known, they were daughters of Louis XV and conse
quently aunts of Louis XVI.

n^aiae'i

Jean Antoine Houdon 2I
the hair, in showing it unbound, in dressing it with elegance, and in
representing the different orders of the Prince; in short, in render
ing all the accessories with no less truthfulness than that of the souls
of his models."1
In connection with the bust of Mme. Adelaide, there is a note in
Dierks2 stating that "the bust of Mme. Adeleyde in the year 1785
was still unpaid for . . . that Houdon claimed payment for it and
got it with some difficulty." He quotes from the French National
Archives to support this statement, and also gives an extract from
a letter dated January 22, 1785, addressed by Houdon to the
Abbe Ruallemy, private secretary of that Princess, running as fol
lows : "You have led me to hope, so obligingly, that you will inter
cede for me with Mme. Adeleyde relative to the bust of that Prin
cess, for which the price has been owing me now nine years, that I
venture to communicate to you the necessity I am under to recover
the sum due me in consequence of a projected voyage.3 If I am so
fortunate as to obtain through your intervention, by the end of this
month or the beginning of next, the four thousand livres, being the
price agreed upon for the bust, it will save my being obliged to have
recourse to the always troublesome expedient of a loan. This price
is demandable; the column and pedestal which support said bust
having necessitated extraordinary expenditure and the simplest bust
costing 1000 ecus."
1 Delerot and Legrelle, p. 108.
2 Houdon's "Leben und Werke," Hermann Dierks, Gotha, 1887, p. 37-
8 This doubtless refers to his voyage to America, undertaken in the summer of that year.

22 Life and Works of
Curiously enough, in our varied researches we have found on this
side of the water at Haverford College, Haverford, Pennsylvania,
among the Roberts Collection of MSS., a signed letter of Houdon's
bearing on this very question, and showing conclusively that so late
as 1789 he was still a claimant for the sum due him from royalty.
Unfortunately, the superscription of this letter, showing to whom it
was addressed, has been torn off, so that on this point we are still in
the dark. The letter follows in full :
Sir:
I have the honor to make reply, that having gone to make the bust of
Mme. Victoire, agreeably to the order rec'd from that Princess, through
M. the Comte d'Altay, now some 9 or 10 years since, she persuaded
Mme. Adelaide to have hers made also; that in the same way at the
solicitation of these ladies Monsieur and Madame1 determined to con
fide to me the execution of their own, and that at the last sitting, having
thought it appropriate to ask the Prince and Princess whether it was
their desire to have the busts executed in marble, they said they so wished
it. These are the orders I received from their own lips, and I am re
minded that having presented myself for admittance at Monsieur's, I
was asked by what authority? To which I replied that the Prince had
bidden me call at that hour, and that immediately the door was opened
to me.
When after several years I addressed myself to each house for pay
ment, Mme. Adelaide sent me word to apply to M. the Comte d'Anguil-
liers. The letters and appeals on this subject addressed to M. Pierre and the
Director-General2 mention the period at which these works were exe-
1 Afterward Louis XVIII, and wife. 2 Director-General of Buildings.

Jean Antoine Houdon 23
cuted. Neither M. Pierre nor the Comte1 has honored with their
replies my various statements, which I was not led to expect, after send
ing the history of the matter to M. Pierre, at his own request, for presen
tation to the Director-General.
I am, Sir, with gratitude,
Your very humble and obedient servant,
Houdon.
At Paris, this 29th January, 1789.
In the light of the information furnished by this letter, it is not
surprising that Houdon, in arranging terms for his voyage to
America, should have made the stipulation for his family that he
did, in case of his death. Here he was something like 15,000 francs
($3000) out of pocket for the execution of these four busts. This
was poor reward for an artist of whose exhibit at the Salon the
"Secret Memoirs" under date of September 22, 1777, say, "... his
other busts are all strikingly varied, and if I might go into details
it would be seen that one is left uncertain as to the style of head in
which he most excels. He represents in turn, majesty, nobility, the
graces, sprightliness, severity, ingenuity, spirits, genius— all is
differentiated according to sex, age, character, and the rank of the
personages. . . ." An admirable and truthful summing up of
Houdon's genius.
There were not wanting ideal works as well. Mythology fur
nished a brilliant escort to the royal family. Passing over studies
1 Comte d'Anguilliers.

24 Life and Works of
executed in terra-cotta and animals1 in marble on which we have
no special information, we find a notable bust of Diana, to be re
ferred to directly, also a medallion of Minerva and a Naiad and
Vestal, both of delicate conception. The "Diana, Huntress" bust, to
which we have just alluded, was detached from a statue which
Houdon was modeling, as some accounts state, for the gardens of
the Duke of Saxe-Gotha, while others attribute it to an order from
the Empress of Russia. This question has been much discussed of
late in French journals, but does not seem likely to meet with solu
tion. In the Catalogue of the Salon of 1777, under the number 248,
is written : "This Diana is to be executed in marble, and placed in
the gardens of his Highness the Duke of Saxe-Gotha." This ap
parently never came to fruition, for the only exemplar in the Mu
seum of Gotha is a figure in gypsum. What has come to light,
however, as a result of the discussion, is the undoubted fact that of
this celebrated Diana, "the most illustrious example of the nude
feminine in French statuary," as Louis Gonze appreciates it, there
have been two distinct productions. Accustomed as we are to the
liberal ideas of Frenchmen where matters of art are concerned, it
certainly seemed surprising to find that the very beautiful statue of
Diana, as we know it from the bronze of the Louvre and the
casts that have been made from it, should have been forbidden ex
hibition by the Commissioners of the Louvre at two Salons: those
^Life-size greyhound in terra-cotta, in a private collection in Paris. Vide "Un
Levrier. Terre-cuite originate de Houdon. Par Georges Giacometti. Paris, 1904."

JAlA^Ei-AAMLlS ~7Z'D,-]r~rAESAS

Jean Antoine Houdon 25
of 1777 and 178 1. Now that we have seen a reproduction of the
marble at St. Petersburg, published in "Les Arts" for January,
1907, it is easy to understand the scruples which might have influ
enced even a very liberal-minded jury. As the writer in "Les Arts"
puts it, "The marble at St. Petersburg enters into naturalistic detail,
and is objectionable on this account." It was of this same marble
that La Harpe in his "Compendium Litteraire" wrote: "It is too
lovely and too nude for a statue intended for public exhibition."
The bronze of the Museum at Tours, cast in 1839, is said to be
from the same original model; in fact, it bears the signature of
Houdon and the date 1776, showing that these had been preserved
in the plaster. This is undoubtedly the model shown at Houdon's
studio in 1777, failing the right of exhibition at the Salon of the
same year. The second exemplar, of bronze, made for Girardot de
Marigny, is dated 1782, and is similar to the one at the Louvre,
which is dated 1790. The Marigny bronze is noted in the Cata
logue of the Salon of 1783 as being on exhibition at the house of the
Marquis. Leaving out the original plaster, there were then two
unexpurgated statues— one of marble and one of bronze— while in
the amended form two bronzes exist: the one at the Louvre, of
1790, and the Marigny statue, which atone time was at "Bagatelle,"
having been acquired by Lord Hertford in 1870.1 Placed in the
gardens of "Bagatelle" by the latter, it was sold by Mr. Scott, who
1 See Montaiglon: "Nouvelles Archives de l'Art Francais," 1879, p. 271. Lady Dilke
states the price said to have been paid by Lord Hertford as 23,500 francs, and the date
May 20, 1870.

26 Life and Works of
inherited the place, with its contents, at the same time that the
celebrated Wallace collection was transferred to England. It
could have been seen in Paris in 1902, at Duveen's, who disposed of
it to Charles T. Yerkes, of New York, for $70,000 ; and at the sale
of the Yerkes collection in April, 1910, it was sold for $51,000,
when it was repurchased by Duveen and returned to Europe. In
the marble statue, Diana carries a quiver of arrows under the left
arm and her bow in the left hand ; but in the bronze of the Louvre,
as also the one at Tours and the plaster model at Gotha, a single
arrow is held in the right hand and the bow carried in the left,
while no quiver of arrows is introduced. We much prefer the last
composition; it is more in keeping with the nudity of a "Diana,
Huntress" ; as if she had sprung to her feet in some sudden alarm,
and not, as the quiver thrown over the shoulder suggests, as having
formally prepared herself for a hunting excursion. The arrow in
the right hand seems to balance the figure, so lightly poised on one
foot, and gives an effect of lightness and grace, which the artist
doubtless intended to convey by the use of the arrow, an emblem
itself of the very quality he desired to express. The marble statue
at the Hermitage differs also in another detail : in order to support
the figure of Diana, made necessary by its execution in marble,
Houdon has introduced a thicket of reeds on which the goddess
lightly rests her weight, while she appears to be brushing the ob
stacle from her path. "It was much feared that in executing the
plaster of this graceful conception in marble, Houdon might by the

Jean Antoine Houdon 27
difficulties of execution be obliged to curtail a portion of its light
ness to insure its solidity. But he conceived a means of support
which in no way detracted from its primitive form."
We agree, however, with the judgment of others "that the Diana
of the Louvre is much lighter standing in empty space than among
the reeds, which must retard her flight." But the material itself ap
parently lent much effect, being of "dazzling whiteness, which can
only be compared," continue the "Secret Memoirs," "to the ex
ceeding purity of the Goddess herself."
One of the most modern of critics on French art, W. C. Brownell,
in his "Classic and Contemporary Painting and Sculpture" (p.
153), says of the Diana:
"Houdon is one of the finest examples of the union of vigor with
grace. He will be known chiefly as a portraitist, but such a mas
terpiece as his Diana shows how admirable he was in the sphere
of purely imaginative theme and treatment. Classic, and even
conventionally classic, as it is, both in subject and in the way the
subject is handled, it is designed and modelled with as much per
sonal freedom and feeling as if Houdon had been stimulated by the
ambition of novel accomplishment, instead of that of rendering
with truth and grace a time-honored and traditional sculptural
motive. Its treatment is beautifully educated and its effect refined,
chaste, and elevated in an extraordinary degree."
Various theories have been advanced as to the reason of Hou
don's deviation from conventional rules in representing a nude

28 Life and Works of
Diana. Delerot and Legrelle are quite positive that it was intended
as a reproof to Allegrain, whose Diana at the Bath had just ap
peared1 and had met with considerable success at the Salon ; also
as a protest against the morbidity of style so prevalent at this period.
To quote them :
"But drapery would have rendered abortive any comparison.
What it was tacitly desired to point out in Allegrain, by its absence
in the new Diana, were those heavy forms bordering on what has
since come to be known as morbidity, and only attaining, after mis
taken effort, a heaviness of outline without any mark of distinction.
... It was necessary to oppose a light and airy design, a thing un
known since the Renaissance."
This is ingenious and very well expressed and seems fairly prob
able. An entirely different view, however, is taken by Paul Vitry,
writing in "Les Arts" for 1907:
"After all, it was probably audacity and fancy without much re
flection that urged on the clever artist, little equipped as he was
with a knowledge of mythology, to this conception of a Diana, un
clothed, as a huntress, and we certainly concede to him to-day with
out vain argument the right to satisfy his desire for plastic and
animated beauty, even at the expense of literary truth."
The charge here made against Houdon as lacking any know
ledge of mythology hardly seems borne out, as witness some of his
earlier productions. The first piano by Sebastian firard, placed in
1 Salon of 1777.

Jean Antoine Houdon 29
the Chateau Bellevue belonging to the aunts of Louis XVI, and
decorated by Boucher, Greuze and Vanloo, is said to have also
"had the pedals covered with a group from mythology executed
by Houdon."1
This statue added greatly to Houdon's reputation. "No other
creation of Houdon's received such unqualified praise from con
temporaries as this one, and no other speaks to us so freely of the
spirit of the time. Poems were addressed to it."2
In the Grimm-Diderot Correspondance (1879), Vol. II, page
529, under date of September, 1777, we read:
"M. Houdon's modesty has induced him to make every effort for
preventing the verses addressed to him from all sides appearing in
print. Here are some lines written by M. de Rulhiere on the spur
of the moment, after having admired his Diana:
" 'Oui, c'est Diane, et mon ceil enchante
Desire dans sa course atteindre la deesse,
Et mes regards devancent sa vitesse.
Aucun habillement ne voile sa beaute,
Mais son effroi lui rend sa chastete.
On aurait dans fiphese adore ton ouvrage,
Rival de Phidias, ingenieux Houdon,
A moins que les devots, en voyant ton image,
N'eussent craint le sort d'Acteon.' "
An oft-quoted letter of Louis de Boissy, praising the statue, ap-
1 "Autour de la Statue de Jean Houdon," by Albert Terrade, Versailles, 1892, p. 15.
2 Dr. Hermann Dierks, Houdon's "Leben und Werke," p. 46.

30 Life and Works of
peared in the "Journal de Paris" of April 14, 1778, page 415, and
Houdon's answer was published in the same journal on the 16th
of April. Boissy, in the course of his letter, had extolled the Diana
as "the sister of Apollo— that divine Apollo of the Vatican, the only
figure on earth giving us the idea of a God." To which Houdon,
after thanking him for the flattering things said of him, very mod
estly goes on to say, "As to my Diana: although it has been the
work entailing on me the greatest labor, I cannot agree with the
parallel you draw. As you know the Apollo of the Vatican, and
judging from signs you are an amateur of sculpture, you will agree
that my piece does not approach it. What I say is not through
modesty ; but, with very slight reservation, I found that figure per
fect, and you know that in the arts what is called perfect is simply
what approaches perfection. My Diana is not in this class ; I feel
it, in spite of what the artists and my confreres have said in its
praise, and in spite of their praise having made me alive to certain
faults, which augurs well, for an author is usually indiscriminately
praised when a work is found bad throughout."
We see that success had not turned Houdon's head ; modesty has
always been claimed as his distinct attribute, and thus far nothing
would seem to contradict so flattering a judgment. These seven or
eight years in Houdon's career which we have endeavored to depict
have brought him almost to the summit of his art; the next three
will see this actually accomplished. So that within ten years of his
return to Paris and entrance there into the competitive field of art,

•¦A::i

Jean Antoine Houdon 31
he triumphed over all difficulties and became the acknowledged
and unrivaled sculptor of his time. Not only that, he accomplished
more, for he comes down to us in history as being certainly the
greatest French sculptor of the eighteenth century, and perhaps of
all time.

CHAPTER III
1778
VOLTAIRE-HIS BUSTS AND HIS STATUE IN THE COMEDIE-FRANgAISE-
THE BUST CROWNED AT THE SIXTH REPRESENTATION OF "IRENE"
SHOWN TO HAVE BEEN BY HOUDON
[HEN, in the full maturity of his talent, Houdon modeled
the image of Voltaire, he was already the author of
numerous works celebrated at once on their appearance;
none, however, so much as this one. Even if not the most perfect
masterpiece of the sculptor, it will nevertheless remain his most
typical work. The immense popularity of the author of 'Candide,'
added to the notoriety gained through Houdon's rare merit, hence
forth indissolubly bound up the name of the artist with that of his
model. In consequence, long after, perhaps always, and in spite of
the fine Saint Bruno, the (female) Bather, the Ecorche, and the
Diana, Houdon will be designated almost exclusively as the author
of the statue of Voltaire."1
These words so aptly sum up the fame gained by Houdon
through this wonderful monument that we have quoted them at the
very opening of our chapter.
1 P. E. Mangeant, "Sur une Statuette de Voltaire," 1896.
32

Jean Antoine Houdon 33
There is much to be told, however, before we come to the statue.
Voltaire, after an exile from Paris of about twenty-seven years,
having settled himself in Berlin so early as 1750, returned, when a
very old man (eighty-four), on the 10th of February, 1778. There
is an amusing account given of the arrival of Voltaire and his party.
"Our voyagers drew up in front of the city gates toward half-past
three in the afternoon on the 10th of February. ... At the barrier
the clerks asked if we carried anything against the order of the
King? 'By my faith, gentlemen,' replied Voltaire, T believe there
is nothing contraband here but myself.' m This was an allusion to
the attitude of French royalty toward himself, for, while no actual
decree had been entered against him, Louis XV in granting him
leave to enter the service of the King of Prussia had determined not
to allow him to return to Paris during his own lifetime. What the
grandson's attitude might be was still problematical. Having got
to Paris, he established himself in the house of M. de Villette, who
had married a former member of his household, so well known in
the annals of Voltaire as "belle et bonne." It was doubtless owing
to the exertions of the Marquis de Villevieille that Houdon almost
immediately obtained the favor of sittings. The Marquis has left
on record a most dramatic account of one of these — the last one —
at which he was present.
"With much trouble I induced M. Voltaire to lend himself to the
wish that Houdon had so often expressed to me to make a statue of
1 "Voltaire et la Societe du ioiime Siecle,'' Desnoiresterres, Vol. VIII, p. 192.

34 Life and Works of
him. At last his consent was torn from him, the day fixed, and the
periods for the sittings arranged. I was to accompany him when
ever he visited the studio. I submitted without difficulty, as you
may suppose. The artist having frequently observed that the fea
tures of his model only betrayed his impatience, that constraint and
fatigue clouded his brow, and that the fire of genius died from his
eyes, I planned to bring to the last sitting granted by M. de Voltaire
the wreath which the actor Brizard had placed on his head, before
the acclaiming throng, the day of his triumph at the Comedie-
Frangaise,— a wreath which I still possess. I notified M. Houdon
that at a given signal between us I should start forward to the plat
form where M. de Voltaire was placed, and would lay the wreath
upon his head. 'Without doubt,' I said to him, 'this will light up
his countenance and you can then, seizing the passing flash, inject
the life, soul and truthfulness which should animate the face,' and
which, in effect, speak to us from the masterpiece. I carried out
with much good fortune what I had planned; but I had hardly
placed the wreath on the venerable head when, with the grace that
never deserted him, he waved me from him. 'What are you doing,
young man?' spoke the illustrious one. 'Place it on my tomb,
which opens before me.' (He suffered already from severe pains.)
He rises immediately, and turning toward the artist: 'Adieu, Phi
dias' ; then, seizing my arm, 'My friend, let us go die.' 'Oh, my
master,' I cried, 'let me kiss the hand once more that wrote "Zaire." '
Then his tears flowed and mixed with mine, his pains became in-

Jean Antoine Houdon ^s
tolerable, he returned to the house, and a few days later he was no

more."1

The first step toward this chef d'ceuvre, produced by Houdon as
a result of these life sittings, was his bust at the Comedie-Francaise,
known as the one "with wig" [avec perruque). This he first exe
cuted in plaster, and it was this bust which at the sixth representa
tion of "Irene," on the 30th of March, 1778, was brought upon the
stage to be crowned and garlanded by the actors in the presence of
Voltaire, who was in a box with his niece and Mme. de Villette.
At the Salon of the following year, 1779, Houdon exhibited the
marble which is now preserved in the foyer of the Comedie and
stands on a pedestal immediately beside the seated statue. Baron
Grimm writes:
"... Of all the thousand portraits made of M. de Voltaire in
the past sixty years, it is the only one with which he himself has been
perfectly content. . . . The eyes are full of life by an effect of light
so ingeniously managed that M. Greuze himself on seeing the bust
for the first time imagined that they were eyes of enamel or of some
other colored matter. We were witnesses with several others of an
error so flattering to the talent of his confrere."2
Houdon also finished a bust of Voltaire a I' antique, which he
exhibited at this same time and which was highly praised. It is
practically the same head represented in the seated statue, except-
1 "Account of the Inauguration of a Statue to Voltaire at Montpellier," by P. E.
Martin-Choisi, Year IX.
2 Grimm-Diderot Correspondance, Vol. XII (1880), p. 104.

6 Life and Works of
ing that in the latter there is more hair apparent, and a cincture is
bound about his locks, giving a classic effect without in the least
detracting from the natural and life-like expression of the face.
Catharine of Russia again showed her appreciation of our artist's
talent by immediately acquiring this bust for her own collection.1
She continuously evinced her interest in his genius, for we shall find
later on that an obstacle in the way of Houdon's visit to the United
States, in 1785, for the purpose of modeling the statue of Washing
ton, lay in his engagements to Catharine.
It was at this Salon of 1779 that Houdon foreshadowed his later
masterpiece of the seated figure by exhibiting a statuette of Voltaire
in gilded bronze, also intended for the private collection of the
Russian Empress. The "Secret Memoirs" (Vol. XIII, page 245),
in its "Letters on the Salon of 1779," have this to say of it:
"Here we truly have the old man of Ferney; he is enveloped in
the folds of his wrapper; he is seated in his elbow-chair, the hands
resting on its arms;2 he has come in from his walk, he is fatigued
1 Louis Gonze states that from the Salon books and Sale Catalogue, Houdon must
have made at least six marble busts of Voltaire: first, the three admirable busts, cos
tumed with wig, of the Comedie-Francaise, Versailles, and the Ministry of the Interior,
the last escaping the sack of the Palais Royal; then the bust draped a f antique,
executed for Catharine of Russia, the model of which is in the Museum at Gotha; a
bust on a variegated pedestal (Sale of 1795); and finally, at the Sale of 1828, a bust
in white marble, bare-headed, on a bracket of dark blue marble, perhaps the one in the
Angers Museum, he thinks. According to Gonze's view, the one at Versailles is the
finest, and he thinks it probable that this is the one formerly belonging to the Academy.
"Chefs d'CEuvres des Musees de France."
2 According to Louis Gonze ("Chef d'CEuvres des Musees de France"), in the
Museum of Angers is a cast from nature by Houdon of the thin long hands of Voltaire,

'Q'Tr.jTTAJl'

Jean Antoine Houdon 37
and ready to retire. This is the familiar scene the sculptor has
chosen; but in spite of the body's lassitude, his virile spirit and the
sardonic laughter of his face mark the flow of ridicule running
through his final meditations. He is immensely amused over the
fools, the priests, the fanatics, whom he intends holding up again
to general ridicule. It must be confessed that in this little figure, of
less than a foot in height, there is more genius than in those ordered
by the court, the one of Corneille1 excepted."
This statuette for a long time could be seen at the Hermitage, in
St. Petersburg. There is a note in P. E. Mangeant's monograph
already quoted, stating that "in 1851 the administration of the
Hermitage, knowing how little sympathy the Emperor Nicholas I
entertained for Voltaire, and having no appreciation of the artistic
merit of the statuette, disposed of it at the same time with some
other works of art which seemed to them to have little value. The
statuette was purchased at this period by the Count Andre Paolo-
vitch Shouwalow, marechal de la noblesse de Saint Petersburg, as
related by himself in 1876, for fifteen roubles, about fifty francs."
At the crowning of the emperor Alexander in 1856, the Due de
Morny, being at St. Petersburg as envoy extraordinary and get
ting a view of this beautiful statuette at Count Shouwalow's, begged
and said by one who has seen them to have "the expression and the drawing of the
admirable hands that the artist made to his statue at the Comedie-Francaise." Upon the
cast is the inscription, "h. 31 May, 1778." This was the day immediately following the
day of Voltaire's death.
1 "Corneille seated," by Caffieri.

3 8 Life and Works of
him to sell it to him for 50,000 francs, but the Count would not
consent. We read in a record of Voltaire's career that in 1757,
being encouraged to write a history of Russia, "Count Jean Shou
walow furnished him with data." So the later descendant seems to
have inherited his ancestor's admiration for Voltaire.
While on the subject of the busts, it will be well to ask the atten
tion of our readers to a controversy that has agitated writers during
the last thirty years, as to the identity of the bust figuring, at the
Theatre-Francais, on the night of Voltaire's appearing there at the
sixth representation of "Irene," on the 30th of March, 1778. Un
til the appearance of J. J. Guiffrey's book, "Les Caffieris," pub
lished at Paris in 1877, 'lt nad always been accepted that the bust
brought forward upon the stage in honor of the author and crowned
and garlanded by the actors in his presence, was, as already stated,
the plaster bust modeled by Houdon from the sittings given him by
Voltaire immediately on his arrival in Paris from Ferney.
M. Guiffrey, however, asserted that, from evidence he had dis
covered, the bust used on that occasion was one by Jean Jacques
Caffieri, a clever sculptor, but a most cantankerous character, whose
chief aim in life, after Houdon's fame was assured and recognized,
seemed an effort— most vain indeed— to detract from his great repu
tation. Guiffrey here fell into an astounding error; for, basing his
assertion on a letter of acceptance from the Comedie-Francaise, ad
dressed to Caffieri, he entirely overlooked the fact that this letter
was in answer to a note from Caffieri asking the Comedie's accept-

Jean Antoine Houdon 39
ance of a bust of Voltaire by Le Moyne. We cannot do better than
quote Caffieri's letter, preserved among the archives of the Co-
medie-Frangaise and dated Paris, 16th February, 1778.
"Since the arrival of M. de Voltaire, I have heard it argued
among several people of distinction in your own foyer that
Messieurs the Comedians should have the portrait of M. de Vol
taire placed there, and that such homage should be rendered his
great talents; it is with the same idea that I make you an offer,
gentlemen, of a bust in plaster made by M. Le Moyne. This por
trait was made at the period when M. de Voltaire produced his
noblest works. Although the Comedie has made a rule not to ad
mit the portraits of living authors, M. de Voltaire would seem to
be the exception.
"If the offer, gentlemen, that I have the honor to make you is
agreeable, I shall have the bust placed whenever it may please you.
I shall have no greater merit than to provide for you and for the
public the pleasure of seeing the portrait of a great man to whom
all Europe pays homage."1
This makes it very clear by whom this particular bust that Caf
fieri was offering had been executed. We now give the letter of
the Comedie in answer to the above, the one upon which Guiffrey,
without looking up further proof, assumes, quite positively, that
the Comedie were accepting a bust by Caffieri.
1 "Archives of Comedie-Francaise." Dossier de Caffieri.

40 Life and Works of
Sir: The Comedie recognizes in the offer you make it both the sincerity
and love of genius that stamp your own works of great men; it thanks
you for the present you are willing to make it, and accepts it with a grati
tude proportioned to its love and admiration for the immortal character
whom the bust represents. It is sensible, however, of the danger it
would run in placing any other but a Voltaire in the foyer during his
actual lifetime in company with a Corneille and a Racine. It will pro
ceed to pass a resolution which shall attest the merited exception in the
case of M. de Voltaire, and the reasons which induce the Comedie to
break in his favor its rule of only admitting the dead.
The great age of M. de Voltaire is an excuse ; the impatience to im
mortalize him does not reflect on his long life; but thanks to it he gets
cash payment for what Moliere and Corneille hastened too much to ob
tain by premature deaths. Des Essarts.
16th March, 1778.
Upon this state of things Guiffrey constructed an hypothesis:
first, that Caffieri had made a bust of Voltaire and presented it to
the Comedie; second, that this bust was in the foyer when the per
formance of "Irene" on the 30th of March took place; third, that
this was the bust carried upon the stage and crowned and garlanded
in the presence of Voltaire.
As to the first contention, we have shown by Caffieri's own words
that he did not offer a bust of his own, but one by Le Moyne. As
to the second, it is not at all clear that this bust found its way im
mediately to the foyer of the Comedie, for the latter's answer to
Caffieri speaks of a resolution it "is about to pass," looking to

Jean Antoine Houdon 4,
the reception of the bust in the future. Third, we are able to show
positively that Houdon's bust was the one brought upon the stage at
the sixth representation of "Irene."
An examination of the catalogue of the works of art belonging
to the Comedie-Frangaise and their history, published in 1897, dis
closed the fact that, while quoting M. Guiffrey's book with ap
proval, no reference was made to the very palpable error in it of
attributing the Le Moyne bust of Voltaire to Caffieri. We include
a letter which was addressed to the Comedie and the reply.
To M. Jules Claretie,
Director of the Theatre-Frangais.
Sir:
In reading recently your Introduction to the "Collections of the Co-
medie-Frangaise" by M. Monval, I find on page 5 : "Caffieri sends to
the Comedians the Voltaire of his master, J. B. Le Moyne."
I am collaborating on a Life of Houdon in English, and sought for
information in the "Collections de la Comedie-Francaise." Allow me,
Sir, to ask the source of this citation.
Neither the "Memoires" of Houdon by Montaiglon and Duplessis,
nor those by Delerot and Legrelle, nor the exhaustive work by J. J. Guif
frey, "Les Caffieris," contain such a reference; the last named, on the
contrary, champions the theory that the bust of Voltaire crowned at the
sixth representation of "Irene" was a bust by Caffieri, not by Le Moyne.
The letter from Caffieri which J. J. Guiffrey quotes in full on pages 355-
356 speaks of a bust of /. /. Rousseau by Le Moyne.
I am endeavoring to be exact and accurate, and I venture to hope, Sir,
that you will find time to send me a few lines on the question submitted.
I beg you to accept, Sir, the expression of my highest consideration
and good wishes from across the water. j? Biddle.

42 Life and Works of
1680-1906
Comedie-Francaise Paris, 25 Xbre [1906].
Sir:
In reply to the letter that you addressed to the Administrator, here is
the information you ask for.
The "Mercure de France" of April, 1778, Vol. I, p. 169, says on the
subject of Voltaire's arrival in Paris:
"The Comedie-Francaise, so rich in the fruits of his labors, has done
homage to him. His bust in marble, a work of M. le Moine's and a gift
from M. Caffieri, both celebrated sculptors, has been placed in the foyer
of the Comedie."
It is this bust which, on Monday, the 30th of March, 1778, at the sixth
representation of "Irene," was carried on the stage and crowned and gar
landed, after Mme. Vestris had recited the verses composed by the
Marquis of Saint-Marc.
The letter in which Caffieri offered this bust to the Comedians, on 16th
February, 1778, informs us that this bust was not in marble, but in
plaster: "I offer you," he says, "gentlemen, a bust in plaster made by M.
Le Moyne ; the portrait was made in the time when M. de Voltaire was
producing his greatest works."
This bust has disappeared, and it is very probable that it was broken,
which would not have happened if it had been of marble, as stated in
the "Mercure."
Please accept, Sir, the assurance of my distinguished consideration. C. Ouis.
Mr. Edward Biddle.
Having thus disposed of the Guiftrey-C a ffieri legend, we are left
to combat the very positive assertion over the hand of the Comedie,
that "it is this bust [Le Moyne's] which, on Monday, the 30th of

Jean Antoine Houdon 43
March, 1778, at the sixth representation of 'Irene,' was carried on
the stage and crowned and garlanded" ; and this we are able to do
successfully. The chief reliance of the opponents to Houdon's bust is the
shortness of time elapsing between Voltaire's arrival in Paris, on
the 1 oth of February, 1778, and the sixth representation of "Irene"
on the 30th of March. We reply to this that it is an uncontradicted
fact that Voltaire sat to Houdon very soon after reaching Paris. If
merely circumstantial evidence were needed, we think that the offer
of Le Moyne's bust to the Comedie, on the 16th of February, by
Caffieri, is strong presumption that the latter had got wind of the
sittings and was, as usual, endeavoring to head off Houdon. Guif
frey himself suggests such a reason in the case of Rousseau's bust,
under precisely similar circumstances; but, to any one familiar
with Houdon's untiring industry and skill as shown in the history
of his career, nothing is easier to suppose than that in a period of
time such as the one in question, something over six weeks, and
with sittings given him, Houdon could have completed his plaster
bust. This celerity of execution would be nothing in comparison
with his accomplishment at Mount Vernon, when he modeled the
bust of Washington and cast it within two weeks.
But we do not have to suppose anything about it; for, against the
multitude of suppositions raised by the opponents to this view, in
trying to show that it was a physical impossibility for Houdon to
have completed his bust in so short a time, we have the positive

44 Life and Works of
statements of the day that he did complete such a bust. The "Se
cret Memoirs," under date of April 19, 1778, say: "There has been
on view for some time in M. Houdon's studio a bust of Moliere
executed for the foyer of the Comedie-Francaise. It is very fine
. . . and the same artist has just executed a bust of Voltaire."
While three days earlier the "Correspondance Secrete"1 for April
16, 1778, says: "All Paris is going to see, at M. Houdon's, a bust of
Voltaire, which, without fear of contradiction, is more strikingly
like him than all other portraits ever made of this patriarch." But
here is yet stronger proof. On the 4th of April the French Acad
emy decide to have a portrait painted from Houdon's bust as a
companion to the painting by Largilliere of Voltaire in his youth.
Desnoiresterres,2 in speaking of this, prefaces it by saying, "The
bust of Voltaire, which is dated as of 1778, was finished during the
last days of March." Guiffrey endeavors to combat the records of
the "Memoires Secrets" by saying that it was quite out of the ques
tion to suppose that, even admitting the bust to have been finished
before the 30th of March, it could have been taken to the Comedie
and returned to Houdon's studio afterward. We fail to see why;
but, granting it for the sake of argument, what was to prevent Hou
don having a second cast on view at his studio? We see in this
reasoning of Guiffrey evidence that he is arguing from the stand
point of a finished marble bust, and this is where he is again in
error. But when we get to the 4th of April, five days only after the
1 Vol. VI, p. 164. 2 "Iconographie Voltairienne," p. 113.

V'TVlT/ITAin&JE xl IL AX'TTII'Il; '<7M

Jean Antoine Houdon 45
memorable sixth performance of "Irene," and find the French
Academy ordering a portrait from the Houdon bust, the inference
is irresistible that such a bust had been in existence on the 30th of
March. To go back for a moment to Guiffrey, in arguing for Caffieri's
supposed bust, he says (page 276) : "This bust was certainly mod
eled then between the 10th of February and the 15th of March.
This rapidity of execution has nothing in it to surprise one in a man
of Caffieri's skill" ; and on pages 285 and 286, in a comparison of the
two artists, "he [Caffieri] was neglected for a younger competitor
[Houdon], also more productive and, it must be said, more skil
ful." We find, therefore, Guiffrey arguing for Caffieri from premises
infinitely stronger when applied to Houdon.
The only existing record of Le Moyne's bust is an engraving by
Augustin de St. Aubin. The bust was made in 1748, and it would
seem inconceivable that a likeness made thirty years before should
be the one selected for an occasion such as the sixth representation of
"Irene," the author being present, and his bust by the most eminent
sculptor of the day, just finished and of wonderful truthfulness,
being, as far as we can see, available. As to the expression used by
Caffieri, in his letter offering Le Moyne's bust, "this portrait was
made at the time when M. Voltaire was producing his noblest
works," presenting any reason for the selection of that bust in
preference to Houdon's, we can reply that "Irene," the play at

46 Life and Works of
which so much enthusiasm was evoked, was the play of Voltaire's
old age.1
The date at which the marble bust of Voltaire was placed in the
foyer of the Comedie, February 18, 1779, has also been advanced
by some of the later writers as a reason why the bust crowned and
garlanded could not have been the bust by Houdon. But we main
tain that it is not a question of a finished marble bust, done later,
but of the one made first in plaster.
We have had access to another book upon the Musee of the Co
medie-Francaise, by M. Emile Dacier, published so recently as the
year 1905. Relating to the question we have just been discussing,
the writer says: "In 1777 . . . Caffieri sends a bust in marble of
Pierre Corneille, . . . in 1778 he gives a Voltaire, to-day miss
ing," and in a note to this adds, "a plaster cast of the Voltaire by
Caffieri {and not by Le Moyne, as M. Monval has written) was
used at the crowning of the 30th of March, 1778, at the sixth
representation of 'Irene.' See Guiffrey, 'Les Caffieris.' "2
Here we have the old error reiterated, and we are astounded at
such heedless inaccuracy. As this book also contains a preface by
1 Begun in 1776; finished in 1777. Beuchot, "Life of Voltaire."
2M. Stanislas Lami, the author of a dictionary of French sculptors of the eigh
teenth century, appearing at the present time, and widely heralded, under "Caffieri"
gives a list of the latter's works; among them, "Voltaire: bust executed for the Comedie-
Francaise between the 10th of February and the 15th of March, 1778. It is this bust
which figured in the ceremony of the crowning of Voltaire, following the sixth repre
sentation of 'Irene,' on the 30th of March, 1778. It is not known what has become of
it. He adds in a foot-note, "M. Jules Guiffrey has established this fact in a positive
way in his fine work on the Caffieris, p. 276 and foUowing."

'A 7- ¦;

'X 2 a

y. 'i ¦*.
y 7. -.

Jean Antoine Houdon 47
M. Jules Claretie, it would seem as if the Comedie had put the
stamp of its approval upon it. However, we can resolve all
doubts upon the subject and vindicate our position as against any
other bust having been used than that of Houdon, by producing the
engraving by Gaucher of the drawing of the scene, made by J. N.
Moreau, the younger.1 Can any one for a moment mistake the bust
in the foreground? Besides, we have the contemporaneous evi
dence of the "Memoires Secrets" that this picture is virtually a
photograph of the event just as it transpired. Bachaumont2 says,
"M. Moreau, Jr., has composed a picture representing the crown
ing of Voltaire at the Comedie-Frangaise ('Couronnement de Vol
taire sur le Theatre-Fran^ais, dessin au bistre'). It has been en
graved by Charles Etienne Gaucher. The scene is represented just
as it was enacted in the theatre." We think the merest tyro in art
will recognize the Houdon bust,— the drapery, the wig, the aged
look of the face, all combine to prove its identity. While, as we
have said, the episode, decided either way, would have weighed
little in the balance with Houdon's great name and fame, we are
nevertheless much gratified at having been able to bury this mare's-
nest effectually for all time.
M. Guiffrey, were he still living, would join with us, we think,
in admitting that once again, without any effort on the part of Hou-
1 Exposed at the Salon de la Correspondance in 1783. Vide Desnoiresterres, "Icono
graphie Voltairienne," p. 96.
2 "Memoires Secrets" for May 8, 1778, Vol. XI, p. 256.

48 Life and Works of
don, the attempt to supplant him— this time, however, not by Caf
fieri himself but by his biographer— has proved abortive.
We now turn our attention to the statue, probably as celebrated a
piece of statuary as exists anywhere, and certainly more widely
known than any other work by Houdon.
"It would be impossible to recall all the honors paid this statue
since its first appearance. On the day when Voltaire's ashes were
transferred to the Pantheon, July n, 1791, Houdon's likeness of
him played a prominent part in the ceremony, and it is perfectly
true to say that the day consecrated to the fame of Voltaire was also
consecrated to the genius of Houdon. A copy of the statue in
gilded card-board1 was carried in triumphal procession all over
Paris. It was crowned with flowers and covered with laurel. The
statue was reproduced on every hand, even being embroidered on
the ribbons worn by young girls in the procession. The sight of
such a faithful likeness of the philosopher, due to Houdon, was
certainly not without its influence in arousing the deep enthusiasm
manifested throughout the day."2
Voltaire had for a long period of time obstinately refused to sit
for any statue intended for public exhibition. The first sculptor
who succeeded in winning over the distinguished recluse to pose
for him in his asylum at Ferney was a very obscure and mediocre
1 Catalogued at Houdon's sale of 1828, but since lost sight of. "Sur une Statuette de
Voltaire," P. E. Mangeant, 1896.
2 Note in Delerot and Legrelle, pp. 162 and 163.

Jean Antoine Houdon 49
artist. He came from Franche-Comte, and called himself Rosset-
Dupont.1 It seems that it was the good humor of this provincial
sculptor that influenced Voltaire to break his avowed purpose.
He appeared pleased, too, with his bust, it being full of life, accord
ing to contemporary evidence. The memory of it is all that has
been handed down. The meed of praise for this unknown work
would seem to be justified solely by the fact that Voltaire's preju
dice had been overcome through it, and that it had opened the way
for future yieldings of the same sort.
It came about in 1770 that Mme. Necker conceived the idea of
starting a subscription for a statue to Voltaire. It was broached at
a dinner-party given by the Neckers, and seventeen subscribers
were at once secured; the names of Diderot, Baron Grimm, Mar-
montel, d'Alembert, Helvetius and the Abbe Reynal being on the
list. It was to be an expression of admiration on the part of literary
Europe. Voltaire himself, it is known, helped the project as much
as possible while apparently refusing. "I have n't the sort of face
for a statue," he would say. "They want to model my face, but for
this I should possess a face ; they will hardly be able to divine its
position. My eyes are sunken to a depth of three inches, my cheeks
are like so much old parchment badly glued on some old bones
supported by nothing! The few teeth I ever had are gone," etc.,
etc. Enthusiasm, however, in spite of these objections, which were
1 Desnoiresterres, in his "Iconographie Voltairienne," pp. 86 and 87, gives a somewhat
different description of the man.

50 Life and Works of
readily combated, became general and found expression through
numerous subscriptions.1 As to the choice of an artist for trans
mitting to posterity the features of the Patriarch of Ferney, there
was no hesitation. Jean Baptiste Pigalle, in 1770, ranked as the first
sculptor of the day. Public approval pointed to him with universal
voice. Pigalle very naturally felt much pride in being chosen. "If
I succeed, I shall deem myself the most fortunate of artists," were
his words. The price to be paid Pigalle was left entirely with him
self to fix. He wished to show his appreciation of such generous
treatment by the modesty of his pretensions ; he estimated his fees
at 10,000 francs, not including his traveling expenses and the cost
of the marble. So, in the first days of June, armed with a letter
from d'Alembert, he left for Ferney.
Voltaire received him very well and praised his talent. He com
plained, however, that he was being slandered by him. "M. Pi
galle," was his expression, "goes about saying that I am as fat as a
monk. The fact is, I forced myself to be gay in his presence, and
puffed out my cheeks in order to please him." Pigalle, on leaving
Ferney, carried with him the model of the head, which had cost
him infinite labor. Voltaire was a most restless sitter at this time,
constantly changing his position, and most of the time engaged in
dictating to his private secretary. Pigalle was in despair, until one
day the conversation happened to turn on Aaron's "golden calf,"
1 The total subscription reached i8,775 francs. Statement of May io, 1776. Note in
Desnoiresterres, "Iconographie Voltairienne."

Jean Antoine Houdon 51
and the length of time such a statue would take in the making. On
Pigalle's rejoinder that he would want six months, at least, for such
a labor, the answer, as contradicting the accepted version, gave so
much pleasure to Voltaire that he became quite pliant and docile,
permitting Pigalle finally to complete a satisfactory model. The
story goes that the latter, fearing some unforeseen interference with
what he had accomplished, left surreptitiously in the night-time,
without tarrying any longer. It now became a question of how the
figure should be posed, and as to the dress. Pigalle had no hesita
tion in deciding to represent Voltaire nude and seated. To quote
Desnoiresterres: "If Pigalle had any hesitation, it was as to the
choice of material : marble or bronze. As for the rest, he had the
faith of an apostle."
Some thought that Diderot's influence had determined Pigalle;
Baron Grimm, however, contended that the sculptor was ignorant
in the art of simulating drapery, and that he represented Voltaire
nude for fear of doing the other badly.
In the early part of September, 1770, the public was admitted to
view in Pigalle's studio a sketch of the entire figure of Voltaire,
holding a roll of parchment in one hand and a pen, or rather a
stylus, in the other. The silence of the least exacting visitors, and
the disapprobation expressed by other amateurs more critical,
warned Pigalle that he was on the wrong tack. He did not change
his mind, however, and sought merely to do better with his living
skeleton by trying another attitude, which in no way carried with it

S2 Life and Works of
any change in his original plan. The statue, which had failed of
any modification, was executed after this last model. Mme.
Necker, alarmed, had written Voltaire, begging him to prevent
Pigalle from carrying out his first idea; but Voltaire was of the
opinion that "M. Pigalle must be left the absolute master of the
statue." "It is a crime," Voltaire goes on to say, "in the fine arts to
put obstacles in the way of genius. It is not without meaning that
the latter is represented with wings ; for it must take its flight as it
wills and where it wills. ... I have never succeeded in the arts
that I have cultivated myself unless when listening to my own
voice." However, it was not without intention that he addressed the fol
lowing well-known verses to Pigalle:
Cher Phidias, votre statue
Me fait mille fois trop d'honneur.
Mais, quand votre main s'evertue
A sculpter votre serviteur,
Vous agacez l'esprit railleur
De certain peuple rimailleur,
Qui depuis si longtemps me hue—
Que ferez-vous d'un pauvre auteur
Dont la taille et le cou de grue,
Et la mine tres peu joufflue
Feront rire les connaisseurs?
Sculptez-nous quelque beaute nue. . . .
In spite of all these hints, both in verse and prose, Pigalle stuck
doggedly to his purpose ; he had an old soldier brought to his studio
from whom he modeled with a frightful accuracy of detail, and

Jean Antoine Houdon 53
the statue, finished by these means, was exhibited two years later,
toward the beginning of August, 1772. At once epigrams began
to be showered upon the philosopher as well as the sculptor.
The King of Sweden, then in Paris, announced that he would gladly
subscribe "for a cloak" ! Another suggested "that while it was well
to have a statue of Voltaire, it was not necessary that posterity
should be able to count his ribs"! The poets were most prolific,
and many verses were penned. Stress has been laid purposely on
this unfortunate statue by Pigalle1 in order to give its history, and
to show how through its failure the task finally fell to Houdon,
giving him the opportunity to produce his immortal work.
The last months of Voltaire's life are recorded in history; the
admiration, the enthusiasm, with which he was surrounded, and the
whole of his incessant and prodigious triumph; as great, probably,
as any man has ever enjoyed. Houdon connected himself with all
this resounding praise by preserving for contemporaries and to
future generations the last likeness of this great man, and one in
deed worthy of him. Before the death of Voltaire, M. d'Angevil-
liers had already succeeded in having it granted that among the
statues to be executed by the Academy of Sculpture, after those last
ordered, should be included a statue of Voltaire. But, Voltaire
dead, what had been yielded M. d'Angevilliers out of personal re-
1 Its fate is known. This monument, raised at the expense of literary Europe, was
first buried in the Museum of President d'Hormoi. Later it was placed in the library
of the Institute, or rather at the entrance to the library of the Institute, where it is still
to be found — M. de Quincy saying that its most appropriate resting-place would be in
a "school of anatomy." The head is not wanting in merit.

Life and Works of
54 gard and to give the aged poet a pleasant anticipation of post
humous fame, was not carried out. The Clerical Party, which
opposed as much as possible all honors paid the memory of Vol
taire, would have risen in a body against this official homage ; and
it was not considered sufficiently important to provoke a profitless
quarrel by pursuing it. Consequently there was no further ques
tion of an official statue, and it was Houdon's statuette, so favorably
commented on in the Salon of 1779, that led to his being commis
sioned for the statue.
On the advice of d'Alembert, Mme. Denis, the niece and sole
legatee of the great man, desired Houdon to execute the figure in
marble, and of life size, as a gift to the French Academy. But be
fore the statue was finished, a foolish marriage at sixty-eight
years of age, after thirty-six years of widowhood, to a man younger
than herself,1 caused the men of letters and philosophers to absent
themselves from Mme. Denis's salon. In order to revenge this
slight, aggravated by certain sarcasms pronounced against her, the
niece of Voltaire conceived the idea of offering the statue, not to
the Academy, but to the Comedie, and through the medium of
Gerbier,2 the celebrated advocate and one of the Company's coun
selors, arranged to have them ask for it.
A letter was addressed by the Comedians to Mme. Duvivier un
der date of September 26, 1780, in which the signers, all mem-
1 Duvivier. There is a most amusing account of this individual in the "Souvenirs" of
Mme. Vigee-Lebrun, chapter v, translated edition, 1879.
2 Houdon did a bust of him.

YiOe.tme;

Jean Antoine Houdon 55
bers of the Comedie, represented the appropriateness of having
Voltaire's statue on the scene of his many triumphs, and citing the
affection that had always existed between himself and the members
of the Company.
Mme. Duvivier wrote the same day, acknowledging her joy
at the flattering expressions contained in the letter, and the great
satisfaction and pleasure it gave her to accede to their request, and
in the possession of the Comedie the statue remains to this day. No
happier spot could have been chosen for it than the Theatre-Fran-
gais, where nightly throngs for generations past have been able to
view and admire it.
Of the impression it makes upon beholders something may be
gathered from those who have recorded their impressions: "It fig
ures the mortality of the body and the immortality of the soul ; it
is deformity transfigured by genius." Yet another: "It displays
the union of intellectual power with physical weakness." Again :
"In its presence no other form suggests itself, and one does not see
how it could be different." In more descriptive vein: "In this
marble he lives for us as well as for his contemporaries; leaning
forward slightly, he appears to be listening to our words; he looks
at us ; he sees us ; he ponders and he smiles." And finally, to quote
from Claude Phillips : "The lover of dramatic art at its fountain-
head, so often as he finds himself within this temple of Tragedy
and Comedy, is irresistibly impelled to bend his steps toward the
foyer, there to commune with this keenly interrogative marble of

$6 Life and Works of
Voltaire, with the glance of ice and of flame. And each time-so
magical is the art <>f Houdon— is conviction strengthened that more
absolutely than even the man himself or his works does the marble
effigy express the tone of the theatre which it adorns, the keenness,
vivacity and polish of the work that it has done, its intellectual
atmosphere and that of the France of the eighteenth century, of
which Voltaire was, if not the most attractive or human, the central
and dominant figure."1
Finished in 1781, the statue was placed in the new theatre
in the Faubourg St.-Germain, when completed and opened the
next vcar. In 1794, during the imprisonment of the Comedians
and the closing of the theatre in the Reign of Terror, an inventory
was taken in which, among other objects, the statue was entered as
"belonging to the nation." In virtue of this spurious authority, in
the year 1 796, workmen, despatched by the ministry, presented
themselves for the purpose of carrying off the Voltaire from the
vestibule and of putting it in the National Institute recently organ
ized. Saint-Prix, the tragedian, made answer that this statue was
not national property but belonged to the creditors of the Society,
then bankrupt. Upon this, the Minister of the Interior authorized
his agent to open negotiations to ascertain in whom the owner
ship really lay. and, further, to acquire it for the government; but
the Comedians gave answer that they could not, and would not,
Sel1 lf- l "Art Journal," 1906, p. 225.

Jean Antoine Houdon 57
The Minister persisting in the belief that they were merely the
depositaries of it, the citizen Duvivier was obliged formally to
certify that the statue was a gift without restrictions or reservations
from his deceased wife to the Society of Artists of the Theatre -
Frangais, and was intended to remain "in their midst."
This important testimony was addressed in the form of a me
morial to the Minister, and won the cause; but, the question of
ownership once determined, the Comedians immediately offered to
cede the statue to the Museum of the Louvre, conditioned on the
payment of sums due retired artists who had contributed to the suc
cess of Voltaire's plays: Cloison, Dumesnil, Preville, etc., whom
the Revolution had deprived of their pensions. This offer fortu
nately remained unanswered, as the "seated Voltaire" was found in
its vestibule when the theatre was reopened under the name of the
"Odeon," in 1797 ;x and here it was when the great fire occurred in
1799. The statue as well as the busts was saved by the grenadiers
of the Legislative Assembly, aided by a young painter, Germain
Bevalet. A new Theatre-Frangais arose as it were from the ashes of the
Odeon. On the 31st of May, 1799, the Comedie-Francaise, re
constituted, opened its doors in the Rue de Richelieu ; but it was
not until 1806, on the ist of September, that the statue was brought
1 Not to be confused with the present Odeon, Place de l'Odeon, near the Palais du
Luxembourg, and where the statue has never been.

58 Life and Works of
back across the river and again placed here in the peristyle,
where it remained in rear of the ticket-office until 1864. At
this period the construction of a new foyer for the public allowed
of its being transferred to the large room reserved for busts; so that,
after being in the antechamber for eighty-two years, Houdon's
masterpiece was placed here on the 16th of March, 1864.
During the siege of Paris. M. Edouard Thierry, Director of the
Theatre-Frangais, as a precautionary measure, in September, 1870,
had the statue incased in thin boards and enveloped in canvas.
Strange to relate, government officials seemed to suspect this very
natural precaution as an attempt to conceal the image of Voltaire,
and so a formal notice was served to "remove the coverings that
conceal the statue of Voltaire." The following day M. Thierry
called at the Hotel de Ville, where M. Arago told him, "I am
about having a resolution adopted, by which, considering that Hou
don's Voltaire is the masterpiece of French sculpture, it will be
displaced and lodged in a safe place."
Thierry asks him to have it clearly expressed in the resolution
that the statue is the property of the Theatre-Frangais, and that it
should be nowhere received excepting as a deposit.
The "Siecle" having politely invited the Director to quit the
Theatre-Frangais if Voltaire and his statue disturbed him in any
way, M. Thierry wrote as follows, the letter appearing in the news
paper the next day:

Jean Antoine Houdon S9
Sir Director:
The Theatre-Frangais has had the statue of Voltaire encased in wood
and enveloped in canvas, as it also has that of Mile. Rachel, for the sole
purpose of protecting them both against accidents likely to occur in a
hospital.1 I thought that this precautionary measure toward one of the
wonders of French sculpture which is both our pride and the treasure of
the Society, would require no explanation.
But, as I appear mistaken, allow me to reassure your readers of the
respect entertained by the Comedie for both Voltaire and the images of
him. There are five still remaining on view : in the tiring-room of the
artists, in the library, in the public foyer (being now the large hospital),
where the bust of the author of "Merope" is always uncovered, and
where we have veiled none of the literary lights of the eighteenth cen-
Believe me, Sir, etc., ,=, ™
Ed. Thierry.
On the 7th of October, an individual from the Museum came to
the Theatre with these words scribbled in pencil on the half of an
envelope: "I beg of M. E. Thierry to be good enough to hand over
the statue of Voltaire to the bearer, who will take it to the Louvre.
Order of the Minister of Public Instruction." Signed, "F. Ra-
vaisson, Custodian of Antiquities."
The messenger viewed the statue, says M. Thierry, and came to
the conclusion that it would be a considerable labor, as in the first
place the grand staircase would have to be staged, and, he adds,
"profited by the occasion to write M. Ravaisson that the Theatre-
Frangais would view with regret the disappearance of the statue,
1 The building was used as a hospital during the siege of Paris, 1870-71.

fl0 Life and Works of
even for a little while." "On the 14th of January, 1871, the men
from the Museum removed the statue of Voltaire from its pedestal,
which is already in the corridor of the first gallery." At this point
M. de Monval adds, as if recorded by M. Thierry, "and there is no
further question in the matter until the end of the two sieges."
An examination of the published journal1 fails to disclose these
words, and their effect is misleading, for the writers naturally sup
posed that it meant the statue had been removed to the Louvre, that
having been the "question" as to its disposal. This is shown in a
note made by M. Thierry under the date of Monday, January 9,
1871: "Ch. Blanc came. Ve viewed the statue of Voltaire and
looked about together for a place where we might place it, to be
protected from a bombardment or secure against being carried off.
Ch. Blanc will speak about it to M. Villot, so that it shall be moved
to the cellars of the Louvre." The next day, Friday, June 10th,
there is a note: "Went to M. Tissot's. He does not see that the
statue of Voltaire will be any more secure in the Louvre than at the
Theatre. He urges us to keep it by us." Then follows the note of
the 14th, given above, stating that the men from the Museum had
removed the statue from its pedestal. It would appear that at this
point any attempt at removal ended, and a further reading of the
Journal explains the cause; for, under date of Sunday, the 1 cth, we
find, "This night, by intervals, terrific explosions of shells; this
morning, incessant cannonade from the southwest." Under the
1 "La Comedie-Francaise pendant les deux Sieges," 1870-71.

Jean Antoine Houdon si
16th, "Bombardment all night,— the detonations succeeded each
other rapidly and incessantly,— last night about io o'clock a bomb
fell in the Jardin des Plantes." The bombardment had begun, and
any projects formed for removal had immediately to be abandoned,
and so the statue remained at the Theatre during the fiery ordeal ;
and when a breathing-space comes we find under date of March
nth, "The statue of Voltaire is replaced on its pedestal; told Da-
vesnes, to whom the chief workman addressed himself, to give him
30 francs, the same as paid him previously." This refers evidently
to the same man having been employed at the time of the statue's
removal from the pedestal in January. Finally, on the 27th of
May, 1 871, when the Commune was almost suppressed but the
streets of Paris were still disturbed and dangerous, M. Thierry
makes his way to the Theatre and recounts : "Embraced L. Guil
lard. He showed me how he had protected the statue of Voltaire
and a certain number of fine busts in the foyer."
No, the statue of Voltaire was not removed during the two sieges,
1870, 1 87 1. As recently as 1900, after a fire at the Comedie, the
statue was temporarily sheltered at the Louvre during the rebuild
ing of the Theatre. It has long since been returned to the Comedie,
and there in its appropriate resting-place, surrounded continually
by a bank of flowers, we may bid this wonderful image, "the finest
iconic work which the eighteenth century has produced,"1 Re-
quiescat in pace.
1 Claude Phillips in "London Art Journal," 1893, p. 78.

CHAPTER IV
1777
TOMB OF MONTGOMERY BY CAFFIERI; OUR FIRST
NATIONAL MONUMENT
IRELAND gave birth to more of the American revolu
tionary patriots than is commonly known, and the second
general officer to fall in the War of the Revolution was
of Irish birth. At Swords, near Feltrim, county Dublin, Ireland,
on the 2d of December, 1736, was born Richard Montgomery,
whose father was a member of the Irish Parliament.1 Commis
sioned an ensign before he was twenty, he accompanied his regi
ment to Halifax, N. S., and saw much severe service at Louisbourg,
Champlain, Montreal and in the West Indies, promotion for which
being denied him, he sold his commission and settled on a farm at
King's Bridge, now a part of New York City, where, soon after,
he took his bride, Janet, daughter of Judge Robert R. Livingston,
to whom he was married on July 24, 1773. Later they removed to
her home near Rhinebeck, on the Hudson, and in May of 1775 he
was sent as a delegate to the first Provincial Congress of New York.
The following month he was appointed, by Congress, a Brigadier-
1 "Return of the Names of every Member returned to serve in each Parliament from
1696 up to 1876." London, 1879. Pt. II, p. 657.
62

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' tWmtrn Parts iJujJ Jt Jr./ufan, Grower da Rdtii Je jo. BiMwehcpru :,nu ¦ Jfif AtatfatfW jujh& Hotel drCbf try (t*mx

CENOTAPH TO GENERAL RTCTIARD MMNTKuMERV
PoKrirn or Sr. Pacl's Cnrkcji. Xkw \\>kk

Jean Antoine Houdon 63
General in the Continental Army and six months later was commis
sioned a Major-General for his brilliant services in Canada.
Stimulated by promotion to redoubled efforts, he planned an assault
upon Quebec, for the last day of the year, December 31, 1775, and,
in a driving snow-storm, led the attack. At the first fire of the
British artillery he fell, with his aides, Macpherson and Cheese
man, by his side.
Enemies and friends alike paid tribute to Montgomery's valor.
The government of Quebec and the chief officers of the garrison
buried him with the honors of war. Congress, at Philadelphia, on
January 22, 1776, appointed William Livingston, Dr. Franklin
and William Hooper a committee to consider a proper method of
paying a just tribute of gratitude to the memory of the fallen chief
tain. Three days later this committee reported: "It being not only
a tribute of gratitude, justly due to the memory of those who have
peculiarly distinguished themselves in the glorious cause of liberty,
to perpetuate their names by the most durable monuments erected
to their honour, but also greatly conducive to inspire posterity with
an emulation of their illustrious actions,
"Resolved, That to express the veneration of the United Colonies
for their late general, Richard Montgomery, and the deep sense
they entertain of the many signal and important services of that
gallant officer, who, after a series of successes, amidst the most dis
couraging difficulties, fell, at length, in a gallant attack upon
Quebec, the capital of Canada; and for transmitting to future ages

6+ Life and Works of
an example truly worthy of imitation, his patriotism, conduct, bold
ness of enterprize. insuperable perseverance and contempt of dan
ger and death; a monument be procured from Paris, or any other
part of France, with an inscription sacred to his memory and ex
pressive of his amiable character and heroic achievements ; and that
the Continental treasurers be directed to advance a sum, not exceed
ing £300 sterling, to Dr. Benjamin Franklin (who is desired to see
this resolution properly executed) for defraying the expense
thereof. "That Dr. Smith be desired to prepare and deliver a funeral ora
tion in honour ot General Montgomery and of those officers and
soldiers who so magnanimously fought and fell with him in main
taining the principles of American liberty."
The oration was delivered before Congress on the 19th of Feb
ruary, by the Rev. William Smith, provost of the University of
Pennsylvania, and was published in Philadelphia, London, Paris
and elsewhere; but Dr. Franklin, to whom was committed the se
curing the execution of the monument, did not arrive in Paris until
a few days before Christmas, and it was the following summer be
fore the work was put in hand. He selected to execute it Jean
Jacques Caffieri, whose employment to do this work involved
Franklin in many annoyances from him when, some years later, a
sculptor had to be selected to model the statue of Washington for
the State of Virginia, which was executed by Houdon; Caffieri, in
deed, claiming the Washington commission as a right, contending

jL.ri'TTJXSI

V. A: A--

iU'iLAA^.'Sl

Jean Antoine Houdon 65
that he had made Montgomery's tomb for glory and not for price,
as we shall see in the letters hereafter given, to which this chapter
is an introduction. The invaluable manuscript correspondence of
Dr. Franklin, in the American Philosophical Society at Phila
delphia, yields a rich harvest of unreaped material upon these sub
jects. The letters, of which the following is the first, are translated
from the French originals. Paris, 13 June, 1777.
Sir: I have asked the gentleman (your son) 1 for the names, surnames and
titles of Genl. Montgomery, the place and date of his birth, or what
time he spent in Boston, the several grades through which he passed, the
most distinguished incidents in his career, how he attacked Quebec, in
which spot he was killed, and above all the date of his death, his age and
his arms. This will be very necessary to me as I count on exhibiting a
drawing of the tomb at the next Salon. I will add a description of the
tomb and of the person for whom it is being made. You will oblige me
very much by sending me these notes as promptly as it may be possible
for you to do so. I have the honor to be, Sir, your
Very humble and very obedient Servant, Caffieri.
Caffieri did exhibit his design in the Salon of 1777, along with
his bust of Franklin. The entry in the catalogue is : "Dessin du
tombeau d'un general que l'artiste execute en marbre de 10 pieds
de haut sur 5 de large." Then follows a description: "From an
altarpiece supported by two brackets rises a broken column, on
which rests a cinerary urn. On one side of the column is a military
trophy, joined by a branch of cypress ; on the other are the emblems
1 William Temple Franklin, his grandson.

hh Life and Works ot
of liberty, with a palm-branch. Behind the column rises a pyra
mid. Under the altarpiece, between the two brackets, is an es
cutcheon and a white marble tablet for the inscription."
It appears that Caffieri had promised to give, in the description
of his design, its destination, an omission which was not through
forgetfulness, and was not allowed to pass unnoticed. The "Me
moires Secrets" say :
It is not known why the artist has not ventured to name the hero to
whom the monument is to be raised. It is a subject of general curiosity,
and indignation is felt at the offensive reticence displayed, typifying the
weakness of government, which doubtless forbade it for fear of offend
ing the English.
And in a foot-note add that "the tomb was intended for General
Montgomery, killed before Quebec, the 31st of December, 177 A'
A year later the cenotaph was finished and shipped to America.
This we know from a somewhat amusing letter from Franklin to
James Hutton of London, who had asked for a passport for a vessel
sent by the Moravians of England to their missionaries on the coast
of Labrador. It is dated "Passy, 23 June, 1778. My dear old
friend has here the paper he desired. We have had a marble monu
ment made at Paris for the brave General Montgomery, which is
gone to America. If it should fall into the hands of any of your
cruisers, I expect you will exert yourself to get it restored to us,
because 1 know the generosity of your temper, which likes to do
handsome things as well as to make returns. You see, we are un-

Jean Antoine Houdon 67
willing to rob the hospital; we hope your people will be found as
averse to pillaging the dead." Owing to the chief ports of entry
being in the hands of the British, this marble was shipped to the
care of Joseph Hewes, at Edenton, North Carolina; and Franklin,
not being advised of its arrival, wrote to John Jay, President of
Congress, from "Passy, October 4, 1779. It is two years, I believe,
since I sent the monument of General Montgomery. I have heard
that the vessel arrived in North Carolina, but nothing more. I
should be glad to know of its coming to hand and whether it was
approved. Here it was admired for the goodness and beauty of
the marble and the simplicity of the design. The sculptor has had
an engraving made of it, of which I enclose a copy. It was con
trived to be affixed to the wall within some church or in the great
room where the Congress met. Directions for putting it up went
with it. All the parts were well packed in strong cases." The
pressure of public affairs of greater moment evidently kept Jay
from advising Franklin in answer to his inquiry; for three years
later we find Franklin writing to the same effect to Robert R. Liv
ingston, the Secretary of Foreign Affairs. Passy, 12 August, 1782.
This [proposed monument to Yorktownj puts me in mind of a monu
ment I got made here and sent to America by order of Congress five
years since. I have heard of its arrival and nothing more. It was ad
mired here for its elegant antique simplicity of design and the various
beautiful marbles used in its composition. It was intended to be fixed
against a wall in the State House of Philadelphia. I know not why it has

68 Life and Works ot
been so long neglected: it would, methinks, be well to inquire after it and
get it put up somewhere. Directions for fixing it were sent with it. I en-
dose a print of it. The inscription on the engraving is not on the monu
ment ; it was merely the fancy of the engraver. There is a white plate of
marble left smooth to receive such inscription as the Congress should
think proper.
Another two years were allowed to roll by before any action was
taken in regard to erecting the monument, when in Congress, on
Tuesday, June i, 1784, on motion of Mr. De Witt, seconded by
Mr. Gerry, it was resolved:
'Whereas, On the 25th day of January, 1776, Congress did re
solve that a monument be procured at Paris or any other place in
France, with an inscription sacred to the memory of General Mont
gomery; which in consequence thereof was procured and sent to
the care of Mr. Hewes, in North Carolina, and is now supposed to
be in the care of his executors :
"Resolved, That the executors of Joseph Hewes, Esq., or the
person in whose hands the monument is, be requested to deliver the
same to the order of the Superintendent of Finance, to be trans
ported to the city of New York, to be erected in such part of the
State of New York as the Legislature thereof may judge proper,
and that the expense accruing thereon be paid by the United States
of America."
This action of Congress leaves the impression that the monument
was rather in the nature of a white elephant, which Congress was
endeavoring to shove off on some other body, an impression that is

Jean Antoine Houdon 69
not removed by the action of the Senate and Assembly of the State
of New York on November 26, 1784, when it was resolved "that
the Monument by the United States, in Congress, ordered to be
erected to the memory of Major General Montgomerie, be erected
in the city of New York, at such particular place as the Mayor,
Aldermen and Commonalty of the said city, in Common Council
convened, shall appoint."
None of these actions could have been communicated to Frank
lin, which, to say the least, does not speak well for the amenities of
our forefathers, when Franklin had had the entire burden and re
sponsibility of procuring the monument, and showed his great in
terest in it by his constant inquiries, for within a year after his
return to America we find him writing again to Jay on the subject.
He says : Philadelphia, August 24, 1786.
The monument of General Montgomery— May I ask what is become
of it? It has formerly been said that republicks are naturally ungrate
ful. The immediate resolution of Congress for erecting that monument
contradicts that opinion. But the letting the monument lie eight years
unpack'd, if true, seems rather a Confirmation of it.
Whether this last communication stirred the matter up for final
settlement, we do not know, but on the 3d of April, 1787, in the
Common Council of New York, the Mayor laid before the Board
the concurrent resolution of the Legislature of two years and a half
before, and the Board "proceeded to the consideration of a place for
erecting the Monument, and the front of St. Paul's Church in this

-o Life and Works of
city was unanimously agreed to be the most proper place. And there
upon it was ordered that a Committee be appointed to consult with
the Church Wardens and Vestrymen of the Episcopal Church on the
subject, and if approved of by them, that the Committee take order
and direct the said Monument to be properly erected accordingly."
Thus a place for the monument to Montgomery was finally ar
ranged, but it yet required time to complete its erection, and it was
not until 17S0 that this monument, ordered by Congress thirteen
years before and delivered by the sculptor to Franklin and by him
shipped t<> America within a year of the time that the order was
given, was put in place against the wall under the large portico of
the eastern end of St. Paul's Church, where it remains to-day and
can be seen readily by any one passing up or down Broadway — the
oldest public monument in the city of New York.
It is signed, "Invemt et sculpsit J J Caffieri, Sculptor, Regius
Anno Domini cbbcclwvii." The inscription is an abbreviation of
the minute of Congress which came from the pen of Franklin.
This Monument is erected by order of Congress
25th Janr> 1776 to transmit to posterity a grateful remem
brance of the patriotism, conduct, enterprize & perseverance
of Major General Richard Montgomery
Who after a series of successes amidst the most discou
raging difficulties Fell in the attack on
Quebec 31st Dec 1775 Aged 37 years1
1 Montgomery's age as given on the monument was thought at the time to be correct,
but later investigation has shown that he was thirty-nine years old at the time of his
death.

AILjIETtL&ITiii'^RIE oBIKCi>r?<I3r7 IAMT

Jean Antoine Houdon 7I
More than two score years after he fell, Montgomery's remains
were disinterred and brought to New York, where on July 8, 1818,
they were deposited beneath this monument, the history of which
has not before been told, and which it is of great importance should
be told for the "truth of history," in view of the remarkable state
ment made by the late Dr. Morgan Dix, in his "History of the
Parish of Trinity Church, New York" (Part II, page 141) : "To
begin with, the monument to General Montgomery, in the portico
of St. Paul's Chapel, in front of the great window— that monument
was ordered by the Vestry and made in England." Comment is
unnecessary, but not upon the terrible dilapidation into which this
wealthy corporation has permitted our first national monument to
fall. It is not only seriously fractured in parts, but it is generally
so uncared for that no one would ever dream that it was made of
varicolored marbles or, knowing it, could ever detect it.
That Caffieri was not aware of the neglect his monument had
received when he importuned Franklin to give him the Washing
ton statue to model, is shown by his memorial, in 1786, soliciting
"des Lettres de Noblesse et le Cordon de Saint Michel," wherein
he sets forth among his most important works :
"4. Un grand tombeau erige a la gloire de Richard de Mont
gomery, major-general des Americaine, place dans la grande salle
ou se tiennent les fitats-generaux a Philadelphie en 1777."
The print of the monument, mentioned by Franklin in his letters
to Jay and to Livingston, was engraved by Augustin de St. Aubin

72 Jean Antoine Houdon
and published in 1779, and must have been copied from the exhib
ited design, which the sculptor departed from in executing the
marble, and not from the finished monument, as the two vary in
many details, besides being reversed, as is often the case in prints
prior to the last century.

CHAPTER V
1778
BUSTS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN-CAFFIERFS JEALOUSY OF HOUDON-LET-
TERS FROM CAFFIERI TO FRANKLIN-CAFFIERFS BUST OF FRANKLIN
WRONGFULLY ATTRIBUTED TO CERACCHI-THE BUSTS OF FRANKLIN
BY HOUDON AND BY CAFFIERI COMPARED
'HE subject of this chapter is of the first importance and
interest, owing to the errors and mistakes that have hung
around it for well-nigh a century. Houdon's preemi
nence as an artist and distinction as a man have made it customary
to attach his name to almost every bust that we have of the "Father
of all the Yankees," as Carlyle dubbed Franklin. And it is to point
out clearly and definitively which is the Houdon type of Franklin
bust and which the type called the Ceracchi (which, however, we
shall show was not by Ceracchi, but by Caffieri, a fellow-country
man and contemporary of Houdon), that we shall bend our
energies. To properly survey the field and present the entire subject intelli
gently, it becomes necessary to anticipate somewhat Franklin's
arrival in France, toward the close of 1776. Nine months before
his appointment to represent the Congress at the court of Versailles,
73

Life and Works of
74 that body, as we have seen, had requested him to carry out its reso
lution providing for a monument to the memory of General Rich
ard Montgomery. Thus coming events cast their light before.
Franklin, at this time, was a resident of Philadelphia, and while
he was a delegate to Congress and chairman of the Secret Commit
tee of Correspondence, which was in fact a committee on foreign
relations, his name had not even been mentioned for the mission
that was to add such lustre to his declining years. Indeed, Ixde-
n.NDi.xci; had hardly then been thought of, except perhaps by Sam
Adams and a few of his radical followers. Franklin, too, had
passed the allotted milestone of life and but recently returned from
an eleven years' residence in England, which might have been con
sidered an immunity from further foreign service. But France
was already showing her leaning toward the revolted colonies, and
Franklin was the Frenchman's American then, as he is to-day.
Therefore he, and only he, was the man, in the mind's eye, to go to
France when the proper moment should arrive; and thus he was
intrusted, ahead of time, to select, when he should get there, the
sculptor to make the first commemorative monument ordered by
the Continental Congress.
Franklin arrived in Paris on December 21, 1776,1 and on the
1 Mme. du Deffand wrote to Horace Walpole from Paris, December 22, 1776, "Dr.
Franklin arrived in town yesterday at two o'clock in the afternoon." Lettres de la
Marquise du Deffand a Horace Walpole, Paris, 1812, Vol. Ill, p. 361, «. See also
"Correspondance Secrete," January I, 1777, Vol. IV, p. 70: "The celebrated Franklin
arrived at Paris on the 21st of December and the eyes of the world are fixed on his
slightest movement.''

Jean Antoine Houdon 75
1 2th of the next month the police entered this description of him
on their record :
"Dr. Franklin lately arrived in this country. This Quaker wears
the full costume of his sect. He has an agreeable physiognomy;
spectacles always on his eyes; but little hair; a fur cap is always on
his head. He wears no powder ; tidy in his dress ; very white linen ;
a walking-stick his only defence."
A month later, Franklin confirms this official description in a
letter to Mrs. Emma Thompson at Lille.1 He writes:
"I know you wish you could see me, but, as you can't, I will de
scribe myself to you. Figure me in your mind as jolly as formerly,
and as strong and hearty, only a few years older, very plainly
dressed, wearing my thin gray straight hair, that peeps out under
my only Coiffure, a fine fur cap, which comes down my Forehead
almost to my spectacles."
This was the odd figure that appeared "among the powdered
heads of Paris," as he told Mrs. Hewson2 the same day that he gave
the police the impression that he was a Quaker in the plain garb of
his sect. He was not at all averse that his unpolished appearance
should, as it doubtless did, intensify the character the French peo
ple had already formed of him. Almost immediately, with a
mushroom-like growth, his portrait was seen everywhere, in paint
ing, engraving and sculpture, in miniature, medallion and statuette,
i Smyth's Franklin, Vol. VII, p. 26.
2 Smyth's Franklin, Vol. VII, p. IO.

-6 Life and Works of
numbering hundreds. They were set in rings, watches, snuff-boxes,
bracelets, looking-glasses, clocks, and even in articles of household
use, until it was said by a gossip of the day that his likeness was "to
be found at the hearth of the lowly and in the boudoir of the beauti
ful." Before he was a year in Paris, Cochin had drawn him in his
fur cap, and St. Aubin had engraved it;1 Greuze had painted
his little-known but extremely fine pastel portrait of him;2Ninihad
modeled no less than five different medallions for cheap reproduc
tion ; and Caffieri had made a bust of him that was exhibited in the
Salon of 1777. This last item is pregnant with importance in our
consideration of the present subject; for so completely had it been
buried and forgotten that it was virtually unknown until disinterred
by the writer a few years ago in a rather remarkable manner.
The two busts of Franklin familiar in this country have been
known for a century interchangeably as the Ceracchi bust and the
Houdon bust, but few persons entertaining any idea of distinguish
ing or individualizing them— differentiating one from the other;

1 The following verses, written for St. Aubin's engraving of Cochin's portrait of
Frank lin, were suppressed by the censor as being blasphemous:
C'est I'honneur et l'appui du nouvel hemisphere,
Les flots de l'Ocean s'abaissent a sa voix;
II reprime ou dirige a son gre le tonnerre,
Qui desarmee les Dieux peut-il craindres les Rois.
Grimm-Diderot Correspondance, October, 1777, Vol. XII, p. 3.
2 This picture, and the only portrait of Franklin by Greuze, although many are
claimed to be by him, belonged to Prince Demidoff, and was purchased at the great
San Donato sale, in March, 1870, by its present owner, Mrs. Thomas Lindall Winthrop
of Boston, Massachusetts.

Jean Antoine Houdon 77
so that one may find in public galleries and in private collections
both busts attributed, interchangeably, to Houdon and to Ceracchi.
A decade ago, when the writer was preparing his monograph on
"The Life Portraits of Franklin,"1 he came across a letter from
Franklin "to a discontented artist whose name is not preserved."2
This letter is in the Stevens collection of Franklin manuscripts in
the Library of Congress at Washington, where are an undated and
unsigned draft in English, in Franklin's own hand, and a dated
translation into French by an amanuensis, signed by Franklin. As
this letter has not been accurately printed in either of the publica
tions where it appears,3 we give Franklin's original draft and also
the French translation. The latter has a pen line drawn diagonally
across the second paragraph, as it is here printed, which would in
dicate that this paragraph was omitted from the letter actually sent
and no notice whatever taken of the correspondent's complaints,—
a sober, wise second thought. (Draft.)
Sir: I receiv'd the two obliging Lettres you have lately written to me.
Please to deliver one of the Busts to M. le Roy, of the Academy of
Sciences, and keep the other till call'd for by M. Carmichael, Charge
des Affaires des fitats Unis at Madrid. Send me a Bill of the Expense
with a Receipt and it shall be immediately paid. Your Complaints of
Injustice, of being supplanted, etc., seem to have been founded on a
1 McClure's Magazine for January, 1897.
2 Hale's Franklin in France, Vol. II, p. 372.
3 Hale's Franklin in France, Vol. II, p. 372, and Smyth's Franklin, Vol. IX, p. 346.

7S Life and Works ot
mistake. You have not considered the 13 States of America as so many
distinct Governments, each of which has a Right to employ what Artist
it thinks proper, and is under no kind of Obligation to employ one who
has been emplov'd before, either by the Congress or by particular States.
The State of Virginia, therefore, in chusing another, tho' perhaps they
may not have made a better choice, have certainly done you no injustice.
With great esteem I have the honour to be.
(French Translation.) Passy, le 20 Juin, 1785.
J'ai requ, Monsieur, les 2 Lettres obligeantes que vous m'avez fait
I'honneur de m'ecrirc dernierement. Remettez, Je vous prie, un des
Bustcs a Mr. le Roy de L'Academie des Sciences, et gardez l'autre jusqu'a
ce que M. Carmichael, Charge des Affaires des Etats Unis a Madrid, le
demande. Aussitot que vous m'aurez envoye votre memoire quittance
il vous sera paye immediatement.
Vos Flaintes sur 1' Injustice d'avoir ete supplante &c. semblent fon-
dees sur un malentendu. Vous n'avez pas considere que les 13 Etats Unis
de l'Amcrique sont autant Gouvernements distincts, qui ont chacun le
Droit d'employer tel Artiste qu'ils jugent a propos, et ne sont aucunement
obliges d'en employer un qui a ete employe avant, soit par le Congres
ou par des Etats particuliers. L'Etnt de Virginie par consequence nous
vous a certainement fait aucun Injustice, en prenant un autre Artiste,
quoi qu'il n'ait peut-etre pas fait un meilleur choix.
J'ai I'honneur d'etre avec beaucoup d'Estime, Monsieur, votre tres
humble et tres obeissant Serviteur,
B. Franklin.
These two pieces are calendared1 with the name of "[JEAN
antoine HOUDON?]," in brackets and with a query-mark, as
1 List of the Benjamin Franklin Papers in the Library of Congress, p. 161.

Jean Antoine Houdon 79
a putative addressee. This was the suggestion of Stevens. The
date of the letter and its comment upon "your complaints of Injus
tice" showed me clearly that it could not have been addressed to
Houdon, as at that very date Houdon was under contract to accom
pany Franklin to America to model a statue of Washington, so that
he had no possible cause for complaint, while the complaint itself
was plainly directed against him on this very ground. As the only
other contemporary bust of Franklin known was the one attributed
to Ceracchi, he was the only other sculptor with whom Franklin
was thought to have had any affiliations, and this letter to an un
known sculptor was therefore assumed to have been written to
Ceracchi. Not long after the publication of my monograph, in examining
the very important Franklin manuscript correspondence in the
American Philosophical Society at Philadelphia, a new Richmond
appeared upon the field. I found the letter dated "Paris, June 13,
1777," signed "Caffieri," given in the preceding chapter. Thus
Franklin's choice of a sculptor to make the Montgomery memorial
confided to him by Congress had fallen, this letter revealed, upon
Jean Jacques Caffieri, a Parisian sculptor of Italian descent, who
was the senior of Houdon by sixteen years. The design for the
memorial was exhibited at the Salon of 1777, along with a bust of
Franklin. This seemed to be a new bust of Franklin, from the
hand of a sculptor hitherto unknown in this connection.
Further search discovered numerous letters from Caffieri to Dr.

80 Life and Works ot
Franklin and to his grandson and secretary, William Temple
Franklin. On May 3, 1780, he invites Franklin to his studio to see
his "statue in marble of St. Satyre, destined to be placed in one of
the chapels of the Royal Church of the Invalides." On June 4 he
writes: I learn by the public papers that the Congress at Philadelphia, in
acknowledgment of the services rendered by the late Count Pulaski,
Brigadier General, have resolved that a public monument shall be raised
to the memory ot that officer and that its execution shall be confided to a
French artist. Owing to that article I take the liberty to write you for
the purpose of reminding you that you had the goodness to promise to
confide to me the execution of all the Tombs that the United States of
America should have made in the future. As some time has elapsed
since there has been a question of this tomb, perhaps I have a com
petitor. However, I am indifferent to this; I dare hope to have the
preference to obtain the monument as I have in you, Sir, full confidence.
Two years later— April 1, 1782— he writes :
Sickness and the bad weather have prevented me from having the
honour of calling to assure you of my humble civilities and to pray you
to remember me on the occasion when you may be charged by the Amer
ican republic with some piece of sculpture, whether Tomb or Statue, in
marble or in bronze. You have had the goodness to promise me not to
forget me when the occasion presents itself. It is not to be doubted but
that the republic will desire to testify by monuments the happy services
of the heroes who live, as of the heroes who sacrificed themselves for
their country. My talents you know. I dare hope that you will prefer
me to any propositions another sculptor might make you.
And on May 3, 1782, he presents Franklin with "the statue of
Pierre Corneille, which is a faithful copy of the one I have exe-

Jean Antoine Houdon 81
cuted in marble for the King." The next year is a banner year of
importuning letters, Caffieri having written not less than six, each
one begging to be employed on any sculptural work to be ordered
by the United States. On January 22, 1783, he writes Dr. Frank
lin:
I beg of you to aid in having my talents employed and to be per
suaded that I shall apply all my care and zeal to prove myself worthy of
your choice.
And the same day, to the grandson :
Peace between England and America being the epoch the most re
markable of this century, I venture to believe that your fellow-country
men will hasten to render your illustrious grandfather, M. Franklin, the
homage they owe to his sagacity, and to the success attending his nego
tiations. Perhaps the Americans residing in Paris may unite to send to
Philadelphia the statue of this great man, in marble or in bronze, and I
should take pride if you would contribute toward having me honored by
their choice. Finally, if in one way or another it is desired to transmit
the great event to posterity, I claim your good offices for my talents,
which are known to you, promising you every endeavor to merit the
suffrage of your country and of my own on so happy an occasion.
On March 25 of this year he wrote:
I have just learned indirectly that the United States of America are
intending to raise a statue to the Glory of the King. If the thing be true,
it would be very flattering for me to be charged with the execution of the
monument. I beg of you, Sir, at this opportunity and at all others to be
good enough to recall me to your mind and to be persuaded of my zeal
and gratitude.
The rumor, mentioned in this letter as being afloat in Paris, of
the intention of the American Congress to erect a monument to his

82 Life and Works of
Most Christian Majesty seems to have been wide-spread over there,
although, as far as I can discover, without the least foundation over
here. The Journals of Congress contain not a word regarding it,
and this reference in the letter of Caffieri was the first mention I
ever saw of it. Yet Franklin seems to have been openly cognizant
of it and by his action to have given credit to it. Bachaumont says:'
"There is a proposition of erecting to Louis XVI, in the square
in Philadelphia opposite to the hall of Congress, a statue in bronze
with this inscription: Post Deum
Deligenda et Servanda est Libertas,
Maximis empta laboribus;
Humanique sanguinis flumine irrigata
Per imminentia belli pericula;
Juvante
Optimo Galliarum Principe, Rege
Ludovico XVI
Hanc statuam principe augustissime
Consecravit
Et aeternam, pretiosam que beneficii
Memoriam
Grata reipublicae veneratio
Ultimis tradit nepotibus
And Metra writes the same day as Bachaumont:2
The Museum of Paris held a public meeting on the sixth of this
month in honor of Peace, over which M. de Calhava presided and Mr.
i "Memoires Secrets," March 19, 1783, Vol. XXII, p. ,78. See also "Correspon
dance Secrete," July 28, 1783, Vol. XV, p. 19.
- "Correspondance Secrete," March 19, 1783, Vol. XIV, p. 190.

Jean Antoine Houdon
Franklin assisted. . . . After the concert Mr. Franklin was conducted
into the room prepared for the supper to the guests. They drank his
health and to the glory of the United States. Amid the noise of the
instruments and the plaudits of the assemblage, a palm branch was
placed in his hand and a crown upon his head. He spoke these words,
"I am very sensible at these evidences of affection that I have received.
I wish all of you much prosperity and an everlasting union between the
two countries." He then retired. I have forgotten to say to you that,
speaking of the statue that the Congress has caused to be elevated to
Louis XVI, the Liberator of America, the Abbe Brizard, in his address,
observed very ingeniously that it was the first time that a Republic had
rendered such homage to a King.
Bachaumont, in his account of this celebration of the birth of the
new Republic of the United States, adds that a bust of Franklin,
presented by M. Houdon, was inaugurated amid the acclamations
of all the spectators.1 Nearly a score of years later Soulavie, con
firming the criticism of Larousse, that his historical memoirs are
more interesting than accurate, writes:2
That country [the United States] can never forget her obligation to
Louis XVI, her benefactor. Congress voted a statue to that King at
Philadelphia, with the following inscription which I received from Mr.
Franklin. It is probably the only statue and inscription, remaining in its
proper place, to the honor of that monarch whose strange destiny was
such that the establishment of a Republic in America raised edifices to
his memory which the institution of another Republic in France over
turned. i "Memoires Secrets," March n, 1783, Vol. XXII, p. 154.
2 "Memoirs of the Reign of Louis XVI," London, 1802, Vol. IV, p. 342.

Life and Works of
Of course there never was any monument erected to Louis XVI,
in Philadelphia or anywhere else, by Congress; but Franklin gave
the rumor credence by his presence and by listening to the remarks
of Brizard ; and as he was a personal friend of Soulavie, there is no
reason to discredit Soulavie's statement that Franklin gave him the
inscription, which makes this affair all the more singular and unin
telligible, unless it can be explained as a stroke of diplomacy by the
wily diplomat. It is certainly both curious and interesting, for
which reason we have given all that can be learned of the incident.
The only action of Congress that could give any color to such a
rumor was a resolution of October 29, 178 1 , "That the United
States in Congress Assembled will cause to be erected at York in
Virginia a marble column adorned with emblems of the Alliance
between the LTnited States and his Most Christian Majesty and in
scribed with a succinct narrative of the surrender of Earl Corn
wallis to his Excellency General Washington." This was referred
to the Secretary of Foreign Affairs, and Livingston wrote to Frank
lin, December 16, "I enclose a resolution of Congress for erecting
a pillar to commemorate the victory at Yorktown," and asked
Franklin to assist him in carrying the resolution into effect. This
was never carried out, and nearly a century later, on December 3,
1879, Congress passed a resolution reciting that of October 29,
1 78 1, and appropriating $100,000 to the erection of a monument
commemorative of the centennial anniversary of the surrender at
Yorktown in its place. Whether this original resolution was the

Jean Antoine Houdon
seed that grew into a monument to Louis XVI, we cannot tell, but
great trees have grown from smaller acorns than this.
Caffieri writes to Franklin, September i, 1783:
Permit me to reiterate my request in praying you, Sir, to be so good
as to remember me in case the Congress of the United States should
erect some monuments to the glory of the nation or to the Generals who
have contributed to it.
And again, October 29 :
In reading the last Gazette, I noticed that the United States of
America has the intention of erecting a statue to Genl. Washington and
that it is to be executed in Paris. If the thing is true I beg of you, Sir,
to recall me to your mind. I have some claims upon your choice : senior
ity over persons who may make the same request to you ; your Portrait
and the tomb of Montgomery must have proved to you my zeal and
knowledge. This is followed two months later by a similar application. On
December 3 1 he writes :
I learn from the public prints that, in spite of a costly war, the Amer
ican states, to establish civil authority more thoroughly and render
commerce more flourishing, propose building a City and a palace for
Congress. I venture to hope, from your goodness, that if my feeble
talents can be employed, you will call me to mind and believe that my
eagerness and zeal may perhaps render me worthy of your choice. Be
persuaded that I should regard as one of the most glorious moments of
my life, that in which I should be fortunate enough to immortalize in
some way the most brilliant epoch of the eighteenth century.

Life and Works of
Through the following year Caffieri seems to have preserved an
almost ominous silence, which is emphasized by the broadside that
he fired during the final months of the Franklins' sojourn in France.
We have already read of Caffieri's earlier jealousy of Houdon, and
of his anonymous attack upon him as a man and as an artist, and
now we have more of it in the sharp correspondence between Caf
fieri and William Temple Franklin.
From Paris, Caffieri writes to the younger Franklin, February
19, 1785:
I have learned that M. Houdon is charged on the part of Congress to
execute two statues. I confess that, after having made the portrait of
M. franklin gratuitously and the tomb of General Montgomery, where
I contented myself with the glory of its execution, I conceived that would
pave the way for important works, and it was very far removed from
my thoughts that I should be overlooked, basing my hopes on the word
of M. Franklin, and that you did me the honor to promise to have me
in mind, should anything occur. This is why I have recourse to you,
Sir; not being able as yet to persuade myself of this preference to my
injury. If by chance this undertaking should not lie entirely with your
self and M. Franklin, I hope that you will nevertheless interest yourself
in my favor, and if the entire undertaking may not be confided to me, I
venture to expect, from your good offices and the justice of my remon
strance, that you shall have me included for some part of it.
On March 1 1, not having had a reply from Temple Franklin, he
writes to him again, and for the first time follows his signature with
his titles and address :
I had the honor to write to you last month to ask you for enlighten-

W13L&

TTTT." Tr

: H' ltr> i| ^ ipt;

Jean Antoine Houdon 87
ment upon a rumor prevalent. It is claimed that M. Houdon has been
charged to execute for Congress, two Statues, and that he has obtained
preference over me, in spite of my seniority and the promises made me.
I beg of you to tell me whether I am still to hope in this matter or
whether I must abandon it. You will oblige me extremely by answering
me. I have the honor to be entirely, Sir,
Your very humble and obedient Servant, Caffieri,
Sculptor to the King, Professor of his Royal Academy of
Painting and Sculpture, rue des Cannelles, Faubourg St.-
Germain.
On the following day Lair de la Motte, who was private secre
tary to Dr. Franklin for from five to six years, wrote to Caffieri
from Passy:
I gave an account to Mr. Franklin of what you did me the honor to
inform me of yesterday touching the bust which has been lost through
Sr. de Lorme. He is annoyed at the accident and asks you to be good
enough to furnish another one, that he trusts you will have packed like
the first one and afterwards forwarded to Mr. Bondfield, merchant at
Bordeaux, by a carrier more faithful and less costly than Sr. de Lorme,
if the thing is possible. As soon as the consignment is made, Mr. Frank
lin asks you to be good enough to advise him so that he may notify Mr.
Bondfield. He will be very glad also at the same time to receive your
bill covering all your expenditures for this purpose.
But still Temple Franklin keeps silence and makes no reply to
Caffieri's letters. This is too much for the hot-headed sculptor, and
he bursts forth again on March 31st:

88 Life and Works of
I have had the honor of writing you twice. I had flattered myself
that I should receive an answer from you, as, when having been obliged
to write to Ministers, Princes and the highest dignitaries of the Court,
they have always made answer. This oversight on your part has much
surprised me; however, it has not prevented me, according to your re
quest made by you through a letter received from M. Lair de la Motte,
from the undertaking to hand over a plaster bust of M. Franklin to Sr.
de Lorme, with advice carefully to pack and box; he even charged him
self with procuring the Passport and the covering with lead. He shipped
it on the 28th of this month, as you will see by the memorandum enclosed
which comes to the sum of 4of 14c
and for the plaster bust 96
frc 136 14
To these communications Temple Franklin replied in no uncer
tain terms on April 3, without specifically mentioning the last one,
at the same time carefully preserving a copy of his letter among his
papers. He wrote:
If I have not replied sooner, Sir, to the two letters that you did me the
honor to write me, it was simply from a feeling of delicacy, as not being
able to do so without stating disagreeable truths, and it seems to me that
you should have understood it and not reproach me on the subject. You
compel me now to speak and possibly wound you more in the answering
than in remaining silent. In the first place, Sir, M. Houdon is not com
missioned by Congress to execute Statues; and even if he were, I see no
reason why you should cry out against it as you do. The claims you put
forward, with so much assurance, are for the most part ill founded, and
some of them unseemly. My grandfather has been as much surprised as
I have, and he never imagined that, when he yielded to your entreaties
and those of his friends in giving you sittings, that a day would come

Jean Antoine Houdon 89
when you would upbraid him for your having made his bust Gratuiously;
and that upon this you would found your claim for being employed by
Congress. M. Houdon has likewise made the bust of my grandfather
Gratuiously, and moreover has sent four in plaister, also Gratuiously;
but he has not boasted of it and has not thought it a reason for being em
ployed by Congress, in preference to any one else, for works which Con
gress might deem expedient to have executed in this country. What you
also advance relative to the tomb of General Montgomery has no better
foundation than the promise which you pretend was made to you by my
grandfather. He keeps all those that he makes, and as for that, never
makes any of this nature. After receiving the price agreed upon in ad
vance for the Tomb, how can you say that you contented yourself with
the glory of its execution? Believe me, Sir, it is not thus one gains the
esteem of honest people; and when going such lengths to prove disinter
estedness, the one doing so often discloses his real feelings.
P. S. Mr. Lamotte will immediately call at M. Caffieri's to hand him
the 136L 14c. which are due him for the bust that he sent to Bordeaux.
The bust referred to in this postscript was sent by Franklin to
Sir Edward Newenham, of Dublin, a member of the Irish parlia
ment from 1769 to 1797, who was such a keen friend of the colonies
that he told Franklin, "Upon the news of Montgomery's death at
Quebec, I appeared in deep mourning in the Irish parliament-
nay, deeper than his only brother."1 Newenham had been pleading
with Franklin for his bust for nearly two years. He writes to him,
October 17, 1783, "My better part desires her most respectful and
affectionate respects to his Excellency. She ardently longs to grace
1 Alexander Montgomery— "Black Montgomery," as he was called— represented
Donegal in the Irish parliament from 1769 to 1800.

QO Life and Works of
our new study with his Bust. I have the place prepared for it.
Vessels leave Bordeaux for this port frequently." Three days later
he writes, "We are anxious for the treasure of the Bust"; and in
another week, "Lady Newenham, still anxious for the Bust, desires
her best and sincerest respects." But they did not receive it until
a few days before Franklin left France. Newenham writes to
Franklin, June 4, 1785:
This day I had infinite pleasure in receiving your most obliging letter,
and yesterday I received the Bust, from on board Captain Murphy, and
never parted from it untill I put it up in my library. I mentioned to the
Collector and other officers u.hat it was, and they most obligingly let it
pass without unpacking it; two chairmen carried it on a bier and I rode
along with them to Belcamp. Accept, my Dear Sir and much respected
Friend, for such I pride myself in calling you, the warmest thanks of
Lady Newenham and me.
When it got bruited abroad that Newenham had this bust, a
present from Franklin, the English people declared it was an im
posture, that Franklin was notoriously too poor to pay a sculptor to
make his bust. It is to this that Newenham alludes in his last letter
to Franklin, written January 12, 1786:
One amusing fiction was that I bought an old Bust of Lord Chan
cellor Newport and pretended it was yours, for that it was well known
you were so poor that you never sat for your Bust. However, many of
the Sycophants have been to see it. ... A few that remember you here
declare it brings you fully to their remembrance.
There is an unconfirmed tradition that this bust was destroyed
during the Irish insurrection of 1798.

Jean Antoine Houdon 9I
But to return to the Caffieri-Franklin correspondence. Caffieri
replied to Temple Franklin under date of April 8, 1785 :
You had good cause, Sir, to remark that your answer would give me
greater pain than your silence. I did not think myself exposed to such
an one from you, and surely you would have avoided me the pain if you
had preserved the coolness and reflection of which you are capable. It
must only result from a first movement of ill temper, that you attribute
to me low motives, humiliating to myself, drawn from my applications
and expressions. In the first place, Sir, I had no other object in wishing
to execute the bust of Mr. Franklin, than the glory of transmitting to the
future the portrait of so great a man. I was honored in making him a
gift of my talents, and I never pretended to any other reward than
meriting his patronage. That is why I took the liberty of claiming it on
an occasion when I thought I might hope to obtain it. M. Houdon, you
say, has gratuitously (a word which you please yourself in repeating
several times) — has made, I say, the portrait of your august grandfather.
This is for me but a further unpleasantness. In granting also this favor
to M. Houdon, it was almost like saying to the Public that mine had not
given satisfaction, in spite of the success it had. Certainly, if M. Hou
don had begun, I should have had the delicacy not to have followed after
him. These are honest ways of acting as observed between profes
sionals. You have as well wrongly interpreted the paragraph touching
the tomb of General Montgomery. I stated that I had made it for the
Glory of the thing, and this is the Truth. Proud in being employed by a
state just emerging into Freedom, I contented myself with covering my
expenses. I can prove this by the account I have of it. I think that
when an artist gives his time and his talents, he can claim credit of having
worked for Glory.
There, Sir, you have my misdeeds; condescend to estimate them. I
thought that, having acted with so much zeal, I could without showing
pretension hope to obtain preference over my fellow artists. Your let-

92 Life and Works of
ter has cruelly undeceived me. You might, however, have spared me
the insulting irony of the closing lines. You attribute to me conduct
unworthy an upright man and myself. I have never been guided by sor
did interests; everything proves it. If I were better known to you, you
would have rendered me the justice I deserve, and I am sure that, follow
ing your goodness of heart, you will regret having attributed to me
feelings I never had.
This seems to have closed the correspondence between Caffieri
and William Temple Franklin, but among the Franklin papers
there is a "Copy of a letter from Caffieri to one of his friends,"
which, from the dates mentioned in it, "November, 1783," and
"forgotten for eighteen months" (which would bring it to May,
1785), as well as its subject, would seem to have been called forth
by the preceding correspondence. As part of the res gesta, we
give it:
After the interest, Sir, that you have always been so good as to show
me, I feel that I should give you an account of what passed between Mr.
Franklin, Jr., and myself. I confess that I was not expecting such a dis
cussion, and as I consider that an honorable man owes it to himself to
prevent the attacks of calumny, I take the liberty of enclosing with this
letter the copy of that of Mr. Franklin, Jr., and those which I was obliged
to write him, being prevented from going out by a cold. I pray you as a
favor to look them over and to communicate their contents to Mad.  ,
that she may know the truth. I venture to add the assurance of my re
spect. You will see, Sir, and she will be able to judge, if my fervor, my
zeal and my conduct deserved so hard an answer. I could call it by a
stronger term. It is essential that you should make yourself familiar
with the facts about the Bust of which there is a question.

Jean Antoine Houdon 93
In the month of November, 1783, Mr. Franklin asked me for a bust
of his distinguished grandfather that he wished to send to America. I
had it taken to M. de Lorme's for packing. This bust was forgotten
for 18 months and Mr. Franklin, Jr., having inquired for it of M. de
Lorme in the month of March last, it was found to have disappeared,
which gave him occasion to have me written to by his Clerk. You will
find the copy of that letter, which I beg of you to keep with the others as
an authentic proof of my conduct. Jealous to preserve the esteem in
which I stand with you, I wish to show you that I am worthy of its con
tinuance. Mr. Franklin should, without doubt, have been more just
toward an honest man, and not wound him in the most vital point, his
honor. Such a continuing broadside of importunity and complaint
would be almost enough to ruffle even the equanimity of the philos
opher Franklin, as we have seen it did ruffle his grandson, and two
letters that were finally discovered, addressed to him, did accom
plish it. They are dated respectively June 10 and 15, 1785, the last
one filled with the plaint that Franklin first answered, and then
erased, in his letter of June 20, given above. Here, then, was the
unknown sculptor discovered; he whose "two obliging letters" Dr.
Franklin, with humorous satire, acknowledged among the last be
fore leaving Paris, and which are now for the first time printed.
Translated, they are as follows : June 10, 1785.
Various occupations deprive me of the advantage of paying my re
spects and wishing you health and a prosperous voyage. The period
during which I have had the honor of your acquaintance will remain for
me an unforgetable event. I shall always Glory in having known a man

94 Life and Works ot
so rare by his virtues, his enlightenment and his merit. Following the
directions of the note you addressed to me, I have had two of your busts
in plaster put in proper repair; you may, when you like, send for them.
June 15th he wrote:
I have been assiduous in making the repairs myself to the two busts
you asked me for, and they are in condition to be conveyed wherever you
may desire. I should have much preferred, if multiplied occupations had
not deprived me of the pleasure, of visiting you in person to pay my
homage and to wish you good health and a happy voyage. I shall never
forget the honor of your acquaintance, and I shall always congratulate
myself on having been led to make the portrait of a man as rare by his
virtues as by his merits, and whose works will go down to the most dis
tant posterity- If my services in America could have been to your liking,
I should have been most eager to accompany you, but you take with you
one of mv fellow artists, which is reason for me to hold my peace. I am
ignorant of the art of supplanting any one, although frequently having
experienced it at the hands of others. I had the honor of writing you on
Wednesday last; not having received any reply, I feared that my letter
might have miscarried.
Here was the hidden truth unmasked, and this discovery was of
course a clean annihilation of all claims for Ceracchi to the author
ship of a bust of Franklin; a claim that we do not know or believe
was ever made by Ceracchi for himself, but doubtless arose from
the fact that Ceracchi, who visited this country and resided here
for some time between 1791 and 1795, and made busts of Washing
ton, Hamilton and others, was the only sculptor, aside from Hou
don, whose name was familiar to our people, and thus his name

Jean Antoine Houdon 95
became popularly attached to the bust of Franklin by Caffieri,
whose name was not then known here any better than it is now.
From these and other letters of Caffieri in the great Franklin col
lection at the American Philosophical Society, it would appear
that not less than six of his busts of Franklin passed through Frank
lin's own hands, and one at least was destined for this country.
December 9, 1777, Caffieri sent a note to Franklin, accompanying
a bust as a present to William Temple Franklin, which he en
dorsed, "Caffieri with a Burst as a present." Whether this was a
slip or a pleasantry, it is difficult to tell when dealing with a profes
sional humorist. This letter has a postscript of some interest: "I
reiterate my injunction that it shall not be permitted to allow copies
of any kind to be made of this portrait. If any one should desire to
see it, they have only to address themselves to me." On March 17
he wrote, evidently to William Temple Franklin, "I have had the
Bust of M. Franklin packed up"; and two days later, "The box is
ready to despatch. You may have it taken when it suits your con
venience. Here is the memorandum and a note of how it should
be unpacked, which it is needful to send to America." This un
doubtedly refers to a bust intended for Franklin's daughter, Mrs.
Bache, as she wrote to William Temple Franklin from Philadel
phia, March 29, 1780, "I am much mortified at not receiving the
Bust. I was at a loss to understand the directions for unpacking."
June 16 Caffieri writes to the same, "Here are the two Busts of M.
Franklin that you have desired of me, to which I have given a

96 Life and Works ot
coating of wax, mixed with spirits of Turpentine, rendering them
hard and brilliant. The Bust I have had packed and these two
bring it to four Louis each, making the total twelve Louis"; and on
October 29, 1783, covering a copy of his letter to Dr. Franklin of
the same date, "I beg to remind you that I have the mould of M.
Franklin's portrait and that I can make as many as may be desired."
Whether anv one of these busts ever reached America and has
survived the ravages of time and yet exists, we do not know, as we
do not know a single bust of Franklin, in this country, indubitably
ear-marked "by Caffieri." But the letter of Franklin to the so long
"unknown sculptor" directed him "to deliver one of the Busts to
M. le Roy, of the Academy of Sciences." This was a clue to the
possible finding of an unquestionable bust of Franklin by Caffieri
not to be lost, and an inquiry at the Institute of France, of which
the Academy of Sciences is an integral part, found the identical
bust that Franklin had presented, with the incised signature, "fait
par J. J. Caffieri en I~~7-" Photographs that I had made of this
bust, in the Institute, in profile, three-quarter and full face, made it
certain that the Caffieri bust of Franklin was the type heretofore
known as the Ceracchi bust, and transferred the name of Jean
Jacques Caffieri to the busts that had been for a century attributed
to Giuseppe Ceracchi.
This was no great surprise to me, for, except upon the hypothesis
that Franklin's letter of June 20, 1785, was addressed to Ceracchi, I
had never been able to bring Franklin and Ceracchi together, or

Jean Antoine Houdon 97
even in the same place at the same time, at the period represented
in this bust, a very important incident to enable a sculptor to model
a bust from life. And yet I can hardly be accused as blameworthy
for having tripped into the pitfall, when a record of the false tradi
tion was made as early as "July 8, 1811," on which date the Penn
sylvania Academy of the Fine Arts bought from one Simon Chau-
dron for $120 the "Bust of Benjamin Franklin by Cerraci" it now
owns. At that time there were scores of persons alive who had
known well both Franklin and Ceracchi, among them no less a per
sonage than George Clymer, the president of the institution named,
who had been Franklin's colleague in Congress and with him had
signed the Declaration of Independence. If this error could be
committed so early, it is not surprising that it should live so long.
The portraits of Franklin by Caffieri and by Houdon are much
alike, as it is only natural they should be, modeled as they were by
two skilful artists only a year apart. Therefore, to typify them it is
necessary to note the direction of the eyes and the details of dress,
which are markedly different in the two busts, and by noting these
differences it is impossible to confuse one bust with the other and
misname the artist of either. The type of the Caffieri bust of Frank
lin can be defined as having the eyes directed to the front and with
a loose-twisted neck-cloth, or jabot, hanging down outside the
waistcoat, while the type of the Houdon bust has the eyes slightly
elevated, directed to left, and a waistcoat buttoned, well up, with
one button, and inside the waistcoat a straight neck-cloth around

98 Life and Works ot
the throat. These distinctions it is indispensable to bear in mind,
as only by neglecting them is it possible to confuse the bust by Caf
fieri with the bust by Houdon.
What seems more than odd is that although, as I have said, I
know not a single bust of Franklin in this country bearing the name
of Caffieri, the busts of Franklin that are most generally seen here
are of the Caffieri type, having the loose neck-cloth. This is chiefly
due to the fact that all of the busts of either type are merely copies,
which also accounts for variations found in pose and details. Not
only were there early importations from Italy of busts of Franklin,
but at the beginning of the last century advertisements appeared in
the Philadelphia newspapers of James Traquair, a stone-cutter,
offering for sale busts of Washington, Franklin, Hamilton and
William Penn, either "in the best carara marble or in Italian or
Pennsylvania marble." Traquair employed to do this work John
Dixey, an Irishman of some ability as a sculptor, and Giuseppe
Jardella, a skilful Italian carver who had been brought over to
America to carve the embellishments for the great mansion being
built in Philadelphia for Robert Morris, the illustrious financier
of the American Revolution, for the marble work of which Tra
quair had the contract. Upon Morris's bankruptcy and the aban
donment of his "Folly," as the mansion was called, Jardella and
Dixey were employed to carve busts, and Traquair presented to the
Pennsylvania Hospital busts of Penn and of Washington in Penn
sylvania marble, and to the Pennsylvania Academy of the Fine

Jean Antoine Houdon 99
Arts, in 1810, busts of Washington and of Hamilton ; while the bust
of Franklin purchased by the Academy the next year as "by Cer-
raci" doubtless came from the same factory after Traquair's death,
which occurred April 15, 181 1.1 Mr. Lorado Taft, in writing of
this last-named bust of Franklin, builded wiser than he knew.
Speaking of Ceracchi,2 he says :
Two marble busts attributed to him may be seen in the Pennsylvania
Academy: a "Hamilton" and a "Franklin," both of which are weak. The
first is a copy, however, by John Dixey, and it is likely that the more
glaring defects of the second — such as the hair carved in square ropes-
are due to another less skilful hand. However, the pose and expression,
which are undoubtedly Ceracchi's, do scant justice to the dignity of the
subjects. How different would Mr. Taft's criticism have been upon Ce
racchi's work had he known the superb original of Hamilton in the
Lenox Library, New York!
We have now given for the first time the true history of the only
two busts of Franklin, assumedly modeled from life, that we know,
—the one by Caffieri, of 1777, and that by Houdon, of 1778; and
we have laid down immutable rules for distinguishing these two
famous busts. We have shown that there is no bust of Franklin by
Ceracchi, who for a century has been credited with the bust by
Caffieri. We have shown that Franklin's letter "to a discontented
artist, whose name is not preserved," was written to Jean Jacques
'Westcott's "History of Philadelphia," chapters 417 and 808.
2 "History of American Sculpture," p. 19.

100 Life and Works of
Caffieri, and we have identified Caffieri's work by the bust of
Franklin delivered by Caffieri to M. le Roy, on the order of Frank
lin given in this very letter. Wre have learned how Franklin and
Caffieri became acquainted, through the monument ordered by
Congress for General Montgomery, and how, taking advantage of
the opportunity, Caffieri was "the first to seize on Franklin"1 and
model and exhibit his bust, which was purchased out of the Salon
"pour la Direction des Batiments." Every link of the chain i9
perfect. We do not know, however, what has become of the bust that was
exhibited at the Salon and acquired by the King. As early as
August, 1780, Pierre, the director of the Academy of Fine Arts and
first painter to the King, informs us that "M. Caffieri has delivered,
something like two years past, the terra-cotta portrait of M. Franck-
lin. This work was valued at 500 livres, but as its whereabouts are
unknown, the amount has not been paid."2 That source of data
upon every subject happening in France during the period it cov
ers, the "Memoires Secrets," has a word to say on Caffieri's Frank
lin:3 This bust shows us a philanthropist seeking a remedy for the ills of
his country. One witnesses his soul aroused in indignation, portrayed in
his countenance, altering its benignity. It appears as if the sculptor had
sketched it when receiving the order for the tomb of a general, which,
from the details furnished, it is evident is intended for America.
1 Dilke, "French Architects and Sculptors of the XVIII Century," p. 119.
2 Guiffrey's "Les Caffieris," p. 241. a VoL IX, p. 49.

Jean Antoine Houdon IOI
While Houdon's bust, when exhibited two years later, calls from
Grimm the exclamation, "What elevation of thought is seen in the
bust of the legislator of the New World!"
To the superficial observer it may seem as though too much space
has been given to Caffieri in a work upon Jean Antoine Houdon.
But it will be seen how much they had to do with each other, how
closely interwoven were their professional careers. Delerot and
Legrelle, in their monograph on Houdon (p. 113), say:
Franklin, Moliere and J. J. Rousseau are the three great names that
really belonged to this exhibition [1779J .... The bust of Franklin had
already been executed two years previously in plaster by Caffieri. It
would seem as if Franklin had been but half satisfied by this first pro
duction, seeing that he addressed himself to Houdon, as to a Judge sit
ting in a court of last resort, to correct the errors of a less able or inferior
one. His confidence in Houdon was not misplaced, and the latter dis
covered how to give to his physiognomy an expression of great elevation
and shrewdness, a characterization of nobility devoid of stiffness, of
simplicity and moderation free from affectation of any sort. Franklin
ought to have been satisfied this time, and in fact he was ; we shall soon
find proof of his admiration and gratitude.
Upon this Guiffrey says t1
It is known that Houdon had as well executed a portrait of the illus
trious savant. Houdon's work, also in terra-cotta, was exhibited in 1779.
The two artists were more than once to encounter each other in the same
field, and this rivalry, of which we shall have frequent occasion to speak,
excited an inward animosity, showing itself in various unpleasant ways.
1 "Les Caffieris," p. 243-

102

Life and Works of

It must be recognized that contemporary opinion appears to have given
the preference to Houdon, and posterity, more impartial, has confirmed
this opinion. Perhaps the incontestable and more productive talent of
Houdon caused an unmerited prejudice against his rival, and Caffieri
showed himself too sensitive of the injury he felt in the success of a
younger fellow-artist; and the relations of the two, which had begun
amicably, even affectionately, underwent a marked change owing to this
continuous rivalry ... a rivalry that was not long in changing the
friendship of youth into violent animosity and implacable jealousy.
Guiffrey then goes on to say that Delerot and Legrelle think that
. . . the bust of Franklin by Caffieri could have had but little suc
cess, as, two years afterward, Houdon was charged with the execution
of a fresh portrait of the illustrious man. This seems to be a very forced
meaning to give to so simple a fact. That two artists of equal talent,
both in search of models calculated to attract public attention, should
have crossed each other's paths in this instance as in others, and exhib
ited likenesses of the same distinguished people at the same time, seems
only natural.
Guiffrey's view on this point is, of course, the only reasonable and
tenable one, and that of Delerot and Legrelle simply absurd and
regrettable, as their client was too big a man to need any such
fatuous special pleading, while the facts as we have developed them
disprove the hypothesis upon which they builded. Franklin did
not employ either Caffieri or Houdon to model his bust. They
each did it "gratuitously." Indeed, the opening paragraph of a
letter from Houdon to some unknown person in the American
Philosophical Society, which was doubtless sent to Franklin for

Jean Antoine Houdon IOj
information and preserved by him, would seem to negative the pos
sibility that Franklin had sat to Houdon for his bust, and we have
no proof that he did. Here, in this letter, we have Houdon's own
statement that he has just then, in 1 "J 8 '3, been presented to Frank
lin. His words will bear no other interpretation or explanation,
and it is hardly conceivable, had Franklin sat to Houdon for his
bust in 1778, that five years later Houdon would need to be for
mally presented to the simple-minded, easily accessible Franklin.
We give the letter and leave it for each one to draw his own con
clusion. Paris, 8th Novbr., 1783.
Sir: The day after you had the kindness to present me to Dr. Franklin, I
called at your domicile to thank your Son for all his kindness and to
express my recognition of the debt I am under to you; at the same time
to inform you that M. Bufon proposed to carry, himself, to Dr. Frank
lin the book in question touching the mould of Louis XV. But as I
fear that the multitudinous occupations of M. Bufon may much delay
him, if you will permit it and judge it appropriate to pass over to him
mine, while awaiting the one that is to be given him as his own property,
I then beg you to send it, in order that this celebrated man may suffer no
delay in the wish he has to study a work of that kind. It will be another
incentive for obliging me and increasing the ground of my gratitude. I
am, Sir, with respect, etc., Houdon.
So far as the facts bear upon Franklin's personal opinion upon
either bust, the evidence would be overwhelming in favor of Caf
fieri's, as we have proof that the philosopher-statesman ordered at

IO+ Life and Works of
least five busts from Caffieri, while we have nothing to show that he
ordered even one from Houdon, and this in the face of the evidence
we have that Houdon presented him with four of his, "gratui
tously." The "proof" that Delerot and Legrelle say "we shall soon
find"— that Franklin was "satisfied" with Houdon's bust— is no
where exhibited in their monograph, as the language used indicates
it is. My own feeling has always leaned toward the Caffieri bust,
or, as we knew it for so long, the Ceracchi. It is indeed the head of
a philosopher, and much finer in character than the one by Hou
don, which supports the presumption that Houdon's was not from
life sittings I cannot understand Houdon's idea in giving the
eyes, in his bust of Franklin, the unnatural direction that they have ;
particularly as he was noted for his marvelous skill in the modeling
of eyes, and the eyes in this bust are most skilfully modeled, but they
have a restless energy that one does not expect to find in a jovial
philosopher of seventy-two. On this point Metra writes:1
M. d'Alembert . . . presented to the Academy a superb bust of the
author of "Zaire," by Houdon, to whose house all Paris goes to see the
busts of J. J. Rousseau, of Mr. Franklin, and of M. d'Alembert. One
has no idea of the striking resemblances of these portraits. M. Houdon
has a manner of his own for rendering eyes. Never has sculpture in this
direction been carried so far. It is to me superior to painting.
In justice all around, it must be admitted, however, that one
labors under great disadvantage in judging any piece of sculpture,
1 "Correspondance Secrete," November 14, 1778, VoL III, p. 117.

^S^ITTC^M? AAAI M lUSi'DI;

Jean Antoine Houdon I05
and particularly a portrait, a disadvantage shared in equally by the
sculptor, for it is impossible to know just how the modeler left his
work. What we get is always second-hand, and sometimes third-
or fourth-hand. In this respect the sculptor's practice of his art
differs materially from the painter's. The painter's work is all the
product of his own hand, from the preliminary sketch to the fin
ished picture, and is essentially an original work. Not so with the
sculptor's work. He makes his own sketches, fashions with his own
hand his creation out of plastic clay, and then turns his original
model over to another who makes a mould and produces a cast in
plaster or in metal. Or, if the work is to be perpetuated in stone,
an ordinary stone-cutter rough-hews the block and then hands it to a
more skilful cutter, often a man of talent not far inferior to his em
ployer, who shapes it into the likeness of the model or really carves
it in stone, also enlarging or diminishing it, if this is required.
Finally, the artist gives some finishing touches with his chisel, but
the result cannot be called "an original work," in the sense that a
painting may be so called. The clay model is the original creation
of the artist's brain and hand, which unfortunately, not being per
manent, is lost as soon as moulded, so that the cast, being almost a
facsimile of the original model, is far more valuable and reliable
than the copy in stone.
We are familiar with three busts of Franklin in this country that
are signed and dated, "houdon f — 1778." One is a plaster cast in the
Boston Athenaeum, that was given by Houdon to Thomas Jeffer-

Io6 Life and Works of
son; another is a marble in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New
York, which belonged originally to Dr. Samuel Bard, a contem
porary and friend of Franklin; and the third is a bronze, under life
size, that came from Paris and is owned by Mr. Joseph Y. Jeanes, of
Philadelphia. Of these, the plaster cast is unquestionably the most
natural, and doubtless, for the reasons we have given, nearest to the
original clay model as it left the sculptor's hands. A signed bust of
Franklin by Houdon, in "platre teinte," belonging to M. Lucien
Faucou, of Paris, was exhibited in the Pavilion National de la Re-
publique Franchise, at the Chicago Exposition, in 1893 ; another is
in the Louvre; yet another is in the Museum at Angers; and one
belongs to Mr. Edward Tuck, of Paris.
In 1802 (January 20) Dupont de Nemours wrote from New
York to Jefferson:1
Houdon has left in America a very fine bust of Benjamin Franklin,
which is now at my house. This bust is in marble, is worth 100 Louis of
our money, equalling about 480 dollars. Nothing would be more appro
priate than for the nation to place it in your Capitol ( Va.) , and Houdon,
to whom Virginia still owes a thousand crowns on the statue of Wash
ington, stands in real need of the money.
Jefferson sent this extract to James Monroe, then Governor of
Virginia," but Monroe did not think he was authorized to purchase
1 Jefferson MS. Correspondence, Library of Congress.
2 Letter, Jefferson to Monroe, February 28, 1802. Dreer Collection, Pennsylvania
Historical Society.

Jean Antoine Houdon 107
the bust without the sanction of the legislature,1 and Jefferson so
informed Dupont.2 Virginia did not buy the bust, and we do not
know what became of it. May it not be the one now in the Metro
politan Museum of Art, New York, the only Houdon bust of
Franklin in marble that we know?
Again, in the Salon of 1791, Houdon exhibited a bust of Frank
lin, which has given color to the tradition that the sculptor, when
in Philadelphia in 1785, modeled a second bust of Franklin; but
we have not been able to find any evidence that he made more than
the one bust of him, that of 1778. Any other view seems also to be
negatived by Delerot and Legrelle, who say (p. 189) :
The year 1791 proved a revolutionary period for the public exhibi
tions, introducing plebeian art to the honors of the Salon. Until then
the academical aristocracy were solely permitted to exhibit their works
at the palace of the Louvre. A decree by the National Assembly, dated
August 21, 1 79 1, suppressed this last privilege and this last aristocracy,
leaving the public voice the care of very quickly reestablishing it through
vote and criticism. Equality at the Salon was a mere chimerical hope.
Here were to be found by Houdon a repetition in bronze of his Winter;
a plaster bust of a female; some heads of children, young girls; and
former busts, such as those of Voltaire, La Fayette and Franklin.
Of course this is not definitive, as the La Fayette was not the
"former bust," but a new one.
1 Hamilton's Monroe, Vol. Ill, p. 339-
2 Letter from Jefferson, April 30, 1802, in possession of General Henry A. Dupont,
Winterthur, Del.

Io8 Life and Works of
Montaiglon and Duplessis, in writing of Houdon's bust of
Franklin, say (p. 241) :
Houdon could not fail to feel the attraction that seemed to draw all
France towards this Sage and Savant from another hemisphere, and he
must have been happy in reproducing the venerable head of this old man,
beautiful from its intelligence and honesty. He succeeded in it perfectly,
and the bust of him that he has left to us is one of his finest and most
simple. This bust is the man himself, reflective, calm, benevolent, smil
ing, and he makes us understand the man as clearly as his writings do.
It had great success, and for an inscription Turgot penned the following
lines: "Eripuit caelo fulmen sceptrumque tyrannis."1
But the last and most interesting word on the subject, written in
his seventieth year, comes from the foremost of living sculptors,
Auguste Rodin, who is a great admirer of Houdon, and deserves
special consideration coming from such a source. Rodin, wishing
to show that the portrait-busts by Houdon are like written memoirs
of their subjects, and that "period, race, profession, personal char
acter, all is there indicated," wrote this curious analysis of the bust
of Franklin:
A heavy appearance, full hanging cheeks; there is the former work
man. Long apostolic hair, a beneficent good-will; here is the popular
moralizer, Poor-man Richard. A large obstinate forehead, bent for
ward; evidence of Franklin's determination, of which proof lies in his
self-instruction, self-support, becoming an eminent Savant and further
succeeding in emancipating his country. Astuteness in the eyes and at the
1 These lines were first used on a terra-cotta medallion of Franklin by Nini, 1778.
Vide "McClure's Magazine," March, 1897, p. 453.

Jean Antoine Houdon IOQ
corners of the mouth. Houdon was not deceived by the general massive-
ness, but he detected the hard common-sense of the successful calculator
amassing a fortune, the wary diplomat who compassed the secrets of
English diplomacy. Behold, all alive, one of the ancestors of modern
America!1 The late Laurence Hutton2 made some very wild statements in
regard to Houdon's bust of Franklin and a mask of his face that he
claimed to have. These were mere assumptions, wholly unsup
ported by any authority, as Mr. Hutton applied to me for informa
tion on the subject, and when I could not give him what he wanted,
he applied to a great-granddaughter of Franklin,3 who in turn
applied to me, for him, with necessarily like result. This is merely
noted in closing, as a warning to the wary.4
1 "La Liberti," Paris, August 12, 1910.
2 "Portraits in Plaster," p. 241.
8 Miss Agnes Irwin, late Dean of Radcliffe College.
4 The following note in Scharf and Westcott's "History of Philadelphia," Vol. II, p.
1066, I have been unable to verify: "The original terra-cotta models of the busts of
Washington and Franklin, made by Houdon in Philadelphia, were taken to Paris. They
were in the possession of M. Walfredin, nephew of Diderot, in 1869-70. After his
death they were sold to M. de Montbrison." Busts of Washington and of Franklin
that belonged to M. Walferdin were bequeathed by him to the Louvre, where they now
are. Whether he had others, of course not made in Philadelphia, that were sold after
his death, I have been unable to ascertain.

CHAPTER VI
1779
MOLIERE— ROUSSEAU— MIRABEAU— DEATH-MASKS OF ROUSSEAU
AND MIRABEAU
'HE bust of Moliere, it may be remembered, is mentioned
as being exhibited in Houdon's studio when visitors were
going there to see the bust of Voltaire. The "Secret Me
moirs," under date of April 19, 1778, say: "There has been on view
for some time in M. Houdon's studio a bust of Moliere, executed
for the foyer of the Comedie-Frangaise. It is very fine." As the
paragraph just quoted shows, it was executed on an order from the
members of the Comedie, whose plan originally had been to have
a statue made of the great dramatist. The proceeds of a perform
ance on the centenary of Moliere's death, however, falling below
the sum that had been expected, the project for this statue neces
sarily underwent a modification, and on motion of Lekain a bust
was decided on.1
Here Houdon's task was a very different one from any he had
before attempted : not the faithful portrayal of a living model, in
1 M. Taschereau, "Vie de Moliere," notes.

Jean Antoine Houdon ln
which branch of art he had become supreme, but the creation from
accepted portraits of an idealized resemblance. It was natural,
from the fame and character of Moliere, to anticipate that public
expectation would not be satisfied with a mere rendition of the
poet's general aspect, but that the hidden fires of his genius should
in some way be brought out and typified in the bust.
This task Houdon accomplished with great eclat, artists and pub
lic alike joining in praising his creation. "The genius for observa
tion of this great man [Moliere] is expressed with a force, a noble
ness, that no painter has ever approached. His brow carries an
expression of profound meditation. His glance (M. Houdon is
perhaps the first sculptor who has known how to model eyes) —his
glance dives deep into the heart," writes Baron Grimm.1 In fact,
among French writers we find this work placed upon a very high
plane, indeed, certain critics going so far as to rank it as "one of the
finest inspirations in iconic statuary."2
A description of the bust is as follows : "The head of the noble
thinker, framed in its long, floating hair, the neck bared and a scarf
loosely knotted about it, is carried forward with an expression of
suppressed ardor and reflection. The poet no longer feels his iden
tity, for he sees, he listens to his genius as it speaks to him ; the eye
is observant, the nostrils are dilated from the fullness of thought
within; the mouth, fine and elegant, is slightly open, but no word
1 Grimm-Diderot Correspondance, Vol. XII (1880), p. 104.
2 Delerot and Legrelle, p. 115.

I 12

Life and Works of
escapes it; and the whole head, as deeply poetical as it is human,
sparkles with the powerful and pure reflection of a deep inspi

ration."1

This bust, which in 1779 was merely of plaster, was promptly
executed in marble, and a considerable number of repetitions gave
it wide currency. The Comedie-Francaise must undoubtedly have
obtained the first, the one now in its collection and prominently
placed in the foyer of the theatre. As far back as 1783 we find
traces of a slight controversy as to the prominent place given this
bust of Moliere. The "Secret Memoirs"2 say, speaking of some
changes made in the interior of the Comedie: "It is a pity that the
mantelpiece appears somewhat mean for its surroundings. Busts
of different French dramatic authors ornament and enrich it; but it
is not understood why the Comedians, arrogating the right to de
cide the leadership among themselves, have judged it appropriate
to place Moliere [the one by Houdon] much higher than the rest,
and by itself, as if dominating all the others." It seems that Pre-
ville, a member of the Comedie and a very celebrated actor, had
been one of the chief instigators in the movement. Voltaire's statue
was in the same hallway, and Preville had epigrammatically an
nounced "that it was not proper to present a tragic author full
length where the Father of Comedy was shown only in a bust." All
1 Montaiglon and Duplessis, p. 244.
2 Vol. XXII, pp. 360, 361. The terra-cotta of Moliere's bust belonged to Mme. Paul
Lacroix; it figured at the Salon of 1779. Grimm-Diderot Correspondance (1880), Vol.
XII, p. 103, tu

Jean Antoine Houdon 113
this, of course, has been changed long since, and Voltaire's image
holds undisputed sway as the central and dominating figure in the
more modern foyer.
Another replica of the Moliere bust found its way to the Acade
mie Frangaise. D'Alembert had engraved on this one a celebrated
inscription; it is a witty line of Saurin's: "Nothing is wanting to
his fame; he was lacking for ours"— a graceful tribute to Moliere's
memory, and a palpable allusion to his not having been admitted a
member of the Academy in his lifetime.
A third bust is said to have been placed on the house in which
Moliere was born in Paris, at No. 3 Rue de la Tonnellerie, marked
by an inscription: "J. B. Poquelin de Moliere was born in this
house the 15th of January, 1620." This was at a time before the
Revolution, when the premises were occupied by an old-clothes
dealer who possessed a great veneration for the memory of the
sublime Poquelin. A few years afterward, however, another old-
clothes broker succeeded the one just mentioned. He undertook to
repaint the front of his shop, and deemed it needful to include Mo
liere's bust in this operation. So this masterpiece of Houdon's was
daubed over with black paint and the insignia, "At the sign of the
Black Head," set up over it!
This was a little too much, even in Revolutionary times, and the
police authorities ordered the illiterate broker to restore matters to
their original state. Later, the house having been sold and the
fagade of it reconstructed, another bust of Moliere, sculptured by

„4 Life and Works of
Coyzevox, was put in the place of the one by Houdon so shamefully
disfigured.1 The Ducal Museum at Gotha possesses a fine gypsum facsimile
of the marble bust of Moliere in the foyer of the Comedie.
Following hard upon the death of Voltaire in Paris came the
news of Rousseau's demise at Ermenonville.2 He was staying in
the house of M. de Girardin when the end came. Houdon, with
that ardor which distinguished him in his art, hastened to Ermenon
ville. La Harpe, in his Correspondance,3 says: "The sculptor
Houdon has gone at once to take a model of Rousseau at Ermenon
ville, which leads one to think that death has not disfigured him."
There was much divergence of opinion as to the manner of Rous
seau's death, but it is not our purpose to enter largely into the dis
cussion of that question. A good many years after the event a friend
of Rousseau's, Olivier Corancez, in writing of him, made the state
ment that "M. Girardin, Mme. Rousseau and M. Houdon, sculp
tor, all bear testimony to a hole in the forehead, caused by a fall in
the garde-robe [dressing-room]. This hole was so deep that M.
Houdon related to me himself having had difficulty in filling up
the cavity." Later, Houdon formally contradicted this assertion in
a letter which we shall reproduce. The letter is addressed to M.
1 "Dictionnaire de la France," Tome III, p. 205.
2 According to Montaiglon and Duplessis, the news was received July 3, 1778; accord
ing to Delerot and Legrelle, July 4, 1 778.
3 Letter 89, Vol. XI, p. 62.

Jean Antoine Houdon I15
Petitain, then engaged on an edition of Rousseau,1 and runs as fol
lows: s. . 8 March, 1819.
I have delayed writing for the reason that I wished to look up and
re-examine afresh the mask of J. J. Rousseau that I took of him imme
diately following his decease. As a result of this fresh examination, I
find that the contusion showing in the forehead is evidently the result of
a severe blow, not producing the effect of a hole. I can readily believe
that the skin was injured; nevertheless, one can perfectly trace the unin
terrupted lines of wrinkles where the contusion shows.
As to the work of M. Corancez, I had no knowledge of it, and as to
the view he attributes to me, I never held it, nor could I have held it. To
any one familiar with such matters, it will be clear that it is a physical
impossibility I should have difficulty in filling up a space occasioned by
a cavity. If these details should avail you, Sir, you are at liberty to make such
use of them as you may desire.
I have the honor, etc., TX
Houdon.
At a recent period, in order to set at rest a lingering doubt
whether Rousseau had really been buried in the Pantheon, a com
mission was appointed by the French government to determine the
fact. Acting under the authority conferred, this commission made
an investigation, and in the account given in the newspapers of the
day we find as follows :
1 Rousseau's Works, edited by M. Louis Germain Petitain. Paris, 1819. Appendix
to the Confessions, Vol. Ill, pp. 178, 179'

n6 Life and Works of
"The Rousseau vault was next entered. The wooden sarcoph
agus was raised in the same manner as that of Voltaire. Within
was a great case of lead, and upon it were these words :
"Ci-git Rousseau
Anno 1778"
Then follows a description of the body as it appeared within, and,
to quote again, "M. Berthelot took the skull in his hands. . . . But
what was most important was that the skull bore no trace of frac
ture or perforation, thus disproving the long-believed story that
Rousseau committed suicide by blowing out his brains with a
pistol." Montaiglon and Duplessis say, quoting Querard1 in support of
the statement, that the original mould referred to in Houdon's let
ter, just given, as having been taken by the sculptor from the dead
man's face, "was purchased for 1800 francs in 1822 by M. Gossuin,
Jr." But this conflicts with the entry in the Sale Catalogue of Hou
don's effects in 1828, six years later, as follows:
Plaster mask moulded on the face of J. J. Rousseau a few hours
after his death. This precious impression, which is unique, was made by
M. Houdon, on the invitation of the late Count de Girardin, at whose
house the Philosopher died, on the 3d of July, 1778.
The terra-cotta bust exhibited at the Salon of 1779 was cata
logued as belonging to the Marquis de Girardin. It was very
1 "France Litteraire," VIII, 230.

Jean Antoine Houdon „7
highly praised as a likeness and a work of art. The "Memoires
Secrets" of that year say of it: "What fire in this last portrait, whose
piercing glance seems to dive into the innermost recesses of the
human heart I From a certain point of view, the illusion is so com
plete and the glance of the eye so direct and lively, that the bust
seems animated, and one feels like avoiding its gaze."
This is compared by one writer with the description of Rousseau
in life, given by Mme. de Genlis in her "Memoirs": "He had
small, deep-sunken eyes, but most piercing, and which seemed to
penetrate and divine the inmost thought of the one he was address
ing; it seemed to me that he would have discovered at once a false
hood or a prevarication."1
Houdon complained very bitterly of the pirating of his likeness
made of Rousseau, for it was endlessly reproduced. "The likeness
of J. J. Rousseau," he asserted with much warmth, "is my prop
erty." He indignantly protested against "robberies which had en
riched the thieves" and had proven as detrimental to his fame as
injurious to his pocket. As one writer says, "This audacious coun
terfeiting and the multiplicity of the repetitions, so sought after in
spite of their imperfections and the formal disavowal of the author
himself, are, after all, an indirect panegyric upon Houdon's celeb
rity."1 The best known busts now extant are the one at the Louvre
i "Memoirs of Mme. de Genlis," Vol. II, pp. 8, 9-
2 Delerot and Legrelle, p. 117.

j l8 Life and Works of
(bronze), the one at the Royal Library at Versailles (terra-cotta),
and the one at the Museum in Gotha (gypsum bronzed), signed
"Houdon, 1778." There seems also to have been a very celebrated
one in the possession of a M. Duriez, Sr., who obtained it from a
descendant of M. Le Grand de Serant, himself an artist and friend
of Houdon's, to whom Houdon had presented it.
The bronze of the Louvre is not nearly so forceful a likeness as
the gypsum bust at Gotha, which is different in many respects. It
has the shoulders draped a I'antique, and a circlet or ribbon bound
about the head, inclosing the hair. It is a smiling head with a
somewhat soft expression, and lacks the accent of verisimilitude
conveyed in the Gotha bust. Dierks makes an allusion to the "mar
ble original, the whereabouts of which are now unknown";1 but
quotes no authority for a "marble original." The bust exhibited in
the Salon of 1779 is catalogued {No. 220) as being of "terra
cotta." In the Stephen Girard collection at Girard College, Phila
delphia, is a marble bust of Rousseau in precisely the same style as
the Gotha gypsum bust.2 The description of the Duriez bust, given
in Montaiglon and Duplessis, applies equally to this one. "Here is
the man himself in all truthfulness, and without false arrangement.
His head is slightly bowed and looking somewhat to the left; the
hair is cut short; and the bust only includes the neck, which is un
covered." It would be interesting to learn the history of the Girard
1 Houdon's "Leben und Werke," p. 45. Dr. Hermann Dierks, Gotha, 1887.
2 Can this be the "marble original" of Dierks ?

,.,;: :'AA"-:-:A-

A 1LT :

Jean Antoine Houdon „9
bust; thus far, our efforts to ascertain something about it and its
companion, a marble bust of Voltaire a I'antique, have not met with
success.1 Houdon made a third bust of Rousseau with full wig,
and in the costume of the period, as a companion to a similarly ar
ranged one of Voltaire. A pair of these belonged to the Societe des
Amis de l'lnstruction of Geneva, and are now in the Metropolitan
Museum of Art, New York. It is the commonly known bust of
Rousseau by Houdon, and in many respects the most characteristic.
Houdon's name is also connected with a once proposed statue to
Rousseau. In the enthusiasm of the Revolutionary Convention of
1790, it was decreed that a statue to Rousseau should be erected
with the inscription, "From the free French Nation to J. J. Rous

seau."

The Commune of Arts, somewhat jealous of established reputa
tions, and especially of those distinguished by membership in the
Academy, asked that it be submitted to competition. The com
mittee to whom this was referred, through its president, Camus,
addressed a letter to the Academy stating that a decree had been
passed to put the statue in competition, and asking the Academy
for its advice. On receipt of this letter, the Academy of Painting
called a special meeting, held on April 16, i79i-2 Some members,
among whom were Moreau, Boizot and Vincent, maintained that
» In the copy of the inventory of Stephen Girard's personal estate, made out in May,
1839, are catalogued, "One marble bust, Voltaire; one ditto, Rousseau; one ditto, Napo
leon; and two marble ornaments, all valued at $20."
2 MSS. of the old Academy Records.

i:o Life and Works of
under the circumstances there should be no question of a choice by
competition ; that Houdon, possessing the only mask moulded, and
having made the most lifelike busts of Rousseau, would assure the
happy execution of the work, which, if done by another, would
have value only if drawn from the proofs and documents in Hou
don's possession.
But in spite of these special reasons and the support of the acade
micians named, besides the excellent argument made by Houdon
as to the drawbacks in general of competition,1 they had little
weight with the larger number. At a moment when the Academy
was already being attacked, the honor of being consulted had been
paid it. What other answer could it make but one conformable to
the wish expressed by the committee, and thus avoid the risk of
rousing fresh hatred? Commissioners were appointed, ten in num
ber, and on the 23d of April rules for the competition were drawn
up and sent to M. Camus in the name of the Academy. The mod
els were to be sixteen inches in height. Houdon, in spite of his own
strong disinclination to compete, at the solicitation of his friends
made a model also. At what time the competition was judged, and
the result of it, do not seem to be ascertainable, but what is certain
is that a year later, without our knowing whether Houdon had
been selected as a result of the competition or chosen outside of it,
the Minister of the Interior communicates to the Session of May
6, 1792:2 "That, agreeably to the decree which votes a monument
1 See Appendix "C." 2 "Moniteur" of Monday, May 7, 1792.

Jean Antoine Houdon I2I
to the memory of Jean Jacques Rousseau, arrangements have been
made with M. Houdon, and that this celebrated artist has com
pleted a model which he asks permission to exhibit in a chamber of
the Legislative Assembly."
The letter here given, from the original in possession of Mr.
Hart, evidently has reference to this very model, and is interesting
on that account. Paris, April ii, 1792.
Mr. President:
I am in receipt of the letter addressed to me by yourself and the gen
tlemen composing the Department, on the 7th of this month; I have not
ceased occupying myself with the monumental statue of J. J. Rousseau;
not only have I corrected my first model but I have constructed another
one which I submit to your enlightened judgment ; it is designed for being
placed against one of the four pillars in the Rotunda of the Pantheon,
on the right, a spot which appeared the most appropriate one to M.
Quatremere Quincy and to myself. This site necessitates a monument of
large size. The size of the one I have the honor to submit a model of is,
from the base, between 20 and 25 feet; thus I am in hopes it will pro
duce a proper effect, although a single figure and unaccompanied by any
allegorical design, which frequently detracts from the central figure. I
send with this a detailed statement of what its cost may be, either in
marble or in bronze. I am highly desirous that, in spite of this differ
ence in cost, the decision should be in favor of bronze as being more
durable and better adapted to the character of the monument. I have
endeavored to figure as low as possible, by only including the actual pay
ments to be made. As to my own fees, the glory of being chosen to exe
cute the first monument voted by the free French nation must suffice. If,
from the close economy now required in all disbursements, sufficient

12 2

Life and Works of

should be found to allow them, as father of a family my duty would be
not to refuse, but I do not claim them; I only desire to gain the approba
tion and regard which have been the incentives to the work of my entire
life. I have the honor to be, with respect, Mr. President,
Your very humble and very obedient servant,
Houdon.
I am not including the expenses of transportation from my studio to
the Pantheon, nor the placing [of the statue], because it will be much
cheaper, I think, for the Department to employ its own workmen en
gaged about the premises.
Unfortunately, this is as far as the project ever advanced. In the
session of the Convention on September i, 1795, the deputy Boissy
inquired why Rousseau was still without a statue,1 but his question
received no satisfactory answer.
It is perhaps regrettable that Houdon did not have the oppor
tunity of fulfilling his purpose. He was still possessed of all his
powers, being but little over fifty years of age, and doubtless such a
subject appealed to him very strongly. On the other hand, he had
not had the opportunity to study his model as either in the case of
Voltaire or of Washington, and while a highly creditable produc
tion would no doubt have been forthcoming, it is hardly suppos-
able, as some writers suggest, that a rival for the fame of his mas
terpiece at the Comedie-Francaise would have been the result.
This account of the proposed statue to Rousseau brings us chron-
1 "Moniteur," note in Montaiglon and Duplessis, p. 340.

Jean Antoine Houdon ia3
ologically to Houdon's bust of Mirabeau, exhibited in 1791. This
was again to involve our sculptor in the contrarieties of a compe
tition. Mirabeau expired on the 2d of April, 1791. Immediately
following his decease, the Abbe Espagnac sought out Houdon to
prevail on him to take a death-mask of the noted orator, to which
desire Houdon at once yielded. The day following, Sunday, Espa
gnac communicated what he had done the day before to a society
known as the "Friends of the Constitution," of which Mirabeau
had been a member, and proposed the ordering of a bust. He very
generously offered to subscribe fifty louis (1000 francs) toward its
cost. The motion having been carried, the Abbe ascertained the
price Houdon asked, which discloses to us what he was generally
paid; viz., 3000 francs ($600) for a marble bust, and 4000 francs
($800) for one in bronze.
One account states that, the model having been completed, it was
deemed preferable to submit the bust to competition while a de
cision was pending as to the material to be used, and recourse was
again had to the Academy for its advice, which again felt con
strained to give in its adhesion to the project. Another version is
that Houdon executed the bust, which satisfied the committee, and
then an abrupt and inconceivable retraction by the committee fol
lowed, by which it was fixed for competition. Houdon, they stated,
was an academician, and it was time to put an end to unjust distinc
tions and to extend to the jealous mediocrity of artists without
special gifts the benefits of equality. This might be all very well

I2+ Jean Antoine Houdon
for the new found disciples of "Liberte, Egalite et Fraternite," but
it was certainly very shabby treatment for an artist of Houdon's
fame and character. A further pretext advanced, that the bust was
not a good likeness, astonishes naturally, and yet we are not enthu
siastic over the Mirabeau bust, and think with Louis Gonze that it
does not fulfil one's expectations.
After this unpleasant experience, Houdon published the reflec
tions suggested by it as well as by the Rousseau incident of similar
character, embodying at the same time his views on competitions
generally,1 and their influence on art. They have been thought well
worthy of preservation, as being applicable at the present day.
1 Given in Appendix "D."

CHAPTER VII
1780
BUST OF JOHN PAUL JONES-THE QUESTION OF THE IDENTIFICATION
OF HIS REMAINS BY HOUDON'S BUST CONSIDERED
'O the Salon of 1781 Houdon made a grand contribution
of thirteen pieces, including his two famous life-size
statues, in marble, of the Marshal de Tourville, now in
the Museum at Versailles, and of Voltaire, "qui devait etre placee
a l'Academie-Francaise mais destinee depuis a decorer la nouvelle
salle de comedie, rue de Conde." But the item of greatest interest
to us among those exhibited is entered, "261. Paul Jones. Buste
platre teinte, couleur de terre-cuite." This bust of John Paul Jones
was modeled by Houdon in the spring of 1780 and so dated under
his signature, and has recently attained great significance and im
portance from the prominent place given to it in the identification
of the remains, disinterred in Paris, in April, 1905, as those of the
dauntless commander of the Bonhomme-Richard. This fact makes
this bust of the first consequence and will lead us into an inquiry as
to the verification of the find.
Paul Jones was much admired in France even before his great
sea-fight. Nearly three weeks before this memorable event, Metra
125

Il6 Life and Works of
writes J "The famous Paul Jones is awaited with impatience. The
Queen has said, in the last few days, that she wished herself to at
tach a waving plume to his hat. This was thought charming, and
at once orders were given to the court milliner, Mile. Bertin, for
hats a la Paul Jones." But it seems it was six months before Marie
Antoinette's wish could be gratified. Baron Grimm writes in May,
1780, 2 "The intrepid Paul Jones has been here [in Paris] several
weeks. The Lodge of the Nine Sisters, of which he is a member,
engaged M. Houdon to make his bust. This portrait is another
masterpiece worthy of the chisel which seems destined to consecrate
to immortality illustrious men in every walk of life." It is to the
sittings for this bust that Jones alludes in his letter addressed to the
Comtesse de la Vendahl, June 7, 1780, "I beseech you to accept the
within lock. I am sorry that it is now eighteen inches shorter than
it was three months ago. Before I had the honour to see you I
wished to comply with the invitation of my lodge."3
At this time Paul Jones was in his thirty-third year and the lau
rels he had won in his action with the Serapis were still green. He
was received everywhere enthusiastically and with marks of atten-
1 "Correspondance Secrete," September 5, 1779, Vol. VIII, p. 288.
2 "Correspondance Litteraire de Grimm et Diderot," Paris, 1880, Vol. XII, p. 394.
3 Jones MS. Correspondence, Library of Congress, Washington, D. C. In the
Calendar of John Paul Jones Manuscripts in the Library of Congress, Washington,
D. C, 1903, p. 152, this last passage is epitomized, "hopes to accept the invitation of
his lodge to return to France." Not only does the letter not say this, but "the invitation
of my lodge" was, clearly, to sit for his bust, for which purpose he had sacrificed the
length of his queue, and not "to return to France." He was writing of what had
happened, not of what was to happen.

Jean Antoine Houdon 127
tion. At the opera, to which he was invited, a wreath was arranged
over the seat he was to occupy, which, at an appropriate moment,
should descend upon his brow; but, forewarned of this bit of the-
atricalism, he begged that it might be omitted.1 He was presented
at court, given a sword by the King, and decorated with the cross
of the Institution of Military Merit, the first time of its award to
any one not a Frenchman. Sartines, the French Minister of
Marine, wrote from Versailles to "Mr. Hantenydon,"2 the Presi
dent of Congress, proposing, in the name of the King, to present
Jones with a sword and "to decorate this brave officer with the
Cross of Military Merit." At the same time he advised Jones that
the decoration had been forwarded to the Minister of France at
Philadelphia, the Chevalier de la Luzerne. Jones returned to
America, reaching Philadelphia, where Congress was in session,
on February 17, 1781, and ten days later Congress expressed its ap
preciation at the approbation of his Most Christian Majesty of
Jones's services, "and that his Majesty's offer of adorning Captain
Jones with the Cross of Military Merit is highly agreeable to Con
gress."3 In consequence of this action, the Chevalier de la Luzerne
gave a fete, on March 21st, to the members of Congress and other
persons of consideration, at which he invested Jones with the Order
of Merit, which gave him the title of Chevalier, a title which he
1 "Memoires Secrets," May 18, 1780, Vol. XV, p. 179.
2 Samuel Huntingdon.
" Journals of Congress, Philadelphia, 1800, Vol. VII, p. 32.

I28 Life and Works of
ever after proudly bore. This is the order that appears on the lapel
of the coat in Houdon's bust of Jones, the vain little sailor having
anticipated the favorable action of Congress by requesting his
friend Dr. Bancroft, from L'Orient, in July of 1780,1 to purchase
for him "one of the most fashionable Crosses of Merit of the small
size" ; as the real cross of the Institution of Military Merit had been
sent to the Chevalier de la Luzerne at Philadelphia, and this is how
it got upon the bust by Houdon when it did. In this connection it is
curious to note that among Jones's effects enumerated in the inven
tory of his estate were "12 decorations" which it is said were sold.-
All of the unquestioned portraits of Paul Jones are of the exact
period of the Houdon bust of him, and each one confirms the other
by its resemblance to it. These are the miniature by the Comtesse
de Bourbon de la Vendahl, the medallion by Jean Martin Renaud,
and the drawings by C. J. Notte and Jean Michel Moreau. Of the
last of these, Jones wrote to Dr. Bancroft, September 23, 1780,3
wishing him to give to Thevenard and to de la Grandville each
"one of the stamps done by M. Morau (I know not if I spell the
name). I mean the one I sat for when you were once present." In
writing of Houdon's bust of Jones, James Barnes, in his study of the
personal appearance of Paul Jones,4 says: "The character and the
individuality of the Commander of the Bonhomme-Richard are
1 Jones MS. Correspondence, Library of Congress, Washington, D. C.
2 "The Century Magazine" for October, 1905, p. 933.
3 Jones MS. Correspondence, Library of Congress, Washington, D. C.
* "Appleton's Magazine," June, 1906, p. 107.

,¦" TiT" VT '13-

Jean Antoine Houdon 129
portrayed in so wonderful and lifelike a manner that, as we study
it, we feel a personal contact with him. Here is the greatest fight
ing face that has ever been perpetuated in marble, bronze or clay.
Yet the determined, bulldog expression is relieved by the sugges
tion of strong mentality and humor, and, strange to say, the features
have, when taken as a whole, an effect of grace and beauty, and
more— they have the charm of a remarkable personality."
Jones, it would appear, was perfectly well satisfied with the bust
that Houdon made of him, as he presented a copy to Jefferson, for
the acceptance of which Jones writes Jefferson a letter of thanks
from Paris, February 28, 1786,1 in which he says, "It has been re
marked by professed judges that it does no discredit to the talents
of Mr. Houdon." This bust was for many years in the Athenaeum
at Boston, but has disappeared. The following year Jones sent two
busts to Philadelphia, which he intended to present in person to
Washington and to Robert Morris upon his return, but he wrote to
Morris,2 "As the moment of my return to America continues uncer
tain, I beg you will now accept the bust as a mark of my affection."3
1 Sherburne's "Life of Jones," p. 270.
2 Sands's "Life of Jones," p. 361.
3 The story told by A. C. Buell, in his fictitious book on Paul Jones, Vol. II, page 15,
relative to Louis Philippe seeing this bust of Jones, when he visited the Morris family in
the United States, for which statement he gives as authority, "Taylor's Louis Philippe,
the Citizen King," is purely imaginative. There is no such book as the one Buell cites.
W. Cooke Taylor did publish "Memoires of the House of Orleans," in which there is
necessarily much about "the Citizen King," but Jones is not mentioned or the anecdote
referred to; moreover, it was Gouverneur Morris of New York, and not Robert Morris
of Philadelphia, with whose family Louis Philippe stayed when in America.

,3o Life and Works of
He then adds, showing that the illogical and ridiculous duty upon
works of art was a thorn in the side then as it is now, "Mr. Nesbit
writes that a duty was demanded on my busts. This, I own, sur
prises me. They are not merchandise; and I flatter myself that my
zeal and exertions for the cause of America will not be requited
with such a mark of dishonour. I would rather hear that the busts
were broken to pieces than consent that they should be subject to a
duty."1 Washington showed his appreciation of the gift by keeping
Jones's bust in his study at Mount Vernon, and it appears in the
inventory of his estate appraised at twenty dollars. Upon its recep
tion, Washington wrote to Jones from Philadelphia, September 2,
1787,2 "I have received and have forwarded to my house the Bust
you did me the honor to present me with, and shall place it with
my own." This extreme graciousness fairly overwhelmed Jones,
who wrote in acknowledgment,3 "Your determination to place my
Bust with your own confers on me a greater Honor than I ever be
fore received ; an Honor which I shall ever be ambitious to merit."
Jones had evidently by this time acquired the bust-giving habit,
for a year later he writes to Jefferson4 from "On board the Woldi-
1 In a MS. "List of Furniture sold by R. M. to Thomas Fitzsimons Esq Phia May
J8, 1797," in the autograph of Robert Morris, No. 115 is "Head of Paul Jones in
plaster Paris." This was a friendly sale to protect the articles from Morris's cred
itors. 2 Washington's Letter-book, Library of Congress, Washington, D. C.
8 Washington Correspondence, Library of Congress, Washington, D. C.
* Sherburne's Jones, pp. 302-304.

Jean Antoine Houdon 131
mir, before Cozacoff," under date of "29 August-September 9,
1788": "Some of my friends in America did me the honor to ask
for my bust. I inclose the names of eight gentlemen to each of
whom I promised to send one. You will oblige me much by de
siring Mr. Houdon to have them prepared and packed up, two
and two; and Mr. Short, to whom I present my respects, will take
the trouble to forward them by good opportunities, via Havre-
de-Grace, writing, at the same time, a few words to each of the
gendemen. I shall esteem it a particular favor."
To William Short he wrote : September 15-26, 1788.
List of Gentlemen to whom Busts are to be sent: General St. Clair
and Mr. Ross of Philadelphia; Mr. John Jay, General Irvine, Mr.
Secretary Thomson and Colonel Wadsworth of New York; Mr. Maddi-
son and Colonel Carryton of Virginia.
Admiral Paul Jones presents his respectful compliments to Mr. Short
and begs the favor of him to forward the eight busts mentioned in the
above list by the most direct opportunities from Havre-de-Grace to
America. Mr. Jefferson is wrote to on this subject, and Mr. Houdon,
who prepares the busts, will also have them carefully [put] up in four
boxes. The Admiral prays Mr. Short to be so obliging as to write a line
or two to each of the gentlemen for whom busts are destined.
That each of these busts reached its respective destination seems
doubtful in view of Jones's like inquiries of Thomson and of Ross
in December, 1789, "I presume you have received my bust, as Mr.
Jefferson has forwarded it to you." 1 At all events, only one of these
1 Sands's "Life of Jones," p. 504, and Hamilton's "Life of Jones," p. 332.

I32 Life and Works of
eight busts is identified as being in existence to-day. It is the one
presented to General William Irvine, which now belongs to the
Pennsylvania Academy of the Fine Arts, and from which that more
than a century old institution has recently had cast a reproduction
in bronze.
Houdon's bust of Paul Jones received the unqualified approval
of his contemporaries. Metra writes, July 25, 1780,1 "All Paris
admires the bust of Paul Jones, the resemblance of which is strik
ing"; and when Sherburne, the biographer of Jones, applied to
Jefferson and Madison for the best likeness of the Admiral, Madi
son wrote,2 "His bust by Houdon is an exact likeness, pourtraying
well the characteristic features stamped on the countenance of the
original"; and Jefferson wrote,3 July 2, 1825, "Houdon's bust of
him is an excellent likeness. Why have they not taken a side face of
him from that? Such an one would be perfect 1" This last was the
sequel to a criticism on Peale's portrait of Jones, an engraving of
which was the frontispiece to Sherburne's book, which, Jefferson
said, "I must in truth and candor say does not recall one single
feature of his face to my perfect recollection of him."
In January, 1789, Colonel Robert Burton, who had been a mem
ber of Congress from North Carolina, which State always claimed
Jones as her adopted son, wrote to Governor Johnston,4 "As those
1 "Correspondance Secrete," Vol. X, p. 841.
2 Sherburne's "Life of Jones," April 28, 1825.
3 Jefferson MS. Correspondence, Library of Congress.
4 "State Records of North Carolina," Vol. XXI, p. 527.

Jean Antoine Houdon 133
men who have fought and bled for us in the late contest cannot be
held in too high esteem, and as Chevalier John Paul Jones is among
the foremost who derived their appointment from this State that
deserves to be held in remembrance to the latest Ages, I take the
liberty of offering to the State, as a present, through you, its Chief
Majistrate, the Bust of that great man and good soldier to per
petuate his memory. If you do me the honour to accept it you will
please send me a line." To this the Governor replied, "I have
had the pleasure of receiving your letter of the 28th of January,
respecting the bust of Chevalier John Paul Jones. I will readily
accept it on behalf of the State, and will communicate your letter
to the next Assembly, that they may make such order as they think
proper." But the printed Journals of the House of Delegates of
North Carolina fail to show that the subject was brought up for
action. It is not unlikely that Colonel Burton was a little prema
ture in his offer, for more than two years afterward Jones writes to
Jefferson from Paris, March 20, 1791,1 "You will observe that the
Empress of Russia has decorated me with the great Order of St.
Ann ; and I have appeared with that order ever since. I must beg
the favor of you to obtain and transmit to me, as soon as possible,
the proper authority of the United States for my retaining the
honor. ... I am much obliged by the trouble you took in forward
ing, before you left Europe, the busts I had promised to different
gentlemen in America. Having lately received a letter from Mr.
1 Sherburne's "Life of Jones," p. 329-

Life and Works of
J34 Burton, a former member of Congress, with whom I had the honor
of being acquainted at New York, requesting my bust in behalf of
the State of North Carolina, I have ordered Mr. Houdon to pre
pare and forward it by the first ship from Havre-de-Grace for
Philadelphia; and as that bust will be decorated with the Order of
St. Ann on the American uniform, this is one reason why I wish to
be authorized by the United States to wear that order. I shall take
the liberty of addressing the bust to you, to deliver it to the North
Carolina delegates, who will be so good as to forward it to the Gov
ernor of that State." Whether this bust, decorated with the order
of St. Ann, was ever made and forwarded to this country, is not
known, but there is no record of its having been received by the
State of North Carolina, and it is not now in the possession of that
State. A few months later Jones presented one to Baron Grimm,1 who
has preserved for us the genesis of the bust. From a passage in
Jones's "Journal of the Campaign of the Liman," dated St. Peters
burg, July 29, 1789,2 in which he says, "A Washington, a Franklin,
a D'Estaing, a La Fayette think the bust of Paul Jones worthy of
being placed side by side with their own," it would seem that he
had also made presents of his bust to Franklin, D'Estaing and La
Fayette, making sixteen in all that he gave away, and yet of these
only the one given to Irvine can be identified as in existence at this
1 Sands's "Life of Jones," p. 527. 2 Sands's "Life of Jones," p. 469.

Jean Antoine Houdon 13,
day. Two of Houdon's busts of Jones belong to the National Acad
emy of Design, New York, and there was one in the old Boston
Museum, which since its extinction has become the property of Mr.
C. H. Taylor, Jr., of Boston; but the pedigrees of these three are
unknown. Each is signed and dated, "houdon f. 1780." From one
of those at the Academy of Design, which came from the old Amer
ican Academy of Arts, presided over by Colonel Trumbull, twenty
reproductions were made in the spring of 1904 under the direction
of Mr. Frank D. Millet, and copies in bronze were placed in the
Navy Department at Washington and in the Naval Institute at
Annapolis; while plaster copies were deposited in the Corcoran
Gallery of Art, Washington, D. C; the South Kensington Mu
seum, London, England; the National Museum at Berlin; and the
Trocadero Museum in Paris. It was the copy in the Trocadero
Museum that was used in the identification of the exhumed body in
Paris. These reproductions are noted here as a warning against
future misstatements as to their being originals.
The French experts for the identification of the remains also had
the use of a bust known as "the Biron bust of Jones," from the name
of its then owner, but which has since passed into the hands of Mr.
J. Pierpont Morgan, of New York, two views of which are repro
duced in the commemorative volume on Paul Jones, published by
the government. This bust also is attributed to Houdon, an at
tribution of authorship, judging from the reproductions, I feel quite

I36 Life and Works of
sure is apocryphal. Not only does the work lack the breadth,
virility and naturalism of Houdon's work, but it lacks also the well
known signature of the artist, which was almost always placed on
the original works that this master created. I am also clearly con
vinced that it is not a bust of Paul Jones or of any naval com
mander, but the bust of some junior officer in the army, the proof
of which is found in the bust itself. It is not only wholly unlike the
unquestioned bust of Jones by Houdon in contour and in character,
as also all other authentic portraits of him, but ij decorated with
only one epaulette, worn on the right shoulder, which was the in
signia of rank of a junior officer in the armies of France and of
Great Britain in the eighteenth century. Paul Jones, as captain in
the navy, was entitled to and always wore two epaulettes, as Hou
don represents him in his veritable bust of 1780. Apart from these
undeniable and unanswerable facts, it will not bear comparative
dissection with the unquestioned Houdon bust of Jones, and it is
not decorated with either of the orders that we have seen Paul Jones
was so eager to have represented on the busts that Houdon surely
did make of him.
Neither was this bust an heirloom in the Biron family, as has
been stated, but was purchased by the late Marquis de Biron, from
an artist, who had bought it at a public sale, outside of Paris, as a
bust of an unknown man and not as a portrait of Paul Jones,
wholly for its artistic merit as a terra-cotta by Houdon; and
it was not until a supposed resemblance of it to the profile on the

Jean Antoine Houdon I37
Dupre medal of Jones, which was modeled from the Houdon bust
of 1780, was pointed out to the Marquis de Biron by an American
visitor, that it was given the name of Paul Jones.1 Mr. Frank D.
Millet, the distinguished painter, who saw this terra-cotta in Paris,
is of the opinion that it is not a portrait-bust of Paul Jones, while
he thinks it may be by Houdon; and Mr. Charles Grafly, the emi
nent sculptor, who has seen only the photograph, thinks the bust is
neither by Houdon nor of Jones.2 It was not unreasonable to sup
pose the bust was an heirloom in the Biron family, as Jones was
acquainted with his contemporary Marquis de Biron, whose
nephew, the Due de Lauzun, was serving with the French army in
America, and Bachaumont preserves a very good story apropos of
this.3 "Some days since the Marechal de Biron, desirous of enter
taining all strangers of distinction and merit, gave a dinner to Paul
Jones. This nobleman asks many questions, and by two answers of
the American, which have been preserved, one can judge of his
spirit. The Marechal, speaking to him of Captain Pearson, Com
mander of the Serapis, the adversary who gave him his victory and
glory, remarked that he had been made a Knight. 'Would that I
might some day cause him to be made an Earl.' The Marechal
1 Letters from the Marquis de Biron to Mr. Hart, March 30 and May 2, 1907;
Loubat's "Medallic History," p. xxi; Saunier's "Augustin Dupre," p. 26.
2 Lady Dilke, in her "Sculptors of France," prints a remarkable foot-note to her list of
Houdon's works exhibited at the various Salons. Under date of 1781, "Paul Jones.—
This bust is now in the possession of M. le Marquis de Biron, B.B." Our text shows
the inaccuracy of such a statement.
'"Memoires Secrets," May 20, 1780, Vol. XV, p. 181.

i38 Life and Works of
some time afterward asked if he had seen the review and observed
closely the manoeuvres of the Regiment of the Guard. 'I should
much rather,' he answered, 'have seen them manoeuvring in Hyde
Park.' The rest of the conversation was carried on through an in
terpreter, as Jones was not completely master of our language."
This brings us to the identification of the body of Paul Jones by
comparisons with the Houdon bust of him; and, to begin, let it be
distinctly understood that the bust of Paul Jones, signed "houdon
f. 1780," is a life-size bust, a fact that has been disputed; owing,
doubtless, to its beautiful proportions making it appear slightly
small, when in fact it is decidedly a large head.
The American Ambassador, in his official report to the United
States Government upon the remains of Jones, says:
To furnish the anthropologists with the required data, there was
obtained, upon personal application, permission to make all the desired
measurements of the Houdon bust of Paul Jones, a little more than
three-quarter size, owned by the Marquis de Biron, a very artistic work
representing the Admiral in court dress, with the hair curled in rolls
upon the temples. These rolls were identical with those found upon the
body. There was procured, through the courtesy of the Director of the
Trocadero Museum, a copy of the other well known bust of Paul Jones
by Houdon, one of the most accurate works of the famous sculptor, who
was also an admirer of the subject. It represents Paul Jones in the uni
form of an Admiral, and was found more useful for the purpose of mak
ing the comparative measurements on account of its being life size.1
1 Papers relative to the Foreign Relations of the United States, Washington, 1906,
p. 435- The official report is the article previously published in "The Century Maga
zine" for October, 1905, by General Horace Porter.

SIGNATURE OF HOl'OOX ON Bl'sT OF JOHN FAIL JONES
IN Ph.\'NS\l.\ AMA ACAIIEMV OF THE FlNE Ali IS, PlIll.UiKl VHIA
[Hmidnn's usual signature on his works )

Jean Antoine Houdon I39
The italics in the above are to note the inaccuracy of statement in
a matter of such importance that correctness and exactness are of
primary necessity. As already stated, the subject of the Biron bust
is represented in military uniform and not "in court dress" as that
expression is commonly understood, the only court dress for an
officer in the service being his full-dress uniform. By comparison
with what has it been determined that the Biron bust is a little less
than a quarter under life size? There is no undeviating standard
life size by which the proportions of a head are determined ; and if
the comparison was made with the cadaver the Ambassador was
seeking to establish as the body of Jones, it was making the unknown
quantity the canon by which to fix its own value. Or were the com
parisons made with the unquestioned Houdon bust of Jones? If so,
did not the great dissimilarity of form and contour and character
between the two busts strike the Ambassador and the experts so as
to make them question, if not actually doubt, whether the Biron
bust was of Paul Jones? These are mere introductory guide-
posts to lead the reader to a serious consideration of the greater
subject. One of the French experts, Dr. Georges Papillault, seems to coin
cide in this view. He says in his report:1
There exist two busts of the Admiral made by the well known French
sculptor of the period, Houdon. One of these belongs to the Marquis
de Biron and the other is from a Philadelphia gallery. A replica of the
1 "The Independent," July 13, 1905, p. 68.

140

Life and Works of

latter is to be found in the collection of casts in the Trocadero Museum,
here in Paris. Both of these were placed at my disposal, but after a care
ful examination I utilized only the Philadelphia bust; and for this reason,
though both of the busts appear to be authentic, one was evidently far
more valuable for my purpose than the other. They were surely made
at widely different periods, and the aim and method of the sculptor were
not the same in both instances. The Philadelphia bust represents the
Admiral in uniform. The head is energetic and the pose that of one
commanding. It is plain that the artist is copying life. The modeling is
very studied and precise. Every wrinkle of the skin is reproduced. You
feel that this is a likeness.
A very different impression is made upon you by the terra-cotta be
longing to the Marquis de Biron. The rough sailor has become a cour
tier. The hair is not smooth as in the first bust, but is curled and done
up in elegant braids. The face is made more refined. The artist has
attenuated its energy and diminished its robustness. The protuberances
of the forehead are effaced. It is a work full of grace and spirit, but
rather conventional. Houdon wished to flatter the weakness of him
who had become "so careful in his dress that it was remarked." There
was but one detail in this bust that was worthy of note in connection with
the matter in hand ; and this detail was an important one : the hair was
arranged exactly as on the corpse before me.
This dissection and analytical criticism of the Biron bust show
that it cannot be the work of "the first sculptor of his century," as
Charles Blanc properly calls Houdon,1 and that it is not in the least
likely to be of Paul Jones. Think of Houdon, "the true master of
his epoch," as Paul Mantz names him,2 "the great evocator of phy-
1 "Gazette des Beaux Arts," Vol. VI, p. 16. 2 Ibid.t Vol. X, p. 308.

Jean Antoine Houdon i4i
siognomies," as Andre Michel styles him,1 in his resistless natural
ism and originality, producing a mere conventional head "to flatter
the weakness" of his sitter; robbing the rugged face of the valiant
sailor of all its character and characteristics; making it more re
fined, attenuating its energy, diminishing its robustness, and ef
facing the protuberances of the forehead. Just think of Houdon,
the man and the artist as we know him, who marked the face of
Gliick with the pits of the smallpox, listening to such a proposition,
much less carrying it out. To do so seems to be to out-Herod Herod!
And as to the subject being Paul Jones: Did Jones ever show
himself to be so sapless that he would be stripped of his energy and
robustness, and have the characteristic protuberances of his fore
head effaced? He was a vain man, it is true ; but he was vain, as he
had a right to be, of what he had accomplished through the posses
sion of those very qualities that the Biron bust absolutely lacks ; and
he was vain, very vain, of the honors his prowess and manhood had
won for him, his sword and his title and his orders that he always
wore; and as he was "so careful in his dress," would he not have
had these orders fastened on this Biron bust, if it were of him, as he
did upon the unquestioned Houdon bust of 1780? Dr. Papillault
says of it and the bust of 1780, "they were surely made at widely
different periods," an impression that would strike any one, but a
physical impossibility if both are from life and by Houdon, as the
i"Journal des Debars," July li, 1905.

I42 Life and Works of
Biron bust is of a much younger man than the Paul Jones of 1780,
before which year Jones had done nothing to be immortalized by
the genius of Houdon, nor had he been in Paris to meet the sculptor.
We know that Paul Jones was in his thirty-third year when Hou
don did model his bust. His hard and hazardous seafaring, fighting
life had seared his face and added half his years to his appearance,
so that the bust looks like that of a man of fifty and is an invaluable
human document. The Biron bust, on the contrary, by whomever
it is and of whomever it is, represents a man under thirty, with a
weak, characterless, untoiled face, which leaves one to choose only
whichever horn of the dilemma is preferred,— either that it is not
of Paul Jones, as it surely is not, or that it is so poor and emascu
lated a likeness as to be absolutely valueless as a portrait of a dis
tinguished historical personage. And remember, the Marquis de
Biron did not acquire it as a portrait-bust of Paul Jones, but merely
as a work of art by Jean Antoine Houdon. This, we think, disposes
of the Biron bust, as to its being by Houdon or of Paul Jones.
Let us now critically inquire into the identification of the cad
aver, unearthed by General Porter, by means of comparisons with
the true Houdon bust of Paul Jones and "historical documents."
Dr. Papillault says very correctly in his report (p. 68) :
One must not expect to find the traits exactly the same in a bust and in
the dead face. The former represents living tissues, filled out by the
blood which animates them; whereas in the second case we have before
us a skeleton covered with tissues hardened in this instance by alcohol.

Jean Antoine Houdon i4j
Furthermore, a sculptor rarely takes many measurements. When he has
noted the principal guiding marks, he generally lays aside his compasses
and devotes his attention to catching the expression of the face and get
ting a likeness.
He then refers to the many and great "variations of the human
face and its different parts," compares the resemblance that he finds
in the bust and in the head of the cadaver, and concludes that there
is "a strong general likeness between bust and face." The measure
ments that Dr. Papillault took in accordance with the methods that
he teaches, he finds, "produce still more conclusive results"; but he
says, naively, that he does "not know what system Houdon em
ployed" in making measurements of the head, after having pre
viously said, with less naivete and more truth, that "a sculptor
rarely takes many measurements." He then explains his endeavor
to prove that sculptors are merely mechanics in their work, and not
creative artists, by the comparative measurements he made of a bust
by Dalou, "who was remarkable for veracity in art and whose ex
cessive use of the compasses was even criticized by his fellow-ar
tists," and its original; yet he "found that in this instance there
were errors," thus disproving the very hypothesis he was seeking to
uphold. In a forlorn hope to sustain the brief he had been given
to advocate, he adds, "Houdon's exactness is notable, and was most
valuable in this labor which I now have in hand." If, by Houdon's
exactness being notable, Dr. Papillault means, as it would seem,
mensuration— mathematical exactness in measurements,— we chal-

I44 Life and Works of
lenge him, or any one else who may be willing to take up the
gauntlet, to show that Houdon followed any system of exact meas
urements in modeling from nature the superb creations of his ar
tistic brain that are the admiration of the art world to-day. It is
the acme of absurdity and art ignorance to suggest such a thing, as
much so as to think of any other great master of the plastic art, from
Phidias down, doing such a mechanical job. The consensus of
opinion of the most eminent of American sculptors which the writer
has obtained, is against the measurements of a bust being accepted
as the exact measurements of the living head reproduced, as the
true artist makes but little moment of measuring and is likely to
vary in his work from the measurements of nature, exaggerating
parts, either plus or minus, to produce a desired effect. The truth is
that the sculptor seeks to express character and general lifelikeness,
not the mathematical measurements of the subject, and therefore,
while Houdon unquestionably was very exact, he may have been
also very inaccurate ; consequently, to take a work of art to prove a
scientific fact seems, to say the least, most unscientific.
I have thus given a complete summary of all the points made by
Dr. Papillault in his report, which is the only rational one offered
to us,1 so as to give him its full benefit, but cui bono? Has he not
cut the measuring-ground from under his own feet when he says,
1 I take no note of the autopsy and the anatomo-pathological remarks thereon of
Dr. Capitan, as I have no qualification for the task, and medical men of the first rank in

Jean Antoine Houdon i45
"One must not expect to find the traits exactly the same in a bust
and in the dead face"? This is undeniably true. Then of what
value are his respective measurements of the Houdon bust of Paul
Jones and of the disinterred cadaver? All their comparison can
possibly signify, if anything, is a remarkable coincidence, such as is
frequently met with in daily affairs by each one of us— "only this
and nothing more." The coincidence of the two restored noses on
the two different busts of La Fayette by Houdon, as related on an
other page, seems to be much more remarkable. Had Dr. Papil
lault frankly avowed this position, as the only logical sequence to
be deduced from his premise, he would have commanded greater
respect for his work, as would General Porter did he not ask the
people of this broad land and the world at large, scientific as well
as lay, to accept his proposition upon what he calls "the principle
of elimination," that, because five leaden coffins were found and
"four having been easily identified" as not of Paul Jones, "the other
must be the coffin sought."1
That the veritable coffin containing the remains of so distin
guished a personage as Paul Jones, whose body at the time it was
interred was interred only temporarily, — as it was supposed most
naturally that his adopted country, which he had served so signally
this country consider it impossible to make a scientific autopsy, that could be of any
value or significance in an examination of this character, upon a body that had been
buried for more than a century.
1 Official Report, p. 433.

6 Life and Works of
and so well, would desire to disinter and remove it to its own land,
for permanent burial,1— was put into the ground without a plate,
or any other sign of identification upon it, to indicate whose body
was contained therein, is taxing credulity too far.
Dr. Papillault sums up (p. 69) that "the age, height, color of the
hair and six dimensions of the face which were known, were also
repeated on the corpse." He forgets that he has said (p. 66), "The
age of a person cannot be exactly fixed by the examination of the
corpse. . . . The body before us had reached maturity and could
have the age which Paul Jones had." So the first point of the four
that "were known"— the age— was not found repeated in the
corpse, because, as Dr. Papillault himself says, the examination of
a corpse will not fix the age.
The second point— height— of the four that Dr. Papillault says
"were known," I challenge. The height given by General Porter
to the experts— "5 feet 7 inches"— and which Dr. Papillault says
was a most important fact (p. 67) , is a forgery by Buell in his cap
tivating book of fiction, which every scholar knows is unauthentic
and valueless. On this point of Jones's height and appearance,
General Porter, in his "Official Certification of the American Em
bassy and Consulate of the Identification of the Body of Ad
miral John Paul Jones,"2 says that Paul Jones "was 5 feet 7
inches tall, slender in build, of exquisitely symmetrical form, with
noticeably perfect development of limbs (Anecdotes of the Court
1 Official Report, p. 428. 2 Official Report, p. 443.

Jean Antoine Houdon i47
of Louis XVI)." From this quotation and citation of authority,
it would naturally be supposed that General Porter was citing di
rect from the work he names, even though he does fail to give refer
ence to the page of his citation. But he is not. His quotation is
copied, without any attempt at verification, or he would have had
some insight into its character, from Buell, Vol. I, p. 322, where it
is ascribed to the "Anecdotes," also without the page being given
for reference. Now Buell was a very cunning and adroit literary
forger, quite worthy of entering the ranks with Chatterton and
Ireland. He was wary and surveyed his field well before commit
ting the overt act, in his endeavor to conceal the perpetration of
his forgeries. This is admirably illustrated in his use of the
"Anecdotes." In his list of the works he pretends to have con
sulted in the preparation of his book (Vol. II, p. 358), there
appear "Historical Anecdotes of the Court of Louis XV, by Sou
lavie," and "Historical Anecdotes of the Court of Louis XVI,
anonymous," without any imprint or edition being given of either.
A thorough examination of bibliographies and catalogues of public
libraries here and abroad has discovered the fact that books with
these titles have never even been published, both being Buell's in
vention. Soulavie did publish, in 1802, "Memoires historiques et
politiques du Regne de Louis XVI," in six volumes, but it contains
no reference whatever to Paul Jones from the first page to the last.
The deduction is obvious. Buell fabricated every word that he
pretended to quote from the "Anecdotes," just as he did Jones's

I48 Life and Works of
bequest of his sword to Dale,1 and a mass of other entertaining mat
ter in his volumes, so that the "historical documents" for Jones's
height, given by Ambassador Porter to the experts, instead of being
from the volume he gives as though his own original authority, are
Buell's forgery.
The only statement of any value that we have of Jones's stature is
that given by Sands, who compiled the memoir for the family : "He
was of the middle size, if not rather under."2 This Buell made "5
feet 7 inches," and Brady, with rather more show of reason but no
greater right, "c feet 5 inches."3 Thus the ground again is cut
completely from under the feet of General Porter and Dr. Pa
pillault, and the height of Jones, which they put down among the
points that "were known," is still an unknown quantity, and conse
quently the comparative measurements of the height of the cadaver
are utterly worthless in identifying the body as that of Paul Jones.
Likewise, the color of the hair, which General Porter accepts, is
that given by Buell from the forged "Anecdotes" : "His hair and
eyebrows are black." General Porter, seeing that the hair of his
cadaver was not black, and not wishing publicly to stultify the star
authority he was using, makes it "very dark brown— generally
speaking, might be called black." This, however, was not the
color of Paul Jones's hair. We have the very best evidence pos-
1 "History of the Sword Presented by Louis XVI to John Paul Jones," by Charles
Henry Hart. Proc. U. S. Naval Inst., Vol. XXXIII, p. 712.
2 Sands's Jones, p. 550.
8 Brady's Jones, p. 424.

Jean Antoine Houdon I49
sibie as to the color of Jones's hair, and that is the hair itself.
As if to provide against just such a contingency as has happened,
Jones had preserved for us a lock of the hair of his head; and not
merely a few strands, but a long coil. As we have already stated,
at the same period as Jones sat for Houdon, he sat to the Comtesse
Bourbon de la Vendahl, an accomplished amateur, for a miniature
which she painted of him, and for the setting of which she doubt
less wanted the lock of his hair that he sent to her in the letter of
June 7, 1780, heretofore quoted. This miniature, with the finely
braided lock of Jones's hair in the back, around a blue enameled
medallion bearing Jones's initials, "J. P. J.," interlaced in gold, is
in the museum of the United States Naval Institute at Annapolis,
Md.,1 and the color of the hair is reddish brown, a dark sandy, as it
should be on the head of a typical Scotsman, and not "very dark
brown," that any one could possibly call black. So that as to the
third point— the color of the hair, instead of being "identical" with
that on the exhumed body, as General Porter says it is, is nothing
whatever like it.
The last of the four propositions that Dr. Papillault says "were
known" — six dimensions of the face— is certainly a most unwar
rantable and audacious assertion. What semblance of authority is
there for this statement? Not even the romance-writer Buell goes
so far. Doubtless what Dr. Papillault meant was that six dimen-
1 "The Naval Academy Miniature of John Paul Jones," by Prof. Philip R. Alger.
Proceedings U. S. Naval Inst, Vol. XXXI, p. 585.

, -0 Life and Works of
sions of the Houdon bust were known, not six dimensions of the
human face of Paul Jones. Of course he knew the dimensions of
the bust, for had he not taken them himself? But of what value are
the measurements of the bust, for comparison with other measure
ments, until it is proved first, beyond peradventure, that Houdon,
whom Louis Gonze calls "the magician interpreter of the human
face,"1 was a mere mechanic, with his calipers and his tape-line
always in his hand, if his measurements have the scientific value
sought to be given them in this matter of the identification of the
remains of Jones, and not, as he is universally esteemed, easily the
first creative sculptor of his time and of his land? This seems to be
so palpably true that he who runs may read, and therefore it can
profit nothing to discuss this point further. Thus the four props
of the foundation of the identification of the unearthed cadaver are
cut away, with the inevitable result of a definitive collapse, leav
ing the identity of the body taken to Annapolis, for governmental
ceremonial and interment2 as the veritable body of Paul Jones, to
say the least, "Not proven" ; and it is not, in the most distant degree,
likely to be the true remains of that distinguished man. This result
flows of a necessity from the situation as it exists, and which is ex
actly in accord with the dogma of Dr. Papillault when he says (p.
66), "The problem which we had to solve was especially difficult
and complex. In the first place, it was necessary to study all the
1 "Les Chefs d'CEuvres des Musees de France."
2 It has not yet — December, 1911 — been interred.

Jean Antoine Houdon 15I
historical documents concerning the Admiral which it had been
possible to bring together, and to compare them with the data fur
nished by a careful examination of the body. A single well estab
lished discord between these two sets of facts would suffice to put an
end to the demonstration." As we have shown, beyond a doubt or
question, that the "historical documents" used are forgeries, pure
and simple, the parallel between them and the body signifies noth
ing but coincidence, and, as Dr. Papillault himself says, puts "an
end to the demonstration."
Notwithstanding this conclusive judgment in the case, there is
one point to be considered, of great importance and significance,
as cumulative evidence against the identity of the exhumed remains.
The coffin containing these remains was taken from the ground on
April 7, 1905, and in the night of the 8th was transferred to the
ficole de Medecine, where a photograph of the body was taken,
which is now before me, signed "F. Monpillard, 11 avril, 1905."
This photograph shows that the nose of the man buried in the ex
humed coffin was "terribly arched and aquiline," to use Cowper's
expression in "The Task," from the root, a pronounced Roman
nose, almost Semitic in its convexity; while the most casual glance
at the Houdon bust of Jones will show the nose there to be "con
cave from the root and enlarged at the tip,"1 almost a pug nose, or
perhaps, in its thickness at the nostrils, more like the nose in the
negroid races. This marked difference can be seen in a poor repro-
1 Brady's Jones, p. 425.

,S2 Life and Works of
duction of the head, enlarged from this photograph, in "The Cen
tury Magazine" for October, 1905, page 944, where, however, the
flattened appearance below the bridge of the nose must have been
introduced into the plate, as it is not like this in the original photo
graph. The query naturally arises, What do the experts say on this
notable difference, the most important problem that confronted
them? Not one word. The only reference to the nose in the re
ports of the experts is on page 68, where Dr. Papillault says, "The
root of the nose does not turn in, as frequently happens, and the
bridge is thin." The importance of these words, in this connection,
cannot be lost. The root of the nose in the true Houdon bust of
Jones docs turn in and the bridge is thick.
A variance so irreconcilable as this induced the writer, in July
of 1905, to make a personal inquiry of General Porter, as to how
he and the French savants "reconcile the utter dissimilarity of the
noses in the cadaver and the Houdon bust." To this General Porter
courteously replied that "when Paul Jones was buried his long hair
was gathered in a bag at the back of his head. This raised the head
so high that the lid of the coffin flattened it, pressed it over to the
right and distorted this feature. At the angle at which the photo
graph was taken the nose appears Roman or aquiline, instead of
straight. The anthropologists pay no attention to the cartilaginous
portions of the body in making their comparisons, as these are sub
ject to change in the best preserved body. They measure only the
bony or solid structures." In acknowledging General Porter's

Jean Antoine Houdon IC3
communication I said, with absolute frankness, "Accepting all that
you say on the subject, I do not feel that the case is made out. This
view is very materially strengthened by the publication of the re
port of the professors of the Paris Anthropological School, in 'The
Independent' for July 13, which I have only seen since the receipt
of your reply, in which not one word is said, either for or against,
of the differences between the nose on the cadaver and on the Hou
don bust. This I consider a crucial point against the opinion of the
experts and their identification of the body. Why silent upon a
point so prominent that it cannot be given the go-by? You very
properly say in your letter to me, 'The anthropologists pay no at
tention to the cartilaginous portions of the body, as they are subject
to change.' For the purposes of this inquiry it is not necessary to
consider the cartilaginous portions of the nose at all. The nasal
bone is all-sufficient for the purpose. In the cadaver it starts out
from the root direct— aquiline, Roman, Hebraic. Impossible for
it to be more pronounced in its form, and this is the nasal bone, not
the cartilage. It is absolutely convex from the root. In the Phila
delphia Houdon bust— the identical one the experts say they used1
—the nasal bone, from its root direct, is positively concave, beyond
the possibility of a doubt. This is so plainly and clearly a fact,
apparent to the most casual and inexpert observer, that it is beyond
the dogma of opinion. Such being the case, the fact is hardly ex-
1 In fact, they did not use the Philadelphia Houdon bust of Jones, but a recent cast,
in the Trocadero Museum, Paris, from a bust in New York.

,54 Jean Antoine Houdon
plained away by the statement that the bag containing the body's
hair raised the head into contact with the lid of the coffin and
changed the nose from a concave to a convex. Pressure from above
might possibly have changed a convex to a concave, but impossible
to have pushed a depressed nasal bone up from below, so as to be
come convex. The identity of a body that is to receive the homage
and honor of a great nation is too important to allow any senti
mental feeling to stand in the way of a most thorough investigation
by those competent to form an opinion, as well in this country as in
France." General Porter's answer was that he was writing a full account
of the recovery of Paul Jones's body, and "as you take so much in
terest in the case, I shall have great pleasure in sending you a copy."
This account was his official report, published as a magazine article
in "The Century" for October, 1905, to which frequent reference
has been made in this discussion, so that it can be examined in con
nection with the views here expressed, always bearing in mind that
the most important of the "historical documents" upon which it is
based are nothing but forgeries, without any authority whatever,
and that the bust of John Paul Jones, by Jean Antoine Houdon, is
an artistic creation and not an artisan's construction.

CHAPTER VIII
1776-1848
LA LOGE DES NEUF-SCEURS— MEMBERSHIP OF HOUDON, VOLTAIRE,
FRANKLIN AND PAUL JONES
'HE Lodge of the Nine Sisters, meaning the nine Muses,
for which Houdon made the bust of Paul Jones, and
where he is said to have first met Franklin, is so closely
and intimately connected with our quartette— Houdon, Voltaire,
Franklin and Paul Jones— that some account of it is not only ap
propriate and interesting, but important from the fact of its curious
history and the close relations which the distinguished characters
named had with it. So far as I have been able to learn, the career
of this unique body has never been traced in our tongue, and al
though Dixmerie, Melchior Potier and Louis Amiable appear to
have written memorials of the lodge, I have been unable to find
copies of any one of these publications. The source of almost all
the data I have been able to glean for this chapter has been that
mine of recondite information and gossip, Bachaumont's "Me
moires Secrets."1
1 The "Memoires Secrets," in thirty-six volumes duodecimo, is a daily chronicle cov
ering the period of twenty-six years from 1762 to 1787; and although the first volume
did not appear until 1777, six years after the death of Bachaumont, the entire publication
'55

156 Life and Works of
La Loge des Neuf-Sceurs was a Masonic lodge, but wholly and
entirely different from what such bodies now are. Freemasonry
assumed in France a very remarkable form. "The attachments of
that people to innovation and external finery produced the most
unwarrantable alterations upon its principles and ceremonies. . . .
The lodges were transformed into lecturing rooms where the more
learned of the Brethren propounded the most extraordinary and
extravagant theories."1 While the Lodge of the Nine Sisters was
not chartered by the Grand Orient of Paris until March u, 1776,
it was the outgrowth of an association founded by the philosophers
Helvetius and Lalande in 1769, under the name of the "Atelier des
Sciences," and therefore these two distinguished men were gener
ally looked upon as the founders of the Lodge of the Nine Sisters.
These facts, not properly understood and explained, caused so noted
a French writer as Gustave Desnoiresterres, in his elaborate work
on Voltaire, to make the anachronous statement that Helvetius, who
died five years before the foundation of the Nine Sisters, was, with
Lalande, its founder.2 As can be understood, this lodge was not in
the least a close body in the meaning of ancient Freemasonry, but
rather a meeting-place or club for persons of distinction, intelli-
is known by his name. His volumes were edited by Pidansat de Mairobert, who con
tinued the record down to his suicide in 1779, when it was taken up by Moufle d'Anger-
ville and carried on until 1787, and then ceased. The volumes bear the imprint of
"Londres, John Adamson," and Paul Lacroix wrote an erudite introduction to a new
edition of the Bachaumont "Memoires" proper, issued in 1883.
1 "History of Freemasonry," by William Alexander Laurie, Edinburgh, 1859, p. 58.
2 DesnoiresterresV'Voltaire et la Societe au XVIII Siecle," Part VIII, p. 306.

t >¦ t Tfn\ T ^\ IT A75 TA

Jean Antoine Houdon i57
gence and talent, where young men and old men, in science, in
letters and in arts, met on a much freer and more familiar footing
than was possible elsewhere.
It was the coming of the Sage of Ferney to Paris, in the second
year of its existence, that brought the Lodge of the Nine Sisters
prominently into the social life of the French capital. Voltaire
arrived in Paris, after his exile of twenty-eight years, on the ioth
day of February, 1778, and in less than four months he was dead.1
He was received with extravagant demonstrations of enthusiasm,
and it is needless to say the event was a stirring one to all classes of
the community ; but its story is too well known to bear repeating.
Voltaire was a Freemason,2 though for a long while one of its most
pronounced opponents, and the Masonic body at this time, after the
persecutions in Naples, was playing a not inconsiderable role in
France, having taken part in various patriotic events. Bachau
mont says,3 "Among the lodges of the capital, that of the IX Sisters
holds distinguished rank, it being composed of men of letters, etc.
At a meeting held on the ioth of this month, one of the members,
M. de la Dixmerie, proposed the health of the aged invalid Vol
taire, and sang some verses of his own composition in his honor."
Afterward a resolution was passed naming a deputation to call and
1 Desnoiresterres, Part VIII, p. 191.
2 Condorcet says that Voltaire "received the light" in England in 1728. Bachaumont
likewise says he was a Freemason, but Wagniere, his private secretary, says positively
he was not.
8 "Memoires Secrets," March 21, 1778, Vol. XI, p. 192.

x, 8 Life and Works of
congratulate him on his return to Paris and to testify to the interest
the lodge took in his welfare. It was not, however, until the 21st
instant that Voltaire was able to receive them, when, it being but a
step from the lodge-room to the house of the Marquis de Villette,
where Voltaire was living, a body of thirty or forty brothers,
headed by their Venerable, Lalande, visited the aged philosopher
"to see and gaze at leisure at this extraordinary man." They in
vited him to visit the lodge, which he accepted for Tuesday, the 7th
of April. It was to be an informal visit, but the Masons took ad
vantage of his presence to initiate him into their mysteries1 with an
elaborate ceremonial, presenting him with the apron and Masonic
jewels of Helvetius, which the widow of that illustrious man had
given to the Lodge of the Nine Sisters.
J. F. Sachse, librarian of the Grand Lodge of Pennsylvania, has
published "The Masonic Chronology of Benjamin Franklin,"2
wherein he sets down, under "February 7, 1778. Assists at the
initiation of Voltaire in the Lodge of the Nine Sisters." This state
ment he elaborates and repeats in his "Franklin as a Freemason."3
The date thus given for the initiation of Voltaire into the Lodge of
the Nine Sisters is not only two months earlier than the correct
date, but it is also three days before Voltaire arrived in Paris;4 and
1 Desnoiresterres, Part VIII, pp. 304-308.
2 "Pennsylvania Magazine," Vol. XXX, p. 240.
3 Grand Lodge of Pennsylvania, Bicentenary Celebration, Philadelphia, 1906, p. 155.
* "Materials for the History of Freemasonry in France," The New Age, January,
1906, p. 55, gives the date of Voltaire's initiation as "June 17, 1778," or eighteen days
after he was dead. So much for history "as she is wrote" !

Jean Antoine Houdon I59
in none of the contemporary accounts of this ceremony is the name
of Franklin mentioned as even being present. Indeed, Franklin
was not received into membership with this lodge until the follow
ing July, which would make it nearly certain that he could not
have been a participant at the initiation of Voltaire in April, and
that he was not seems to be conclusively shown by the absence of his
name from among those mentioned as taking part in the initiation
in the official report of the same.1
Voltaire died on the 30th day of May, and in Bachaumont we
find, under date of July 17, 1778 :2 "Much surprise has been occa
sioned through Dr. Franklin's taking part in the celebration ten
dered him by the Lodge of the Nine Sisters, charged as Dr.
Franklin is with so many grave matters; spending an entire day
with a mass of young people and poetasters, who intoxicated him to
a degree by their meaningless and puerile praise. They gave him
the apron of Voltaire."
This last sentence shows that this "celebration tendered him" was
his initiation into the Lodge of the Nine Sisters, and among the
Franklin papers in the American Philosophical Society at Phila
delphia there are preserved no fewer than fifty-four notices of the
meetings of this lodge between the "9th of 2d mo. 5779" and the
1 "Relation de Deux Seances de la Loge des Neuf-Soeurs en 1778. Extrait de la
planche a trace de la respectable loge des Neuf-Soeurs a I'Orient de Paris, le septieme
jour du quatrieme mois de l'an de la vrai luminiere 5778." — Grimm-Diderot Corre
spondance, Vol. VIII, p. 185.
2 "Memoires Secrets," Vol. XII, p. 48.

t6o Life and Works of
"4th of 5th mo. 5785." Why his earlier notices were not preserved
with equal care we do not know, but the oversight is to be regretted.
If Franklin did not assist at Voltaire's initiation, he was present at
the Lodge of Sorrow commemorative of the dead Voltaire, held
November 28, 1778, at which were present, with the brethren,
Mme. Denis, the niece, and the Marquise de Villette, the adopted
daughter of the philosopher. Bachaumont, in referring to the
coming event, says,1 "It is not to be doubted but that Dr. Franklin,
a member of the same lodge, the inheritor of Voltaire's apron and
an admirer of the defunct, will take part and distinguish himself
by some happy effort on this memorable day." The details of this
elaborate ceremony have been recorded by Bachaumont, in the
Grimm-Diderot Correspondance, by Desnoiresterres, and pic-
torially in "Le Tombeau de Voltaire."2 There are, however, two
incidents connected with the event that are of especial interest here.
At the end of the hall was seen an arch of triumph, formed of gar
lands of flowers, in which appeared suddenly the bust of Voltaire
by Houdon, given to the lodge by Mme. Denis.3 The following
February, Houdon presented the lodge with another bust of Vol
taire,4 presumably different from the one received from Mme.
Denis. And as the ceremonial closed, the Venerable of the Lodge,
1 "Memoires Secrets," October 25, 1778, Vol. XII, p. 161.
2 Vide "Franklin in Allegory," by Charles Henry Hart. The Century Magazine for
December, 1890, p. 202.
3 Grimm-Diderot Correspondance, Vol. XII, p. 193.
* Montaiglon and Duplessis, p. 247.

Jean Antoine Houdon j^i
M. Lalande; Greuze, the painter, who had just been initiated a
member; and Mme. la Marquise de Villette, having previously
crowned the orator, the painter and Dr. Franklin, all three placed
their crowns at the feet of Houdon's image of Voltaire, and the
Lodge of Sorrow was ended.
At this time a living incident was dividing the attention of Paris
with the dead. Marie Antoinette was approaching her first ac
couchement, and all loyal subjects were praying for the birth of a
Dauphin. Instead, on December 19, 1778, at Versailles, was born
Marie Therese Charlotte, afterward Duchesse d'Angouleme, who
escaped the guillotine and lived into the second half of the last
century. "To celebrate the happy deliverance of the Queen,"1 the
Lodge of the Nine Sisters arranged a festival to be held on the 9th
of March, 1779, at the Royal Circus, in the Boulevard Montpar-
nasse. Bachaumont says, "It is felt that such a festival cannot be
carried out without the aid of the Graces, thus it will become a
lodge of adoption ; that is to say, where the fair sex will be admitted
and will form the chief ornament." He then adds with latent sar
casm, "It is the Abbe Cordier de St. Fermin, as usual burning with
zeal for the glory of Masonry, who is the inventor, promoter and
director of the fete." The festival took place, and with dire conse
quences to the lodge, which were averted largely through the in
fluence of Franklin.
It was arranged that, after the introduction of the ladies, the
1 "Memoires Secrets," February 22, 1779, Vol. XIII, p. 339.

xfa Life and Works of
proceedings should begin by the initiation of a sister, to be followed
by addresses, the reading of poems, a concert by the most celebrated
performers, a banquet with military music, and finally a ball.
Everything had been arranged apparently to perfection. "The
prettiest women and the most distinguished of the court were there
in crowds, as well as the highest nobles ; but the lack of order caused
the assemblage to degenerate into a mob where silence was unat
tainable. An unlooked-for incident added to the confusion. The
candidate for initiation was Mile. Roily, niece of the Farmer-Gen
eral of that name. She had not taken her uncle and aunt into her
confidence, as they had wished she should not go to the fete, for
according to their ideas it would be too worldly an entertainment
for so young a person. She, however, had slipped in, closely veiled,
with a lady who was in the plot. What a surprise then for M. and
Mme. Roily to see their niece in the midst of the Freemasons ! They
wanted to take her away, and made formal complaint to the offi
cials, but they were told that this would produce worse effects than
what had already happened, and so they had to swallow their indig
nation and let the initiation proceed."1 This is not saying, how
ever, that Masonic mysteries were revealed to her, as they had a
particular form for women.2
But such proceedings were too much for the Grand Orient, which
was the mother lodge of all the lodges of Freemasons in France,
i "Memoires Secrets," March 14, 1779, Vol. XIII, p. 365.
2 "Correspondance Secrete," June 15, 1779, Vol. VIII, p. 66.

Jean Antoine Houdon T63
with high prerogatives of jurisdiction and disciplinary powers.
Charges against the Lodge of the Nine Sisters were brought by the
orator of the Grand Orient, in consequence of the disorders that had
taken place at the fete, and "this tribunal of conscript brothers,
without hearing the accused, pronounced an order to suppress, or
rather, for this is the consecrated term— to demolish the Lodge
of IX Sisters."1 In addition to this, the Venerable Lalande was
suspended for six months, all the other brothers for eighty-one
days, including, of course, Houdon and Franklin, who were also
members of the Grand Orient, and Brother Abbe Cordier de St.
Fermin, the leader and organizer of the rout, for eighty-one
months.2 Other brothers suddenly seemed to be "burning with zeal for the
glory of Masonry," in the same way as had the Abbe Cordier. The
Lodge of Thalia proposed giving a festival and holding a Lodge
of Adoption, similar to that of the Nine Sisters; but the Count de
Maurepas, on behalf of the King, forbade the assemblage and
placed fifty guards at the lodge door to prevent the guests from
entering. This prohibition was founded on the improprieties and
disorders that had happened at the Lodge of the Nine Sisters, of
which the King had been advised.3 But, as Metra says,4 "the
Muses do not submit themselves so easily to violation," and the ac-
1 "Correspondance Secrete," Vol. VIII, p. 66.
2 "Memoires Secrets," March 22, 1779, Vol. XIII, p. 378.
8 "Memoires Secrets," March 25, 1779, Vol. XIII, p. 381.
4 "Correspondance Secrete," June 15, 1779, Vol. VIII, p. 66.

jg4 Life and Works of
tion of the Grand Orient was not accepted without protest. The
Freemasons were furious and the Lodge of the Nine Sisters refused
to acquiesce in the order of demolition and suspension and threat
ened a schism. The lodge held several solemn conclaves upon the
subject, and finally it was determined that, as the festival had been
a public one, "of which all Paris was informed," it was necessary
"to disabuse the mind of all Paris," and a memorial, addressed to
the profane as well as to the illumined, was ordered to be written in
a manner that could be read and understood by all the world. This
was too bold a stand for the Worshipful Master Lalande, who was
dubbed in this relation "a pusillanimous and timid man,"1 so he
resigned. The Nine Sisters, not so easily conquered, pleaded to the
Grand Orient that its action had been misunderstood and miscon
strued, and great injustice had been done the lodge and the Masonic
fraternity, with the result that after many pourparlers, the Grand
Orient on the 21st of May, 1779, rescinded its orders of demolish-
ment of the lodge and suspension of its members and restored both
to good standing. At this time the proposed memorial had not been
issued, but it had been printed, and there was great opposition to its
distribution after the restoration by the Grand Orient; but it was
held that, as it had been prepared rather for "the justification of the
lodge before the public than for the Grand Orient, the justice just
granted it by the Grand Orient was not made sufficiently clear to
the profane, whom it was necessary to illumine." Bachaumont says
1 "Memoires Secrets," May io, 1779, Vol. XIV, p. 531.

Jean Antoine Houdon 165
of this memorial,1 "It is of an entirely new kind, like the subject,
and is accompanied by pieces in prose and in verse."
It was at this critical period that Franklin was elected to succeed
Lalande as Venerable, or Worshipful Master, of the Lodge of the
Nine Sisters. The election took place on May 20, 1779. A week
later Bachaumont records the event.2 "It is wonderful to see Mr.
Franklin, in spite of the great and numerous matters he is bothered
with, finding sufficient time to occupy himself seriously with useless
and frivolous things,3 and attending the assemblies of the Free
masons like the most idle brother. On Thursday last he was elected
Venerable of the Lodge of Nine Sisters, and a deputation went to
Passy to notify him. This election falls in very happily at this
critical time, when a violent persecution has been aroused against
the lodge on account of the memorial in its favor spread abroad in
the past few days. The Keeper of the Seals has ordered M. le Noir
to prevent its distribution and to have searching inquiries made to
discover the printer, which is matter for the exercise of zeal by the
new Venerable."
The memorial was written by the poet Nicholas Bricaire de la
Dixmerie, who was orator of the Lodge of the Nine Sisters, and
signed by him, by Comte de Gibelin, the secretary, and by Comte
Persan, the master of ceremonies. It sets forth that "this society
has been in existence barely three years, and its work embraces two
1 "Memoires Secrets," May 23, 1779. Vol. XIV, p. 69. * "Jouer a la Chapelle."
« "Memoiies Secrets," May 26, 1779, Vol. XIV, p. 73.

I06 Life and Works of
objects— Freemasonry, which brings men together, and cultivation
of the arts, science and letters, which enlightens them." This is
followed by an enumeration of some of its most distinguished mem
bers, Voltaire, Franklin, Houdon, Lalande, Cailhava, de Fontanes,
Imbert, Vernet, Greuze, Piccini and others. The memorial then
proves the exactitude of the lodge in following the Masonic work,
and its zeal in practising works of benevolence. It gives an account
of the object of the festival of the 9th of March, and of what tran
spired, and asserts that nothing reprehensible occurred. It refutes
all imputations against the lodge, exposes the injustice of the
accusations and shows the illegality of the judgment that was passed
upon it and its members.1
The lodge, having justified itself from the accusations and rig
orous rulings against it by the Grand Orient, proceeded to celebrate
the event by another fete, and the circular announcing it has been
preserved by Franklin. It is entitled, "Fete Academique pour la
Cloture de la Loge des Neuf-Soeurs au Wauxhal de la Foire Saint
Germain le Mercredi, 1 1 Aout, 5779." It did not take place until a
week later, however, owing to the indisposition of several members
who were suffering from la grippe, and "the ladies, without whom
there could not be a perfect celebration," were admitted; but, to
avoid confusion and disorder, there was not any dancing; it was
purely an academic spectacle interspersed with music and ad
dresses. "Dr. Franklin, though having accepted the post of Vener-
1 "Memoires Secrets," May 30, 1779, Vol. XIV, p. 79.

Jean Antoine Houdon 167
able, made the condition of not holding himself bound to discharge
its functions with the scrupulous exactitude devolving on the office ;
and as it was, above all, his name that it was desired to add to the
roll of the grand officers of the Lodge of the Nine Sisters, he was
left free to absent himself whenever his important occupations de
manded it. This assembly was deprived of his presence, his place
being filled by the First Warden, the Comte de Milly ; and the gal
lery of the lodge-room was decorated by examples of the works of
the brethren. Houdon in sculpture and Greuze in painting shone
among the others."1
A month later the whole civilized world was startled by what
was then, and has remained since, the greatest and most marvelous
naval battle recorded, the fight between the Bonhomme-Richard
and the Serapis, when the infant navy of the United States won the
circlet she has never ceased to wear. The following spring Paul
Jones visited Paris, where he was acclaimed a hero, and the Lodge
of the Nine Sisters, to which he had made application, on August
16, 1779, for affiliation, was not backward in doing him honor. As
has been told, it engaged Houdon to make his bust, and he was
initiated to membership in the lodge on the ist of May. Here is
what Bachaumont says of this occasion:2
All the world knows that the celebrated Paul Jones was a sailor, fol
lowing in the footsteps of our greatest characters in this line ; but it was
1 "Memoires Secrets," August 25, 1779. Vol. XIV, p. 183.
2 "Memoires Secrets," July 18, 1780, Vol. XV, p. 250.

t68 Life and Works of
not known that he courted Apollo before he enrolled himself under the
banner of Mars. This is what we learn from a discourse addressed to
him by the first Orator of the Lodge of the Nine Sisters, M. de la Dix-
merie, on Monday, May i, ^780. • • ¦ In this discourse Brother de la
Dixmerie recalls the origin of Freemasonry, which he connects with an
cient chivalry, the latter itself taking title from the ancient initiated.
The Lodge of the Nine Sisters desired to imitate this illustrious mother
which received, with as much joy as solemnity, those among its valiants
who had accomplished some adventure. The brothers were assembled,
and a solemn lodge was convoked for the ceremony of initiating Paul
Jones. . . . The address, a little masterpiece in its way, for which one
must feel grateful to the author, as in it he resists the spirit of blind dis
paragement which is often launched against the English, and seeing that
he would heighten his Hero's fame better in giving the justice that is
due to these proud islanders, has placed the valor of Jones and of his
rival Pearson on an equal footing. After the eulogy a quatrain, also by
M. de la Dixmerie, was read, which is original enough to be preserved.
"Jones, resourceful in battle, when met,
Acts toward enemies, so 'tis said,
As acts toward us a clever coquette ;
One thinks to take him and is taken instead."
It is to this discourse that Jones refers in his letter to the Com
tesse de la Vendahl of June 7, 1780, in which he regrets that the
lock of his hair he incloses her is eighteen inches shorter than it
was. "Before I had the honor to see you I wished to comply with
the invitation of my lodge.1 I say this in answer to your question
on reading the address with which I was honored."
1 To sit to Houdon for his bust.

Jean Antoine Houdon 169
The next year the much hoped for national event occurred, a son
was born to the Queen, and in the Franklin papers1 we find the
notice that was sent to him, announcing a celebration by the Ledge
of the Nine Sisters of the glorious event— the birth of a Dauphin
and the return to health of the Queen— to be given on Monday, the
14th of January, 1782, in its "Local, rue Coqueron." There were
again a Reception of Adoption, concert, address, music, banquet,
a comedy in two acts, and a ball. Subscriptions were fixed at eigh
teen livres, for which each member could take a lady, but her name
had to be registered with the secretary, Gaucher the engraver, at the
time of subscription. It is to be assumed that nothing untoward
happened on this occasion, as Bachaumont, Metra and the other
contemporary chroniclers of scandal make no mention of it what
ever. It may be recalled that a special day— May 13, 1782— was
fixed for delivery, by the Minister from France to the Congress
assembled in Philadelphia, of a letter from his Most Christian
Majesty Louis XVI, announcing to his "well-beloved allies" the
birth of a Dauphin, which was made a most elaborate affair.2 It
was announced to the American army by General Orders on May
28th, atNewburg on the Hudson; and three days later Washington
gave a commemorative dinner at which thirteen toasts were drunk,
followed by an exhibition of fireworks and a ball to close the fes
tivities. Later, in July, the Chevalier de la Luzerne, at Philadel-
1 American Philosophical Society.
2 "Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography," Vol. XXIX, p. 497.

I?0 Life and Works of
phia, had a magnificent celebration of the occasion with a ball, at
which both Washington and Rochambeau were present. These
fete-days, when looked back upon, seem almost as heralds of the
misfortunes that were so soon to overwhelm France.
The next important incident that brought the Lodge of the Nine
Sisters to the front was the signing of the definitive treaty of peace,
on the 3d of September, 1783, between Great Britain and her re
volted colonies. Her Worshipful Master had occupied the leading
position in the negotiations which concluded the treaty, and to
honor him the lodge gave, on the 17th of December, a public fete
commemorative of peace. Franklin's farewell meeting with the
Lodge of the Nine Sisters was on May 4, 1785, and the following
month he bade good-bye to France, but his influence did not end
with the closing of his personal intercourse with the people with
whom he had lived for more than eight years on terms of the most
familiar intercourse, so that the last action of the Lodge of the Nine
Sisters that we have to note was a greeting to him across the seas.
Bachaumont records, under date of March 29, 1786,1 "The Society
known under the name of the Lodge of the Nine Sisters, composed
of savants, artists and literary men, and presided over by Benjamin
Franklin, the year following the one we had the misfortune to lose
Voltaire, wishing to-day to show publicly its admiration of the
celebrated American, whose presence they may no longer hope for,
proposes to the Arts and Eloquence, two Prizes which will be two
1 "Memoires Secrets," Vol. XXXI, p. 214.

Jean Antoine Houdon I?1
medals of gold, each of the value of 600 livres. The prize of
eloquence shall be given for a eulogy in praise of Benjamin Frank
lin living, requiring a half -hour in its reading. The art prize shall
be given to an allegorical drawing, height two feet and width one
foot and a half, representing the services rendered by Benjamin
Franklin to science and to American Liberty. All persons, except
ing members of the Lodge of the Nine Sisters, may compete. The
competition is open only until the last day of January, 1787, and the
prizes will be distributed in a solemn assembly on the first Monday
in May, 1787."
These proposed medals, if they were ever awarded, of which we
have no knowledge, were not the only medallic distinctions con
ferred on Franklin by this lodge. Marvin, in his painstaking work
on Masonic medals,1 notes four medals issued by the Lodge of the
Nine Sisters, two of which bear the bust of Franklin, one engraved
by Pingret and issued to commemorate Franklin's initiation as a
Master Mason of the lodge, in 1778, which was reissued in 1829;
the other engraved by Bernier and issued to commemorate peace in
September, 1783. The lodge also issued two other medals: an
earlier one in 1776, the year of its incorporation, and a later one in
honor of Comte de Milly, its president.
The life of Freemasonry in France was drawing to a close, and
with the Revolution virtually ceased to exist. In 1806 the Lodge of
the Nine Sisters was revived, however, in which Houdon took a
1 "The Medals of the Masonic Fraternity," by W. T. R. Marvin, Boston, 1880, p. 40.

i72 Jean Antoine Houdon
very active part; and Besuchet, writing in 1829,1 says, "This lodge
still exists and, faithful to the principles of Freemasonry, it always
wished to keep clear of so-called higher Masonic associations. It
continued as a symbolic lodge, disdaining the title of Capitular
lodge or Capitular and Areopagitic lodge, that is to say, of a lodge
serving as source for a Chapter or a Council of the Thirtieth De
gree." It had a fitful existence until the Revolution of February,
1848, when it received its coup de grace.
1 "Precis Historique de l'Ordre de la Franc-Maconnerie," par J. C. B., Vol. I, p. 62.

CHAPTER IX
1781-1785
STATUES OF TOURVILLE AND OF "LA FRILEUSE"-HOUDON'S REVIVAL
OF THE ART OF CASTING IN BRONZE
^HE Salon of 1781 was Houdon's great year and the date
which helps to recall the most brilliant memories con
nected with his name. There were to be found the busts
in marble of the Due de Praslin; of Tronchin, doctor of medicine;
of Mile. Odeoud, of Geneva; and those in plaster of the Princesse
d'Ashkoff; Mme. de Serilly; Quesnay, the physician; Gerbier, the
distinguished advocate; Palissot; and, finally, Paul Jones. His
three principal works, however, were the "Diana," exhibited at his
own studio, and the statues of Tourville and Voltaire, shown at the
Salon. For a long time it had been matter of surprise that the govern
ment had failed to commission Houdon for any of the four statues
annually ordered, and intended to form eventually a collection rep
resenting all the illustrious men of France. A critic of the day
went so far as to ask Houdon, whether the cause of such neglect, on
the part of the Ministry, was known to him. He vouchsafed no
reply; but he had now won too great celebrity not to take sooner or
173

,7 Life and Works of
later, without any effort or intrigue, a place of high distinction
among the group of official artists. In the year 1778 the public
learned with great satisfaction that Houdon had been commissioned
to execute a statue of Tourville. He took two years to complete the
statue, choosing to perpetuate in marble that incident, in the Ad
miral's career, when he exhibits to his crew the order of the King
to engage at Cape La Hogue. In one hand the Admiral grasps and
exhibits the order unfolded, in the other he holds his naked sword,
pointing with it to the signature of the King. In this figure of the
gallant Admiral, Houdon was to essay for a second time the vivid
representation of one long since deceased, and to endeavor, from
picture and story, to evolve a satisfactory and convincing figure. It
was shown in the Salon of 1781, but contemporary criticism does
not accord it very high praise. Stress is laid upon the perfection
with which the details of the costume are carried out, showing again
Houdon's perfect mastery over his material, but the general effect
is judged as being too theatrical ; a hat with plumes that the Ad
miral wears coming in for considerable adverse comment. Certain
accessories introduced — the prow of a vessel, with guns protruding
—are harshly criticized, and the suggestion is made that an anchor
or a coil of rope would have been sufficient for purposes of illusion.
We note here something of the same overcrowding of symbols as
in the case of Washington's statue, although there the lifelike char
acter and distinction of the figure sweep aside these minor faults.
But it is evident that the statue of Tourville must have lacked the

Jean Antoine Houdon I?5
inspiration displayed in Houdon's noble bust of Moliere, which
Voltaire is said to have kissed on bended knee when he himself was
tottering to his final end. Yes, portraiture and lifelike resemblance,
with just the touch of idealization that true art demands, were the
distinguishing traits of Houdon's genius ; and that splendid galaxy
of likenesses scattered over Europe and America is its triumphant
vindication. We would not change the result for whole galleries
of the finest imaginative work, if through that we were to be denied
these masterpieces of living marble and bronze, forever perpetu
ating Houdon's fame.
The plaster model for a "Baigneuse," "to be executed in marble,"
mentioned in the Salon catalogue of 1775, was carried out in
1782, and a marble bearing Houdon's name, but not his sig
nature, is in a New York collection. Lady Dilke, who saw it at
"Bagatelle," writes quite enthusiastically about it, and in the large-
paper edition of her "French Architects and Sculptors of the Eigh
teenth Century" gives a reproduction of it. At the time she saw it,
and as the illustration shows, the statue occupied a grotto, evidently
constructed for the purpose of exhibiting it to the best advantage.
The figure is seated, nude, and with one foot about to be dipped in
the water. Since its removal from such appropriate surroundings
and its installation upon a pedestal in a gallery, the effect is very
much diminished, and the writers, who have seen it, class it as a
very inferior production for any other purpose than the plein air,
for which it was originally intended. There seems to have been an

I?6 Life and Works of
attempt recently— perhaps an accidental mistake— to identify the
figure as having formed part of the group, "Female Bathing and
Black Slave," exhibited at the Salon of 1783, the principal figure
of which was of marble, while the slave was reproduced in lead to
carry out the semblance of a negress. This fountain, originally in
the garden of the Due de Chartres, at Monceaux, near Paris, was
destroyed during the French Revolution, and no trace of it exists,
nor is there any record of it after that period.
To the Salon of 1783 our artist also contributed a "Diana," in
bronze, and a new work, a figure in marble of life size, known as
"La Frileuse" or "The Shivering One." The "Diana" has been
described already in a previous chapter. The bronze reproduction
here mentioned was that made for Girardot de Marigny, at whose
house it was exhibited. "La Frileuse" became one of the most
popular of Houdon's productions. "There was hardly a country
house without a plaster cast of it ornamenting some niche on its
fagade, or standing conspicuously in the garden."1 Houdon him
self reproduced it more than once. At the Salon of 1791, it was
shown in bronze, and this particular figure was acquired by the
King of Prussia. At the Salon of 1793, a small "Frileuse" was
exhibited. This may be the one now at the Louvre, a nude figure,
without any drapery over the shoulders, but in the same attitude as
the semi-draped one, the arms clutching the figure itself, instead
1 Montaiglon and Duplessis, p. 265.

TPIt-tir TT.-iJETTJ £"

Jean Antoine Houdon 177
of the drapery. In both, the idea of the human form shrinking
from the cold is admirably expressed. It is really intended for an
allegory of "Winter," for later Houdon gave it a companion in
his "Summer," which was not exhibited at the Salon. The two
marbles, being pendants, were in the possession of M. Creuze de
Lesser in 1829, and rrom him passed to the Museum at Montpellier,
where they have remained ever since. This "Summer" was shown
at Houdon's studio, but received little attention from the critics,
so that all his other contributions to the Salon in 1783 were
busts: a bust of La Fontaine, the model of which had been made
in 1 78 1, for President Aubry; and of living persons, Mile. Rob
ert, daughter of the Painter to the King; and the surgeon Louis,
the real inventor, it is said, of the tragic instrument ascribed to Dr.
Guillotin. This latter bust, we believe, is now in the Paris Academy
of Medicine. Then a bust of Buffon, the great naturalist, made for
the Empress of Russia. This bust, which from a contemporaneous
account was probably the best in the group, was equaled only by the
model of the bust of La Rive, the marble of which was exhibited at
the Salon following (1785). The celebrated actor is represented
in the character of Brutus. Barere, speaking of this bust in his
"Memoirs," Vol. IV, p. 247, says, "It is not merely a striking
likeness, it is one of the most expressive heads imaginable, the finest
perhaps that Houdon ever executed." It now forms a part, as it
should, of the splendid collection of busts at the Theatre-Frangais.

I78 Life and Works of
It seems appropriate at this point to draw attention to another
great service rendered the fine arts by Houdon. We allude to the
great progress brought about by him in the art of casting statues in
bronze. When he first began at it and bravely undertook both
sculpture and casting, this last art was little practised and often
proved ruinous. Casting in bronze, an operation requiring a great
expenditure of time as well as money, had in his day produced but
few satisfying works, and these attended with infinite trouble and
frequent bankruptcy. It certainly required great perseverance on
the part of Houdon, and still more devotion to the arts, for him to
risk his savings and his modest independence, so much prized, in so
hazardous an undertaking. His own words describe best his strug
gles and the many difficulties which he succeeded in overcoming.
"In summing up a description of my work, I can truthfully say
that I have occupied myself with but two studies which have ex
tended over my entire life, to which I sacrificed all that I gained,
and which I should have rendered of greater use to my country had
I been either seconded by some one, or possessed of fortune; these
studies were Anatomy and the art of Casting.
"Occupying for a long while the workshops of the Municipality,
I profited by this to be both Statuary and Caster or Founder. In
modern days these two arts have always been exercised by separate
persons, and to revive this useful art in my own country, — an art
which might become lost, those having exercised it being dead
when I took it up,— I constructed furnaces, I trained workmen,
and, after numerous unsuccessful and expensive essays, I succeeded

Jean Antoine Houdon I?Q
in casting two statues of Diana, one of which I still possess, and my
'Frileuse.' "Turned out of these workshops, in 1787, by Breteuil, on three
weeks' notice, I purchased a house opposite, constructed new fur
naces, and here cast my Apollo. Since the Revolution, not receiving
orders, nearly all my works being ordered and paid for by foreign
ers, and wishing to keep up my workshop and prevent my precious
workmen from carrying their talents abroad, I took from the prin
cipal of a moderate fortune sufficient to continue work of this kind
and cast the busts of great men, Moliere, Buffon, Voltaire and
Rousseau. Always spurred on by love of my art, by the desire to
leave to posterity an enduring monument and to give young students
a subject for study, although having a family to support, I cast my
large 'ficorche,' skinless figure, in 1792.
"When it was desired to cast the statue for the Pantheon, it was
in my workshop they were obliged to seek for a caster, and they
selected a man of great merit but one who had always worked under
me and who owed to my advice, my means and perseverance, his
knowledge of the art, for on coming to me he was a mere moulder.
"This, Citizen, is the narrative you have required of me. As a
result, I may be considered under the double aspect of Statuary and
Founder. Under the first, I can create, and under the second, I can
execute in a durable manner the creations of others, for I repeat,
without fear of contradiction, that I am the sole artist uniting these
two species of knowledge."1
1 Letter to the Citizen Bachelier of the 20th Vendemiaire, Year III.

t8o Life and Works of
The accounts of the Salon of 1785 are somewhat meagre. Busts
of the King of Sweden, Prince Henry of Prussia, M. le Pelletier de
Mortfontaine, and M. de Bire, are in the catalogue, and besides the
La Rive bust in marble, one of M. Le Noir. This last is spoken of
in very high terms by art writers of the period. It figured at the
sale of Houdon's effects in 1828, but since then seems to have been
lost sight of.
For some inexplicable reason a number of portrait-busts were
entered at this Salon by Houdon under a single number, so that we
are unable to specify them ; but among them was undoubtedly the
superb marble bust of Condorcet, signed "houdon f. 1785," now in
the hall of the American Philosophical Society at Philadelphia,
where it was placed by William Short, who was Secretary of Lega
tion to Jefferson when he was in France, and subsequently became
Charge d'Affaires. The history of the bust as given by Short, in a
letter to Jefferson, is curious and most interesting. He writes, Oc
tober 21, 1819:
"Apropos of Philosophers : you recollect, without doubt, the mar
ble bust of Condorcet, which stood on a marble table in the Salon
of the Hotel de la Rochefoucauld. When it was determined no
longer to receive him in that house, it was thought unbecoming to
keep the bust there. The grandchildren, who never liked him,
availed themselves of this to have the bust transported to the lumber
store-room without consulting the old lady, whose leave was gener
ally asked on every occasion. She passed this over in silence, how-

"unpufCii-y

Jean Antoine Houdon 181
ever, and never made a remark or enquiry as to the disappearance
of the bust. It had cost her a great effort to signify to the original
that his presence had become disagreeable; she had really a paren
tal affection for him and had given him a remarkable proof of this
at the time of his marriage.1 On her death, I asked this bust of the
granddaughter, who gave it to me with great pleasure. It has been
on its way here ever since I left France, in 1795, and has passed
through as many casus and discrimina rerum as Eneas himself, or
perhaps it was Ulysses, on its way. It has finally arrived and is at
present placed, in the Philosophical Hall, in the most suitable com
pany—the busts of Franklin, yourself, Turgot."
A month before this last exhibition had opened, our sculptor had
set sail for America. We shall follow him across the Atlantic in
the next chapter, giving the history of his visit to General Washing
ton at Mount Vernon, and of the splendid artistic results therefrom,
both for his own fame and for the admiration of future generations.
1 Condorcet married, in 1786, Sophie, sister of General Grouchy, who was noted for
her beauty.

CHAPTER X
1785
WASHINGTON— HOUDON'S VISIT TO AMERICA— DOMICILED AT MOUNT
VERNON FOR A FORTNIGHT- MASK AND BUST FROM LIFE-
STATUE AT RICHMOND, VA.
E have now reached the event in Houdon's career that
was to make his name a household name among the cul
tivated people of this land. On Tuesday, the 22d day of
June, 1784, the Legislature of Virginia resolved, "That the Execu
tive be requested to take measures for procuring a statue of General
Washington, to be of the finest marble and the best workmanship,
with the following inscription on its pedestal :
The General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Virginia
Have caused this statue to be erected
As a monument of affection and gratitude to
George Washington; Who,
Uniting to the Endowments of the Hero the Virtues of the Patriot
And exerting both in establishing the liberties of his country,
Has rendered his name dear to his fellow citizens
And given the World an immortal example
Of true Glory.1
1 Hickey's "Constitution of the United States," Philadelphia, 1847, p. 206.
182

Jean Antoine Houdon 183
This action was destined to come to fuller fruition than the action
of Congress, proposed a year earlier, "that an equestrian statue
should be erected to General Washington." Yet it was the anticipa
tion of making this equestrian statue for Congress that enabled
Jefferson to secure the services of Houdon, then the greatest living
statuary, and without a peer since, to model the pedestrian statue
for the State of Virginia. At its very outset, however, the project
was beset with financial difficulties. The ruinous War of the Revo
lution was ended and had left exhausted treasuries in the indi
vidual States and in the General Government which sorely needed
replenishing. This was a difficult task which, at times, seemed as
though it would be an impossible one. A week after the passage of
the above resolution, the Treasurer of the State of Virginia was
directed to pay to the order of the Executive, "out of the first money
that shall arise under the law for recruiting this State's quota of
men to serve in the Continental army," any sum he may direct for
the purpose of procuring a statue of General Washington.1 The
Treasurer communicated this resolution to the Governor, inform
ing him at the same time, "There is no money in the Treasury at
present arising from this law, and very uncertain when any may
come in."2 He therefore asked advice of the Governor, if he
thought it proper that the money should be taken from any other
fund. This plan the Governor evidently sanctioned, for on July 1,
1784, prior to the reception of the Treasurer's letter, Governor
1 Calendar of State Papers of Virginia, Vol. Ill, p. 595- 2 Ibid., p. 597.

Tg4 Life and Works of
Harrison wrote to Charles Willson Peale, the eminent portrait-
painter at Philadelphia :
The Assembly of the state have voted a statue of our late worthy
commander-in-chief, General Washington, and that I may be enabled to
discharge the pleasing trust reposed in me in the most perfect manner
possible, I have to request the favor of you to draw a full-length picture
of him immediately, and, as soon as it is sufficiently dry, to have it packed
up in the most secure manner and shipped in the first ship bound for
France to the address of the honble Thomas Jefferson. The expense of
which and your charge for drawing shall be remitted you as soon as you
shall be pleased to favor me with the amount.1
On the 20th of the month the Governor advised Jefferson :
The Assembly of this state have voted a statue of our late worthy
commander-in-chief, General Washington, and have directed their in
tentions to be carried into execution by the Executive. For particulars, I
refer you to the enclosed resolution. You will observe they have only
provided for one side of the pedestal, and that the others, with the dress,
etc., are left for the exercise of the genius of the Executive. This would
be a very pleasing employment for us, if we had ever turned our
thoughts that way or were adepts in the Science of devices, emblems, etc.
But as we are not, we have unanimously fixed on you and my friend Dr.
Franklin, who, we all know, are fully competent to the task. I therefore
most earnestly request the favor of you to undertake it. . . . To enable
the Artist to finish his work in the most perfect manner, I have ordered
Mr. Peale to send to your address a full-length picture of the General as
soon as possible. The intention of the Assembly is that the statue should
be the work of the most masterly hand. I shall therefore leave it to you
2 Governor's MS. Letter-book, State Library, Richmond, Va.

Jean Antoine Houdon

185

to find out the best in any of the European states. To defray the expense
certain funds are appropriated that will undoubtedly produce the money,
and it shall be remitted you long befort the work can be completed. . . .
You will be so obliging, as soon as you have fixed on the devices and
agreed for the statue, to favor me with the particulars of the former and
a copy of the agreement, that there may be no deficiency in the remit
tances, either in point of time or quantity.1
A week later he similarly advised Dr. Franklin, and, on August
15, Peale acknowledges the Governor's letter of six weeks before,
telling him he has begun a whole-length portrait of the General
and will make all despatch with it that he can, consistently with his
endeavors to do well. He adds :
In the background I intend to introduce the best idea I have of a per
spective view of York and Gloster, and the surrender of the British
army, which I believe may be useful to the statuary, if any pieces of his
tory are to be made in bas-relief on the pedestal of the Statue.2
On October 30, Peale advises Governor Harrison that he has
finished the portrait of Washington, which shall go to France by
the first ship.
"Besides the view of York and Gloster," he writes, "I have in
troduced in a nearer ground French and American officers with
their colors displayed, and between them the British with their
colors cased. These figures serve to tell the story at first sight,
which the more distant could not do." He then adds this very in
teresting postscript: "The price of a coppy of General Washing-
1 Governor's MS. Letter-book, State Library, Richmond, Va.
2 "American Historical Record," Vol. I, p. 81.

l86 Life and Works of
ton's in large whole length is thirty guineas."1 A copy of this
letter the Governor sent to Jefferson, in order that he might know
the meaning of the devices in the picture, at the same time in
closing him a bill of exchange for 8957 livres tournois at a cost of
£550, "which will be sufficient to set the work a going."2 A few
days later— November 20— the Governor expressed his apprecia
tion of Peak's readiness to comply with his request and expedition
in fulfilling it, and inclosed him a bill on Robert Morris for $143.33
in payment for the work.3 The painting was duly forwarded to
Jefferson, who, on April 15, 1785, acknowledges its safe arrival to
the Governor,4 but what became of it has been an interesting inquiry
for many years. It may be resting somewhere in France, unknown ;
but the minute particulars of its details given by the painter should
lead easily to its identification.
Upon receiving this commission from the State of Virginia, Jef
ferson wrote to Washington, December 10, 1784:°
The Executive of our State have remitted, to Dr. Franklin and myself,
the care of having the statue made, which the Assembly directed as a
mark of their gratitude to you. I was unwell when I received the letter
and have not yet been able to see and confer with Dr. Franklin on the
subject. I find that a Monsieur Houdon, of this place, possesses the
reputation of being the first statuary in the world. I sent for him and
had some conversation with him on the subject. He thinks it cannot be
1 "American Historical Record," Vol. I, p. 82.
2 Governor's MS. Letter-book, State Library, Richmond, Va.
3 Ibid.
* Calendar of State Papers of Virginia, Vol. IV, p. 24.
5 Sparks, "Correspondence of the American Revolution," Vol. IV, p. 83.

Jean Antoine Houdon 187
perfectly done from a picture, and is so enthusiastically fond of being the
executor of this work, that he offers to go to America for the purpose of
forming your bust from the life, leaving all his business here in the mean
time. He thinks that being three weeks with you would suffice to make
his model of plaister, with which he will return here, and the work will
employ him three years. If Dr. Franklin concurs with me, we shall send
him over, not having time to ask your permission and await your an
swer. I trust that, having given to your Country so much of your time
heretofore, you will add the short space which this operation will re
quire, to enable them to transmit to posterity the form of the person
whose actions will be delivered to them by history. Monsieur Houdon is
at present engaged in making a statue of the King of France. A bust of
Voltaire executed by him is said to be one of the finest in the world.
It was not until the 12th of January, 1785, that Jefferson ac
knowledged Governor Harrison's letter of the 20th of July, which
had come to his hands on the 29th of November.1 He writes:2
There could be no question raised as to the Sculptor who should be
employed; the reputation of Mons. Houdon, of this city, being un
rivalled in Europe. He is resorted to for the statues of most of the
sovereigns in Europe. On conversing with him, Dr. Franklin and my
self became satisfied that no statue could be executed so as to obtain the
approbation of those to whom the figure of the original is known, but on
actual view by the artist. Of course no statue of Genl. Washington
which might be a true evidence of his figure to posterity could be made
from his picture. Statues are made every day from portraits; but if the
person be living they are always condemned by those who know him for
want of resemblance, and this furnishes a conclusive presumption that
1 These dates emphasize what is so generally lost sight of in the present days of rapid
transit— the long intervals between the mailing and receipt of letters at the period of
which we are writing. 2 Ford's "Writings of Jefferson," Vol. IV, p. 26.

!88 Life and Works of
similar representatives of the dead are equally unfaithful. Mons. Hou
don, whose reputation is such as to make it a principal object, was so
anxious to be the person who should hand down the figure of the Gen
eral to future ages, that without hesitating a moment he offered to aban
don his business here, to leave the statues of Kings unfinished, and to go
to America to take the true figure by actual inspection and mensuration.
We believe from his character that he will not propose any very con
siderable sum for making this journey; probably two or three hundred
guineas, as he must necessarily be absent three or four months, and his
expenses will make at least a hundred guineas of the money. When the
whole merit of the piece was to depend upon this previous expenditure,
we could not doubt your approbation of the measure ; and that you would
think with us that things that are handsome or just should never be done
by halves. We shall regulate the article of expense as (Economically as
we can with justice to the wishes of the world. This article, together
with habit, attitude, devices, etc., are now under consideration, and till
they be decided on, we cannot ultimately contract with Mons. Houdon.
We are agreed in one circumstance, that the size shall be precisely that
of life. Were we to have executed a statue in any other case, we should
have preferred making it somewhat larger than life; because, as they are
generally a little elevated, they appear smaller, but we think it impor
tant that some one monument should be preserved of the true size as
well as figure, from which all other countries, and our own, at any future
day when they shall desire it, may take copies, varying them in their
dimensions as may suit the particular situation in which they wish to
place them. The duty as well as the glory of this presentation belongs
peculiarly to Virginia. We are sensible that the eye alone considered
will not be quite as well satisfied; but connecting the consideration
that the whole and every part of it presents the true size of the life, we
suppose the beholders will receive a greater pleasure on the whole.
Should we agree with Mons. Houdon, he will come over in the April
packet and of course may be expected in Virginia about the last of May.

Jean Antoine Houdon 189
His stay with the General will be about a month. This will be employed
in forming his bust of plaister. With this he will return to Paris, and
will then be between two and three years in executing the whole in
marble. . . .
These two letters from Jefferson, to Washington and to Harrison,
establish this interesting and important point concerning Houdon,
that his position as "the first Sculptor of his day" was firmly estab
lished among his contemporaries in Europe— a reputation that a
century has not succeeded in lessening, but, on the contrary, has
served to establish more firmly. For Jefferson was not confined to
France in the selection of a sculptor, as has often been stated, out of
regard for the amity shown by that country to this, but he was given
"all the European states" from which to select the most masterly
hand, and that hand was, without question, Jean Antoine Houdon.
Houdon's refusal to make the statue except from life, and his
perfect willingness to cross the ocean for the purpose, which was no
inconsiderable undertaking in 1785, showed the true spirit of the
artist and should never be forgotten by lovers of art and by ad
mirers of Washington. La Fayette sent by Houdon's hand a letter
to Washington, written July 4, 1785,1 in which he says, "Nothing
but the love of glory and his respect for you could induce him to
cross the seas, as his business here far exceeds his leisure, and his
numerous and gratified friends make him very happy at home."
Before the final agreement for the work could be consummated,
1 Sparks, "Correspondence of the American Revolution," Vol. IV, p. 106.

I90 Life and Works of
however, Houdon was taken seriously ill, and for a time his life was
despaired of. This made it impossible for him to take the April
packet, as Jefferson had anticipated; and as Dr. Franklin was pre
paring to return home, Houdon's departure was deferred until the
two could journey together. In order to make this possible, the
French government, on June 30, granted Houdon permission to
travel for six months. One prudent condition that he exacted be
fore he would leave France gave Jefferson no little tribulation. He
required that his life should be insured for 10,000 livres for the
benefit of his family, who were dependent upon him, which, after
much negotiation, was finally effected in London by John Adams.1
Jefferson did everything possible to provide for Houdon a warm
welcome, both as an artist and as a man, in the new country, to
whose tongue, even, he was a stranger. He wrote Washington, July
10, 1785 :2
Mr. Houdon would much sooner have had the honor of attending you,
but for a spell of sickness, which long induced us to despair of his recov
ery, and from which he is but recently recovered. He comes now for the
purpose of lending the aid of his art to transmit you to posterity. He is
without rivalship in it, being employed from all parts of Europe in what
ever is capital. He has had difficulty in withdrawing himself from an
order of the Empress of Russia, a difficulty, however, that arose from a
desire to show her respect, but which never gave him a moment's hesita
tion about his present voyage, which he considers as promising the bright
est chapter of his history. I have spoken of him as an artist only; but I
1 Jefferson MSS., Library of Congress.
2 Randolph's Jefferson, Vol. I, p. 248.

Jean Antoine Houdon lgi
can assure you also that, as a man, he is disinterested, generous, candid
and panting for glory; in every circumstance meriting your good opinion.
He will have need to see you much while he shall have the honor of
being with you ; which you can the more freely admit, as his eminence and
merit give him admission into genteel society here. He will need an
interpreter. I suppose you could procure some person from Alexandria,
who might be agreeable to yourself, to perform the office. He brings
with him one or two subordinate workmen, who, of course, will associate
with their own class.1
Two days later he addressed letters of introduction to Richard
Henry Lee, Monroe, and the entire Virginia delegation in Con
gress. The last cited letter is very important as showing Houdon's
status in relation to the proposed equestrian statue.2
In consequence of the orders of the Legislative and Executive bodies
of Virginia, I have engaged Mons. Houdon to make the statue of Genl.
Washington. For this purpose it is necessary for him to see the Gen
eral. He therefore goes with Doctr. Franklin, and will have the honor
of delivering this himself. As his journey is at the expense of the state,
according to our contract, I will pray you to favor him with your patron
age and councils and to protect him as much as possible from those im
positions to which strangers are but too much exposed. I have advised
him to proceed in the stages to the General's. I have also agreed, if he
can see Generals Green and Gates, whose busts he has a desire to make,
that he may make a moderate deviation for this purpose, after he has
done with General Washington. But the most important object with
him is to be employed to make General Washington's Equestrian statue
for Congress. Nothing but the expectation of this could have engaged
1 Houdon took with him three "eleves." The names of two of them, M. Begler and
M. Micheli, have been preserved by Montaiglon and Duplessis, p. 319.
2 Jefferson MSS., Library of Congress.

I92 Life and Works of
him to have undertaken the voyage, as the pedestrian statue for Virginia
will not make it worth the business he loses by absenting himself. I was
therefore obliged to assure him of my recommendation for this greater
work. Having acted in this for the state, you will, I hope, think your
selves in some measure bound to patronize and urge his being employed
by Congress. I would not have done this myself nor asked you to do it,
did I not see that it would be better for Congress to put this business into
his hands than those of any other person living, for these reasons : ( i )
He is, without rivalship, the first statuary of his age; as a proof of which
he receives orders from every other country for things intended to be
capital. (2) He will have seen General Washington, have taken his
measures in every part, and of course whatever he does of him will have
the merit of being original, from which other workmen can only furnish
copies. (3) He is in possession of the house, the furnaces, and all the
apparatus provided for making the statue of Louis XV. If any other
workman is employed, this will all be to be provided anew, and of course
to be added to the price of the statue, for no man can ever expect to make
two equestrian statues. The addition to which this would be to the price,
will much exceed the expectation of any person who has not seen that
apparatus. In truth, it is immense. As to the price of the work, it will
be much greater than Congress is aware of, probably. I have enquired
somewhat into this circumstance and find the prices of those made for
two centuries past have been from 120,000 guineas down to 16,000
guineas, according to the size. And as far as I have seen, the smaller
they are the more agreeable. ... In making a contract with Mons.
Houdon, it would not be proper to advance money but as his disburse
ments and labor advance. As it is a work of many years, this will render
the expense insensible. The pedestrian statue in marble is to take three
years. The equestrian, of course, much more. Therefore the sooner it
is begun, the better.
This letter is of primary interest. Its very opening sentence

Jean Antoine Houdon i93
shows that while Franklin had been invited by Governor Harrison
to assist Jefferson in the selection of a suitable statue, the selection
of a sculptor was Jefferson's alone. "I have engaged Mons. Hou
don," are his words, showing that when Governor Harrison wrote
him in his first letter, "I shall therefore leave it to you to find out
the best in any of the European states," the personal pronoun was
used literally for Jefferson and not for Jefferson and Franklin.
This is important because many biographers of Franklin have
stated, and other writers have followed them, that it was Franklin
who selected Houdon to make this now famous statue of Washing
ton, which we show is clearly erroneous. There is every reason,
too, why Jefferson should have had the laboring oar. He was in the
prime of life, just past forty years, a Virginian, and had been al
ready Governor of the State before he was sent to Paris as Minister
to the Court of France, where he had only recently arrived. Frank
lin was approaching his eightieth year, was suffering the physical
infirmities of age, and was preparing to lay down his public bur
dens and return home to rest during his remaining years— that is,
if such a man could rest— so that Jefferson, single-handed, would
have to attend to the completion of the work during the ensuing
three years it was to require. Of course, it is not to be questioned
but that Jefferson took counsel with Franklin over the selection of
the sculptor, though Jefferson, as we have seen by his letter of
December io to Washington, suggested Houdon's name before he
had even been able "to see and confer with Dr. Franklin on the

Life and Works of
194subject." That Houdon would meet with Franklin's full approval
is clear from the relations that existed between the sculptor and the
philosopher, as shown in our chapter on "Busts of Franklin" ; and
the letter we there give, of November 8, 1783, from Houdon, rela
tive to the book that Franklin wanted, "touching the mould of
Louis XV,"1 taken in connection with Houdon's known ambition to
model the equestrian statue that Congress had voted should be
erected to Washington, and, without the hope of receiving which
we are told he would not have journeyed here, must have been the
occasion of Houdon's introduction to Franklin.
This ambition and hope Houdon seems to have tenaciously clung
to, for on July 8, 1786, we find Jefferson writing to John Jay, Secre
tary of Foreign Affairs,2 "At the desire of Monsieur Houdon I
have the honor to enclose to you his propositions for making the
Equestrian statue of General Washington."
Enclosures.3— Mr. Houdon is in possession of the workhouse of the
city of Paris, employed for casting large works in Bronze and Drilling
on the spot where they are erected, and requires for the execution of an
Equestrian Statue of General Washington in bronze the sum 600,000
livres and the term of ten years from the present instant for the furnish
ing of it, in case the bargain should be signed by both parties in the course
of the present year. The price being agreed on, he submits the distribu-
1 "Description des travaux qui ont precede, accompagne et suivi la fonte en bronze
d'un seul jet de la statue equestre de Louis XV, le bien-aime. Dresse sur les memoires
de M. Lempereur par M. Mariette. Paris, 1768."
2 Jefferson MSS., Library of Congress.
*Ibid.

Jean Antoine Houdon I95
tion of the payments to the convenience of the Congress, submitting,
however, for their consideration that the heaviest part of the expense
will fall on him in the first years. He thinks he ought to recommend to
have the work performed in two separate casts,— that is, the General in
one cast and the horse in another,— since this method would not be any
prejudice to the uniformity of the whole work; which, on the contrary,
would be benefited in every part as well in its execution as in its solidity
and facility of transporting it. Mr. Houdon insists the rather upon this
point from the experience he and his workmen have acquired in their
endeavor to perfect themselves, as he knows of no founder at present
equal in ability to those which he has himself instructed, at a great ex
pense, during fifteen years that he has been in possession of the city's
foundry, where the equestrian statue of Louis XV was cast, and those
who were employed in that work are now dead.
The second proposition was in the same words, except that the
time was shortened to "eight years" and the cost correspondingly
increased to "1,000,000 livres."
Houdon was so full of the project that he did actually model an
equestrian statuette "en platre d'environ 1 pied," which was exhib
ited in the Salon of 1793. Unfortunately, all trace of this model is
lost. It was not even in the sale of 1828, or we might yet hope to
have it reproduced and thus do tardy honor to Houdon and have
an equestrian statue worthy of Washington.1 In 1804 Houdon
1 Delerot and Legrelle, in writing of Houdon's desire to execute the equestrian statue
of Washington, say that he was so preoccupied with the idea that, with such an end in
view, he made a cast of a skinless horse, which he later presented to the Academy of
Fine Arts. But they are mistaken when they add that this project "never reached even a
beginning looking to its execution." They have overlooked the model in the Salon
of 1793.

I96 Life and Works of
must have had his hope of yet making this equestrian statue of
Washington, an object so near to his heart, rekindled by a corre
spondence that he had with Chancellor Livingston, then the Amer
ican representative in France. We find Houdon writing to Liv
ingston, "5 Germinal [26th of March], 1804,"1 a repetition of the
terms and conditions he gave to Jay, adding that
This price is one that several sculptors asked for the statue of Peter
the Great in Russia, and which was given to M. Falconet some thirty or
forty years since. In spite of the increase in the price of everything, I
ask no other, because I desire to respond worthily to the confidence with
which the United States honor me, and I recall with gratitude that,
in 1785, I was chosen by them to execute the pedestrian statue of the
General ; that then I was given the hope of executing this equestrian one,
and for which I then made the necessary measurements upon the Gen
eral himself.
But nothing came of this, and the subject seems to have been
dropped for half a century, when Clark Mills was employed to
make the equestrian statue now in Washington— in the words of
the Act of Congress, "to substantially carry into effect the resolu
tion passed August 7, 1783."
Three days after Jefferson wrote his letter to the Virginian dele
gates in Congress, he gives Patrick Henry, the new Governor of
Virginia, the terms of the contract with Houdon. He writes, July
15, 1785:2
1 Autograph Collection of Simon Gratz, Esq., of Philadelphia.
2 Jefferson MSS., Library of Congress.

Jean Antoine Houdon 191
Mr. Houdon's long and desperate illness has retarded till now his de
parture for Virginia. We had hoped from our first conversations with
him that it would be easy to make our terms, and that the cost of the
statue and expense of sending him would be but about a thousand guineas.
But when we came to settle this precisely he thought himself obliged to
ask vastly more, insomuch that one moment we thought our treaty at an
end. But, unwilling to commit such a work to an inferior hand, we made
him an ultimate proposition on our part. He was as much mortified at
the prospect of not being the executor of such a work as we were not to
have it done by such a hand. He therefore acceded to our terms, tho'
we are satisfied he will be a considerable loser. We were led to insist on
them because in a former letter to the Governor I had given the hope
we entertained of bringing the whole within iooo guineas. The terms
are 25,000 livres or 1000 English guineas, the English guinea being
worth 25 livres, for the statue and pedestal. Besides this, we pay his
expenses going and returning, which we expect will be between four and
five thousand livres; and if he dies in the voyage, we pay his family
10,000 livres. This latter proposition was disagreeable to us. But he
has a father, mother and sisters who have no other resource but in his
labours ; and he is himself one of the best men in the world. He there
fore made it a sine qua non, without which all would have been off. . . .
I enclose you for a more particular detail a copy of the agreement.1 Dr.
Franklin, being on his departure, did not become a party to the instru
ment, tho' it has been concluded with his approbation. He was disposed
to give 250 guineas more, which would have split the difference between
the actual terms and Mr. Houdon's demand. I wish the state, at the
conclusion of this work, may agree to give him this much more, because I
am persuaded he will be a loser, which I am sure their generosity would
not wish. But I have not given him the smallest expectation of it, chus-
ing the proposition would come from the state, which will be more
honorable. You will perceive by the agreement that I pay him imme-
1 This agreement has not been preserved in the Archives of Virginia.

I98 Life and Works of
diately 8333% livres, which is to be employed in getting the marble in
Italy, its transportation, etc. The package and transportation of his
stucco to make the moulds will be about 500 livres. I shall furnish him
with money for his expenses in France, and I have authorized Dr.
Franklin, when he arrives in Philadelphia, to draw on me for money for
his other expenses, going, staying and returning. . . . Dr. Franklin
leaves Passy this morning.1 As he travels in a litter, Mr. Houdon will
follow him some days hence, and will embark with him for Philadelphia.
I am in hopes he will not stay in America more than a month.
On the 20th, Houdon joined Franklin at Havre; thence they
crossed together to England and sailed from Southampton on July
28, landing in Philadelphia on September 14, 1785. But poor
Houdon had trials and tribulations before he sailed that were not
easily cured on his arrival. We knew that he was disappointed by
the non-arrival at Havre of his tools and materials, and that he had
to leave without them and delay his visit to Mount Vernon until he
could supply himself anew. But we did not know to what sore
straits the sculptor was really put, until the recent discovery, among
the Franklin MSS. in the American Philosophical Society, of a
letter from Mons. Le Veillard2 to Temple Franklin, and a draft of
Temple Franklin's reply,3 bearing on the subject. The story is
very graphically told in a few words by M. Le Veillard: "I have
learned with pain that your belongings are still lying at Havre. . . .
1 Franklin sets down in his private journal (Sparks's Franklin, Vol. I, p. 587) :
"Set out on my return home, July 12, 1785, leaving Passy." This was three days earlier
than Jefferson writes and shows the uncertainty of even contemporaneous records.
2 October 9, 1785.
3 March 27, 1786.

Jean Antoine Houdon TQg
Poor M. Houdon, with his half-dozen shirts for four persons!
He must have passed through several Sundays without a clean one.
And the tools and the material for the Genl. Washington will be of
American clay with American tools." To which Temple Franklin
replied: "Our belongings have reached here after a voyage of three
months. Yes I M. Houdon has suffered much. During the pas
sage we took up a subscription of Shirts and Stockings in his favor,
and on arrival here he was obliged to make purchases for himself
and for his workmen." These letters, telling so plainly of Hou
don's plight, make clear what before seemed very odd when we
found, in Houdon's account of expenses of his journey to and from
America, so many items for clothing, of all kinds, purchased for
himself and his three "eleves."1 Such details add much interest to
the picture, and surround it with an atmosphere which otherwise
would be lacking.
On September 20 Franklin advised Washington of his arrival,
with Houdon, and that the latter would wait upon him as soon as
he had supplied himself with materials and instruments. On the
26th Washington replied to Franklin: "When it suits M. Houdon
to come hither I will accommodate him in the best manner I am
able and shall endeavor to render his stay as agreeable as I can."
The same day he wrote to Houdon :
By a letter, which I have lately had the honour to receive from Dr.
1 This important document is printed in Appendix "A" from the original in Houdon's
autograph in the Archives of Virginia in the State Library at Richmond.

200

Life and Works of

Franklin, at Philadelphia, I am informed of your arrival at that place.
Many letters from very respectable characters in France, as well as the
Doctor's, inform me of the occasion, for which, though the cause is not
of my seeking, I feel the most agreeable and grateful sensations. I wish
the object of your mission had been more worthy of the masterly genius
of the first statuary in Europe ; for thus you are represented to me. It
will give me pleasure, Sir, to welcome you to the seat of my retirement ;
and whatever I have, or can procure, that is necessary to your purposes,
or convenient and agreeable to your wishes, you must freely command,
as inclination to oblige you will be among the last things in which I shall
be found deficient, either on your arrival or during your stay.
Houdon, having remained in Philadelphia over two weeks, ar
rived at Mount Vernon in the night of Sunday, October 2, 1785,
under which date Washington enters in his diary:
After we were in bed (about eleven o'clock in the evening) , Mr. Hou
don, sent from Paris by Dr. Franklin and Mr. Jefferson to take my Bust,
in behalf of the State of Virginia, with three young men assistants, in
troduced by a Mr. Perin, a French gentleman of Alexandria, arrived
here by water from the latter place.
The next entry is under "Friday, October 7th" :
Sat this day, as I had done yesterday, for Mr. Houdon to form my
bust. Then follows :
Monday, October 10. Observed the process for preparing the
plaister of Paris and mixing of it according to Mr. Houdon.
Wednesday, October 12. In the evening Mr. Madison came.
Friday, October 14. Mr. Madison went away.
Wednesday, October 19. Mr. Houdon, having finished his business
which bro't him hither, went up on Monday [17th], with his people,

Jean Antoine Houdon 2oi
work and implements, in my barge, to Alexandria, to take a passage in
the Stage for Philadelphia the next morning.
These autograph entries by Washington are of the first impor
tance in the history of the Houdon portrait of Washington, for they
fix the exact time that the sculptor was at Mount Vernon to have
been a fortnight,1 and also the exact day when the mould of the liv
ing face was made. The latter was made in the presence of James
Madison, and the notation of Madison's arriving on the evening of
October 12 and leaving on October 14 gives us, without the slight
est doubt, Thursday, October 13, 1785, as the day and date when
the cast of Washington was made. Fortunately, and most mar
velous to relate, the mask of Washington's face, cast from the
matrix taken from his living features, exists to-day, and has recently
come into possession of Mr. J. Pierpont Morgan.2 It was taken to
Paris by Houdon, who showed it to Rembrandt Peale in his studio
in 1808, when Peale painted Houdon's portrait, now in the Penn
sylvania Academy of Fine Arts.3 At the sale of Houdon's effects
after his decease in 1828, this mask was purchased by Robert
Walsh, of Philadelphia, who brought it to America, and later it
became the property of John Struthers, a Scotch stone-cutter in
1 Delerot and Legrelle's account of Houdon's visit to America is nearly as erroneous
as the statement in the new "Biographie Generale," 1861, Vol. XXV, p. 254, which says
that "Houdon resided with Washington in Philadelphia and there made the bust," etc.
2 It is a great pity that Houdon opened the eyes in this mask, and the reason for his
doing so is unaccountable.
3 Letter from Rembrandt Peale to John Durand, Editor of "The Crayon," September
5, 1857, in possession of Mr. Hart.

2Q2 Life and Works of
that city, who had in his employ a German sculptor named Ferdi
nand Pettrick, to whom in 1839 he gave the Houdon life-mask of
Washington. Pettrick returned to Europe and settled in Rome,
where he was known and assisted in his old age by the eminent
American poet and sculptor, William Wetmore Story; and from
his death-bed at Palestrina, Pettrick sent his wife with the life-
mask to Story, desiring that he should become the possessor of this,
the most important iconographie memorial of the great Washington
that exists, and Story bought it.1 It was the choicest treasure of
Mr. Story's studio, in the Palazzo Barberini, until his death, when
it passed to his sculptor son, Waldo Story, who in February, 1908,
disposed of it to Mr. Morgan. This is the history and pedigree of
the only mask from Washington's face that is authentic, the plaster
faces exhibited in many public collections as "Houdon's mask of
Washington" being nothing but casts from the face of a Houdon
bust, and a very much worn one at that, of no artistic or historical
value whatever.
Mr. Story, in his article already cited, makes a long and labored
argument to show that Houdon did not model a bust of Washing
ton from life at Mount Vernon, but satisfied himself with the mask
and made the bust from it after his return to Paris. He sees great
differences between the bust and the life-mask, all of which favor
the mask, notwithstanding which he admits that "a mask from the
living face, though it repeats exactly the true forms of the original,
1 "The Mask of Washington," by W. W. Story, Harper's Weekly of February 26, 1887.

it,:; 3

Jean Antoine Houdon 203
lacks the spirit and expression of the real person." But Mr. Story
does not tell us with what bust of Washington by Houdon he com
pared the mask, and we have found, in pursuing our studies and in
vestigations of this subject, that there are great differences among
them, owing, of course, to the distance the example is removed from
the original.1 The value of masks from life or after death, as por
traits, I shall not discuss here, as I have already written fully upon
that subject;2 but we have positive affirmative proof of the fallacy
of Mr Story's argument in the present instance.
Houdon did model a bust of Washington from life at Mount
Vernon in October, 1785.
Washington not only records in his diary sitting "for Mr. Hou
don to form my Bust," but it was exhibited to Congress and to
Franklin, Hopkinson, Thomson and others, who have recorded it.
Houdon arrived in Philadelphia, on his return from Mount
Vernon, in the evening of October 20,3 and on the 24th wrote
Franklin the following letter:4
I have the honor to recall to Mons. Dr. Franklin before Mons. his son
makes an estimate of the amount I shall be obliged to draw before leav-
1 These endless reproductions, some of them having even the audacity to forge his
signature, are so many counterfeits of Houdon's work, from which he was not free even
in his lifetime, and of which he often bitterly complained as being detrimental to his
fame as to his pocket. His Ecorche, Voltaire, Rousseau and Washington were those
most commonly pirated, and this accounts for the dissimilarity between casts of what is
intended for the same head.
2Browere's "Life-Masks of Great Americans," by Charles Henry Hart, New York,
1899. 3 Letter of Franklin to Ferdinand Grand. Smyth's Franklin, Vol. IX, p. 471.
* Autograph Collection of Simon Gratz, Esq., Philadelphia.

204 Life and Works of
ing, that I owe here to M. Thovarre [?], partner in the house of de
Heyder Veydt, 25 louis borrowed at Baltimore in order to pursue my
journey. To the tailor since my return from the General's about 8, also.
The expenses at the Inn here as well, which I cannot as yet estimate.
Other like unavoidable expenditures. What I re-owe in the house of
M. Dr. F. The journeys and stays before embarking for our return to
France. Those of our passage money there from Orient to Paris, or
from London to Paris, if there is time to be gained in following the
shortest route. The cost of these routes I have no knowledge of and I
ask pardon for it. A sum for unforeseen happenings or letters of credit
available at different points, a matter which appears to be very essential,
judging by my experience in Virginia. Houdon
The next day, while Houdon was still in Philadelphia, Francis
Hopkinson, poet, artist, lawyer and statesman, wrote to Jefferson:1
This will be delivered to you by Mr. Houdon, the artist who came
over to make a model for a statue of GI. Washington. / yesterday saw
the head he has modelled of that great man. I am charmed with it. He
is certainly a most capital artist. There is no looking at this bust without
admiration and delight. The noble air, sublime expression and faithful
likeness evince the hand of a master. You will be charmed with it. Mr.
Houdon, having executed the purpose of his voyage, is impatient to re
turn. The following day— October 26— William Temple Franklin
writes to John Jay at New York:2
Mr. Houdon, of whom you have heard me speak, will have the honor
of delivering this to you. He is lately returned from Virginia, where he
1 Jefferson MSS., Library of Congress.
2 Johnston's Jay Correspondence, Vol. IV, p. 174.

Jean Antoine Houdon 205
has been fulfilling the object of his coming to America, in modelling the
bust of General Washington, in which he has been singularly successful.
He is now about returning to France by the way of N. York. / have
persuaded him to take with him the Genl's bust that he has given us, in
order to show to Congress what he is capable of doing and thereby ob
taining the preference in being employed to make the Equestrian Statue
voted long since.
Truthful Charles Thomson, who was never carried away by his
emotions, wrote to Jefferson from New York, November 2, 1785 -A
Mr. Houdon has been to Mount Vernon and taken the bust of our
amiable General. He exhibited it to the view of Congress. It appears
to me to be executed in a masterly manner. I acknowledge my want of
skill to judge of performance of this nature, but there is in the air and
attitude of this, something that pleases me. Most other pictures seem
to have their attention turned on the objects around them, but in this the
artist, by elevating the chin and countenance, has given it the air of one
looking forward into futurity. But I will not venture any criticisms for
fear of betraying my ignorance.
What became of the bust that, Temple Franklin wrote Jay,
"Houdon has given us," no one can tell. Doubtless, made as it
was of comparatively fragile material, it long since was ground to
dust. That it was returned to the Doctor's possession is shown by
his letter to Houdon, November 30, 1785 :2 "The bust is returned
perfectly safe, and continues to be the admiration of all that see it."
Surely, after this array of contemporaneous evidence, now brought
1 Collection of the New York Historical Society, 1878, p. 214.
2 Autograph Collection of Oliver K. Brooks, Esq., Cleveland, Ohio.

2o6 Life and Works of
together for the first time, there can be no question as to the fact
that Houdon did model his bust of Washington direct from life,
and not from the mask that he took ex majori cautela. That he
prized this mask, however, very highly, is evidenced by the fact
that when he returned to France, reaching his home on Christmas
day of 1785, he took with him, as Jefferson wrote Washington,
January 4, 1786,1 "the mould of the face only, having left the other
parts of his work with his workmen to come by some other con
veyance." Among the articles thus brought to him by his workmen2 was the
bust he had modeled and cast at Mount Vernon. This bust Hou
don preserved with as reverent care as he did the life-mask, until
his death ; and at the sale of his effects it was bought by M. Walfer-
din, who bequeathed it to the Louvre,3 where it now is, and from
which our reproduction has been made. It will be seen to be very
different from the ordinary commercial "Houdon bust of Wash
ington" ; and, while a comparison between it and the life-mask will
show a marked similarity in form and contour, the bust has the
advantage of the mask "in spirit and expression," and shows plainly
1 Randolph's Jefferson, Vol. I, p. 393.
2 "Houdon is arrived in Paris, but has not yet brought your bust, which he expects
by water from London." La Fayette to Washington, February 8, 1786. Memoirs and
Correspondence of La Fayette, 1837, Vol. II, p. 125.
3 "The terra-cotta original bust of Washington, modelled from life, which was sold
at the sale of the artist's effects in 1828 and which was bought by M. Walferdin, was
bequeathed by him to the Louvre." Grimm-Diderot Correspondance, Paris, 1880, Vol.
XIV, p. 297, n.

Jean Antoine Houdon 207
that Mr. Story never could have studied this bust in the Louvre,
when he commented upon the dissimilarity between the two, as one
of the reasons for his claiming that the bust was not modeled from
life but from the mask was "the nudity of the neck and shoulders."1
The original bust in the Louvre, as the plate shows, is draped, with
a tunic and band, over the shoulders, which could not have
escaped Mr. Story, had he ever seen it. He doubtless only knew
the ordinary casts called "Houdon's Washington," which have the
neck and shoulders bare, and which, from being constantly cast and
recast, have so much deteriorated and are so far removed from the
original as to be next to worthless.2
The bust of Washington that Houdon presented to Franklin was
not the only bit of his handicraft that he left in this country.
Among his belongings that did not arrive here until he had been
at home several months, were a "Diana and several other works of
his own composition," of which Temple Franklin in his letter to M.
le Veillard, already cited, says :
I fear that we shall find no one here capable of putting together the
principal figures, the different parts of which having been separated for
convenience in packing. As it is, not one of the cases has been as yet
opened, awaiting the arrival of Mr. Pyne, the Painter, now in Mary-
1 Delerot and Legrelle also err in saying that Houdon modeled his bust from the
cast of the mould of Washington's face.
2 A very interesting comparison can also be made between the Houdon original bust,
the life-mask and Stuart's first portrait of Washington, when the harmony of the three
will be seen to be very convincing as to their truthfulness.

208

Life and Works of

land,1 to whom the matter was confided. I beg of you to inform M.
Houdon of this and assure him that I shall do all that in me lies for the
sale of the objects designed to be sold.
What became of these art treasures we are unable to say, but
we know from the letter of Dupont de Nemours to Jefferson, that
among them was a marble bust of Franklin that was offered for sale
to the State of Virginia but not purchased.
No sooner had Houdon returned than several important ques
tions arose in regard to the statue ; the most essential being the cos
tume in which Washington should be represented, and the
inscription it should bear. On the first question, Jefferson, in his
letter to Washington of January 4, 1786, writes:
Dr. Franklin, who was joined with me in the superintendence of this
just monument, having left us before what is called the costume of the
statue was decided on, I cannot so well satisfy myself, and I am per
suaded I should not so well satisfy the world, as by consulting your own
wish or inclination as to this article. Permit me, therefore, to ask you
whether there is any particular dress, or any particular attitude, which
you would rather wish to be adopted.
To this Washington replied, August 1, 1786:2
In answer to your obliging enquiries respecting the dress, attitude, etc.,
which I would wish to have given to the statue in question, I have only to
observe that, not having sufficient knowledge in the art of sculpture to
1 Robert Edge Pine, the English painter, who came to this country and settled in
Philadelphia in 1784, and died there in 1788. It is not at all unlikely that some of these
works of Houdon became the attraction of Pine's public exhibition of works of art,
which after his death were sold and finally became the nucleus of the Boston Museum
collection, as in the latter, when dispersed in 1892, was a Houdon bust of Paul Jones.
2 Jefferson MSS., Library of Congress.

Jean Antoine Houdon 2o9
oppose my judgment to the taste of Connoisseurs, I do not desire to dic
tate in the matter. On the contrary, I shall be perfectly satisfied with
whatever may be judged decent and proper. I should even scarcely have
ventured to suggest that perhaps a servile adherence to the garb of an
tiquity might not be altogether so expedient as some little deviation in
favor of the modern costume, if I had not learned from Colo. Humphrey
that this was a circumstance hinted in conversation with Mr. West to
Houdon. This taste which has been introduced in painting by Mr. West,
I understand is received with applause and prevails extensively.
There is nothing whatever to indicate that Houdon had sug
gested the classic style for the statue of Washington, and it is very
unlikely that he did, but what was doubtless in the mind of Wash
ington, and what he desired to guard against, when he replied to
Jefferson's inquiry as to his "wish or inclination" on the subject of
costume, was the provision in the resolution of Congress for the
equestrian statue that "the General be represented in a Roman
dress, holding a truncheon in his right hand and his head encircled
with a laurel wreath." But it is quite clear that Houdon made a
sketch or model for the statue different from its final execution, for
a German tourist in Paris, quoted by Montaiglon and Duplessis
(p. 326), 1 says he saw in the sculptor's studio a model for the statue
in which Washington is portrayed in the character of the Protector
of Agriculture. Meyer says :
The figure is clothed in the plain and noble habiliments appropriate to
a man of rural pursuits, a light pleated vest, half buttoned, sandals on
1 "Fragments sur Paris. Par Frederic-Jean-Laurent Meyer." Translated from the
German by Genl. Dumouriez. Hamburg, 1798. Vol. II, p. 222.

2IO

Life and Works of

the feet, with a cloak fastened across the chest and enveloping the back
and shoulders, suggesting protection to the Agriculturist against bad
weather. One hand rests upon a walking-stick, the other is placed upon
the Republican Fasces, crowned by a Liberty cap. At his feet stands a
plough. And this explains what would be a puzzle without it. On
August 25, 1790, after Jefferson's return home, he wrote to Wil
liam Short in Paris:1
I must beg the favor of you to get Houdon to have made of a light
cheap silk, couleur d'ardoise, the actual costume he formed for the Presi
dent's statue. It consisted of a gilet and cloak, which fell behind the
back so as to show the form of the body clear of it. Let it be made of
the size of life. This is not meant to bring into doubt the original order
to make the statue in the real costume, to wit, the military uniform.
But the puzzle is unanswered as to the purpose for which Jeffer
son could have wanted this costume of the discarded sketch and in
a special color, but his letter confirms Meyer's statement, without
which we might have been a little sceptical.
The objection to the inscription, raised by Houdon, was the very
just one, from the artistic standpoint,2 that it was too long to be
placed upon a pedestal of the small size necessary to support a life-
size statue, and the result was that when the statue was completed
and sent to Virginia, the pedestal was barren of any inscription, but
1 Jefferson MSS., Library of Congress.
2 Jefferson to Madison, February 8, 1786, and Madison to Jefferson, May, 12, 1786.
Jefferson MSS., Library of Congress.

Jean Antoine Houdon 2n
with the name "George Washington" simply cut on the base upon
which the figure stands, and "fait par houdon Citoyen frangais
1788" below the cane. The original inscription, as provided in the
Assembly's resolution, written by Madison, was, however, cut upon
the pedestal in 18 14, and shows what a proper appreciation of the
situation Houdon entertained.
The "Memoires Secrets," from which we have in other chapters
quoted so generously, announce under date of December 16, 1786 :1
"M. Houdon began to show to amateurs in his studio the bust of
General Washington, the object of his voyage to America and per
fectly modelled, as we are assured." And in the issue of January
27, 1787 :2 "This work is finished and will be ready for the next
Salon,"3 where it was exhibited in marble and catalogued "259. Le
General Washington fait par I'auteur dans le terre de ce general
en Virginie." Of it Bachaumont says, on the day of the opening,
August 25, 1787 :4 "Here is . . . General Washington, whose fine
head has the true calm of the real hero and above all appropriate to
the modern Fabius, but having little resemblance, according to
those who have had the happiness to see the illustrious American."
This final sentence is of much import as being so wholly contrary
1 Vol. XXXIII, p. 274- 2 Vo1- XXXIV, p. 91.
3 At the period of which we are writing the Salon opened on August 25 and lasted one
month. The first was held in 1737 and thereafter annually until 1745, after which they
were held every two years until 1796, which was an annual exhibition. Again from
1798 to 1802 they were held annually, after which they were held every two years until
a comparatively recent date, since which they have been held annually.
4 Vol. XXXVI, p. 396.

2I2 Life and Works of
to the accepted criticism of Houdon's work, as we have seen in the
original bust modeled at Mount Vernon and in the statue at Rich
mond, and causes us to pause and wonder if the change was wrought
by the chisel of the practicien in transferring the model into stone.1
The whereabouts of this marble, exhibited in the Salon of 1787, are
unknown, but may it not be the bust from which the commonly seen
casts of the undraped "Houdon's Washington" were made, which,
if the final sentence of the criticism we have quoted is correct,
might account for their dissimilarity with the original in the
Louvre? But the statue that bears date "1788" was not completed, it would
seem, until 1791,2 when Gouverneur Morris records in his diary,3
under date of July 13 : "At eleven go to breakfast with Lady Suth
erland and afterward attend her to M. Houdon's to see the statue of
Genl. Washington." Even then the State of Virginia was not ready
to receive it, owing to the incompleteness of the State Capitol, at
Richmond, where it was to be housed. But on February 5, 1795,
we find Governor Brooke writing to James Monroe, then the
American envoy to France, asking him to ascertain "the situation
of the business," as the statue was not finished when Jefferson left
Paris, "and we have no information since with respect to its prog-
1 For an interesting account of this mechanical part of sculpture, see Lawton's "Life
and Work of Auguste Rodin," New York, 1907, pp. 28-30.
2 Montaiglon and Duplessis, p. 327, citing Le Breton's Report on the Fine Arts, make
it a year later — 1792.
3 Diary of Gouverneur Morris, New York, Vol. I, p. 433.

Jean Antoine Houdon 213
ress."1 The letter was delayed in reaching Monroe, but he ac
knowledged it August 20, promising to make the inquiries desired,
and in every way to further the wishes of the Executive of his State.
This action resulted in the statue being shipped at Havre, with a
workman to put it up, toward the close of January, 1796, on the ship
Planter, whereof Ayres Stockley was master, bound for Philadel
phia. The bill of lading reads : "For account and risk of the Gov
ernor and Council of the town of Richmond, State of Virginia.
Three cases, one of which contains the marble pedester statue of
General Washington, and the two others contain the marble pedes
tal of said statue, weighing together thirty-six thousand pounds,
weight going for eighteen tons, being marked and numbered as in
the margin, and to be delivered in like good order at the aforesaid
port of Philadelphia (the danger of the seas only being excepted),
unto the order of Mr. William Pennock, of Norfolk, Virginia, who
is to convey the same to said Governor and Council of Richmond,
or to his order or assigns, he or they paying freight for the said
goods."2 The statue reached Philadelphia in April, and it was at
once forwarded to Richmond, where it was placed in the rotunda
of the Capitol on the main floor, between the House of Delegates
and the Senate Chamber, on the 14th of May, 1796, apparently
without any ceremony or exercises whatever.3
1 Governor's Letter-book, Archives of Virginia.
2 MS. Archives of Virginia, in State Library, Richmond.
3 The freight and expenses on the statue from France were $315-28; and the cost of
putting it up, $90 plus £26 6s. iod.

2I4 Life and Works of
Three years before the delivery of the statue, Houdon had been
paid, literally, the full amount he was to receive for the work, but
the last payment was made in assignats, the depreciated money of
the French Republic, and he made claim for payment of the loss
occasioned by the depreciation. This claim Monroe communicated
to the Executive of his State, July 29, 1796. He writes :
I herewith enclose you a note of the amt. of what I paid to Mr. Hou
don, the artist, for the charges annexed and which he requested imme
diately. Mr. Houdon has also another demand of abt. the like sum for
depreciations and wh. I promised to communicate to you and pay him in
case you permitted. I believe from his statement that he actually lost
that amt. and in that mode, but at the same time I also believe the State
of Virginia did not profit thereby, as likewise that the only claim he has,
if any, is upon the candor and liberality of the State.
Houdon followed this up with a personal letter to the Governor
under date of September 8, 1796, which is amusing for the attempt
at English in which it is written.1
The eight July 1785 he was agreed between his excellency Mr. Jeffer
son in the Virginia state's name and me that I should executed in marble
the statue of Mr. Washington, for the price of 25,000 french money to be
paid in three times— at the period of the last payment at the end of 1792,
I received 9000 which would formed the whole sum I ought to received
if it had not been paid in assignats who losting in that time 60/100 only
give the value of 5625 silver; I remains due 3375.
By a letter to his excellency Mr. Morris I immediately claim against
this sort of payment ; I enclose here the answer Mr. Grand make for him
to me— Mr. Morris and Mr. Short didn't received answer from the
1 MS. Archives of Virginia, State Library.

Jean Antoine Houdon 215
Virginia's state to the several letters they wrote on this account. When
at the end of 1795 his excellency Mr. Monroe ordered the Statutes de
parture, I renewd my claim for being paid of the sum of 3375 but neither
the minister or the consul won't take any determination on this object,
they and me wrote to the Virginia's State on this account, but again no
answer; Now I address myself directly to you Sir, and I hope you will
find my request as right as any of the three Ministers above mentioned,
and that I shall received a satisfactory answer. I am with the respect
due to your caracter sir of your excellency the most obedient servant,
Houdon
Sculpteur au Louvre a Paris.
Copie de la lettre de M grand a M houdon Sculpteur en datte du 28
obre 1792.
M. Morris trouve juste la reclamation de M. houdon, mais comme
il ne puis disposer des fonds du Congres sans son consentement, il en fera
la demande au Congres, main en attendant il conseille a M houdon de
recevoir toujours le solde sur un cette motive, c'est aussi ce que peuse M
grand. Pour copie conforme. Houdon.1
What action was taken on this letter at the time, we are not in
formed, but the claim was not presently adjusted or for several
years thereafter as we find in a letter from Jefferson to Monroe,
when the latter occupied the gubernatorial chair of Virginia, dated
February 28, 1802,2 commenting upon what Dupont de Nemours
had written to him— "Houdon, to whom Virginia still owes a thou
sand crowns on the statue of Washington, is in great need of the
1 Houdon's chirography is extremely difficult to decipher, so that the copyist has been
unable intelligently to render it, being, as it is, in a foreign language, which may also
in part account for some of the peculiarities in his English letter that covered this one.
2 Dreer MSS., Pennsylvania Historical Society.

2I6 Life and Works of
money." He says : "In the latter branch of the quotation I feel a
personal interest as having been the instrument of the contract of
the state. But I imagine this matter must hang on some difficulty
of which I am uninformed." From the subsequent correspondence
it would seem that the matter had simply been allowed to lie dor
mant and only required the magic wand of Jefferson to give it life
and bring about a just settlement. Thus Monroe answers Jefferson
under date of March 14 :J "I am authorized to inform you that
whatever sum you state to be due shall be paid on yr. certificate of
the same. I send you a letter of yours to Governor Brooke, one of
Houdon to the Governor of Virg., and a copy of one from the
banker Grand to Houdon, certified by the latter, which show that
the contract was in specie, that the assignats were accepted by him,
with the approbation of Mr. Morris, on the principle and in the
expectation that they should be scaled. I hope and presume that
Mr. Morris will be able to establish the facts, not known to you,
necessary to adjust the account to your satisfaction, so that we may
be able to pay the artist what is justly his due."
But it was not until Monroe went to France, the following year,
tonegotiate with Livingston for the cession of Louisiana, thatthemat-
ter was finally settled and Houdon received his due. From Paris,
August 12, 1803, Monroe writes to the Governor of Virginia:
At present I have only to . . . transmit you a receipt from the artist
Houdon at Paris for the amount of his claim of balance due him on ac-
1 Hamilton's Monroe, Vol. Ill, p. 339.

Jean Antoine Houdon 2I?
count of the statue of Genl. Washington, which I have paid him. You
will recollect . . . that it was decided that the artist should not lose by
the depreciation of the paper in which the payment was made to him;
that the payment of the balance claimed was only delayed to have been
correctly ascertained by Mr. Jefferson. On my arrival in Paris this
poor man applied to me for justice, and I thought it best to pay him. It
did not suit the character of the state or the transaction that a just claim
should be delayed on account of that statue.
Accompanying this letter was a certificate from the United States
commercial agent of the adjustment, which is of enough interest to
print, showing, as it does, that the statue was completed in Novem
ber of 1792, when the last payment was made.
The undersigned Commercial Agent of the United States at Paris,
having by desire of James Monroe, Envoy Extraordinary, etc., to the
French Republic, examined the several papers exhibited by Mr. Houdon
in support of his claim against the State of Virginia, for the loss by
depreciation on the sum of 9000 Livres paid him in Assignats by the late
bankers of the U. S., Messrs. Grand & Co., on the 29th of November,
1792, on account of the statue of General Washington made by him for
the State of Virginia, does hereby certify that by the scale of depreciation
established by law in this country it appears that, on the aforesaid 29th
of November, 1792, the sum of 9000 Livres in assignats was worth
6200 Livres specie and therefore that the said Houdon did sustain a loss
of 2800 Livres. In witness whereof I have signed the ioth of June,
1803, at Paris. Fulmer Skipwith.
The receipt of Houdon, which closes the transaction, has never
been printed. It is as follows :
J'ai regu de son excellence Monsieur Monroe pour le compte de I'etat
de Virginie la somme de deux mille huit cent Livres pour solde ce qui me

2l8 Life and Works of
restait du sur le statue pedestre du general Washington que j'ai executee
et livree au dit etat. Paris ce 27 prairial an 1 1 ; 16 juin 1803. Houdon.
So that Houdon was not only underpaid for his work, as we have
seen by the testimony of Jefferson, but he had to wait eleven years
after he had finished the statue before he received settlement in full
for it. But his reward was far greater than the mere dollars he was
paid. He had the distinguished honor of coming in close personal
relations with the Pater Patriae, and he has received the homage of
the whole American people for his great work. We are told by his
son-in-law, Raoul Rochette, that his visit to Mount Vernon was an
incident in his life "which in his memory always shone with pe
culiar radiance, for, though not knowing English and having to
speak through an interpreter, the pleasure of having been close to
Washington left memories which he was fond of recurring to when
many others of various kinds had long been forgotten."
While persons see likenesses through many different visions, no
two persons seeing exactly alike, yet there can be no doubt, from the
consensus of Washington's intimate friends and contemporaries, as
well as from the known skill of Houdon as a portrait sculptor, that
future generations can feel, when they look upon his statue of
Washington, that they have before them the verisimilitude of the
original in feature and in stature. At the same time, Houdon was
human, and Washington's supreme manhood seems to have affected
him, as it did so many of the artists who undertook to portray the

Jean Antoine Houdon 2IQ
Father of his Country, so that our sculptor essayed in his work to
convey too complete an idea of the man and thus has overcrowded
his statue with symbolism. The cane, the sword, the ploughshare
and the fasces take away from the simple dignity and majesty of the
figure, until one might suppose that the Father of his Country
needed a support on either side or in boyish awkwardness knew not
what to do with his hands. The truthfulness and artistic qualities
of the head are beyond criticism, and must be accepted as the canon
of comparison for all other portraits.1 As they approach this or
fall away from it, their relation to the original can be assigned.
The portrait is both real and ideal, the perfection of true art.
Truth has not been sacrificed to imagination; they have been
blended and commingled, but not lost in each other. It is a very
dignified statue, but being the exact size of life— six feet, two inches
— and elevated on its pedestal five feet above the floor, appears
smaller than life, and in this position the delicate and subtle model
ing is lost, so that its full value cannot be discerned. The pedestal
should be sunk in a pit, so that the base of the figure would be on
the floor line; then its full value would assert itself and the beauty
of Houdon's work be seen. Unfortunately, no reproduction gives
an adequate idea of its character, and therefore scant justice is done
it in the illustration, which, however, is the best we have ever seen.2
1 This was the view expressed by Gilbert Stuart, America's master painter, who
placed Houdon's bust of Washington before his own familiar Athenaeum head — the one
that may be called "the household Washington.'' His first portrait of Washington,
however, as already noted, measures well up with the Houdon head.
2 According to Montaiglon and Duplessis, p. 325, Houdon "in his old age" made, in

220

Life and Works of

Mr. Lorado Taft, the well-known sculptor, says of this statue:1
The head and shoulders of the figure are superbly illuminated and the
effect is noble beyond any expression given by replicas2 of the statue in
other localities. The workmanship is exceedingly skilful and grows upon
one with study; but there is, it must be confessed, a feeling of leanness
and angularity in the lower portion of the statue. It may be that it was
inherent in the subject, and it is doubtless accentuated by the costume—
the uniform of a Revolutionary officer. Whatever may be the cause,
there is, in spite of irreproachable drawing, an effect as of pasteboard or
tinware about the lower limbs. This is further enhanced by the wide
angle of the feet, which gives the figure from one view the look of having
been cut out of folded paper and then spread open. The close-fitting
nether garments, combined with their "tightness" of treatment, and the
unheroic but doubtless circumstantial swell of the abdomen,3 produce a
result more curiously individual than majestic, until the eye returns to the
noble head, which is one of the finest examples of simplification to be
found in modern art. It has in it the serenity and greatness of all time.
Nearer approach discovers the perfection of drawing and of marble cut
ting in the gloved right hand, which rests upon a long cane, and in the
bared left, which lies upon a cloak thrown over the fasces — a bundle
large, tall, and insistingly prominent. This strange accessory rests in
turn upon a ploughshare. The sharp lines of cane and ploughshare and
fasces are unpleasant and unsculptural, but the transfigured head wel
comes the gaze after each bewildering excursion.
the year io (1802), for the Gallery of the Consuls, a bust of Washington, larger than
life, which is in the Museum at Versailles. They add, "It is singularly tame, feeble and
of no value whatever."
1 "The History of American Sculpture," by Lorado Taft, New York, 1903, p. 17.
2 There is no replica of the statue anywhere. Mr. Taft doubtless means reproduction.
3 The "leanness and angularity" of Washington's legs, as also the "swell of the abdo
men," criticized by Mr. Taft, are clearly shown likewise in Charles Willson Peak's
well-known whole-length portrait of the General, painted in 1779. Washington was
never heavy of weight for his large frame.

WA. S M I IT 'ST -n -it

Jean Antoine Houdon 22i
Houdon's statue of Washington has been removed from its con
secrated place twice, or perhaps three times. In 1851, on March
21, the General Assembly of Virginia, in view of the liability to
injury and destruction of the statue, provided for the taking of casts
of the statue for the colleges of the State; but it was not until
January 14, 1853, that any steps were taken to carry this resolution
into effect, when, by joint resolution of the Assembly, William J.
Hubard, of Richmond, was authorized to take casts of Houdon's
statue of Washington, with exclusive rights for seven years, subject
to certain limitations. What was Hubard's particular qualification
for this work I do not know, but his early life would not seem to
have been spent in the direction to equip him specially for the diffi
cult art of bronze-founder. Yet he did his work well, and one of
his reproductions was the introduction of Felix Regamey, the well-
known French artist, when he visited this country in 1879, to Hou
don's statue, and called forth his high praise. Hubard was
English-born, and landed in New York a youth of seventeen, with
in a few days of La Fayette's arrival in 1824.1 He was under
"management" as an infant prodigy, being advertised as several
years under his actual age, in the art of cutting "with common
scissors in a few seconds" a correct likeness in silhouette. He was
exploited in New York, Boston and Philadelphia, meeting in the
latter city Thomas Sully, under whose guidance he essayed paint-
1 Fide "The Last of the Silhouettists," by Charles Henry Hart, "The Outlook" for
October 6, 1900.

222 Life and Works of
ing, and thereafter he was known as an expert painter of whole-
length portraits in cabinet size, which were well executed and full
of character. He finally settled in Richmond, Va., married, and
went abroad for three years' study; but just what was his vocation
in Richmond we do not know until he undertook the casting of the
reproductions of the Houdon statue, and it was doubtless at the
same factory where this peaceful work was done that he met with
his death in February, 1862, by the explosion of a shell he was fill
ing with a compound of his own invention for the use of the Con
federacy. It was three years after Hubard received the authority to make
his copies of Houdon's work when he accomplished the task, and in
March, 1856, the Governor of Virginia was authorized to pur
chase from him "a bronze cast of Houdon's statue of Washington
to be placed in the Military Institute at Lexington, Va." The
price paid for it is said to have been $10,000, or twice as much as
was the price paid Houdon for the original. This is an interesting
commentary upon the comparative commercial values of the work
of the artist and of the artisan. Hubard made in all six casts in
bronze of the statue, which are, besides the one mentioned, respec
tively in Raleigh, North Carolina, in Columbia, South Carolina, in
St. Louis, Missouri, in New York and in Washington, the latter
being the only one owned by a private person. He also made one
plaster cast of the statue, which his widow sold to the Government
in 1870 for $2000, and which is now in Statuary Hall of the Capi-

Jean Antoine Houdon 223
tol, but is much impoverished by successive coats of white paint.
Whether the statue was not replaced in the rotunda of the Capitol
when Hubard was through with it, or whether it was again removed
for any other purpose, we do not know, but on April 1, 1873, it was
directed to be restored to its former place in the Capitol and an
appropriation was made "to defray the expense in giving that
stability to the floor necessary to the safety of the statue." Thirty-
one years later, in July of 1904, the statue was again removed owing
to the work in progress for remodeling the old Capitol, and it was
housed for eighteen months in an iron fire-proof building, con
structed specially for the purpose, in Capitol Square, until on
January 6, 1906, it was restored to its wonted place in the rotunda.
It would be impossible to locate all of the Houdon busts of
Washington that are genuine; the majority of those seen are not.
Jefferson doubtless had one, as Levasseur in his "La Fayette in
America,"1 speaks of seeing in Jefferson's dining-room at Monti-
cello "four beautiful busts of Washington, Franklin, La Fayette
and Paul Jones." These four busts did belong to the Boston Athe
naeum, and are so recorded in the Catalogue of the Twenty-fifth
Exhibition in 1852.2 In the Pavilion National de la Republique
Francaise, at the World's Columbian Exposition in 1893, there was
exhibited a bronze bust of Washington, signed, "HOUDON FECIT,"
which the French official catalogue states was given by Houdon to
1 Vol. I, p. 215-
2 Nos. 55, 56, 57 and 58. "Original Casts of the busts of Washington, Franklin,
La Fayette and Paul Jones, by Houdon, presented by the artist to Mr. Jefferson."

224 Life and Works of
General La Fayette. This bronze, being signed, has a peculiar in
terest, as the original in the Louvre is not signed, neither is the one
that belonged to Jefferson. In the inventory of Washington's estate
we find, in the study, "One Bust of General Washington in Plaster
from the Life." This we can assume with almost a certainty was
an original cast by Houdon made at Mount Vernon in October,
1785. It is said to have remained at Mount Vernon until 1849,
when the proprietors gave permission to Clark Mills, the sculptor,
to copy it, who, it is claimed, left a reproduction at Mount Vernon
in place of the original, which he kept and gave in 1873 to one
Wilson MacDonald of New York. But from reproductions of the
bust in MacDonald's possession, it is plainly very different from
the original in the Louvre, so that the story which so badly be
smirches Clark Mills does not bear the guinea-stamp and must be
relegated to the realm of romance, where on its face it would seem
to belong.
In the fall of 188 1, at the time of the celebration of the centennial
anniversary of the surrender at Yorktown, a body of distinguished
Frenchmen visited this country as official representatives of the
French government, and among them came again M. Regamey.
This time he visited Richmond, and saw Houdon's original marble,
which so much impressed him that he made an official report to
the Minister of Arts, urging that France should secure a reproduc
tion to be placed in the Louvre by the side of the Diana. He
says: "My astonishment was great to discover in the Capitol at

Jean Antoine Houdon 225
Richmond a masterpiece of French statuary generally ignored in
France— the statue of General Washington by Houdon. Im
mediately it struck me that we could not remain without a repro
duction of this work in Paris." Although he continued at frequent
intervals to agitate the subject by communications to "Le Figaro"
and by the publication of a brochure as late as 1905, nothing, un
fortunately, had resulted from his efforts at the time of his death
three years later. But had his life been spared for a few years more,
he would have seen that the seed he had planted bore some fruit.
The State of Virginia, having had a cast in bronze made of the
Houdon statue of Washington to be placed in the rotunda of the
National Capitol, determined to present a duplicate to France, and
on August 18, 1910, it was officially presented to the French gov
ernment and placed, with appropriate ceremonial, in the Museum
at Versailles. While this gives France a copy of the famous Hou
don Washington, its location puts it upon a historical rather than
an artistic basis, and still leaves the Salle Houdon, in the Louvre,
without this art treasure. On the occasion of its installation M.
fitienne Charles wrote in "La Liberte": "Houdon's Washington
represents less the successful general in the War of Independence
than the organizer who carries in his brain a complete plan of gov
ernment, less the man of action and more the thinker. What par
ticularly attracts one in his countenance is his expression of gravity,
of steady reflection and perfect calm,— all in him reveals method,
reflection, foresight and admirable balance."

CHAPTER XI
1785-1790
MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE— BUSTS FOR AMERICA AND FOR FRANCE-
DESTRUCTION OF THE LATTER, AUGUST 10, 1792
TLBERT DU MOTIER, Marquis de la Fayette, who
was appointed by the Continental Congress a Major-
General in its army before he was twenty years of age,
and whose first important duty upon his return from France in
1780 was to sit upon the court-martial that condemned Andre to
death, was sent to Virginia early in 1781 to oppose the invasion of
that State by the traitor Arnold with a British force. La Fayette
successfully kept the enemy at bay until Washington and Rocham
beau reached the Chesapeake early in September, unknown to
Cornwallis, to prevent whose escape La Fayette threw his troops
across the peninsula at Williamsburg, thus cutting off Cornwallis's
retreat and sealing his doom at Yorktown, October 17, 1781. Vir
ginia recognized that she owed her deliverance to the young
French officer who had just entered his twenty-fifth year, and
whose conduct of this campaign proved him to be endowed with the
highest qualities of generalship. Accordingly, two months later,
on December 17, 1781, the House of Delegates adopted the follow
ing resolution:1
1 Hening's "Statutes of Virginia," Vol. X, p. 569.
226

Jean Antoine Houdon 227
"Resolved unanimously, that a Bust of the Marquis de la Fayette
be directed to be made, in Paris, of the best marble employed for
such purpose, and presented to the Marquis with the following in
scription on it;—
"This bust was voted on the 17th day of December, 1 781, by the Gen
eral Assembly of the State of Virginia, to the Honorable the Marquis
de la Fayette (Major General in the service of the United States of
America and late Commander-in-Chief of the army of the United States
in Virginia), as a lasting monument of his merit and of their gratitude.
"Resolved, that the Commercial Agent be directed to employ a
proper person in Paris to make the above Bust."
Owing to the omission to name the Governor of the State as the
person to carry out this resolution, as also the fact that the commer
cial agent named therein had resigned before the passage of the act,
nothing was done in the premises further than to communicate a
copy of the resolution to La Fayette. This apparent discourtesy
La Fayette mentioned in a letter to Washington of September 8,
1783 j1 and Washington, acknowledging the letter on February 1,
1784,2 says: "From a letter which I have just received from the
Governor of this State, I expect him here in a few days, when I
shall not be unmindful of what you have written about the bust,
and I will endeavor to have matters respecting it placed on their
proper basis."
1 Unfortunately, this letter is not preserved in the collection of letters to Wash
ington in the Library of Congress at Washington, D. C.
2 Ford's "Writings of Washington," Vol. X, p. 349.

228 Life and Works of
Governor Harrison did visit Mount Vernon on March 29th, and
immediately upon his return to Richmond, laid the matter before
his Council, and the minutes contain this entry:1
Monday, April 5, 1784. The Governor having laid before the Board
a resolution of the General Assembly passed on the 17th of December,
1 78 1, directing a Bust of the Marquis Fayette to be made, in Paris, of
the best marble employed for such purposes, and presented to him as a
lasting monument of his merit, and of their gratitude, which resolution
has never been executed; It is advised that his Excellency write to Mr.
Barclay, the American Consul at Nantz, enclosing a copy of the said
resolution, and requesting to have it carried into effect; and the better to
enable him to do this business, His Excellency is advised to draw on the
Contingent Fund for 160 pounds sterling and transmit it to Mr. Barclay,
desiring him to defray the expenses of the Bust thereout.
The same day Governor Harrison wrote to Thomas Barclay,
agent at Nantes:2
Sir: In Council, April 5, 1784.
I enclose you a resolution of the Assembly of this Commonwealth
which I request the favor of you to have carried into immediate execu
tion, and by one of the best artists that can be procured. The cause of
its being so long delayed will appear on the face of the resolution, which
directs the Commercial Agent to carry it into effect, which officer resigned
his appointment before the resolution ever came to his hands and it was
not thought advisable to give him a successor. It may be necessary to
explain to you why the business was not taken up by me sooner, to enable
you to give an answer, if the question should be asked, or you should
think it proper to make an apology to the Marquis (for whom no man
1 MS. Council Journal, Virginia, 1783, 1784. 1785. P- 7°. State Library, Richmond, Va.
2 MS. Letter-book of Benjamin Harrison, 1783 to 1786, p. 291. State Library,
Richmond, Va.

Jean Antoine Houdon 229
on earth has a greater or more perfect esteem and regard than I have),
for the seeming neglect. The usual and indeed proper channel thro'
which the resolution should have been transmitted was the Executive of
the State, which the Assembly not adverting to or, for some other cause,
not known to me, directed their Speaker to perform. From this cause I
became a stranger to the steps that had been taken, 'til I was the other
day informed, by my friend General Washington, that the Speaker had
not attended farther to the vote of the Assembly, than transmitting the
resolution, and that the Marquis had not received the intended compli
ment. I have herewith sent you a Bill of Exchange of Wm. Alexander &
Co. for one hundred and sixty pounds sterling, which you will apply in
the first instance for the above purpose of paying for the bust, and the
remainder to the credit of the state with yourself, in part of the compen
sation so justly due to you, for the services you have rendered her.
It must not be forgotten that the period of which we are writing
was not the era of steam and of electricity, and that it required
months for the transmission of letters from America to Europe and
return ; for, not only was the passage a long one, but the ships that
carried the mails were few and far between, so that before Barclay
could receive his advices and progress very far with his commis
sion, the Legislature of Virginia, for some reason that we know not
of, made a change in the destination of the bust, which change is
made to wear an air of mystery, by the careful silence preserved
regarding it in all subsequent correspondence and proceedings
However this may be, on December 1, 1784, the House of Dele
gates enacted another law, reciting the earlier one, and, without
any explanation, changed the destination of the bust.1
> Hening's "Statutes of Virginia," Vol. XI, p. 553.

23o Life and Works of
"Whereas, it was unanimously resolved, on the 17th day of
December, 1781, that a bust of the Marquis de la Fayette be di
rected to be made in Paris, of the best marble employed for such
purposes, with the following inscription: [Vide p. 227.]
"Resolved unanimously , that the Governor, with the advice of the
Council, be authorized and desired to defray the expense of carry
ing the said vote into execution, out of the fund allotted for the
contingencies of government; that he cause said bust to be pre
sented, in the name of the Commonwealth, to the city of Paris, with
a request that the same may be accepted and preserved in some pub
lic place of the said city.
"Resolved unanimously, that as a further mark of the lasting
esteem, of this Commonwealth, for the illustrious qualities and ser
vices of the Marquis de la Fayette, the Governor, with the advice
of the Council, be authorized and desired to cause another bust of
him, with a similar inscription, to be procured by draught on the
said fund, and that same, when procured, be fixed in such public
place, at the seat of government, as may hereafter be appointed for
the erection of the statue voted by the General Assembly to General
Washington." At this time Patrick Henry was Governor of Virginia, and he
communicated the new enactment to La Fayette in the following
letter:1
1 Henry's "Life of Patrick Henry," Vol. II, p. 262.

Jean Antoine Houdon 23I
glr. In Council, January 29, 1785.
When the duties of office correspond with the feelings of the indi
vidual, there is a double pleasure in discharging them. This satisfaction
I feel most sensibly when I forward the enclosed and am happy in the
opportunity of assuring you how perfectly I coincide in opinion, with the
Legislature, on this subject. That the gratitude of those who claim you
as their fellow-citizen may be as conspicuous, as the merit it wishes to
perpetuate, the Bust, which was to have been presented to yourself, is
now to be erected in the city of Paris, and as we cannot have the happi
ness of your personal residence, another is to grace our capitol, which
none will behold with more lively sensations of affection and admiration
than, Sir, v
Yours, P. Henry.
To Barclay and Jefferson the Governor forwarded copies of the
act under cover of June 16, 1785,1 saying to each: "The enclosed
resolution will inform you of the change which has taken place re
specting the Bust formerly voted to the Marquis de la Fayette."
Barclay had already selected Houdon as the sculptor for the La
Fayette bust, doubtless not only because he was the greatest living
sculptor, but because he had been chosen as well to make the statue
of Washington, also for Virginia. On August 23, 1785, Barclay
wrote Governor Henry:2
I had the honor of receiving by the last packet the letter which you
wrote me of the 16 June, together with the Resolutions of the Assembly,
respecting the Busts of the Marquis de la Fayette, and I beg leave to
1 Governor's MS. Letter-book, p. 464. State Library, Richmond, Va.
2 Calendar of State Papers of Virginia, Vol. IV, p. 49.

2j2 Life and Works of
assure you that my endeavors shall not be wanting to accomplish matters
agreeable to your wishes. M. Houdon, who embarked for America with
Dr. Franklin, made a considerable progress in executing the first bust
that was ordered, but the Marquis being at present in Prussia, the matter
must rest until he and M. Houdon return. I think it will be better that
the same person compleat both the Busts; the more so as he is at the top
of his profession. The cost of each will be 3000 Livres, and I have paid
50 Louis d'ors for the purchase of the marble for the first.
The day previous Jefferson had similarly advised the Governor:1
I shall render cheerfully any services I can, in aid of Mr. Barclay, for
carrying this resolution into effect. The Marquis de la Fayette being to
pass into Germany and Prussia, it was thought proper to take the model
of his bust in plaister before his departure. Monsieur Houdon was en
gaged to do it, and did it accordingly. So far Mr. Barclay had author
ized himself to go in consequence of orders formerly received. . . .
There is due to M. Houdon for the model of the busts of the Marquis
de la Fayette, in plaister, I imagine about 750.0.0.
The bust of La Fayette, thus begun before Houdon left France
for America, was completed soon after his return, as on January 24,
1786, we find Jefferson telling the Governor of Virginia, in a letter
already cited, "The first of the Marquis's busts will be finished next
month. I shall present that one to the city of Paris, because the
delay has been noticed by some. I hope to be able to send another
to Virginia in the course of the summer." That Houdon came up
to time with the first of the busts seems assured from a letter that
Jefferson wrote to M. de Reyneval, May 17, 1786:2
1 Jefferson MSS., Library of Congress, Washington, D. C, Series I, Vol. I No. 168.
2 Ibid.

Jean Antoine Houdon 233
Mr. Jefferson has the honor of presenting his compliments to Mons.
de Reyneval and of recalling to his attention the subject he had the honor
of mentioning yesterday relative to the bust of the Marquis de la Fay
ette. The state of Virginia, sensible of the services rendered them in
particular by this worthy officer, directed his bust to be made in marble
and to be presented to the city of Paris, with a request that it might be
placed so as to do honour to the Marquis de la Fayette. Mr. Jefferson
has been told that he should address himself, for this purpose, to the
Prevot and fichevins of Paris. Before he takes this step, however, he
wishes to know whether the respect due to the King, and his Ministers,
would require from him a previous reference of the subject to them.
Monsieur de Reyneval's information herein would be considered very
friendly. The approval of the King, it seems, was necessary, and, obtained
after some delays, was communicated through the Baron de Bre
teuil, Minister of State, whereupon, the preliminaries having been
arranged, Jefferson wrote to the Prevot des Marchands et fichevins
de Paris, September 27, 1786:1
The Commonwealth of Virginia, in gratitude for the services of
Major General the Marquis de la Fayette, have determined to erect his
bust in their capital. Desirous to place a like monument of his worth
and of their sense of it in the country to which they are indebted for his
birth, they have hoped that the city of Paris will consent to become the
depository of this second testimony of their gratitude. Being charged
by them with the execution of their wishes, I have the honor to solicit of
Messieurs le Prevot des Marchands et fichevins, on behalf of the city,
their acceptance of a bust of this gallant officer, and that they will be
pleased to place it where, doing most honor to him, it will most gratify
1 Jefferson MSS., Library of Congress, Washington, D. C.

234 Life and Works of
the feelings of an allied nation. It is with true pleasure that I obey the
call of that Commonwealth to render just homage to a character, so
great in its first developments, that they would honor the close of any
other. ... It would have been more pleasing to me to have executed
this office in person, . . . but I am withheld from these grateful duties
by the consequences of a fall which confines me to my room. Mr. Short,
therefore, a citizen of the state of Virginia, . . . will have the honor
of delivering you this letter, together with the resolution of the General
Assembly of Virginia. He will have that, also, of presenting the bust at
such time and place as you will be so good as to signify your pleasure to
receive it, through him.
This letter being merely the formal announcement, after all ar
rangements had been made, the presentation took place the next
day, at the Hotel de Ville, by the Honorable William Short, Secre
tary of the Legation of the United States, and was made quite a
matter of ceremony. M. le Pelletier de Mortfontaine, Councilor of
State and Mayor of the city of Paris, presided; the letter of Mr.
Jefferson and the resolutions of the State of Virginia were read by
M. Veytard, the Chief Recorder, which was followed by a discourse
pronounced by M. Ethis de Corny, the Attorney-General, who had
been with La Fayette in America and was a member of the Society
of the Cincinnati. After its conclusion, de Corny gave, in his offi
cial capacity, the requisite instructions necessary for the reception
of the bust agreeably to the wishes of the King, and the bust was
placed, to the sound of military music, on the mantelpiece to the
right of the great hall of the Hotel de Ville.
This graceful action of Virginia was deeply appreciated by La

Jean Antoine Houdon 235
Fayette, as will be seen by his letter to Washington of October 26,
1786.1 He writes :
A new instance of the goodness of the state of Virginia has been given
me, by the placing of my bust at the Hotel de Ville of this city. The situ
ation of the other bust will be the more pleasing to me as, while it places
me within the capitol of the State, I shall be eternally by the side of, and
paying an everlasting homage to, the statue of my beloved general.
Bachaumont says:2 "Every one is going to the Hotel de Ville to
see the bust of M. the Marquis de la Fayette, executed by the Sieur
Houdon and placed in one of the rooms of the building with much
ceremony and pomp." Later in the month, Jefferson wrote to M.
de Corny, asking for a report of the proceedings attending the in
auguration of the bust, that he might forward them to the Gov
ernor of Virginia. The conclusion of the letter shows that M. de
Corny was of no little aid in carrying out the project.3
Your goodness, already so often manifested in this business, encour
ages me to endeavor to obtain these through your intervention. I do it
the rather as it furnishes me an occasion, very grateful to my feelings,
of returning to you, at the same time, my sincere thanks for the zeal with
which you have seconded the views of the state, the readiness with which
you have condescended to give me information in the course of the pro
ceedings and to secure by your influence the success of these proceedings.
There was considerable delay attending the securing of this re-
1 "Memoirs, Correspondence and Manuscripts of General La Fayette." Published
by his family. London, 1837, Vol. II, p. 148.
2 "Memoires Secrets," October 6, 1786, Vol. XXXIII, p. 90.
3 Washington's Jefferson, Vol. II, p. 44.

236 Life and Works of
port, and Jefferson was unable to forward it until February of the
following year. With it he writes to Governor Randolph :J
The principle that the King is the sole fountain of honour in this coun
try opposed a barrier to our desires which threatened to be insurmount
able. No instance of a similar proposition from a foreign power had
occurred in their history. The admitting it in this case is a singular proof
of the King's friendly disposition towards the states of America, and of
his personal esteem for the Marquis de la Fayette.
The second bust of La Fayette, made for Virginia by Houdon,
was exhibited at the Salon of 1787, and catalogued, "256. M. le
Marquis de la Fayette. Buste marbre, pour les Etats de la Ver-
ginie." The only contemporary remark upon the bust that I find,
while possibly true, is not complimentary to the subject, "Whose
face is rather simple than ingenuous,"2 but adds that it does "honor
to the precision" of Houdon's chisel. The bust was not forwarded
to Virginia until late in the year 1788, by Andre Limozin, who ad
vised the Governor from Havre on November nth,3 "I have con
signed to your Excellency, on board the American ship Sally,
Kennedy Master, bound for Baltimore, a large box, containing
Marquis de la Fayette's bust, for which I enclose the bill of lad
ing." This letter was laid before the Council by the Governor on
January 29, 1789,4 when it was "ordered that the Governor take
'Washington's Jefferson, Vol. IV, p. 118.
2 "Memoires Secrets," August 25, 1787, Vol. XXXVI, p. 396.
3 Calendar of Virginia State Papers, Vol. IV, p. 512.
4 MS. Council Journal, October, 1787, to April, 1789, p. 506. State Library at
Richmond.

ILi.-.IF'A.irjE T T? IS

Jean Antoine Houdon 237
measures for bringing the said bust here"; and on June 30th, "an
account of John Groves amounting to 2 pounds, 17 shillings and
3 pence for freight and expenses of bringing the Marquis Fayette's
bust from Maryland," was ordered paid.1 This is the last record
we have been able to find concerning this bust. We do not know
when it was put in the place it was destined to occupy for many
years— a niche in the wall of the rotunda of the State Capitol,
above the line of vision, opposite to Houdon's statue of Washing
ton ; but, as the building was not finished until 1796, it probably was
put in place at the same time that the statue of Washington was
erected. The reproduction shows that the nose has at some time
been broken off and restored, but when and how the injury oc
curred, nothing but varied and uncertain traditions remains, the
most commonly accepted being that at the time of La Fayette's visit
to Richmond, in October of 1824, the bust was taken down from its
niche, to be used in the decorations for his reception, when it fell
and received this fracture. This, not unlikely, is correct, as it would
account for the wording of a report in the Richmond newspapers
of La Fayette's reception, which says :
At the north entrance gate of Capitol Square, there was an ornamental
quadrangular pedestal on which it was intended to place the marble bust
of La Fayette in the Capitol.
The use of the word "intended" shows clearly that the bust was
not placed on the pedestal, but no reason is given for its not being so
1 MS. Council Journal, April, 1789, to October, 1791, p. 78. State Library, Richmond.

238 Life and Works of
placed, which may very well have been the accidental fall that dis
figured the face so that it could not be exhibited in the presence of
the original. However this may be, no record can be found of the
fracture and its restoration, and the bust continued to occupy the
niche where it was originally placed until July, 1904, when it was
removed to the State Library, where the writer saw it in the spring
of 1907. For sentimental reasons, if for none other, it should be
returned to its original abiding-place, where, as La Fayette wrote
to Washington, "I shall be eternally by the side of, and paying an
everlasting homage to, the statue of my beloved general."
The conclusion of this chapter will show how very unfortunate
Houdon's several busts of La Fayette have been in their unusually
checkered careers. Misfortune seems to have pursued them, and it
has been left for us, on this side of the water, to disentangle the
meshes of error concerning them, which have been so tightly
twisted in their native land, the home of both sculptor and subject.
The life of the bust presented to the city of Paris was short and its
fate tragic. The Revolution followed close upon the heels of its
dedication and the Hotel de Ville became the rendezvous, in turn,
for each party, and the scene of many of the Revolution's most stir
ring incidents. There the Notables assembled on the 22d of Feb
ruary, 1787, and there the States General gathered together on the
5th of May, 1789. La Fayette was a member of both of these
bodies, and in July of 1789, almost in sight of his bust, was chosen
General-Commander of the Parisian troops and Commander-in-

Jean Antoine Houdon 239
Chief of the National Guard. His position was most difficult and
to both parties seemed anomalous. He defended the freedom of the
King as sincerely and as openly as he defended the freedom of the
people. His duty was to protect the King and Queen, who dis
trusted him as they did almost every one who could serve and may
hap save them; and his fidelity to his duty made him equally
distasteful to the Jacobins, and with their rise to power his popular
ity and influence diminished. His bust by Houdon, who seems to
have sided in a moderate way with the popular party, was specially
guarded for a length of time by the Parisian soldiers, but "was at
tacked by the Jacobins and destroyed at the period of their successes
on the ioth of August."1 This succinct statement, from the "Me
moirs" of La Fayette, would be sufficient, were it not for the differ
ent and conflicting stories that have been disseminated on the
subject, rendering a discussion of them necessary and important.
"August ioth" in French history always means of the year 1792.
It is the most important date in the annals of the French Revolu
tion. On that day the Parisian mob took possession of the Hotel de
Ville, besieged the Tuileries, and forced the King to take refuge in
the National Assembly, where, in his presence, the monarchical
form of government was abolished in France. La Fayette's grow
ing unpopularity had reached a climax, on account of his supposed
sympathy with the King, and two days before a deputy had pro
posed his arrest. Only three years after the occurrences of that
1 "Memoirs, Correspondence and Manuscripts of La Fayette," Vol. II, p. 7.

240 Life and Works of
fatal day, one J. Talma published in London a "Chronological Ac
count of the French Revolution," in which, under this ominous
date, is recorded (p. 95) : "All the statues of Kings were demol
ished, as well as those of La Fayette, Necker and Mirabeau." Not
withstanding this and other almost contemporaneous similar
statements, Montaiglon and Duplessis, in their "Catalogue de
I'GEuvre de Houdon,"1 say:
Lafayette (M. le Marquis de) Buste en Mar. pour les fitats des Vir-
ginie. Salon de 1787, n. 256. Un autre au Salon 179 1, n. 484. Ce der
nier, "vote en 1791 par la Commune de Paris," est sans doute celui en
Mar. blane, de la vente de 1828, n. 51, indique comme ayant "eprouve,
en 1793, une mutilation qui a ete reparee." — Le Musee de Versailles en
a une autre en Mar. avec la meme date de 1791.
The quotations in the above extract are taken from the Houdon
Sale Catalogue of 1828,2 where this important description of the
bust is also given : "en costume de commandant de la garde natio
nale de Paris." But it would seem as though Montaiglon and Du
plessis did not understand their own language when they say, "This
last," the bust exhibited in the Salon of 1791, " 'voted in 1791 by the
Commune of Paris,' is without doubt the one in white marble of
the sale of 1828." The sale catalogue of 1828 distinctly says that its
No. 51 is the one voted in 1791 by the Commune of Paris, and that
it was mutilated in 1793. On reading this we were at once im-
1 "Revue Universelle des Arts," 1855, Vol. II, p. 448.
2 Vide Appendix "E."

Jean Antoine Houdon 241
pressed with the idea that, if the Commune of Paris, in 1791, voted
a bust of La Fayette to be placed, as a matter of course, in the Hotel
de Ville, where it held its sessions, the bust presented by Virginia
in 1786 must have been destroyed prior to the vote, and conse
quently earlier than August 10, 1792, as there would be no reason
for two busts of the same man in the same place only five years
apart in time. This view was negatived, however, by M. Pierre de
Nolhac, Keeper of Versailles, who wrote:1 "Le buste de La Fay
ette fait pour I'Hotel de Ville de Paris en 1786 a ete certainement
brise en 1793, en meme temps que celui de Necker." The year
here given for the mutilation of the La Fayette bust of 1791 was
the same as that set forth in the catalogues of 1828 and 1855; and,
to make the confusion worse confounded, Marius Vachon, in his
elaborate volume on the Hotel de Ville,2 gives, on page 143, an
account of the bust of 1786 and its inauguration, but not one word
as to its subsequent history or fate, leaving the inference that it was
in existence at the period of the burning, by the Commune, of the
Hotel de Ville, May 24, 1871; if not indeed at the time of his
writing, a decade later.
As confusing as these details and dates may seem, they are neces
sary for a complete understanding of the situation, when we come
to establish, beyond peradventure, that the ioth of August, 1792, is
the true date of the destruction of the bust of 1786; that there was
'Letter from Pierre de Nolhac to Mr. Hart, April 4, 1907.
2 "L'Ancien Hotel de Ville de Paris, 1533-1871-" Pa»s. 1882.

242 Life and Works of
no vote of the Commune of Paris in 1791 or at any other time for a
bust of La Fayette ; that indeed no bust of him was made in that
year by Houdon, but our sculptor did make one of him in the pre
vious year.
Fortunately for the elucidation of this subject, the acts of the
Commune of Paris during the Revolution are now in course of
publication in Paris, under the erudite editorship of M. Sigismond
Lacroix,1 twelve volumes of which have appeared, bringing the
work down to the close of July, 1791. These volumes I searched
diligendy for any reference to a bust of La Fayette "voted in 1791
by the Commune of Paris," but there was nothing of the kind re
corded in the first seven months of the year. I did, however, find
an interesting reference to the bust presented in 1786. It was under
date of April 8, 1790,2 when the question arose as to the installation
of Houdon's bust of Bailly, Mayor of Paris, in the Hotel de Ville.
The President of the Assembly, l'Abbe Bertolio, said:
"We have possessed for several years past the bust of Marquis de
la Fayette. It was presented to us by men who were in a position to
appreciate his merit; it seems to me that, when the free Americans
offered it to the nation by offering it to the Capitol, they were say
ing to us, with that prescience inspired by a love of liberty, 'He will
soon accomplish for you what he has done for us.' . . . You offer
1 "Actes de la Commune de Paris pendant la Revolution. Publies et Annotes par
Sigismond Lacroix. Paris, 1894-1907."
2 Ibid., First Series, Vol. IV, p. 640.

Jean Antoine Houdon 243
us to-day the bust of M. Bailly. ... It shall be placed beneath the
bust of the most cherished of Kings, facing the one of Marquis de
la Fayette."
In a foot-note to page 454 of Vol. Ill, Second Series, under date
of April 10, 1791, I found another reference to the La Fayette bust
of 1786, and its location in the Hotel de Ville, but no mention
whatever of its subsequent history and fate.
Not satisfied with ending my research with the close of July,
1791, in the printed volumes, I addressed a letter of inquiry to M.
Lacroix, the editor, telling him how assiduously I had studied the
"Actes" of the Commune, as far as published, in my endeavor to
find the vote of the Commune of Paris, of 1791, for the bust of La
Fayette, as stated by Montaiglon and Duplessis, following the
Houdon sale catalogue of 1828, and asking him if he could give me
this vote of 1791 from the unpublished "Actes," as well as the rea
son given for ordering a second bust of La Fayette for the Hotel de
Ville, if the one presented by Virginia in 1786 was still there at the
time named.
In reply, I received from M. Lacroix not only a prompt and most
charmingly courteous answer, but the exact information to settle the
question for all time. He wrote :
I can assure you positively that the Commune of Paris never voted for
a bust of La Fayette, either in 1791 or before or after. What the Com
mune did vote for, as you will see in the text accompanying this, was a

244 Life and Works of
medal and a statue of Washington. There is certainly error in what
concerns the bust of 1791. It was not voted by the Commune of Paris.
The text to which he refers is composed of extracts from the
manuscript proces-verbal of the Commune, from which the follow
ing gleanings are made. On October 13, 1791, the General Coun
cil having considered the resignation handed in by La Fayette, of
his command, "suppressed by a late law," and discussed the form in
which the Commune should show its recognition of his services, it
was resolved :
"First. There shall be struck a medal in memory of the services
rendered the Commune of Paris by M. La Fayette.
"Second. The Academy of Inscriptions and Belles Lettres shall
be consulted as to the form and legend to be adopted for the said
medal ; the legend shall be in the French language.
"Third. The medal to be presented to M. La Fayette shall be of
gold; all the others shall be of bronze; and the members of the
General Council undertake individually to bear the expense of the
medal each shall receive.
"Fourth. The statue of George Washington, executed by M.
Houdon, shall be given by the Commune to M. La Fayette.
"Fifth. The resolutions of the General Council, after having
been approved by the Mayor, the first Assistant of the Coun
cil of the Commune and the first Assistant of the Secretary,
shall be engraved on the marble, underneath the bust of M. la
Fayette."

Jean Antoine Houdon 245
The inscription was drawn up finally on the 15th of November,
1791, and concludes its extraordinary length and construction with :
"The Commune, in appreciation, has ordered that a medal be
struck in honor of M. La Fayette ; that the statue of General Wash
ington, his pattern and his friend, shall be offered him as a gift and
conveyed to one of his residences, according to his choice; that the
present orders shall be engraved on the marble and placed under
his bust, given to the city of Paris by the United States of America,
and placed in the Communal House."
As to the statue of Washington, intended to be presented to La
Fayette, the proces-verbal for November 17, 1791, contains this:
"The Administrators of the Department of Public Works are again
charged to present immediately a report on the statue of General
Washington, which the General Council ordered to be acquired
from M. Houdon." The remainder of the minutes not having sur
vived, it is not known what befell this proposition ; but the fact is
made perfectly clear that there was no vote of the Commune of
Paris in 1791, or at any other time, ordering a bust of La Fayette
for the Hotel de Ville, as positively stated by Montaiglon and Du
plessis. We now come to the important question of when was the bust of
La Fayette destroyed, that had been presented to the city of Paris
by the State of Virginia and placed in the Hotel de Ville on the
28th of September, 1786. M. Lacroix writes:
"In the 'Proces- Verbaux de la Commune de Paris, du 10 aout

246 Life and Works of
1792 au 1" juin 1793,' published by M. Tourneux, is to be found on
page 6 :
" 'Assembly of the Commissioners from the Forty-eight Sections,
1 o August, 1792.
" 'A member makes a motion to pull down the busts of Bailly, La
Fayette, Necker, Louis XVI, all these Charlatans of Patriotism,
whose presence wounds the eyes of good citizens.
" 'Some one remarks that workmen are expected for this labor.
" 'But the impatience of the patriots will not suffer this delay.
Forty arms are raised at once to throw to the ground these false
idols; they fall and are reduced to powder, amid the thunderous
applause of the Tribunes.' 'n
Here is the official seal to the fate of four important works by
Houdon, for, strange to say, each one of the four busts thus ground
to powder on the ioth of August, 1792, was the work of his chisel,
as will be detailed in a subsequent chapter.
The error of Montaiglon and Duplessis in regard to Houdon's
bust of La Fayette does not end with the statement we have been
discussing. The closing sentence of the extract we have given,
from their catalogue of 1855, is equally erroneous. They say, "The
Museum of Versailles has another [bust of La Fayette] in marble
with the same date of I 79 1." The marble bust of La Fayette in
the Museum of Versailles, with powdered hair and wearing the
1 "See also Barriere et Berville's 'Memoires sur les journees de Septembre 1792,'
1820-1826, and Buchez et Roux's 'Histoire parlementaire de la Revolution frangaise,'
Tome XVI, 1835." S. L.

Jean Antoine Houdon 247
uniform of the Commander of the National Guard, is signed by
Houdon and dated "1790." It is the one that was exhibited in the
Salon of 1791, and whether or not it sustained a mutilation in 1793,
it has at some time suffered an injury precisely similar to that sus
tained by the bust of 1786, belonging to the State of Virginia, and
has been restored in a precisely similar manner, which, to say the
least, is a curious coincidence.

CHAPTER XII
1789
BUSTS OF JEFFERSON— NECKER— LOUIS XVI— BAILLY
IE have seen in the histories of the busts of La Fayette and
of the statue of Washington, the very close relations that
necessarily existed between the sculptor and Jefferson,
the American envoy in Paris, so that it would be most surprising if
Houdon had not left us a portrayal of the author of the Declaration
of Independence, especially as Jefferson took an intelligent interest
in art, was an accomplished connoisseur and an amateur of no mean
ability in the difficult field of architecture, as shown by the Uni
versity of Virginia, which he designed and which would do no dis
credit to a professional architect of recognized ability. As I said
on another occasion,1 "Jefferson showed himself to be a man of
excellent aesthetic taste and with an actual knowledge of art far
beyond the general cultivation of his time. His correspondence
teems with suggestions and reflections on design and decoration,
showing an understanding of the subject, and not merely idle
thoughts bestowed upon an ephemeral fad." Therefore we can
understand that Houdon would not make any perfunctory bust of
1 "Life Portraits of Thomas Jefferson," McClure's Magazine for May, 1898.
248

tj21l<a,ja.a.c ^mwy-pia tap: ?,

Jean Antoine Houdon 249
such a man, and he did not. He took a mask of Jefferson's face,1
and to the Salon of 1789 sent his bust in plaster, where it masquer
aded in the catalogue as "M. Sesseron, envoye des fitats de la Vir-
ginie." Subsequentiy, Houdon chiseled it in marble, for which
Jefferson paid him, July 3, 1789, one thousand francs. Unfortu
nately, this original marble was destroyed by the carelessness of
workmen at Monticello, during Jefferson's lifetime, but there are
two signed plaster casts of it, one belonging to the New York His
torical Society and the other in the hall of the American Philo
sophical Society in Philadelphia. The former was given by
Jefferson to Dr. Hugh Williamson, and the latter by him to David
Rittenhouse. Its characterization is very fine, and although de
cidedly French in its spirit, it gives an aspect of Jefferson that is
perfectly natural.
The marble bust of La Fayette by Houdon that Jefferson, acting
for his native State, had placed in the Hotel de Ville, was not alone
in its honor and its discomfiture. With it were erected and then
tumbled down, busts of the King and of his great Minister of
Finance, Necker, as well as of the past Mayor of Paris, Bailly.
The downfall of these works has been already mentioned, but their
genesis remains to be told.
Jacques Necker, the brother of Madame de Stael, and the great
Finance Minister of France, was not French but Swiss. Going to
1 "Browere's Life-Masks of Great Americans," by Charles Henry Hart, New York,
1899. P- 41-

2^0 Life and Works of
Paris as a mere youth, he accumulated an immense fortune during
the Seven Years' War, so that he retired from business at the early
age of thirty- two. In 1779 he was appointed Director-General of
Finances of France, with immediate and brilliant results, but
jealousy among the courtiers caused his dismissal after four years'
service. The administrations of his successors, however, resulted
in a financial crisis for France, so that he was recalled in August,
1788, as Comptroller-General and Minister of State. His popu
larity was immense, and when the King dismissed him on July 11,
1789, Paris arose in insurrection and he was recalled to his offices
in triumph, after an absence of eighteen days. On July 30, he ap
peared at the National Assembly, and as he was about to leave, it
was proposed to raise a statue to him in the Hotel de Ville. This
he begged they would not do, assuring the members that the wish
they had thus expressed was more than sufficient to complete his
happiness ; but the Assembly, notwithstanding, ordered that his bust
should be placed there.1 Before separating, they also voted to have
executed a bust of M. Bailly.
The subject seems to have rested until the following September,
when, on the 7th,2 a deputation from the district of Philippe du
Roule recalled to the Assembly its vote of July 30 and submitted
that the district possessed a distinguished artist, M. Houdon, whose
hand already had preserved for posterity the features of General
Washington and M. le Marquis de la Fayette, and unanimously
1 "Actes," etc, Vol. I, p. 52. 2 Ibid., Vol. I, p. 497.

Jean Antoine Houdon 251
requested that they should grant to M. Houdon, "the honor of
making also the bust of a minister so dear to France." Whereupon
the Assembly, having considered the recommendation, as "also the
monuments which have already distinguished the chisel of M.
Houdon," thought that it might with confidence charge him with a
work "which will procure for him a new and precious occasion of
developing his talents." The following day there was presented to
the Assembly this letter from Houdon :J
You have added to all that you have done for the happiness and glory
of the country in rewarding a Minister who has deserved most of
France; you have ordered that his bust shall be placed in the same
spot where, night and day, you ceaselessly occupy yourselves with the
happiness of your fellow-citizens. Permit an artist full of affection and
recognition of your patriotic virtues to reclaim from your goodness the
honor of making the bust of M. Necker. The Sieur Houdon has al
ready made that of Washington and that of La Fayette, apostle and
defender of the liberty of two worlds. Gratify the ambition of the Sieur
Houdon. He only asks a block of marble; he will deem himself too
much honored if you order him to consecrate his feeble talent to the
honoring of a great man and to those who have discharged a public duty,
in decreeing to M. Necker a distinction that no other minister before
him had obtained from the city of Paris.
Houdon's proposition to make the bust of Necker gratuitously,
only asking that he should be furnished with the block of marble
for the purpose, was unanimously accepted, and the next day he ap-
1 "Actes," etc., Vol. I, p. 504.

252 Life and Works of
peared before the Assembly, in person, and presented his thanks
for the acceptance of his offer. Houdon lost no time in accomplish
ing the work, emphasizing again his remarkable facility and quick
ness of execution, for on December 30 he advises the Assembly that
the bust is ready for installation, he having hastened to finish it in
order that those representatives, who had ordered it, should see it
placed during their administration, as the elections were coming on
which might make changes in the body. The Assembly left it to
Houdon to name the day and hour when it would suit him "to
place the bust of M. Necker on the support intended for it in the
Hotel de Ville."1 On January 21, 1790, the Assembly voted,2
That, in acknowledgment of the zeal and disinterestedness of M.
Houdon, in relation to the bust in marble of M. Necker, of which he
was so good as to make a present to the Commune of Paris, a deputa
tion should be appointed to transmit to him the exact sentiments of the
Assembly and to hand him a medal relative to his masterpiece which
shall preserve, to posterity, the proof of his civic virtue and patriotism.
This bust of Necker was immediately reproduced at the royal
factory at Sevres in small size, and in March, 1790, one was sent by
the Comte d'Estaing to General Washington and occupied a place
in the library at Mount Vernon. It is now in the cabinet of the
Historical Society of Pennsylvania.
No sooner was this incident closed than the King made his fa
mous speech of February 4th, which so enthused the Assembly that
it ordered the speech to be engraved on a tablet of brass and placed
» "Actes," etc., Vol. Ill, p. 383. 2 Ibid., p. 501.

Jean Antoine Houdon 253
in the Sessions Chamber, when Houdon again came to the fore with
an offer to make this monument, submitting at the same time a
sketch of a book of marble entitled "The Constitution," upon the
open leaves of which should be cut the speech of the King to the
National Assembly.1 Houdon was not alone in generosity. M.
Girardot de Marigny wished to pay the expense of the monument,
offering 10,000 francs for the purpose. But the Assembly would
none of it, feeling that accepting any offer would lessen the force
and dignity of their action, and determined that the brass tablet
"should be made at the cost alone of the representatives of the Com
mune." The King, to show his appreciation of the vote of the As
sembly, advised that body on February 16, by the hand of his
minister, the Comte de Saint Priest,2 that, agreeably to its expressed
wishes, he had ordered Houdon to make his bust for presentation
to the Commune, which was accepted and a deputation of twenty-
four of its members were selected to convey its thanks to the King.
This bust was a replica of that exhibited at the Salon of 1787, and
was installed in the Hotel de Ville on the 23d of March, 1790,
without any ceremony, as was the bust of Necker. Of the one at
Versailles, which is of the same year— 1790— as this one, Geffroy3
says, "The Kingl Houdon transfigures him with a touch of his
chisel. He is a Roman in his toga mounting to the Capitol, and not
a great woolly sheep going to the slaughter-house."
1 "Actes," etc., Vol. IV, p. 44- 2 Ibid- P- I2?-
8 "Les Chefs d'CEuvre de Versailles," par Gustave Geffroy, p. 77.

2^4 Jean Antoine Houdon
To Houdon also was confided the execution of the bust of Bailly,
that had been voted on the same day as was voted the bust of
Necker; and on April 8, 1790, a lively discussion arose, in the As
sembly, as to the mode of the reception of this bust, some members
desiring a formal presentation, while others argued that, as there
had been no particular ceremony attending the reception of the bust
of Necker, or even the King's bust, that of the Mayor should not be
attended with more pomp.1 Finally, it was brought in and placed
on the table of the Secretaries, when, however, the President of the
Assembly, l'Abbe Bertolio, made the remarks already quoted in the
chapter on the bust of La Fayette. In the Municipal Journal of
the Department of Paris for April 10, 1791, one may read: "In the
large room of the Hotel de Ville, one sees alongside of the bust of
Louis XVI, regenerator of French liberty, those of the three men
who had the greatest influence on the French Revolution, MM.
Necker, de la Fayette and Bailly."
As we have already seen, in little more than a year these four
busts were tumbled from their pedestals and ground to dust by
some of the same fanatics who had been instrumental in placing
them there, and thus four of Houdon's important works were ruth
lessly destroyed.
1 "Actes," etc, Vol. IV, p. 636.

CHAPTER XIII
1791-1814
ESCAPES THE GUILLOTINE— BUSTS OF ROBERT FULTON AND OF
JOEL BARLOW; OF NAPOLEON AND OF JOSEPHINE
'HE Salon of 1791 differed essentially from former Sa
lons. Up to this time the right of exhibition in the
palace of the Louvre had been entirely restricted to
members of the Academie des Beaux Arts, but, with the leveling
tendencies of the day, the National Assembly on the 21st of August,
1791, suppressed this last privilege and opened its doors to "ple
beian art." The Salons always opened on August 25th at this pe
riod, and lasted one month, as at present, so the decree was passed
with an evident view of affecting the impending exhibition.
At this Salon, Houdon exhibited a repetition, in bronze, of his
"Frileuse," literally the "Shivering Female," but typifying "Win
ter," the original marble having been made as far back as 1783, and
then exhibited in his studio. In 1828 it was presented to the Mont-
pellier Museum, where it is to be found at the present day, with a
companion, "Summer," executed in 1785. A composition of two
heads, "Love and Friendship," also known under the name of "The
Kiss," was exhibited, but its material is not indicated. From the
number of repetitions in varying materials made of this last-named
255

2c6 Life and Works of
piece, it must possess some charming qualities. One of these repeti
tions is in the Museum of Decorative Arts in Paris.
In the way of portrait-busts, we have Bailly, President of Jeu de
Paume; Necker, the celebrated financier; and, finally, Mirabeau.
A bust of La Fayette and also repetitions of Voltaire and of Frank
lin were in the collection, and mention is made of a female bust and
some heads of children. This seems to indicate considerable ac
tivity for an artist now past his fiftieth year, and who had spent
thirty of them in the most tireless and incessant industry. And the
mention of "a female bust and some heads of children," as well as
emphasizing his activity, means much more than the mere words
would indicate, for there is little doubt that the reference is to the
busts he modeled of his charming wife and at least two of his very
attractive children. As we shall see in the next chapter, Houdon
married in 1786 and had three daughters, named respectively Sa
bine, Anne- Ange and Claudine. It was not publicly known, how
ever, until half a dozen years ago, when they were acquired from
the family, for the Salle Houdon, in the Louvre, that Houdon had
made busts of his wife and of his two oldest daughters, and only in
May of 191 1, when the collection of art objects belonging to Pierre
Decourcelle was offered for sale, in Paris, did it come to light that
later he had added that of his youngest daughter, the infant Clau
dine. Had Houdon not made his wonderful Voltaire and his
beautiful Diana, his realistic Gliick and his ideal Moliere, his posi
tion in his art would have been assured by those four works of love

X-AA.JV'AAAm TrfSA-Ai-Ti'AtV:-

Jean Antoine Houdon 257
of the members of his close family circle. Description is unneces
sary, as we are fortunate enough to have reproductions of those
in the Louvre— of Mme. Houdon and of Sabine and of Anne-
Ange— but unfortunately the little Claudine became known too
late to be secured for our purpose. That she was artistically a
worthy companion of the others, if not their superior, is shown by
the appreciation shown her at the sale, where she brought 48,000
francs, while her older sisters brought respectively 20,200 and
20,000 francs each.
The period of the Revolution is now upon us. The Reign of
Terror came very near being fatal to Houdon, and considering the
bloodthirsty passions of the chief actors in it and how quickly pun
ishment followed on the steps of accusation, we almost tremble for
our artist as we read the account of his escape. As an ancient acad
emician and former member of a privileged body, and so connected
in that way with the old order of things, he was already under sus
picion. A graphic contemporary account1 is before us, reciting the
incident of his being accused and his escape, and we cannot do
better than transcribe from it:
"... The nightly arrests, the menace of the guillotine, were
also the orders of the day against the artists of the Louvre by the
Terrorist government. Houdon was one of them, and the patriot
ism of this quiet, blameless, and honest man was suspected. It was
1 "Fragments sur Paris, par Meyer," Vol. II, pp. 223 and 227. Cited by Montaiglon
and Duplessis, p. 345.

2,8 Life and Works of
imputed to him as a crime that he had not offered any patriotic
work; this showed his anti-Revolutionary spirit. He was threat
ened with incarceration, and the great number of busts and statues
coming from his hands, which, like Rousseau and Voltaire, repre
sented the torches of philosophy, would not have saved him, for
those characters, too, had died in the bosom of aristocracy."
He was saved by the presence of mind and resolution of his noble
wife. Houdon had finished the statue in marble of Saint Scholas-
tique, which had been ordered, some years previously, by a convent
in Paris. This saint was represented very simply, without mystical
attributes, with an open book in his hand, as might be a statue of
Philosophy. Mme. Houdon made use of this circumstance. She
knew that her husband had been threatened ; so she presented her
self before the Committee of Public Safety, under whose iron rule
the whole community bent. Barere, whom she found there, at once
charged her husband with being a poor republican, for not having
as yet executed any patriotic work. "Houdon," she tranquilly re
plied, "has made a statue of Philosophy. Come and see it in his
studio. Philosophy paved the way for the Revolution ; it claims its
place beside Liberty in the Temple of Justice." Barere was favor
ably impressed. "That is a fine idea," he said ; "I approve your
suggestion, and I will communicate it to the Committee." He
warmly advocated the proposition, and as a result the statue of the
heretofore saint was carried off from Houdon's studio and placed
in the outer hallway of the Convention, and Houdon was saved.

Jean Antoine Houdon 259
There can be no doubt about the occurrence; for, like the dis
ciples' evidence in the Scriptures, we have the same account vari
ously given. Barere himself afterward relates, in notes that were
published : "I knew that Houdon, a famous sculptor, had no work,
that his fortunes and his studio were languishing. I went to see his
works. I found among those that the Revolution did not allow of
his finishing a beautiful statue in Italian marble of Saint Eus
tache.1 It was intended for a lateral chapel of the Church of the
Invalides. 'Finish that statue,' I said to him, 'attach to it some
attributes identifying it with Liberty; and the Committee will pay
you for it at once, in order to place it in the entrance chamber of
the Convention Hall.' Houdon laughed at my project; neverthe
less, he executed it, was paid, and had the statue placed in the cham
ber indicated, which is called the Chamber of Liberty. Houdon is
living; he can certify to the fact."2
Barere is silent as to the danger Houdon ran and as to his aiding
him. This is no reason for doubting the fact. There were mem
ories connected with the Committee of Public Safety that it might
be well not to revive, which sufficiently explains his silence. Hou
don's family always retained a lively sense of obligation to Barere.
"If M. Houdon did not become a victim, in those fatal days, it was
owing entirely to the Conventionnel Barere, who, always faithful
1 Elsewhere, in a short enumeration of Houdon's works, these same "Memoires" of
Barere, Paris, 1842, Vol. IV, p. 247, call it by its true name, "Saint Scholastica, intended
for the Church of the Invalides, and which was transformed in 1793 into a statue of
Philosophy." 2 "Memoires de Barere," Vol. II, p. 143.

26o Life and Works of
to the cause of the Fine Arts, defended him with energy against
perfidious accusations." So writes Raoul Rochette, Houdon's son-
in-law, in his notice of the artist introductory to the catalogue of
Houdon's sale.
It seems to be thought highly probable that David, the painter,
was the author and instigator of the accusations against Houdon.
If so, time brought its revenge, for when David was imprisoned
and pursued by the commissioners of the Section of the Museum,
Mme. Houdon submitted some damaging testimony against him
which he was at considerable pains to refute. Eventually, in 1815,
he was banished from France, and died in Belgium.
At the Salon of the year 1 (August, 1793 ),1 Houdon exhibited a
reduction of his "Vestal Virgin," the original in bronze having
been exhibited at the Salon of 1777, and a "Petite Frileuse" ; as also
a small model, a foot high, of an equestrian statue of Washington.
It seems really amazing that any Salon at all was held at this time.
To the next Salon, in 1795, he sent but one bust. This was the
portrait of the Abbe Barthelemy, author of the celebrated "Voyage
du jeune Anacharsis," a book of immense learning which it took its
author thirty years to complete. His fame came late in life, for the
book did not appear until 1788, when the Abbe was in his seventy-
third year. He was the style of model Houdon particularly ex-
1 The calendar of the French Revolution began, by decree of the National Convention
of November 24, 1793, on the autumnal equinox, September 22, 1792, the midnight of
the date of its first meeting, and was composed of twelve months. It ceased by order
of Napoleon on September 9, 1805, so that its life was the unlucky thirteen years.

Jean Antoine Houdon a6l
celled in delineating, and he appears to have exhibited his talent
again at its best. Nivernois, the biographer of Barthelemy, speak
ing of the Abbe and Houdon's bust of him, writes: "His face had
an antique cast, and his bust may happily be placed only between
those of Plato and Aristotle. It is the work of a skilled hand (M.
Houdon), who has divined how to illustrate in his countenance that
mixture of gentleness, simplicity, amiability and dignity which
made transparent, so to speak, the soul of this unusual man."
The year 1795 marks two events in Houdon's life,— the loss of a
younger sister, Madeleine Pelagie Houdon, and his enforced re
moval from the workshops he had occupied in a wing of the Mu
nicipal Library. This necessitated a sale of some of his collected
works. The auction took place on the 8th of October, and a list of
the objects disposed of includes, besides a number of paintings,
some dozen works of his own. The busts are of Paul Jones, Buffon,
Franklin, Voltaire and Mirabeau. His vexation and preoccupa
tion, owing to this last disturbance, doubtless account for his
meagre contribution to the Salon of 1796. We find but a terra
cotta bust of M. Pastoret and a marble of his statue "La Frileuse."
The agitations and uncertainties of the period had frozen the cur
rent of his genius and limited the exercise of his talent, so that his
name does not appear at all as an exhibitor in the Salons of 1798
and 1799. We are not to see any revival in him until the Consular
period, when to the Salons of 1800 and 1801 he contributed several
busts, but unfortunately names are not given in the catalogue. In

262 Life and Works of
the latter year he made a heroic bust of Mirabeau for the Gallery
of the Consuls, and the next year a similar one of Washington for
the same place. These two busts are now in the Museum at Ver
sailles. In 1802 he had five, including marbles of d'Alembert and
of Barthelemy, which were of course repetitions of earlier orig
inals. Mme. Rode and the well-known Margravine of Anspach
were also among his contributions. In 1 804 Houdon again exhib
ited portraits, including busts of Marshal Ney, Joel Barlow, later
American Minister to France, and Robert Fulton, the perfecter of
the steamboat for practical navigation. The latter began life as a
miniature-painter, a fact as generally forgotten or unknown as that
Morse of electric telegraph fame began his career in the same way.
At the age of twenty-one he went abroad to study and pursue art,
but was soon diverted to mechanics, and in a few years engaged in
the improvement of the canal navigation of Great Britain, a treatise
upon which he subsequently published. In 1794 he went to Paris
and became a member of the family of Joel Barlow, where he
painted a panorama, the first ever shown in the French capital. In
Paris, under the auspices of the French government, he also made
experiments on the Seine with submarine navigation to be used in
torpedo warfare, but, owing to some differences, left France and
went back to England, in 1804. If must therefore have been toward
the close of his sojourn in France, that Houdon modeled his bust of
Fulton, as it is inscribed "houdon An xii R. Fulton 38 ans," which
shows it to have been done before September 22, 1803, and it was in

IROi'SEIK.'ir IFTC ILT HXi

Jean Antoine Houdon 263
the Salon of August, 1804, in marble. A plaster cast belonging to
the French government, originally in the Versailles Museum, has
been transferred recently to the Musee de Marine, and the cast
from which our reproduction is made belongs to the National
Academy of Design, New York. The marble is unknown.
Doubtless it was about the same time that Houdon modeled the
Fulton bust he modeled his bust of Joel Barlow, a marble of which
was also in the Salon of 1804, probably the one now owned by a
great-grandnephew of Barlow, Mr. H. P. Chambers of Washing
ton, Pa. One in plaster belongs to the Pennsylvania Academy of the
Fine Arts, and another to the National Academy of Design, New
York. President Madison had one in marble, but its present where
abouts cannot be traced. As may be seen, Barlow is transformed by
Houdon from an American citizen into a French citoyen, which does
not accord at all with Fulton's portrait of Barlow, which is the only
familiar likeness of him that we have. Yet we feel like saying,
"Amen," to Houdon rather than to Fulton, where a matter of por
traiture is in question. The author of the "Columbiad" went to
France in 1788 as the agent for an American land scheme which
failed, and he became a Girondist, being nominated for deputy to
the National Convention, but failed of election. He gave up poli
tics and amassed a fortune in speculations, and wrote in Paris the
poem by which he is known. He returned to America, in 1805, and
six years later was sent as Minister to France, and died in Poland,
whither he had gone to meet Napoleon at the latter's request.

264 Life and Works of
Houdon also exhibited a colossal statue of Cicero, ordered by the
Emperor for the Senate Chamber. This statue has been variously
criticized, and on the whole does not seem to have added to Hou
don's reputation, but it is easy to imagine that, with the standard
set by himself in those earlier works, like his Diana and his Vol
taire, public expectation would be disappointed in anything falling
below them, while a statue possessing half their merit, by any other
chisel, might have been considered highly meritorious.
On December 17th of 1804, Houdon was decorated by the Em
peror with the Cross of the Legion of Honor, and a little later, by
decree of January 24, 1805, "M. Houdon, sculptor and member of
the National Institute, is named professor of the special schools for
painting, sculpture and architecture, taking the place of M. Julien,
deceased." He had been appointed an adjunct professor of the old
Academy of Painting and Sculpture on July 7, 1792, which of
course ceased with its disestablishment after nearly one hundred and
fifty years of life.1 This new honor and appointment doubtless
stimulated and encouraged Houdon very sensibly, judging from
the superlative quality of his work exhibited in 1806. That his
hand had not lost its cunning was plainly shown in the noble por
trait of Napoleon, when Emperor, made from life sittings given
1 The Academy of Painting and Sculpture was founded by Louis XIV, February I,
1648, and ceased to exist August 8, 1793. In 1795 the National Convention established
the Institute of France to replace the old academies, which were revived as sections of
the Institute, and under the Restoration their traditional names were restored to them
as we now have them. Houdon's membership in the Academy dated from July 26, 1777,
and he was one of the original members of the new Institute.

Jean Antoine Houdon 265
at St. Cloud, and shown at the Salon in 1806. The Empress
Josephine gave sittings also for the bust of her which he modeled
and which was exhibited at the same time. In the next Salon, of
1808, he also exhibited busts in marble of the Emperor and of the
Empress, but from the difference between the bust of Napoleon at
Dijon and that in Versailles they were probably from distinct sit
tings. These busts, but little known to-day, had the merit of
being most striking likenesses, and brought Houdon the recogni
tion of being superior to all his rivals in the portrayal of the
imperial pair; the opinion upon the bust of Napoleon being unani
mous that it was the best of all the portraits that had been made
of him. Delerot and Legrelle say, "The critics of the day who only
had enthusiasm for David and his school were forced to accord to
Houdon the praise that real merit wrung from their slight sym
pathy, perhaps their ignorance, perhaps even disdain for a distin
guished past." Of the splendid bust at Dijon, Armand Dayot, who
commends it most highly, particularly for its fine showing of the
imperialism in the man, says:1 "Bonaparte by Gros is not merely
an out and out masterpiece in drawing, in its expression of action
and in its coloring, but also a unique document. . . . And to con
vince oneself of the sincerity of the likeness, its exact features and
its truth of expression, it suffices to compare it for a moment with
the admirable bust of the Emperor, by Houdon, now to be found in
the Museum at Dijon, and for which Napoleon sat as well, al-
1 "Napoleon raconte par l'lmage, par Armand Dayot," Paris, 1902, p. 24.

266 Life and Works of
though less frequently. Lose sight for a moment of the long, flow
ing hair, round out the outlines, extinguish the fiery glance in which
the glare of battle lurks, bare the torso and you will discover the
face eternized in marble by the great sculptor and upon which the
artist has impressed with so much genius the scornful majesty of
the Caesar. The portrait of the hero of Arcole, by Gros 1 The bust
of the Emperor, by Houdon! Behold the two portraits typical of
Bonaparte and of Napoleon! The two immortal likenesses in
which one may read the magnetic heroism of the soldier and the
gigantic dream of the Caesar. Beyond a doubt the painter and the
statuary have instinctively invested their subject with a species of
divine grandeur. But what matters it if the quasi-Olympian ex
pression, well justified by the epic grandeur of the model, does not
in any way detract from the truthfulness of the face and features?"
And Claude Phillips has written: "Houdon, . . . after having
portrayed, with unapproachable mastery and insight, the most in
teresting personalities of the eighteenth century, ... so altered his
style with his subject as to produce a sublime bust of Napoleon I—
the only portrait in which, without theatrical pose, his constructive
ideality is convincingly shown — and to occupy himself with the
bronze adornments, in the imperial style, which were destined for
the great column of Boulogne."
Houdon had earlier made a bust of Bonaparte as First Consul,
which is rated as one of tbe best likenesses of Napoleon at that
period. Unfortunately, the original has been lost, but it is well

.IP A1L;MAI~

Jean Antoine Houdon 267
known by having been often reproduced at Sevres, in small sizes,
and in our frontispiece the sculptor is represented modeling this
bust on his block. It is one of the few portraits of Napoleon where
he is represented wearing short, close side-whiskers. Of this bust
Michelet, in his "History of the Nineteenth Century," says: "I
know of but two faithful portraits of Napoleon. One is the small
bust by Houdon (1800), wild, dark and threatening, suggesting a
sinister enigma. The other is a painting, and represents him at full
length in his cabinet (1810). It is a work by David." Here we
have two acute criticisms upon Houdon's two busts of Napoleon,
as First Consul and as Emperor, by two different minds, by Mi
chelet and by Dayot, at two different epochs, and but one conclu
sion can be deduced from them, which is the very palpable one, that
our sculptor's delineations of the same man at two different periods
of his career are the best renditions of Bonaparte and of Napoleon
that have come down to us. Michelet selects the earlier bust as the
best Bonaparte, and Dayot selects the later bust as the best Napo
leon. Surely this is a crowning of a career not vouchsafed to many,
and shows anew, if it were necessary, how consummate an artist
Jean Antoine Houdon was.
Napoleon gave Houdon frequent sittings, and a note in Delerot
and Legrelle states: "We have before us a letter of Denon's (with
out date), in which he begs Houdon to present himself at St. Cloud
at precisely nine o'clock in the morning, when 'the Emperor will
give him a sitting.' " The bust at Dijon is inscribed, "Sa Majeste

268 Life and Works of
l'Empereur, Roy, fait d'apres Nature, Saint-Cloud (Aout 1806),
houdon f ." It is undraped and in plaster, and was sold at Houdon's
sale in 1828 (vide Appendix "E," No. 43), and bequeathed by M.
Foisset of Dijon to the Museum of that town. Those in marble of
the Emperor and the Empress are in the Museum at Versailles.
A good anecdote connected with these sittings has also been pre
served. The story goes that the Emperor liked Houdon's candor,
vivacity and simple manners, and said to him, "I hold you in great
esteem, M. Houdon. I want to do something that will be as agree
able to yourself as that which you are doing for me. Ask of me,
therefore, for yourself and family what you would like best."
"Well, Sire, the sword in my statue of Tourville is broken; give
orders that it shall be repaired." "Ah, there speaks the true artist,"
Napoleon is said to have replied, shaking him warmly by the hand.
About this time, a colossal statue of Napoleon to surmount a col
umn, voted by the Expeditionary Army in 1804, and to be erected
at Boulogne, was underway. Houdon executed the model (1805),
which was eighteen feet in height. The Emperor was satisfied with
it, and Houdon then cast it in bronze. "The Emperor was repre
sented standing on a shield, upheld by three eagles with extended
wings, and the figure was not inferior to the artist's best works, al
though he was then sixty-five years of age."
When the statue was about being sent to its destination, the events
of 1812 supervened. The idea of planting it by the seaside, as a
spectre intended to frighten England, was abandoned. 18 14 and

Jean Antoine Houdon 26q
181 5 made Houdon's statue useless. Not only was no site deemed
appropriate for it, but the statue was not even preserved; that and
the bas-relief for the pedestal made for it suffered the fate of perish
ing completely.
Houdon little thought, when he aided the now little-known ar
tist, Roguier, by his advice and counsel in an effort to plan a com
pleted equestrian statue of Henry IV on the Pont-Neuf, that, in
something over a month's time,1 the provisional work to which he
lent his aid would lead to a completed statue of which his own Na
poleon would form a part. But that is what happened ; for, when
the necessary metal was got together to cast Lemot's equestrian sta
tue of Henry IV which was erected on the Pont-Neuf in 1817, the
bronze of several monuments lying in the government workshops
was put at the disposition of the artist by the Minister of the In
terior, and among them was this colossal statue of Napoleon by
Houdon. Connected with this melting and casting of Napoleon's effigy into
the statue of Henry IV, a witticism of Houdon's is preserved. The
aged sculptor was found one day standing on the Pont des Arts,
looking over at the equestrian figure on the Pont-Neuf. Upon
being asked at what he was gazing, he quietly answered, "I had not
made it like that."2
1 March 20 to May 3. Cf. Lafolie, pp. 91-94.
2 It seems appropriate to state here that the well-known bust of Mme. Recamier,
attributed to Houdon, and examples of which bear his name but not his signature, is
not by him, according to a note in "Mme. Recamier," from the French of Edouard

27o Life and Works of
The Salon of 1812 also counted Houdon among its exhibitors;
and his works were of a character to attract attention: a bust of
Boissy d'Anglas, the senator, and two large marble statues — one of
General Joubert and the other a new Voltaire for the library of the
Institute, but which was installed in the Pantheon. We speak of it
as a new Voltaire, for it was not a repetition of the chef-d'oeuvre at
the Comedie, but a new figure in which the great man is represented
standing, enveloped in heavy drapery so disposed as to allow for
the accommodation of the figure in a certain niche intended for its
reception. Buried in the dark recesses of the Pantheon, this statue
is little known, but a modern French writer, having seen it on some
recent funeral occasion, dwells at considerable length on its artistic
merit. Earlier criticism speaks in praise of the modeling of the
head, while the thinness of the figure, which our artist deemed it
obligatory to portray, is spoken of as making the body appear some
what too long. This criticism appeared in the "Moniteur," in 1813,
according to Montaiglon and Duplessis.
These statues of Joubert and of Voltaire were the last to go to the
exhibitions from Houdon's hand, and they are, no doubt, the last
statues that he made. He exhibited his last bust at the Salon of
1 8 14; but the destinies of France had changed in the interval, the
Herriot by Alys Hallard, 1906, Vol. II, p. 380, where it is attributed to Chinard, quot
ing from Frederic Masson, in the "Figaro Illustre," for March, 1893. In the catalogue
of Houdon's works accompanying the brochure of Dr. Hermann Dierks is the following
entry: "Recamier, Madame. Gypsum (painted). Attributed to Houdon. In the
possession of Mr. Louis Cahen of Antwerp." Casts of it in plaster and in bronze
are quite familiar in the shops.

Jean Antoine Houdon 271
Allies had entered Paris, and this bust is of Alexander, Emperor of
all the Russias. "If Houdon had been younger, his reputation
would have insured him as many works as were accorded the brush
of Isabey, and he would have modeled all the kings and ministers
and foreign generals entering Paris. But Houdon was too far on
in years to be considered in such a connection, and this occasion,
which otherwise would have been productive of orders, limited it
self to regal visits."
The final sentence in the above quotation alludes to the visit of
the King of Prussia to Houdon's studio, in company with Hum
boldt, recorded in the "Moniteur" of September 18, 1815, p. 1032,
as follows: "His Majesty the King of Prussia, accompanied by the
celebrated traveler M. de Humboldt, visited day before yesterday
the studio of M. Houdon. His Majesty appeared particularly
pleased with a bust of Moliere in which the artist had so happily
expressed the quality of his talent, as well as faithfully rendering
the features of the creator of our comic stage."

CHAPTER XIV
1814-1828
LAST DAYS AND DEATH— PORTRAITS OF HOUDON— HIS HONORS
AND HIS GENIUS
E have been dealing with Houdon almost entirely from
the standpoint of his art, saying but little of his person
ality beyond an occasional reference to his simplicity
and industry. As we approach the end of his career, we shall en
deavor to throw more light upon the character of the man who, for
so long a period, has riveted the attention of all Europe by his won
derful artistic genius.
Devotion to his art was the key-note of his existence. We see it
in his first beginnings, later in his assiduity at Rome and resplend-
ently on his return to Paris. With that eagerness which distin
guished him in his art, he turned to advantage every opportunity
for modeling the likenesses of the celebrities of his day. Houdon
rarely failed to make the busts of people attracting, even though
fleetingly, public attention. In pursuing this course, he was sure of
drawing the attention of a great number of people to his work, and
his popularity gained thereby. Many people whom his best works
would not have attracted had noticed the bust of Mile. Lise. Thus,
also, he made the bust of Cagliostro, which Louis Gonze terms "an
272

a
a

p;

l:;

Jean Antoine Houdon 273
excellent work, full of life and of picturesqueness, the most delicate
execution, simple yet robust," a marble of which, signed, "houdon
f. 1786," may be found in the Musee d'Aix. He made those of all
the aeronauts of the day— Montgolfier, Pilastre des Rosiers,
Charles, d'Arlandes and Robert.1 When a subscription was opened
for striking a gold medal in honor of Montgolfier, it was Houdon
who made the drawing for it. A reflection found among his papers
throws light on this marked trait. He writes : "One of the finest
attributes of the difficult art of the sculptor is to preserve the truth
fulness of form and to render almost imperishable the image of
those who have contributed either to the glory or the happiness of
their country. This idea has followed me constantly, and encour
aged me during long hours of labor."
He seems to have been entirely free from the besetting sins of
jealousy, self-seeking and vanity common to so many men of genius.
Jefferson, writing to Washington, commends him in the highest
terms, and Franklin, who passed forty-eight days with him at sea
on their passage to this country, writes of him in the most flattering
manner. Testimony of this character is of the most convincing
kind, for these were men not easily deceived, who would have at
once detected any weakness or sordidness in our artist's motives, had
any lurked there. On the contrary, they are ever ready to bear wit
ness to his high integrity of purpose.
Jefferson, writing from Paris to William Temple Franklin, un-
1 "Journal de Paris," December 3, 1783.

274 Life and Works of
der date of May 7, 1786, states: "Houdon is about taking a wife."
Houdon was then in his forty-fifth year. On July 1, 1786, he mar
ried Marie-Ange-Cecile Langlois, a native of Amiens, whose fa
ther was in the service of the King. Had Houdon been married to
her when he visited America, and had she chosen to accompany
him, he would not have needed the services of an interpreter, for
her knowledge of English is shown through a French translation of
an English novel, "Dalmour," which she published in 1804.1 As
we have seen, three daughters were the issue of this marriage.
These in turn contracted marriages, the husband of Anne-Ange,
the second daughter, being Desire-Raoul Rochette, a man of con
siderable artistic and scientific attainments.2 It seems to have been
the latter's intention to have written a biography of Houdon, and
much regret has been expressed by French writers that he failed to
carry out this intention. He did write a biographical introduction
to the Catalogue of 1828, which is frequently referred to.
As we have already stated, after 18 14, Houdon, being seventy-
three years of age, gradually withdrew more and more from active
life. He continued to teach, however, probably until about his
eightieth year. As has been epigrammatically put, "Toward the
1 Marie-Ange-Cecile Langlois Houdon was as much distinguished for her wit as for
her beauty. This lady made an elegant and faithful translation of an English novel,
"Dalmour," by Miss Darner. She died in Paris in 1823, aged 75 years. "Biographie
Universelle," Paris, 1858 (Michaud), Vol. XX, p. 49.
2 The eldest daughter married M. Henri-Jean Pineau Duval, while the youngest
became the wife of Dr. Louye r- Ville rme, and a daughter of Mme. Rochette married
the distinguished Italian engraver Luigi Calamatta.

Jean Antoine Houdon 275
end, he consoled himself for not producing busts by turning out

artists."

He began now also nightly to frequent the performances at the
Theatre-Frangais as a means of agreeable relaxation, and among
the anecdotes preserved of him at this late period is one connected
with the Theatre. It so happened that the building was closed for
a considerable period of time during certain alterations. On the
day of its reopening Houdon came as usual, but a new ticket-taker
had been engaged since his last visit.
"Sir, sir, your ticket!"
"I don't need any," and the venerable figure continued to ad
vance. "But, sir, no one enters without a ticket."
"I have my entrance, sir." (Growing warm.)
"But how do you call yourself?"
"How I call myself!" (Voice growing louder.) "How I call
myself!" Then, pointing to the statue in the peristyle, "I 'm the
father of Voltaire!" And he passed in triumphantly without fur
ther reply. The amusing part is that the next evening, as Houdon
passed in, the ticket-taker turned to his assistant and instructed him
to inscribe on the register of entries for the evening, "M. Voltaire,
le pere." It is easy to imagine the hilarious reception of this at the
Theatre, and for some time after our old habitue passed under this
cognomen entirely.
But the time came when he was no longer able to venture abroad

276 Life and Works of
after nightfall, and if contemporary opinion had been consulted at
the Francais it would doubtless have placed his death at 1824 or
1825, for after that he was little there. It was at eighty-two years
of age, after having enjoyed unchanging health with the one ex
ception of an attack shortly before embarking for America, that
serious illness overtook him. His iron constitution triumphed,
however, but from this time on he grew weaker. Finally, in his
eighty-seventh year, on the 15th of July, 1828,1 his light was extin
guished. Houdon's fame has not merely been maintained, but, judging
from articles that have appeared in the magazines and art reviews
of England, France and Germany during the past score of years, is
steadily on the increase. Every critic undeviatingly bends the knee
to him, and each and all hail him as one of the truly great artists of
France. Through the instrumentality of the Society of Arts and Letters
at Versailles, his native town, a statue has been erected there to his
memory. Among the subscribers to the fund, and following a sub
scription of 10,000 francs by the municipality, we find the Emperor
of Russia contributing 1000 francs, with a note from the Russian
Ambassador expressing the high appreciation entertained by his
countrymen for Houdon's talent. What was of especial interest as
showing the nation's homage to the memory of its greatest sculptor,
was the permit issued by the state to open, for a benefit perform-
1 Jal. "Dictionnaire Critique de Biographie et d'Histoire," Paris, 1872, p. 689.

Jean Antoine Houdon 277
ance in aid of the statue, the Trianon Theatre, which had been
closed since Marie Antoinette last appeared there on the stage,
August 19, 1785, when she acted Rosina, in Beaumarchais's "Bar
bier de Seville." The receipts from the two performances that were
given amounted to the handsome sum of 10,880 francs, a generous
tribute from the people to art and the artist. The monument was
inaugurated with much ceremony on the 28th of June, 1891.1 The
statue itself we have not seen; a sketch, however, by F. Prud-
homme, is before us. The attitude of the figure is rather theatrical
— the artist, whether intentionally or not, seeking to idealize the art
of sculpture rather than to present a truthful likeness of the subject.
The latter stands as if making an address from the tribune, the left
arm extended, the hand holding a chisel, while the right, in which
a mallet is grasped, rests upon a partly finished and roughly hewn
bust, evidently of Voltaire. To connect him with this event of his
career a more mature figure is demanded, for Houdon was ap
proaching forty at that time. A specimen of his work during his
apprenticeship at Rome would have been more in harmony with
the youthful stripling evoked by M. Tony Noel, the sculptor of the
figure. Paris has her "Salle Houdon" in the Louvre, in which are gath
ered twenty-two of Houdon's works, including a Diana in bronze,
the marble Morphee, his wife and two of his daughters, and busts
of some half dozen of his most renowned subjects. But, as our
1 "Autour de la Statue de Jean Houdon, par Albert Terrade," Versailles, 1892.

278 Life and Works of
catalogue will show, France treasures our artist's work in other mu
seums within her borders: the Museum at Montpellier prob
ably contains one of the most representative collections, although
Dijon and Tours especially possess choice examples of Houdon's
genius. At Versailles, also, some of his most important busts will
be found. Paris has further commemorated his memory in a "Rue
Houdon." But these are posthumous honors, for which he did not
have to wait to receive evidences of general appreciation. He was
so well known that when a writer of fiction of his day had need for
a great sculptor's name, that of Houdon fell naturally from his pen.
Thus de Tressan, in his pretty story, "Petit Jehan de Saintre,"
writes this passage. He is describing a monk brought up in an
abbey. "His talents, his charming countenance, his strength, his
measure of height, perfected themselves from day to day, and the
celebrated Houdon would have chosen him as a model had he
wished to chisel a Hercules."
In addition to being made a Chevalier of the Legion of Honor
by Napoleon, as we have seen, he was made a Chevalier of the Em
pire by letters patent of January 28, 1809, which eight years later
was confirmed by Louis XVIII.
As some persons can better measure the appreciation of an artist
by the commercial value of his works, Houdon will not fall below
their estimate when tested by this commercialism. Almost three
decades ago, in 1883, at the Baroness de Courvalle's sale, Houdon's
marble bust of Mme. Servat sold for 44,000 francs, while at the

SiuIR UT IE M'^TUIIiTl'i:

Jean Antoine Houdon 279
famous Talleyrand-Sagan sale in Paris, May, 1899, Houdon's Mo
liere, in white marble, signed and dated 1782, brought 50,000
francs, and his bust of La Fontaine, in the same material, 30,000
francs. In 1908, a well-known London dealer had plaster busts of
Voltaire and of Rousseau, which had been presented to the Societe
des Amis de 1' Instruction, at Geneva, in the eighteenth century,
and bearing a seal inscribed, "Acade. Royale de Peinture et Sculp.
Houdon sc," for which he asked two thousand pounds. They were
acquired by Mr. J. P. Morgan, and are now in the Metropolitan
Museum of Art, New York. The sale of the Diana in New York,
in 1910, for $51,000, and of the Claudine in Paris, this year, for
48,000 francs, are further proof.
Now that we have seen Houdon in his life and in his works, we
naturally turn to consider what manner of man he was; how he
appeared to his contemporaries and to his friends and to the legion
of distinguished personages whose individual personalities have
been preserved for us by his magical genius.
Some writer, carried away by epigrammatism, has derisively
written, "Portraiture is nothing more than art placed at the service
of vanity," and then seeks, irrationally, to controvert Lessing's argu
ment that, in the portrait, it is sought to represent the ideal of a
determinate person and not that of men in general, and to place
portraiture below works of the imagination as being a mere copying
of the subject or model. While vanity may be the mainspring in
stigating many persons to have their portraits preserved, it is not

28o Life and Works of
only a pardonable vanity but it is a laudable one, and, far from
degrading art and the artist to the plane of a mere copying, ele
vates both; portraiture being in art what biography is in letters-
its highest department. "How dead the past would be but for the
'counterfeit presentments' that we have of the men and women who
lived in the days that have gone before ! 'We see the faithful effigies
of those who have played extraordinary parts and proved them
selves select men among men. We read their countenances, we
trace their characters and conduct in the unreal images, and then,
as if made free of their company, follow on with redoubled anima
tion the events in which they lived and moved and had their
being.'"1 As Carlyle once wrote, "In all my poor historical in
vestigation it has been, and always is, one of the most primary wants
to procure a bodily likeness of the person inquired after." We want
to see the features, the physical individuality, of the personages
about whom we read. Without such a visible record, without the
power of picturing to our mind the individual as he was, his name
and fame are mere abstractions to us, and we lose half the force of
his personality. In the expression of a man's countenance, we can
always trace his character, and we retain a more correct recollection
of his actions by keeping in our minds a lively impression of his
appearance. That it is not true portraiture is a mere copying, it is
only necessary to have recourse to the lifelike character busts that
1 "Hints on Portraits and How to Catalogue Them," by Charles Henry Hart, Phila
delphia, 1898, p. 9.

Jean Antoine Houdon 28i
Houdon modeled, and compare them with the perfunctory por
traits that we know of the same subjects by other hands. Without
ever having seen the originals, we will see the difference in the por
trait by the true artist, who depicts not only the features of the sub
ject, but also the spirit and the character, making the portrait
vibrant with life, and the portrait by the mere copyist, whose every
line is true and exact, but dead. As Claude Phillips has said,1
"Houdon joins a masterly skill in the presentation of the osseous
and muscular structure of the human head and a magic power of
vivifying with the Promethean spark of life the faithful reproduc
tion thus obtained. To this power Houdon adds a rarer skill, for
his portraits not only represent the living, breathing man, but they
suggest, with a subtle truth, free from a touch of exaggeration, the
human individual." If the position asserted by the epigrammatist
were tenable, nothing could be more satisfactory in portraiture than
the pictures produced by the camera. Yet every one knows that,
while they are doubtless almost mathematically exact, they are
wholly unsatisfactory. A portrait is not a copy— a mathematically
exact reproduction of the features and form. It is the expression of
the character that dominates the portrait. As Sir Joshua Reynolds
has said in one of his discourses, "In portraits the grace, and we
may add the likeness, consists more in taking the general air than in
observing the exact similitude of every feature." Therefore it is
supremely true that in portraiture both artist and public find the
i "London Art Journal," 1893, P- 80.

282

Life and Works of

keenest satisfaction, and that the greatest works of art, of the past
and of the present, are portraits. Such being the case, we are in
deed grateful to Houdon that he was not unmindful to leave his
own portrait behind him for us to see what manner of man he was,
although not by his own hand.1
Augustin Jal, in his erudite and recondite critical dictionary of
history and biography, gives this slight pen portrait of Houdon: "I
knew him at an advanced age. He was a lively little man, striking
in appearance and manner, who, when I met him, was approaching
second childhood. He was not completely oblivious of the past,
and still conversed well about sculpture, of those works of his own
which he specially prized, of the period of his fame, of Voltaire
and of Franklin, and of the other illustrious men, his contem
poraries, who had sat to his chisel." His venerable appearance and
the expression of his face inspired the respect that it commanded,
and gave Gerard the desire to have him as a model for one of the
old men in his well-known painting of the "Entry of Henry IV
into Paris." which was exhibited in the Salon of 1817. Houdon,
with his usual kindliness, consented, and he is one of the three mag
istrates who offer the keys of the city to the King. Gerard was so
impressed by Houdon's physiognomy that he has repeated his face
in several other heads in the picture, with changes insufficient to
disguise the original. We are also fortunate in having several di-
1 While it is quite common for painters to paint their own portraits, we recall no
instance of a sculptor modeling his own bust.

Jean Antoine Houdon 283
rect portraits of Houdon, although they all show him in advanced
years. Mile. Capet, the clever pupil of Mme. Guiard, who became the
second wife of Vincent, the painter, exhibited in the Salon of 1800 a
large miniature of Houdon, one-quarter life size, in which he was
represented working on a bronze of Voltaire. Jacques Fremy
painted and etched a sketch in profile, wearing the decoration of
the Legion of Honor, which, although slight, being not much more
than an outline, is said to have been a striking likeness. In 1808,
when Rembrandt Peale was painting in Paris, he knew Houdon
well and painted a fine portrait of him, as also one of David and
one of Denon, all three of which are in the Pennsylvania Academy
of the Fine Arts at Philadelphia. But the portrait of Houdon by
which he will go down to posterity is the work of Louis Boilly.
Boilly painted him at least three times, but the most interesting is
the one we use as our frontispiece, where the sculptor, in a suit of
white, is standing before his block, modeling the bust of Bonaparte
as First Consul. It is one of those characteristic portraits that
speaks for its own truthfulness to every one, and belonged a few
years since to M. Soret, of Versailles, from which our illustration
is reproduced. Boilly made a lithograph of a full-face portrait of
Houdon, in his series of members of the Institute of France, pub
lished in 1822. He also painted large canvases of "Houdon in his
Atelier among his Students," and of "Houdon at Work in the
Presence of his Three Daughters," the subject sitting being, as is

284 Life and Works of
thought, Laplace the astronomer, although his bust is not among
Houdon's known works.1 The first of these paintings is in the Mu
seum at Cherbourg, and the last in the Museum at Lille. From
these several life portraits M. Elias Roberts made, in 1853, a mar
ble bust for the Gallery of Artists in the Louvre, but it, of course,
has merely commemorative value and not the authority of a life
portrait. Of similar character is the most recent bust of Houdon,
which surmounts a monument executed by P. Gasq, of Paris, form
ing one of a group, in the Cour du Carrousel, commemorating sev
eral celebrated artists of France. The model was exhibited in the
Salon of 1909, and consists of a column, supporting the bust, with a
figure of Diana, at the foot, gazing up at the master. The artist has
striven to portray Houdon at the moment of the conception or in
spiration of his Diana, and the expression is finely produced, while
the female figure is extremely graceful and well modeled.
In bringing to a conclusion this volume, which has been a work
of unfailing pleasure to the writers, it seems pertinent to inquire
if any influence controlled Houdon, in the development of his
art, beyond his own transcendent genius. At the period of
Houdon's return to Paris, Diderot was the ruling king in the realm
of artistic criticism, and it is manifest that the sculptor early made
the acquaintance of the critic, as the latter's bust, by the former, was
exhibited in 177 1. It was against the faults of mannerism that
1 At a loan exhibition of decorative art in Paris in April, 1906, there was exhibited
a bronze bust of Joseph Vernet, the painter, attributed to Houdon, but this is its only
record.

;;¦ ., ;r"ii: ¦Azo-rAjr. u -

Jean Antoine Houdon 285
Diderot especially inveighed, and he sought to convert artists to the
simple and unaffected style; and owing to the striking similarity in
the ideas shared by the critic and the sculptor, as to the underlying
principles of art, and the possession, by Houdon, of all the qualities
exactingly required by Diderot in an artist, Delerot and Legrelle
consider Diderot "the adviser if not the director of Houdon's
talent." But to arrive at this conclusion it is necessary to expunge
from the list of Houdon's works the great Saint Bruno, his first
work, which was wrought in Rome before, we might almost say,
Houdon had ever heard of Diderot, certainly before he could pos
sibly have come under his influence, and which possesses all the
distinguishing traits of Houdon's latest work, being marked above
all other qualities by its severe simplicity. If there were any con
trolling influence exerted by one upon the other, it would rather be
of the practical artist upon the theoretical critic, but in fact it is
only what is so often found between two minds working in the same
direction— an intellectual affinity; and when they met they found
that congeniality of taste and thought that doubtless helped each
onward in his respective work.

APPENDICES

Appendix A

Houdon's Account of Expenses of his Voyage to and from
America, 1788, October 20th.1
Acheve des Memoires, Quittances et Bordereaux que M. houdon a
conserves relativement a ses depenses pour son voyages de Paris en Ame-
rique et son retour en cette ville luy et 3 eleves pour le servir et l'aider
dans son travail, depuis le mois de juillet 1785 jusqu'au trente un De-
cembre meme annee.
Frais de Poste pour luy et un de ses eleves de Paris au Havre 15 1.8
Frais de Poste pour les Deux autres eleves et d'auberge
pour les trois pendant leur sejour  101.
Pour des Bottes  54.6
Achat de diverses choses necessaires pendant la traversee
fait a Southampton  81.
Achat d'outils de terre d'utenciles necessaires pour faire le
Buste du General Washington, attendu que les caisses qui
renfermoient les effets de M. Houdon ne sont arrivees
peu pres de six mois apres son depart pour la france fait
a Philadelphie  113.
Paye au tailleur pour l'habillement complet des quatre per
sonnes par la raison cy dessus  552.
Au chapelier id one  60.
Au cordonier id  90.
Bas linge Le id  112.
La Blanchissage des quatre personnes pendant la totalite du
voyage  75.
1,389.14
1 This account, in Houdon's own hand, bearing above endorsement, was sent by
Jefferson to the Governor of Virginia, with the following memorandum : "M. Houdon
having accompanied Dr. Franklin to America, who was equally employed with myself
by the State of Virginia, the expenses herein charged were under his eyes and authority
till Houdon's departure from America. The subsequent articles were examined and
approved by me. Thos. Jefferson." 288

Appendix A 2g9
[translation]
Totality of Memoranda containing Receipts and Accounts kept by M.
Houdon relating to his expenditures for his voyages from Paris to Amer
ica, and his return to that city, for himself and three pupils to serve and
assist him in his work, from the month of July, 1785, until 31st Decem
ber of the same year.
Charges for post-stage for himself and one of his Pupils,
Paris to Havre  15 1.8
Charges for post-stage for the two other pupils and Inn
charges for the three during their stay  101.
For Boots  54.6
Purchase of various necessary articles for the crossing
(made at Southampton)  81.
Purchase of clay tools and utensils needed in making the
bust of Gen'l Washington, owing to these having been in
closed with the effects of Mr. Houdon not arriving until
nearly six months after the latter's departure for France
—made in Philadelphia  113.
Paid to the tailor for complete outfit of four persons re
ferred to above  552
To Hatter, id one  60
To Shoemaker, id  9°
To Stockings and Linen, id  : . . . . 112
Washing for the four persons during the entire voyage . . 75

1.389

14

290 Appendix A
de l'autre part .... 1,389.14
Depense a I'auberge de Philadelphie pendant 18 jours pour
de l'autre part les 4 personnes  399.
Frais de la Route de Philadelphie a Alexandrie pour les
memes compris les frais d'auberge et de retour . . . 970.
Depense a I'auberge de Philadelphie apres le retour d' Alex
andrie pour les memes jusqu'au depart de M. Houdon
et d'un eleve de cette ville, environ un sejour de 18 jours 400.
Paye a I'auberge pendant 5 semaines apres son depart pour
les deux autres eleves  264.
Leur route de Philadelphie a New York leur frais d'auberge
pendant la route et le sejour en attendant le vaisseau . . 185.
Celle de M. Houdon et de son eleve au meme a meme endroit 328.10
Plus solde avec MM. Franklin Pere et fils Heyder Veydt et
Cie pour frais paye par eux pendant le sejour de M.
Houdon tant en Angleterre qu'en Amerique et diverses
Achats  4,315.12
Passage des deux Eleves en france  1,000.
Leur sejour a I'Orient et leur retour a Paris  309.
Plus memes a memes frais, et frais d'auberge de .... 403.18
Passage de M. Houdon et de son Sieve d' Amerique en
angleterre  1,314.
Route de falmouth a Londres, idem  312.
Frais d'auberge pendant la route et a Londre et achat de
diverses choses necessaires  4<o.
12,040.14

Appendix A 291
[translation] Brought forward . . 1,389.14
Expenses at the Inn in Philadelphia during eighteen days
for four (4) persons  too.
Expenses for Journey from Philadelphia to Alexandria for
the same, including expenses at public house and return
journey  97o.
Expenditure at Inn in Philadelphia after return from Alex
andria for the same until departure of Mr. Houdon and
one pupil from this town, equaling a stay of about eigh
teen days  4oo.
Paid at the Inn during five weeks, after his departure, for
the two other pupils  264.
Their journey from Philadelphia to New York, their
charges at the Inn during the journey and for their stay
while awaiting the vessel  185.
That of M. Houdon and his pupil for the same, the same
passage  328.10
Add liquidated through Messrs Franklin, Father and Son,
Heyder Veydt & Co. for charges paid by them during
the stay of M. Houdon in England as well as in America
and various purchases  4,315.12
Passage money of two (2) pupils to France  1,000.
Their stay at I'Orient and their return to Paris .... 309.
Add for same and same expenses, and charges at Inn . . 403.18
Passage money of Mr. Houdon and his pupil from America
to England  1,314.
Journey Falmouth to London for same  312.
Charges at Inn during journey to London and purchase of
various necessary articles  45°-
12,040.14

292 Appendix A
de l'autre part .... 12,040.14
Frais de retour de Londre a Paris pour les memes . . . 400.
Paye a l'emballeur pour les caisses  73.1 8
Frais de caisse venu de Londre a Paris par Dunkerque . . 54.6
12,568.18
Recu en Nov. 28, 1785  2,724.66
Fevrier 20, 1786, d'une lettre de change . . . 2,400.
Mars 4, idem  3,600.
1787  105.02
1788, Oct. 20  2,721.93
 11,550.17.9
Reste du a M. Houdon  1,018.3

Appendix A

[translation] Brought forward . .
Charges for return from London to Paris for the same . .
Paid packer for packing effects 
Charges for effects brought from London to Paris via
Dunkirk 

Received Nov. 28, 1785 . . .
Feb. 20, 1786, from letter of credit
Mar. 4 " " " "
1787 " " " "
1788 Oct. 20 ... .

2,724.66 2,400.3,600. 105.02
2,721.93

293

12,040.14 400. 73-i854-6
12,568.18

Remaining due Mr. Houdon

11,550.17.9 1,018.3

Appendix B

Explanation of the Model for the Statue of the King, which the
Sieur Houdon has the honor to submit to the States of Brittany,
and that he has executed at the request of Messieurs the Deputies.
The Sieur Houdon has conceived that this monument should express
the feeling that has prompted the States of the Province of Brittany in
having it erected; he conceives that he should follow the rule of unity or
principle adopted in sculpture as in all the other arts.
He has desired that this monument should be such as a native-born
artist of Brittany would have conceived, who, being present at the
Session when the State voted the statue, would have shared, as a native-
born subject, the sentiments pervading that august assembly, the wish to
raise to the King a lasting monument of their affection and gratitude.
Explanation of the Subject. The King seated on the throne, showing
to Brittany at his right hand the emblematical figure on his left, and
telling him to take from its hands the patent assuring him of the free
dom of his Deputies. Brittany, prostrate with gratitude and respect,
looks at the King, and takes the patent offered him by the emblematic
figure; the arms of the King behind the throne, the coat of arms of
Brittany at his feet. There is no other pedestal but the steps to the
throne. The bas-reliefs will represent, if deemed appropriate :
The first — The union of Brittany and France;
The second— The son of Francis I, created Duke of Brittany, 1532;
The third— Henry IV, present at the meeting of the States of Brit
tany, 1590; 294

Appendix B 295
The fourth— Louis XIV, present at the meeting of the States of Brit
tany, 1 66 1.
Eight inscriptions, relative to the monument, on two sides of each
bas-relief; above each, the attributes of the three orders and the at
tributes of the nobility will indicate those of the army and navy.
The site at Brest destined for the monument, being sufficiently lofty to
be seen from the port, requires that the elevation of the monument
above the ground level should not exceed thirty-six feet, the little figure
at the base serving, so to speak, as a scale of proportion. The person
charged with exhibiting the model will please place it at such height as
to bring the head of the little figure on a level with the eye of the spec
tator. The artist has profited by the subject and the site to avoid, what is
commonly called, a pedestal. The monument has no other base but that
of the throne. It is to be observed that pedestals have been at times
criticized. The Sieur Houdon has imagined that, from his position, he might
aspire as much as any other artist to the honor of executing this monu
ment. For sixteen years he has benefited by the use of the workshops
and furnaces of the municipality of Paris; he has used this advantage
and his time in making himself, as well as all his workmen, capable of
the execution of large works in bronze. He has already made several
statues of this material, and his workmen are the only ones now remain
ing in Paris, those employed by Messrs. Bouchardon and Le Moyne
having deceased.
The Sieur Houdon would esteem himself happy if his project coin
cides with the ideas of Nos Seigneurs of the States of Brittany. He will
receive with submission the suggestions that N. S. [Nos Seigneurs] may
be pleased to give him.
(From the printed copy in the National Library at Paris.)

Appendix C

Views on Competition in general, and especially as to the one for a
Statue to J. J. Rousseau. By Houdon, Sculptor to the King and
of the Academy of Painting and Engraving.
Competitions are useful, even absolutely essential for young people;
they excite emulation in them and bestow a certain energy and courage
leading to success: but for artists already formed, the effect is entirely
contrary. Fearing all the time to compromise themselves, they end by
really doing so. On the other hand, the young man who competes and
fails to win the prize, is consoled by the hope of doing better and win
ning next time; he is sustained by that hope. Not being known, and
still possessing youth, his failure can hardly do him the same harm as it
does to the artist already formed, who no longer has the same resources.
A failure to him is compromising to his reputation, without a hope of
regaining it; for will he ever find a second opportunity? Will not public
disfavor follow him ? His fortune will diminish, for private orders will
overlook him and find their way to the successful artist; for one must
look at the thing reasonably (from the standpoint of common sense).
Who will wish the services of an established artist who has been rejected?
Then, too, in competitive trials you will have a great many young
people who, having nothing to lose and everything to gain, are only too
happy to enter the lists, while their teachers will withdraw for exactly
opposite reasons. It will be answered, what difference in a public mat
ter? Genius is the appanage of youth; by this means we will open ways
to it, and as a result we shall have a better work. I am in accord with
the first idea, but not with the second. The first is true and entirely in
296

Appendix C 297
favor of the young people. The second is open to discussion and might
prove of disadvantage to the public business.
When you desire to erect a public monument, two things are needful :
noble conception— that is the part of genius; a perfect execution— that
belongs to practice. Genius conceives, but it can execute only after prac
tice. I shall not enlarge on this idea. It suffices, I think, to point it out.
I shall therefore pass to an examination of the methods of competition,
and I shall commence by the one most in use — I allude to small models.
The most skilful artist will be the one to make the poorest. Accus
tomed to conceive and execute largely, his sketch will be conceived on
those lines, and to the eyes even perhaps of connoisseurs the sketch of a
mediocre artist, possessing less merit in itself but more worked up and
finished because of his aptitude in it, will appear superior. Thus, to
bring about competition that will result satisfactorily, which is really to
get the best work, there remains another method to look into. This
would be to choose six or eight of the cleverest sculptors of the Capital,
and to have them compete with full-sized models ; one could feel certain
then of choosing with greater reason. But objections might be raised to
this plan. Would artists compete? It is at least more than doubtful.
If they did enter, however, how would the unsuccessful ones fare? Their
lost time must be paid for, their outside expenses and, more than this,
their models, for it would not be desirable to buy an excluded work; but
even if all that were to be paid, the National Assembly could not restore
the artist his lost prestige, and nothing could console him for being in
the rejected class. Here are the drawbacks sufficiently developed, and I
will sum up; but in doing so I shall suggest one more method of com
petition which, it seems to me, would be most worthy of the Nation and
the artists, and which might give birth to the sort of emulation which
leads to the best results and without the various drawbacks I have
pointed out in the other methods ; and that is, to take the whole career.
I explain my meaning: The artist who shall labor from childhood, who
shall have produced the most works, whose productions are most noted,

298 Appendix C
that one should be chosen; for to gain a certain degree of reputation,
talent is necessary, genius, and much devotion. Thus, when the Nation
seeks for a great work, let those charged with the business visit the va
rious studios, and let the style of the works and the talent discovered put
them in the way of deciding with clear apprehension ; a poor choice will
be rarer and more difficult to make.
As to the competition for a statue of J. J. Rousseau decreed by the
National Assembly, which prompts me to put my views in writing, I can
only plead one thing in my favor; that is, that the likeness of this great
man is in some respects my property, as I am the only one, according to
general opinion, who has succeeded in making a perfect likeness of him ;
that Rousseau is dead; that there is only his bust to go by; that it will be
made use of, and that I shall have furnished weapons against myself.
Perhaps I might add that one who, without planning or solicitation, has
been selected by a free people to trace for them the images of two heroes,
La Fayette and Washington — who is executing for America the statue
of the last-named — might hope the same consideration from his native
land, which became free also through the labors of its illustrious repre
sentatives. Nothing would be wanting then for his happiness, and he
would feel assured that in inscribing his name on the statue of Jean-
Jacques, voted by free Frenchmen, he would be obtaining immortality.

Appendix D

Copy of a Letter from M. Houdon, Sculptor, to the President of
the Society "Friends of the Constitution."
Mr. President:
The motives for my conduct, relative to the competition decided upon
by the Society "Friends of the Constitution," for the bust of Mirabeau,
being susceptible of a misconstruction, I thought it owing to the public,
and above all to the Society over which you preside and who had hon
ored me by its first choice, to state precisely my exact sentiments. This
is what I have tried to do in a small pamphlet which I beg to present.
Not being willing, however, to renounce the honor of placing my work
within the sacred precincts of the Society, I venture to hope that it will
allow me to ask its acceptance of a plaster cast of the bust of Mirabeau;
if it bears resemblance, and if any merit is discerned in it, it is because
at the time the artist executed it he was animated by a desire to respond
to the confidence the Society had honored him with. In addressing my
self to you, Mr. President, I could not choose better for sympathizing
with my point of view and a line of action consistent with my character.
I have the honor to be
Houdon.
Paris, 5 June, 1791.
(From the printed copy in the National Library, Paris.)

299

Appendix E

NOTICE DES OB JETS D'ART1
qui seront vendus apres le deces de M. J. A. Houdon statuaire, chevalier
de la Legion d'honneur, membre de I'Academie des Beaux Arts de l'ln-
stitut de France, professeur emerite de l'ficole royale des Beaux Arts,
etc., etc. Cette vente se fera le lundi 15 decembre 1828 et jours suivants,
dans l'atelier de feu M. Houdon, cour de la Bibliotheque du Roi, rue dc
Richelieu, de midi a 4 heures de relevee.
L' exposition aura lieu le dimanche 14 du meme mois.
La notice se distribue :
( Me Fournel, commissaire priseur, quai des orfevres, No. 6
I M. Henri, expert-appreciateur, rue de Bondy, No. 23.
1828
Imprimerie d'Hippolyte Tilliard, rue de La Harpe, N° 78.
1. Marbre blane. Tete de Minerve vue de profil; ouvrage en bas-
relief et destine a etre applique sur un fond.
2. Bronze. Diane nue, et la tete un peu detournee, se livrant a une
course legere; la deesse tient une fleche de la main droite, et sa main
gauche soutient un arc de petite proportion.
Cette statue, dont la ponderation est parfaite et qui, par sa nudite et
le caractere gracieux de ses formes, representerait peut-etre mieux une
Venus chasseresse, offre certainement l'une des productions les plus
1 Printed from the only known copy in the Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, Departement
des Imprimes, V. 36, n. 8°. No. 2724, 20 pages. The introduction is omitted.
300

Appendix E 30I
remarquables de la statuaire moderne et merite encore plus d'estime, si
Ton considere qu'elle est l'un des ouvrages qui ont le mieux concouru a
rappeler a l'imitation de la nature et de I'antique a l'epoque ou il fut
execute. Cette statue de grandeur naturelle et d'une belle fonte est parfaite-
ment ciselee et reparee.
3. Platre peint. Empreinte prise sur la figure precedente.
4. Bronze. Jolie copie reduite de la statue precedente.
5. Platre peint. Empreinte prise sur la reduction, qui vient d'etre
decrite. 6. Cire. Venus et Mars, groupe d'une petitesse extreme, supporte
par une console formee par un masque humain.
7. Terre-cuite. Une esquisse representant Milon de Crotone devore
par un lion, ouvrage du celebre Falconet.
8. Terre-cuite. Un bas-relief representant la reine de Saba appor-
tant des presents a Salomon. Cette composition est celle du grand prix
de sculpture remporte par M. Houdon vers 1760.
9. Platre peint. Petit modele de la belle statue de saint Bruno, exe
cutee en marbre par M. Houdon et placee a Rome dans l'eglise des
Chartreux. 10. Marbre blane. Portrait de Louis XIV, vu de profil : bas relief de
forme ovale.
11. Marbre blane. Buste habille de Voltaire, par M. Houdon.
12. Marbre blane. Buste de Voltaire, sur socle en marbre veine, par
M. Houdon.
13. Carton bronze. Statue assise de Voltaire, maquette qui a servi
dans la ceremonie de la translation des cendres de ce grand homme au
Pantheon frangais.
14. Platre. Modele reduit de la statue de Voltaire par M. Houdon,
qui etait placee au Pantheon frangais.

302 Appendix E
15. Platre. Masque moule sur la visage de J. J. Rousseau peu
d'heures apres sa mort; cette precieuse empreinte qui est unique a ete
fait par M. Houdon, sur I'invitation de feu M. le Comte de Girardin
chez lequel ce philosophe mourut le 3 juillet 1778. (Sur ce platre, voyez
la Biographie universelle, article Rousseau.)
16. Platre peint. Buste de J. J. d'Alembert, mort le 29 octobre 1783.
17. Terre-cuite. Buste de Diderot, mort le 30 juillet 1784.
18. Buste du prince Henri de Prusse.
19. Platre. Buste de Bailly, president de l'Assemblee Constituante.
20. Platre. Buste de Paul John, general americain.
21. Platre colore. Buste de J. F. Pilatre de Rosier, physicien, tue
pres de Boulogne, le 15 juin 1785.
22. Platre. Buste de C. Gluck, mort le 15 novembre 1787.
23. Platre colore. Buste de P. J. B. Gerbier, avocat-general, mort le
26 mars 1788.
24. Platre. Buste de G. L. L., comte de Buffon, mort le 16 avril
1788. 25. Platre colore. Buste du president Dupaty, mort le 17 septembre
1788. 26. Platre bronze. Buste du docteur Tronchin.
27. Terre-cuite. Buste de B. Francklin, mort le 17 avril, 1790.
28. Platre. Buste de G.-A.-H., comte de Guibert, membre de I'Aca
demie des Sciences, mort vers 1790.
29. Terre-cuite. Buste de Riquetti (H.-G.), comte de Mirabeau,
mort le 2 avril 1791.
30. Platre. Buste de l'abbe Barthelemy, mort le 30 avril 1795.
31. Platre peint. Buste de Joseph Balsamo, dit Cagliostro, mort au
chateau de Saint-Leon en 1795.
32. Marbre blane. Buste de Hue de Miromenil, garde des Sceaux,
mort le 6 juillet 1796.
33. Platre. Buste de M. de Nicolai, premier president de la cour des
Aides.

Appendix E 303
34. Platre. Masque de la statue de Joubert, general en chef de l'ar-
mee frangaise en Italie, tue a la bataille de Novi en 1799.
35. Platre. Buste de Washington, general en chef des armees ameri-
caines pendant la guerre de l'independance.
36. Platre. Buste de J. Lalande, astronome, mort le 4 avril 1807.
37. Marbre blane. Buste de M. Lenoir, ancien lieutenant de police,
mort en 1807.
38. Platre peint. Portrait en bas-relief de J. M. Montgolfier, meca-
nicien, l'un des inventeurs des aerostats, mort le 26 juin 18 10.
39. Terre-cuite. Buste de M. J. de Chenier, membre de I'lnstitut,
mort le 10 Janvier 181 1.
40. Terre-cuite. Buste de l'imperatrice Josephine, sur piedouche en
marbre veine.
41. Platre. Buste de M. Barlow, ministre des £tats-Unis, pres la
cour de France; auteur du poeme de "La Colombiade," etc.
42. Platre. Buste de feu M. le marechal Ney, prince de la Moskowa.
43. Terre-cuite. Buste en hermes a diademe de Napoleon Bona
parte, modele a S. Cloud en 1806. Ce buste, pour lequel l'artiste regut
beaucoup de seances, passe avec raison pour celui de tous les portraits de
Napoleon ou sa physionomie est rendue avec le plus de verite.
44. Terre-cuite. Buste de Napoleon en costume militaire.
45. Platre. Buste de Mme- la comtesse Regnauld de S. Jean d'An-
gely. 46. Platre. Masque de feu M. le comte Boissy d'Anglas, pair de
France et membre de I'lnstitut. Ce masque a ete moule pendant la vie
de ce personnage.
47. Platre. Buste de Jefferson, ancien president de la republique des
£tats-Unis. 48. Platre. Buste de feu Larive, tragedien celebre.
49. Marbre blane. Buste de M. Camus-Greneville, ancien magistrat.
50. Platre. Buste de R. Fulton, inventeur des bateaux a vapeur.
51. Marbre blane. Buste de M. le general Lafayette, en costume de

3o4 Appendix E
commandant de la garde nationale de Paris: ce buste, vote en 1791 par
la commune de Paris, a eprouve en 1793, une mutilation qui a ete re-
paree. 52. Terre-cuite. Buste de Mme-  , les cheveux releves derriere la
tete, et le sein et les epaules enveloppes d'une draperie.
53. Platre. Buste de M. le marechal Soult, due de Dalmatie.
54. Platre. Buste de feu M. Moitte, statuaire.
55. Platre. Buste de Mme- la princesse de Salm.
56. Platre. Portrait a mi-corps de Mme- de Serilly.
57. Terre-cuite. Buste de Mme- de Vermenon.
58. Platre. Buste de M""- de Berwick.
59. Marbre blane. Buste de jeune homme couronne de myrte.
60. Platre colore. Buste de feu M»e- de Tarente, execute apres sa
mort. 61. Terre-cuite. Buste d'une jeune femme les cheveux nones derriere
la tete. 62. Marbre blane. Copie reduite de "la Frileuse" par M. Houdon.
63. Marbre blane. Buste de jeune femme, les cheveux attaches der
riere la tete : cette jolie tete d'etude presente le caractere de la douceur.
64. Platre. Le grand Ecorche, epreuve peinte a l'huile et offrant les
couleurs des muscles, vines et tendons.
65. Platre. Le moule de la figure precedente. L'acquisition de ce
moule conferera la propriete de la figure, l'une des plus estimees de notre
ecole. 66. Platre. Tete de l'ficorche peinte a l'huile.
67. Marbre blane. Deux petits tetes d' enfants, dont l'une pleure et
l'autre rit.
68. Marbre blane. Un oiseau mort et les pattes attachees a un clou.
69. Un grand nombre de bustes, figurines et esquisses, en terre-cuite et
en platre, qui seront divises par lots.
70. Pastel. Portrait du marechal de Saxe, attribue a Latour.
71. Un petit nombre de tableaux et de gravures.

Appendix E

3°5

72. Cliche du prix de vertu. Idem, "le naissance du Dauphin," par
Duvivier. Idem, "aux braves armees," etc., d'apres Droz.
73. Un grand nombre de masque de personnages celebres le plupart
moules de leur vivant, tels que ceux de M. Moitte, statuaire; M. Arnaud,
de I'Academie Frangaise, etc.
74. Des objets ornis seront appeles et vendus sous ce numero.

Appendix F

CATALOGUE OF HOUDON'S WORKS
Statues and Monuments
Apollo. Bronze. "For Girardot de Marigny." Collection of Leopold
Goldschmidt, Paris.
Baigneuse (A Bather).
Gypsum. Salon, 1775. "To be executed in marble."
Marble. In possession of Benjamin Altman, New York.
Bartholomews (Saint Bartholomew).
Stone, 18 feet high. For the Church of the Holy Cross in Orleans.
Bruno (Saint).
Statue, marble. Height, 9>4 feet. In the Church of St. Mary of
the Angels, Rome.
Catharine (Saint).
Stone. For Church of the Holy Cross in Orleans.
Ceres. Stone. Height, 6 feet. For the Comte d'Artois.
Charles the Great (Charlemagne).
Gilded cardboard, life size, for the "Fete-Dieu" at Versailles.
Cicero. Plaster. Salon, 1808.
Colossal marble. Ordered by Napoleon for the Senate Chamber.
Diana. 1. Marble. For the Empress of Russia. In the Hermitage, St.
Petersburg. 306

Appendix F 307
2. Bronze. Purchased by the French government, at the sale of
Houdon's collection in 1828, for 4000 francs. In the Louvre.
3. Bronze. Salon, 1783. Made for Girardot de Marigny; after
ward owned by Lord Hertford, and subsequently by Charles T.
Yerkes, New York.
4. Bronze. In Museum at Tours.
L'Ecorche. 1. Plaster. At ficole des Beaux Arts, Paris.
2. Plaster. At ficole des Beaux Arts, Paris.
3. Bronze. At Ecole des Beaux Arts, Paris.
Ennery. Mortuary monument to the Comte d'Ennery. Height, 6 feet;
width, 7 feet. Group of three figures and a bust, marble. For
merly at Pontoise.
Fountain.
Group of two figures, life size, one of marble, the other in lead
painted black, representing a negress. Salon, 1783. Destroyed
in French Revolution.
La Frileuse, "Shivering One," or "Winter."
Marble. Salon, 1783. In the Museum at Montpellier.
Bronze. Salon, 1791.
Marble. Salon, 1796.
Galitzin. Mortuary monuments to the two Princes Galitzin. Salon, 1773.
In the Church of Notre Dame de Kazan at Moscow.
Model. Salon, 1777. In the Louvre.
John the Baptist.
Gypsum. In the Church of St. Mary of the Angels, Rome.
Head in plaster. Museum of Gotha.

3o8 Appendix F
Joubert, General.
Statue, marble. Salon, 1 8 12.
Statuette. Reduction for china factory at Sevres.
Minerva. Gilded cardboard. For Versailles Theatre.
Morpheus. Statue, gypsum. Life size. Salon, 1771. In Museum at Gotha.
Statuette. Reduction of the former. Marble. Height, 60 inches;
length, 66 inches. Exhibited in 1777. In the Louvre.
A Naiad. Model for a fountain in a garden.
Napoleon. Bronze. Height, 18 feet; or, according to others, 15 feet. Or
dered for the Column of Boulogne. In 18 17 melted down and
used in casting statue of Henry IV by Lemot.
Peter (Saint).
Stone. Height, 18 feet. For Church of the Holy Cross in Orleans.
Philosophy (Saint Scholastique ) .
Marble, 7^ feet high. Intended for the Church of the Invalides.
In 1793 changed to a statue of Philosophy and placed in the Hall
of the Convention.
Saxe-Gotha, Ducal Family of.
Mortuary monument (model) to the Duchess Louise Dorothea.
Salon, 1775.
Stephen (Saint).
Stone, 1 8 feet high. For a church in Orleans.
Summer (in the likeness of a young maid) .
Marble. In the Museum at Montpellier.
Tourville, Marshal.
Marble. Salon, 1781. At Versailles.

Appendix F

3°9

A Vestal.
Statue, marble, 6 feet in height. 1787.
Voltaire. Marble, life size. Seated. Salon, 178 1. In foyer of Theatre-
Frangais.
Terra-cotta. Smaller than life. Museum at Montpellier.
Marble, life size. Standing. Salon, 18 12. By Voltaire's tomb in
the Pantheon.
Washington.
Marble, life size. 1788. In the Capitol at Richmond.
Statuettes
La Petite Frileuse.
Bronze, cast from original sketch. Salon, 1793. In the Louvre.
Moliere. Seated figure. "In Museum at Orleans" (Montaiglon).
Priest of the Lupercal Feast.
Bronze; height, 31 inches.
Sibylle. Vestal. Bronze. To serve as night lamp. 1777.
Voltaire. From statue at Theatre-Frangais, bearing Houdon's seal. In the
Louvre.
Busts of Men
Alembert, d'.
Marble. 1782. In Hermitage at St. Petersburg.
Alexander the Great.
Marble. Salon, 1783. "For the King of Poland."
Arlandes, d'.

3IO Appendix F
Aubert, Abbe.
Marble. In the Louvre.
Auvergne, d' (Director of the Opera) .
Marble.
Bailly (de Sylvain), Mayor of Paris.
Salon, 1791. Destroyed August 10, 1792.
Barlow, Joel, United States Minister to France.
Marble. Salon, 1804. Owned by H. P. Chambers, Washington, Pa.
Plaster. In Pennsylvania Academy of Fine Arts, Philadelphia.
Plaster. In National Academy of Design, New York.
Barnave. Bronzed terra-cotta.
Barthelemy, J. J., author of "Anacharsis."
Salon, 1795.
Marble. Salon, 1802.
Bignon, Mayor of Paris.
Salon, 1 77 1. In Museum of Montpellier.
Bire, de.
Marble. Salon, 1785.
Boissy d'Anglas, Comte.
Marble. Salon, 18 12.
Boucquier. Terra-cotta.
Boufflers, de.
Gypsum. Salon, 1789.
Bouille, Marquis de.
Marble. Salon, 1787.
Buffon, de.
Marble. Ordered by the Empress of Russia. Salon, 1783.
Marble. Salon, 1789. In the Louvre.
Plaster. In the Museum at Dijon.

Appendix F 3II
Cagliostro (named Joseph Balsamo).
Marble. Musee at Aix.
Gypsum. Owned by M. Storreli, who married the granddaughter
of Maitre Thelonier, advocate of Cagliostro, to whom Cagliostro
gave the bust.
Camus-Greneville, Magistrate.
Marble. Houdon sale, 1828; No. 49.
Capperonnier. Terra-cotta.
Caumartin, de, Mayor.
Marble. Salon, 1779.
Charles IX.
Gypsum. Salon, 1777.
Charles (Aeronaut).
Charriere. Terra-cotta, on marble pedestal. Musee de Neufchatel.
Chenier, Marie-Joseph, poet and member of the Institute.
Terra-cotta. Purchased at Walferdin sale by P. Lacroix for
9000 francs.
Colbert. Gypsum. 1787.
Colin d'Harleville.
Marble. Salon, 1806.
Condorcet. Marble. Salon, 1785. In American Philosophical Society, Phila
delphia.
Conty, Prince of.
Gypsum.
Courlevan, de.
Diderot. Marble. Salon, 1771.
Terra-cotta. In the Louvre.

212 Appendix F
Duclos.Dumouriez, General.
Marble. Formerly in Palais Royal and thought to have been de
stroyed in 1848, but recently unearthed and now at Versailles.
Plaster. In Museum at Angers.
Duquesnoy. Marble. Signed, "Houdon." In the Louvre.
Du Paty. Salon, 1779.
Franklin, Benjamin.
Terra-cotta. Salon, 1779. Houdon's sale, 1828; No. 27. Inthe
Louvre.
Marble. In the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York.
Franquieres, de.
Marble.
Fulton, Robert.
Marble. Salon, 1804.
Plaster. Museum of Marine, Paris.
Terra-cotta. In the National Academy of Design, New York City.
Gerbier (Advocate).
Gypsum. Salon, 1781.
Gluck. 1. Marble. Salon, 1777. Formerly in Opera House, Paris; de
stroyed by fire in 1873.
2. Gypsum. Berlin Museum.
3. Terra-cotta. Saxe-Gotha.
Guibert. Gypsum.
Harleville, Colin d'.
Plaster. In Museum at Chartres.

Appendix F

3*3

Haudry. Gypsum. In Museum at Orleans.
Jefferson, Thomas.
Plaster. Salon, 1789. In New York Historical Society.
Plaster. In American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia.
Jones, John Paul.
Terra-cotta. Salon, 1781. In Pennsylvania Academy of the Fine
Arts, Philadelphia. Presented by Jones to General William
Irvine.
Joubert. Marble. Salon, 18 12. In Versailles Museum.
Laborde, de.
Marble.
La Fayette, Marquis de.
Marble. Salon, 1787. In the Capitol at Richmond, Va.
Marble. Salon, 179 1. At Versailles.
La Fontaine. Marble. Salon, 1783. Model made in 178 1.
Lalande, de.
Gypsum.
La Rive, de.
Marble. Salon, 1783. In Theatre-Frangais.
Lavoisier. Terra-cotta. Bearing the seal of Houdon. In the Louvre.
Le Noir. Marble. Salon, 1785.
Le Pelletier de Mortfontaine.
Plaster. Salon, 1785.
Le Pelletier de Saint-Fargeau.
Signed by Houdon.

3i4 Appendix F
Louis XVI.
Marble. In Museum at Versailles.
Louis (Surgeon).
Marble. Salon, 1783.
Malterres. Terra-cotta.
Mecklenburg-Schwerin, Prince of.
Marble. Salon, 1783.
Meianes, Marquis of.
Marble.
Mellon. Terra-cotta.
Mentelle. Gypsum.
Mirabeau. Marble. Exhibited by Houdon, Year IX. In the Louvre.
A bust, without indication as to material, in Salon of 1791.
A terra-cotta bust at Houdon's sale, 1795, No. 100. Costumed as
Deputy. In Museum at Angers.
Ditto, at Houdon's sale of 1828, No. 29; purchased by Walferdin.
Transferred to the Louvre in 1880.
Miromenil, Marquis de.
Marble. Salon, 1775. Houdon sale, 1828 ; No. 32.
Plaster bronzed. In Museum at Orleans.
Moitte. Gypsum.
Moliere. Terra-cotta. Salon, 1779.
Marble. In the foyer of the Theatre-Frangais.
Plaster. Ducal Museum at Gotha.

Appendix F 3I5
Montelle, Member of the Institute.
Marble. Salon, 1802.
Napoleon. Marble. As First Consul.
Marble. Salon, 1806.
Marble. Salon, 1808. First at Tuileries; now in Museum at Ver
sailles.
Terra-cotta. Houdon sale, 1828; No. 43. In the Museum at
Dijon.
Necker. Marble. Salon, 1791. Placed in Hotel de Ville. Destroyed
August 10, 1792.
Negerin. Gypsum.
Ney, Marshal.
Marble. Salon, 1804. Formerly at Tuileries; destroyed in 1870.
Gypsum. In Versailles Museum.
Nicolai, de.
Marble. Salon, 1779.
Gypsum.
NlVERNAIS, DUC DE.
Plaster bronzed. In Museum at Besangon.
Pajou. Terra-cotta. Signed by Houdon.
Palissot. Gypsum.
Terra-cotta. In reading-room, Mazarin Library.
Pastoret. Terra-cotta. Salon, 1796.
Praslin, Due DE.
Marble. Salon, 1781.
Preville (Actor).
Bronze. In foyer of Theatre-Frangais.

2i 6 Appendix F
Provence, Comte de, afterward Louis XVIII.
Marble. Salon, 1777.
Prussia, Prince Henry of.
Gypsum. Salon, 1785.
Marble. "For the King." Salon, 1787.
Bronze. Salon, 1789. At Palace in Berlin.
Quesnay, Physician.
Gypsum. Salon, 178 1.
Rosier, Pilatre de.
Gypsum. Salon, 1789. Houdon's sale, 1828; No. 21.
Rousseau, J.-J.
Terra-cotta. Salon, 1779. "Appartient a M. le Marquis de Ge-
rardin."
Bronze. In the Louvre. Acquired in 1838.
Gypsum (bronzed). In the Museum of Gotha.
Marble. In Girard College, Philadelphia.
Terra-cotta. In Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York.
Russia, Emperor of (Alexander).
Salon, 18 14.
Sacchini.Soltikoff, General.
Marble. Salon, 1783.
Soltikoff, Count, son of the General.
Marble. Salon, 1783.
Soult, Marshal.
Marble.
Suffren, Bailly de.
Marble. Salon, 1787. For the Dutch East India Company, De
partment of Zealand. In the Mauritshuis Museum at The
Hague.
Plaster. Museum at Aix.
Sweden, King of (Gustave III).
Gypsum. Salon, 1785.

Appendix F 3I7
Tronchin (Physician).
Marble. Salon, 1781.
Turgot. 1. Marble. Salon, 1777.
2. Plaster. In the American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia.
Valbelle, de.
Gypsum.
VlCTINGHOFF, BARON LE.
Plaster. Salon, 1777.
Voltaire. Plaster. With wig and drapery. 1778. In foyer of Theatre-
Frangais.
Marble. Without wig, in antique style. Salon, 1779. In Hermi
tage at St. Petersburg.
Bronze. Without wig, in antique style. In the Louvre.
Terra-cotta. With wig and coat and vest. In Metropolitan Mu
seum of Art, New York.
Wailly, de.
Terra-cotta.
Washington. Terra-cotta. 1785. Houdon's sale, 1828; No. 35. In the Louvre.
Marble. Salon, 1787.
WlETINGHOFF. Gypsum. 1777. Busts of Women
Adelaide, Mme., daughter of Louis XV.
Marble. Salon, 1777.
Anspach, Countess of.
Marble. Salon, 1802.
Arnould, Sophie.
Marble. In the role of "Iphigenia." Salon, 1775. Formerly in
collection of Sir Richard Wallace.

3^8

Appendix F

Berwick, Mme. de.
Gypsum.
Bignon, Mme.
Salon, 1 77 1.
Bocquet, Mlle.
Terra-cotta. Salon, 1777.
Cayla, Mme. la Comtesse de.
Marble. Salon, 1775.
Charlier, Mme.
Terra-cotta.
Cotheron, Mlle. de.
Marble.
Daschkau, Princess, Directress of the Academy of Sciences of St.
Petersburg.
Plaster. Salon, 1781.
Bronze. Salon, 1783.
"Houdon, the statuary, occupied a good deal of my time, to
whom, at my daughter's desire, I sat for my bust in bronze as large
as life." "Memoirs of the Princess Daschkau," Vol. I, p. 225.
His, Mme. de.
Marble. Salon, 1775.
Houdon, Mme., wife of the sculptor.
Plaster. Salon, 1787. In the Louvre.
Houze, Baronne de la.
Salon, 1775.
Marble. Salon, 1777.
Jaucourt, Mme. la Comtesse de.
Marble. Salon, 1777.
Josephine. Marble. Salon, 1806.
Marble. Salon, 1808. Formerly in the Tuileries, now in the Mu
seum at Versailles.
Terra-cotta. Houdon sale, 1828; No. 40.

Appendix F 3i9
Lise, The Little.
Marble.
Mailly, Mme. de.
Terra-cotta. Salon, 1771.
Mecklenburg-Schwerin, Princess of.
Marble. Salon, 1783.
Odeoud, Mlle.
Marble. "For the Marquis de Marigny." Salon, 178 1.
Olivier, Mlle.
Gypsum. Salon, 1789.
Petit, Mme.
Terra-cotta.
Provence, Wife of the Comte de.
Marble. Salon, 1777.
Raucourt, Mlle., celebrated opera-singer.
Marble.
Regnauld, Comtesse.
Gypsum.
Robert, Mlle., daughter of the painter.
Marble. Salon, 1783.
Rode, Mme.
Marble. Salon, 1802.
Russia, Empress of (Catharine II).
Marble. Larger than life size. Salon, 1773.
Salm, Princess.
Gypsum.
Serilly, Mme. de.
Plaster. Salon, 1781.
Marble. Signed, "Houdon F 1782." In collection of Sir Richard
Wallace, Hertford House, London.
Servat, Mlle.
Marble.

320 Appendix F
Servat, Mme.
Marble. Salon, 1777.
Tarente, Mlle. "Executed after death."
Gypsum.
Thenard, Marie Madeline Perrin, called.
Extract from "Ma Vie au Theatre," by Jenny Thenard, of the Co-
medie-Frangaise (p. 13) : "She, my great-grandmother, desired to
be interred with the head of a sketch of a statuette, by Houdon,
representing her in the character of Merope. When she was dis
interred, in 1877, at the death of my grandmother, the little head
by Houdon was found in her coffin. I gave this statuette to the
Carnavalet Museum."
Vermenon, Mme. de.
Marble.
Vestal. Marble. Signed, "Houdon F 1788." In the Louvre.
Victoire, Mme., daughter of Louis XV.
Marble. Salon, 1777. Signed, "A. Houdon Fecit 1777." In
Wallace collection, Hertford House, London.
Busts of Children
Brongniart, Alexandre.
Marble. Salon, 1777.
Terra-cotta. In the Louvre.
Brongniart, Louise.
Marble. Salon, 1777.
Terra-cotta. Signed, "Houdon 1777." In the Louvre.
Marble. Owned by B. Altman, New York.
Espagne, d'.
Terra-cotta.

Appendix F 321
Houdon, Anne-Ange, second daughter of the sculptor.
Terra-cotta. With the seal of Houdon's studio. In the Louvre.
Houdon, Claudine, third and youngest daughter of the sculptor.
Plaster. With the seal of Houdon's studio. Sold at Decourcelle
sale, Paris, to M. Robert Linzeler.
Houdon, Sabine, eldest daughter of the sculptor.
Original plaster. In the Louvre.
Infant's Head. Aged ten months.
Marble. Salon, 1789.
Noailles, de. Ideal Heads
Two Angels, supporting the French Coat of Arms. Formerly in the
Theatre at Versailles.
Saint Bartholomew.
Bust. Marble. For Salon, Year X.
Belisarius. Bust. Salon, 1773.
Mars and Venus.
Small group. Wax. Houdon sale, 1828; No. 6.
Medusa. Head after the antique.
Salon, 1775.
Minerva. Bust. Stone. In the courtyard of the Palace of the Institute.
The Nest-robbers.
Signed, "Houdon." Sale held December 23, 1845 ; No. 98.
Medallions
Alexander. Salon, 1 77 1.
Minerva. Marble bas-relief. Head in profile. Salon, 1777.

322 Appendix F
Miromenil, Mme. de.
Montgolfier (Balloonists).
Portraits of Joseph and Etienne Montgolfier in profile, accolated.
Plaster. In the Trocadero Museum in Paris.
Saxe-Gotha, Ducal Family of.
Gypsum, bronzed. Salon, 1773.
Frederick III.
Ernest Louis.
Marie Charlotte of Saxe-Meiningen, consort of the former.
Frederike Luise, sister of Duke Ernest Louis.
Bas-reliefs
Christ Giving Keys to Saint Peter.
For Church of St. Genevieve, afterward the Pantheon. Statue de
stroyed or taken away in 1792.
Dead Thrush.
Marble. In Houdon's sale of 1828, No. 68. Owned by M. le
Comte Gabriel de Castries, Paris.
"Hope and Religion."
Stone. Ordered for St. Cloud.
Louis XIV.
Marble bas-relief of oval form. Head in profile. Houdon sale,
1828; No. 10.
Sheba and Solomon.
Terra-cotta. Houdon won the "Prix de Rome" with this in 1761.
Masks
Arnauld, Member of the French Academy.
Made from life.
Boissy d'Anglas, Comte.
Life-mask. Houdon sale, 1828; No. 46.

Appendix F 323
Crequy, Marquise de.
Mask after death.
Jefferson. Life-mask.
Joubert, General.
Houdon sale, 1828; No. 34.
Mirabeau. Moulded after death.
Moitte. Moulded from life.
Rousseau. Moulded after death. Houdon sale, 1828; No. 15.
Washington. Moulded from life. Houdon sale, 1828; doubtless under No. 73.
Owned by J. Pierpont Morgan.

Appendix G

LIST OF AUTHORITIES USED IN THE
PREPARATION OF THIS WORK
Quatremere de Quincy's Notice Historique sur la Vie et les Ouvrages de
M. Houdon. 1829.
Montaiglon et Duplessis's Houdon, sa Vie et ses Ouvrages. 1855.
Delerot et Legrelle, Memoire sur la Vie et I'CEuvre de J. A. Houdon.
1857.
Dierks's Houdon's Leben und Werke. 1887.
Terrade's Autour de la Statue de Jean Houdon. 1892.
Biographie Universelle. 1858.
New Biographie Generale. 1861.
Jal's Dictionnaire Critique de Biographie et d'Histoire. 1872.
Lami's Dictionnaire des Sculpteurs de l'Ecole Frangaise. 19 10.
Gazette des Beaux Arts.
Paul Vitry in Les Arts and in La Revue de l'Art.
Nouvelles Archives de l'Art Frangais.
Claude de Phillips in London Art Journal.
Bachaumont's Memoires Secrets pour servir a l'Histoire de la Republique
des Lettres en France. 1762-1787. 36 volumes.
Correspondance Secrete Politique et Litteraire. 18 volumes.
Desnoiresterres's Voltaire et la Societe au XVIII Siecle. Part 8. 1876.
Desnoiresterres's Iconographie Voltairienne. 1879.
Martin-Choisi's Account of the Inauguration of a Statue of Voltaire at
Montpellier, Year IX.
Beuchot's Life of Voltaire. 324

Appendix G 325
Mangeant's Sur une Statuette de Voltaire. 1896.
Guiffrey's Les Caffieris. 1877.
Monval's Les Collections de la Comedie-Frangaise. 1897.
Dacier's Les Musees de la Comedie-Frangaise. 1905.
Thierry's La Comedie-Frangaise pendant les Deux Sieges, 1870-71.
1887.
Lacroix's Iconographie Molieresque. 1876.
Taschereau's Vie de Moliere.
Petitain's Works of Rousseau. 1819. (Appendix to the Confessions.)
Tourneux's Grimm-Diderot Correspondance. 1880.
Gonze's La Sculpture et la Gravure au XIX Siecle. 1892.
Gonze's Les Chefs d'CEuvre des Musees de France. 1904.
Dilke's French Architects and Sculptors of the XVIII Century. 1900.
Brownell's French Art. 1900.
Taft's History of American Sculpture. 1903.
Lawton's Life of Auguste Rodin. 1907.
Memoires of Mme. de Genlis.
Memoires of Barere. 1842.
Soulavie's Memoires Historiques et Politiques du Regne de Louis XVI.
1802.
Taylor's Memoires of the House of Orleans. 1852.
Talma's Chronological Account of the French Revolution. 1795.
Peltier's Revolution of the Tenth of August. 1793.
Laurie's History of Freemasonry. 1859.
Gould's History of Freemasonry. 1866.
Besuchet's Precis Historique de I'Ordre de la Franc-magonnerie. 1829.
Pike's Material for History of Freemasonry in France.
Sachse's Masonic Chronology of Benjamin Franklin.
Sachse's Benjamin Franklin as a Freemason.
Marvin's Medals of the Masonic Fraternity. 1880.
Loubat's Medallic History of the United States.
Saunier's Augustin Dupre. 1894.

326 Appendix G
Buell's John Paul Jones. 1900.
Brady's John Paul Jones. 1900.
Hamilton's John Paul Jones. 1845.
Sherburne's John Paul Jones. 1 825.
Sands's John Paul Jones. 1830.
Alger's The Naval Academy's Miniature of John Paul Jones. 1906.
C. H. Hart's History of the Sword presented by Louis XVI to John
Paul Jones.
C. H. Hart's Franklin in Allegory. 1890.
C. H. Hart's Browere's Life-Masks of Great Americans.
C. H. Hart's Last of the Silhouettists.
C. H. Hart's Life Portraits of Jefferson.
C. H. Hart's Hints on Portraits.
La Fayette's Memoirs, Correspondence and Manuscripts. 1837.
Levasseur's Lafayette in America. 1829.
Henry's Life of Patrick Henry. 1891.
Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography.
American Historical Review. Volume I.
Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society. 1744-1858.
Michelet's History of the Nineteenth Century.
Dayot's Napoleon raconte par l'lmage. 1902.
Century Magazine. October, 1905.
Appleton's Magazine. June, 1906.
The Independent. July 13, 1905.
Papers relative to Foreign Relations of the United States. 1906.
John Paul Jones Commemoration at Annapolis. 1907.
Journals of Congress.
Hickey's Constitution of the United States. 1847.
Calendar of State Papers of Virginia.
Sparks's Correspondence of the American Revolution.
Sparks's Writings of Washington.
Ford's Writings of Washington.
Sparks's Writings of Franklin.

Appendix G 327
Bigelow's Writings of Franklin.
Smyth's Writings of Franklin.
Randolph's Writings of Jefferson.
Washington's Writings of Jefferson.
Ford's Writings of Jefferson.
Hamilton's Writings of Monroe.
Johnston's Writings of Jay.
Correspondence of Charles Thomson.
Catalogues of the Paris Salon. 1 77 1 to 1 8 1 4.
Story's Mask of Washington.
Hale's Franklin in France.
State Records of North Carolina.
Hening's Statutes of Virginia.
Vachon's L' Ancien Hotel de Ville.
Lacroix's Actes de la Commune de Paris pendant la Revolution. 1894-
1908.
Geffroy's Chefs d'GEuvre de Versailles.
Lettres de la Marquise du Deffand a Horace Walpole.
Westcott's History of Philadelphia.
List of Franklin Papers in Library of Congress.
List of John Paul Jones Papers in Library of Congress.
Calendar of Jefferson Papers in State Department.
Franklin Manuscripts in American Philosophical Society.
Franklin Manuscripts in Library of Congress.
Washington Manuscripts in Library of Congress.
John Paul Jones Manuscripts in Library of Congress.
Jefferson Manuscripts in Library of Congress.
Manuscript Archives of the State of Virginia, in Richmond.
Autograph Collection of Simon Gratz, Esq., Philadelphia.
Autograph Collection of Oliver K. Brooks, Esq., Cleveland, O.
Autograph Collection of Charles Henry Hart, Philadelphia.
Autograph Collection of F.J. Dreer, in Historical Society of Pennsylvania.
Autograph Collection of Charles Roberts, in Haverford College Library.

INDEX

Index

Academie de Peinture et de Sculpture, 5;
history of, 264, n.
Adelaide of France, Houdon's bust of, 20;
not paid for, 21, 22
Alexander of Russia, Houdon's bust of,
271
Alexander the Great, by Houdon, 15
Allegrain's Diana, 28
American Philosophical Society, Franklin
MSS. in, 65, 79; has bust of Condor
cet and of Turgot, 180; has bust of
Jefferson, 249
Angouleme, Duchesse d', born, 161
Anspach, Margravine of, Houdon's bust
of, 262
Antoinette, Marie, first accouchement, 161 ;
celebrated by Lodge of Nine Sisters,
161; son born to, 169; celebration of,
169; announced to Congress, 169
Apollo, by Houdon, 179
Arnould, Sophie, Houdon's bust of, 18
Ashkoff, d', Princesse, Houdon's bust of,
173
Bachaumont, 19; history of Memoires Se
crets, 155
"Baigneuse," model of, 175; marble in
New York, 175
Bailly, bust by Houdon, 254; destroyed,
254
Barclay, Thomas, commercial agent at
Nantes, 228; selects Houdon to make
bust of La Fayette, 231; letter to
Patrick Henry, 231
Bard, Dr., owns bust of Franklin, 106
Barere, on Houdon's bust of La Rive,

177; saves Houdon from guillotine,
259
Barlow, Joel, Houdon's bust of, 262; mar
ble owned by great-grandnephew, 263;
plaster busts in Pennsylvania Academy
of Fine Arts and in National Acad
emy of Design, 263
Barnes, James, on Houdon's bust of John
Paul Jones, 128
Barthelemy, Abbe, Houdon's bust of, 260
Biddle, Edward, letter to Jules Claretie,
Bignon, M., Houdon's bust of, 15; mayor
of Paris, 15 ;
Mme., Houdon's bust of, 16
Bire, de, Houdon's bust of, 180
Biron, Marquis of, bust of Jones, 135;
attributed to Houdon, 135 ; apocry
phal, 136; not Jones, 136; not an heir
loom, 136; purchased as "unknown,"
136; letters from, 137, n.
Boilly, Louis, portraits of Houdon, 283
Boissy d'Anglas, Houdon's bust of, 270
Boissy, Louis de, on Diana, 29, 30
Boston Athenaeum, had Houdon's busts of
Washington, Franklin, La Fayette
and Paul Jones, 223 ; presented by
Houdon to Jefferson, 223, n.
Brizard, the actor, 34
Brongniart, Alexandre, Houdon's bust of,
19
Louise, Houdon's bust of, 19; in New
York, 19, n.
Brownell, W. C, on Houdon's Diana, 27
Buell, Augustus C, life of Jones fictitious,
129, n.; invents titles of books he

33i

332

Index

quotes, 129, n., 147; forgery of Jones's
height, 146; ranks with Chatterton
and Ireland as a forger, 147; forges
Jones's bequest of sword to Dale, 148
Buffon, bust of, 177
Burton, Robert, ofiers bust of J. P. Jones
to North Carolina, 133; not in the
State, 134
Cadaver, worthless for identifying body of
Jones, 148
Caffieri, Jean-Jacques, bust of Voltaire,
38; did not make one, 40; presents
bust of Voltaire by Le Moyne to
Comedie-Frangaise, 39, 46; attributed
to, 41; supplanted by Houdon, 48;
makes monument to Montgomery, 64,
79; exhibits design in Salon, 65; let
ters from, 65, 79, 80, 81, 85, 86, 87,
92, 93, 94; bust of Franklin, 65; jeal
ous of Houdon, 86; letter of Wil
liam Temple Franklin, 88; presents
"burst" to W. T. Franklin, 95; bust
for Sarah Bache, 95 ; bust of Franklin
in the Institute of France, 96; type
of Franklin bust, 97 ; comment upon,
100, 101 ; finer than Houdon's, 104
Cagliostro, Houdon's bust of, 272
Calendar of the French Revolution,
260, n.
Carmichael [William], bust of Franklin
for, 77
Carrousel, Place du, 4, 284
Catharine of Russia, bust of, 17; Diana
for, 24 ; acquires bust of Voltaire, 36 ;
obstacle to Houdon visiting United
States, 36; has statuette of Voltaire,
36; orders bust of Buffon, 177
Ceracchi, Giuseppe, bust of Franklin, 73,
76, 79. 94. 96; of Washington, 94; of
Hamilton, 94, 99
Church of the Chartreuse, Houdon's St.
Bruno for, 9; or St. Mary of the
Angels, 9, 10

Cicero, Houdon's colossal statue of, 264
Claretie, Jules, letter to, 41, 47
Clement XIV, Pope, on St. Bruno, 9
Cochin [Charles Nicholas], fur-cap por
trait of Franklin, 76
Comedie-Frangaise, Houdon's bust of
Voltaire at, 35 ; catalogue of works
of art, 41; letter to, 41; reply, 42;
Houdon's statue of Voltaire at, 54
Commercial value of Houdon's works,
26, 278, 279
Competitions, 120
Condorcet, bust of, 180; given to William
Short, 180; in American Philosophi
cal Society, 180
Congress, monument to Louis XVI, 84;
to Yorktown, 84
Cordier, Abbe, burning with zeal, 161, 163
Corneille, 40; Caffieri's statue of, 80
Corny de Ethis, delivers oration on recep
tion of bust of La Fayette, 234; aids
Jefferson, 235
Costume for statue of Washington, 208,
209, 210
Coypel [Charles- Antoine], 4
D'Angevilliers, wants statue to Voltaire,
53
David, Louis, enemy of Houdon, 260; his
Napoleon, 267
Dayot, Armand, on Houdon's Napoleon,
265
Delamotte, M., 3, 4
Denis, Mme., niece of Voltaire, 54; com
missions Houdon for statue, 54; pre
sents statue to Comedie-Frangaise,
54. 55
Desnoiresterres, Gustave, on bust of Vol
taire, 44; anachronism by, 156
Diana, bust of, 24; statue of, 25; forbid
den the Salon, 24 ; too realistic, 25 ; in
the Louvre, 25 ; at St. Petersburg, 25 ;
in Museum at Tours, 25 ; for Girar
dot de Marigny, 25, 176; owned by

Index

333

Lord Hertford at "Bagatelle," 25;
by C. T. Yerkes, 26; by Duveen, 26;
variations of detail, 26; W. C. Brown-
ell on, 27; Vitry on, 28; Rulhiere's
poem on, 29; Boissy on, 29; compared
with Apollo of the Vatican, 30
Diderot [Denis], Houdon's bust of, 16;
and Houdon, 285
Dijon, Napoleon by Houdon at, 267 ; in
scription, 268; Houdon's works in,
278
Dix, Morgan, error as to Montgomery's
monument, 71
Dixey, John, copied busts, 98
Dixmerie, Nicholas Bricaire de la, orator
of Lodge of Nine Sisters, 165; ad
dress to Paul Jones, 168
Dupont de Nemours, letter to Jefferson,
106; Jefferson to, 107
Duvivier [Pierre-Simon-Benj amin] ,
medallist, 6
Mme., niece of Voltaire, 54
"£corche," by Houdon, 10, 13; in bronze,
179
"Aleves" of Houdon accompany him to
America, 191
Equestrian statue to Washington, 183;
Houdon wants to make, 191, 194,
196; model of, 195; Clark Mills
makes, 196
firard, Sebastian, piano by, 28
"Female bathing with Black Slave,"
destroyed, 176
Franklin, Benjamin, empowered to pro
cure monument to Montgomery, 64;
engages Caffieri to make it, 64; letter
to Hutton, 66; letters to Jay, 67, 69;
letter to Livingston, 67; "Father of all
the Yankees," 73; bust by Houdon,
73 ; Ceracchi's bust, 73 ; arrival in
France, 73; the Frenchman's Ameri
can, 74; description by police, 75; de

scription by himself, 75 ; portraits of,
76; by Cochin, 76; by Greuze, 76; by
Nini, 76; by Caffieri, 76; two busts,
76; letter to discontented artist, 77;
Caffieri presents statue of Corneille,
80; letters from Caffieri, 65, 79, 80,
8l, 85, 93, 94; bust by Caffieri in In
stitute of France, 96; bust in Penn
sylvania Academy of Fine Arts, 97;
busts by Caffieri and Houdon dis
tinguished, 97; busts made gratui
tously, 102; favors Caffieri's bust,
103; orders five, 104; Turgot's in
scription for bust of, 108; Rodin on
bust by Houdon, 108; initiated into
Lodge of Nine Sisters, 159; at Lodge
of Sorrow for Voltaire, 160; elected
Venerable of the Lodge of Nine Sis
ters, 165; farewell to France, 170;
prizes commemorative of, 171; Hou
don accompanies to America, 198;
letter to Washington, 199; letter
from Houdon, 203
William Temple, grandson of Benjamin,
65 ; letters from Caffieri, 86, 87, 91 ;
letter to Caffieri, 88; letter to John
Jay, 204; on Houdon's bust of Wash
ington, 205
Freemasonry in France, 156, 171
French Revolution, calendar of, 260, ».
"Frileuse, La," 176; in bronze, 255;
statuette of, 260
Fulton, Robert, Houdon's bust of, 262; in
Musee de Marine and National Acad
emy of Design, 263
Galitzin family, 17
Gasq, P., statue to Houdon, 284
Gaucher, Charles fitienne, engraves
"Crowning of Bust of Voltaire," 47;
secretary of Lodge of Nine Sisters,
169
Genlis, Mme. de, description of Rousseau,
117

334

Index

Gerbier, Counsellor Theatre-Frangais, 54;
Houdon's bust of, 54, 173
Girard, Stephen, owns busts of Rousseau
and of Voltaire, 118, 119
Gliick, Houdon's bust of, 18; marked with
pits of small-pox, 141
Gonze, Louis, 16; on Diana, 24; on bust
of Voltaire, 36; on bust of Mirabeau,
124; on bust of Cagliostro, 273
Gotha, Museum at, 11, 12
Greuze, Jean Baptiste, on eyes by Hou
don, 35 ; pastel portrait of Franklin,
76
Grimm, Baron [Friedrich Melchior], 19;
on bust of Voltaire, 35; on bust of
Franklin, 101 ; on bust of Moliere,
ill; Jones presents his bust to, 134
Gros, Baron, Bonaparte, 265
Guiffrey's, J. J., Les Caffieris, 38; errors
in regard to bust of Voltaire, 38, 39,
40, 41, 44; quoted with approval, 46
Gustavus, King of Sweden, bust of, 180

Harrison, Benjamin, letter to C. W.
Peale, 184; letter to Jefferson, 184;
letter to Franklin, 185; letters from
C. W. Peale, 185; letter from Jeffer
son, 187; letter to Thomas Barclay,
228
Hart, Charles Henry, Life Portraits of
Franklin, 77; letter of Houdon on
statue of Rousseau, 121; letters from
Marquis de Biron to, 137, n.; letter
to Horace Porter, 153
Haverford College, letter of Houdon, 22
Henry IV, statue of, on Pont-Neuf, 269;
made of Houdon's colossal Napoleon,
269
Henry, Patrick, letter from Jefferson,
196; letter to La Fayette, 231
Hewes, Joseph, Montgomery's monument
shipped to, 67, 68
Hopkinson, Francis, letter to Jefferson,

204; on Houdon's bust of Washing
ton, 204
Houdon, Anne- Ange, bust of, 256; mar
riage, 274
Claudine, bust of, 256; marriage, 274
Jacques, 3. 17;
Jean Antoine, birth, 3 ; removes to
Paris, 3; takes a prize, 5, 6; wins
"Prix de Rome," 6; bas-relief, "The
Queen of Sheba offers Presents to
King Solomon," 6; enters l'ficole des
Aleves Proteges, 7 ; studies under
Slodtz and Vanloo, 7 ; goes to Rome,
8; return to France, 8, 12; statue of
St. Bruno, 8; "ficorche," 10; statue of
St. John the Baptist, 10; copy of a
Centaur, 11; Morpheus, 12, 13; first
exhibits at Salon, 13; Alexander the
Great, 15; bust of Bignon, 15; of
Mme. Bignon, 16; of Diderot, 16;
visits Gotha, 17; bust of Mme.
de Mailly, 17; refused to model
Washington except from life, 18;
busts of Miromesnil, Turgot, Sophie
Arnould, and Gliick, 18; model of
"Female leaving the Bath," 18; Me
dusa, 18; busts of children of Alex
andre Brongniart, 19; busts of sculp
tor's children, 19; bust of Mlle. Lise,
19; "Dead Thrush," 19; busts of
Louis XVIII, of his wife, and of his
aunts Adelaide and Victoire, 20; let
ter to Abbe Ruallemy, 21 ; letter in
Roberts collection, 22; Diana, 24;
forbidden the Salon, 24; too realistic,
25; mythological group on piano, 29;
head not turned by success, 30; the
greatest French sculptor, 31; Vol
taire, 32; sits to, 34; bust of Vol
taire at Comedie-Frangaise, 35 ;
crowned, 35, 38; Voltaire a I'antique,
35; makes six marble busts of Vol
taire, 36; casts hands of Voltaire, 36;
untiring industry, 43; rapidity of exe-

Index

335

cution, 43 ; modeled bust of Wash
ington and cast it in two weeks, 43 ;
bust of Moliere, 44; drawing by
Moreau shows bust, 47; supplants
Caffieri, 48; statue of Voltaire, 48;
presented to Comedie-Frangaise, 54;
impression made on beholders, 55;
Claude Phillips on, 55 ; Caffieri jeal
ous of, 86; type of bust of Franklin,
97 ; comment upon, 101 ; Guiffrey
upon, 101 ; introduction to Franklin,
103; rendering of eyes, 104, in;
busts of Franklin in this country, 105,
106; Rodin on, 108; bust of Moliere,
no; mask of Rousseau, 114; makes
three busts of Rousseau, 116-118;
pirated, 117; bust of Mirabeau, 122;
monument to de Tourville, 125; bust
of John Paul Jones, 125 ; universally
approved, 132; Biron bust of Jones
attributed to, 135; not Jones and not
by, 142; "the first sculptor of his cen
tury," 140; "the true master of his
epoch," 140; "the great evocator of
physiognomies," 141 ; "the magician
interpreter of the human face," 150;
busts of Voltaire at Lodge of Nine
Sisters, 160; Lodge engages to make
bust of Jones, 167 ; "Female bathing
with Black Slave," 176; "La Fri
leuse," 176; "Summer," 177; bust of
La Fontaine, 177; bust of Mlle. Rob
ert, 177; busts of Louis and of Buf
fon, 177; bust of La Rive, 177; cast
ing in bronze, 178; Apollo, 179; casts
of Moliere, Buffon, Voltaire, Rous
seau, and "£corche," 179; bust of
King of Sweden, 180; bust of Prince
Henry of Prussia, 180; bust of M. le
Pelletier de Mortfontaine, 180; bust
of de Bire, 180; bust of Le Noir, 180;
bust of Condorcet, 180; engaged to
make statue of Washington, 183; "the
first statuary in the world," 186; re

fuses to make statue from picture,
187; offers to go to America, 188;
taken ill, 190; required life to be in
sured, 190; wants to make busts of
Greene and Gates, 191; wants to
make equestrian statue to Washing
ton, 191; meets Franklin, 194; makes
model of equestrian statue of Wash
ington, 195; letter to Livingston, 196;
agreement for statue of Washington,
197 ; Houdon accompanies Franklin
to America, 198; trials of the voyage,
199; arrival, 199; Washington writes
to, 199; in Philadelphia, 200; arrives
at Mount Vernon, 200; remains two
weeks, 201; makes bust and mask of
Washington, 201 ; shows mask to
Rembrandt Peale, 201 ; sold at sale
of 1828, 201; letter to Franklin, 203;
Hopkinson on bust of Washington,
204; Thomson on bust of Washing
ton, 205 ; shown to Congress, 205 ;
gives one to Franklin, 205 ; takes life-
mask with him to France, 206; work
men take bust, 206; original in
Louvre, 206; original works in Amer
ica, 207 ; bust of Washington exhib
ited, 211; statue of Washington com
pleted, 212; erected in Richmond,
213; payment for, 214; letter from,
in English, 214; claim for deprecia
tion of assignats, 215; adjusted, 216;
receipt, 217; Gilbert Stuart on, 219,
«.; Lorado Taft on, 220; cast of, by
Hubard, 221 ; bust of Washington at
Mt. Vernon, 224; carried off by Clark
Mills, 224; copy of statue presented
to France, 225 ; selected to make bust
of La Fayette, 231; furnishes bust of
La Fayette, 232 ; presented to France,
233; placed in Hotel de Ville, 234;
makes second bust of La Fayette,
236; in Capitol at Richmond, 237;
busts of La Fayette unfortunate, 239;

336

Index

close relations with Jefferson, 248;
takes mask of, 249; makes bust of,
249; busts of La Fayette, Necker,
Louis XVI, and Bailly destroyed, 249,
254; "La Frileuse," 255; busts of wife
and children, 256; escapes the guillo
tine, 257; saved by wife, 258; statue
of Saint Scholastique, 258; "Vestal
Virgin," 260; Sale of 1795, 261 ; deco
rated with Legion of Honor, 264;
models bust of Napoleon, 265 ; and
of Josephine, 265 ; models Bonaparte,
266; his Bonaparte and his Napoleon
the two best portraits of the man,
267; witticism of, 269; Voltaire for
the Pantheon, 270; last exhibit at Sa
lon, 270; bust of Alexander of Russia,
271; King of Prussia and Humboldt
visit studio, 271; as a man, 272; his
character, 273; his marriage, 274;
visits the Theatre-Frangais, 275 ; Vol
taire's father, 275; death of, 276; his
fame, 276; statues to, 276, 284; "Salle
Houdon" in the Louvre, 277; rue
Houdon, 278; Chevalier of the Em
pire, 278; commercial value of works,
278; his appearance, 282; model for
Gerard, 282 ; portraits of, 283 ; busts
of, 284; influence upon and by, 284;
Diderot and, 285.
Mme., Houdon's bust of, 257; saves
Houdon from guillotine, 258; mar
riage of, 273 ; children of, 273
Madeleine Pelagie, Houdon's sister,
death of, 261
Sabine, 17; bust of, 256; marriage, 274
Hubard, W. J., makes cast of Houdon's
Washington, 221; completed six in
bronze and one in plaster, 222
Hutton, James, letter from Franklin, 66
Laurence, wild statements by, 109
Inscription on statue of Washington, 182,
210

Ireland, birthplace of American patriots,
62
"Irene," sixth representation of, 35 ; Vol
taire present, 35 ; Houdon's bust of
Voltaire crowned, 35
Irvine, William, Jones gives his bust to,
131; in existence, 132; in Pennsyl
vania Academy of Fine Arts, 132

Jal, Augustin, description of Houdon, 282
Jardella, Giuseppe, copied busts, 98
Jeanes, Joseph Y., owns bust of Franklin,
106
Jefferson, Thomas, letter from Dupont de
Nemours, 106; letter to Dupont de
Nemours, 107; selects Houdon to
make statue of Washington, 183, 193 ;
letters to Washington, 186, 190; let
ter to Harrison, 186; letter to Rich
ard Henry Lee, 191 ; letter to James
Monroe, 191; had laboring oar, 193;
letter to John Jay, 194; letter to Pat
rick Henry, 196; Francis Hopkinson
to, 204 ; Charles Thomson to, 205 ;
relations with Houdon, 248; inter
ested in art, 248; mask of, 249; bust
of, 249
Jones, John Paul, bust of, 125 ; used for
identifying remains, 125 ; inquiry into,
125; hats a la, 126; Grimm on, 126;
letter to Comtesse de la Vendahl, 126;
lock of his hair, 126; presented to the
King, 127; decorated, 127; given
sword, 127; in Paris, 126; return to
America, 127; invested with order,
127; order on Houdon's bust, 128;
portraits of, 128; by Vendahl, Renaud,
Notte, Moreau, 128; James Barnes
on Houdon's bust of, 128; gives busts
to Jefferson, Washington, and Robert
Morris, 129; duties demanded upon,
130; honored by Washington's accep
tance, 130; letter to William Short

Ind

ex

337

about busts, 131; busts not received,
131; only one identified, 132; Peale's
portrait not like, 132; gives away six
teen busts, 134; two at National
Academy of Design, 135; C. H. Tay
lor owns one, 135 ; Biron bust of, 135 ;
owned by J. P. Morgan, 135; bought
as unknown, 136; Dupre medal of,
137; F. D. Millet and Charles Grafly
think Biron bust not Jones, 137;
Dilke's error concerning, 137, n.;
identification of body, 138; Porter's
report on, 138; in Paris, 142; Pa
pillault on age of, 146; on height of,
146; on color of hair, 148; dimen
sions of face, 149; stature, 148; lock
of hair, 149; nose of, 151 ; nose of ca
daver, 151; concave vs. convex, 151;
Houdon's bust an artistic creation,
154; initiated into Lodge of Nine Sis
ters, 167; engages Houdon to make
bust, 167
Joubert, General, Houdon's statue of, 270

Lacroix, Sigismond, edits Acts of the
Commune of Paris, 242; letter to,
243 ; letters from, 244, 245
La Fayette, letter to Washington, 189,
227, 235; appointed Major-General
before twenty, 226; Virginia votes
bust of, 227; Houdon selected to make
bust of, 231 ; placed in Hotel de Ville,
Paris, 234; appreciates gift of Vir
ginia, 235; a second bust for Virginia,
236; in Capitol, 237; nose broken,
237; in State Library, 238; busts un
fortunate, 238; that given to France
destroyed, 239, 246; history of, 243;
statue of Washington for, 245 ; bust
at Versailles, 246
La Fontaine, Houdon's bust of, 177
La Rive, Houdon's bust of, 177
L'ficole des Sieves Proteges, 3, 4, 7

Le Moyne [Jean Baptiste], 5 ; bust of Vol
taire, 39, 42; engraved by St. Aubin,
44
Le Noir, Houdon's bust of, 180
Le Roy, M., bust of Franklin for, 77, 96
Lodge of the Nine Sisters, 155; Houdon
makes bust of J. P. Jones for, 155;
histories of, 155; founders of, 156;
Voltaire visits, 158; Franklin initiated
into, 159; has two busts of Voltaire
by Houdon, 160; celebrates birth of
Marie Antoinette's first child, 161 ;
ladies admitted, 161 ; Mlle. Roily ini
tiated into, 162; charges against, 163;
action of the Grand Orient, 164;
Franklin elected Venerable, 165; Paul
Jones initiated into, 167 ; engages
Houdon to make Jones bust, 167;
Franklin takes farewell, 170; medals
issued by, 171; ceased to exist, 171;
revived, 171; coup de grace, 172
Louis, Dr., Houdon's bust of, 177
Louis XV, 4
Louis XVI, statue to, by Congress, 81
inscription for, 82; never was one, 84
speech commemorated by tablet, 2S2
bust by Houdon, 253; destroyed, 2S4
Louis XVIII, Houdon's bust of, 20; bust
of Queen of, 20
Louvre Museum, 4, 5, 109, 206, 224, 256
Luzerne, Chevalier de la, gives fete, 127;
invests Paul Jones, 127; cross sent to,
128; celebrates birth of dauphin, 170

Mailly, J. C. de, 17
Mme., Houdon's bust of, 17
Marigny, Marquis de, 7; Diana for,
25, 176
Mask of Washington by Houdon, 201 ;
Houdon shows it to Rembrandt Peale,
201 ; sold at sale of 1828, 201 ; bought
by Robert Walsh, 201 ; taken to
America, 201 ; given to John Struth-

33*

Index

ers, 201 ; given to Ferdinand Pettrick,
202; sold to W. W. Story, 202; sold
to J. P. Morgan, 202; history of,
201-202
Memoires Secrets, 100, 155; history of,
155, n.
Metropolitan Museum of Art, owns Hou
don's bust of Franklin, 106; of Vol
taire and of Rousseau, 279
Michelet on Houdon's Bonaparte, 267
Milly, de, Comte, warden of Lodge of
Nine Sisters, 167
Mirabeau, death of, 123; mask of, 123;
Houdon's bust of, 123 ; Louis Gonze
on, 124; heroic bust of, 262
Miromesnil, Houdon's bust of, 18
Moliere, 40; Houdon's bust of, no; in
Comedie-Frangaise, 112
Monroe, James, not authorized to buy
bust of Franklin, 106
Montgolfier, Houdon makes bust and
medal, 273
Montgomery, Alexander, member of Irish
parliament, 89
Richard, birth of, 62 ; commissioned en
sign, 62 ; married Janet Livingston,
62; member of Congress, 62; Major-
General, 63; death of, 63; Congress
orders monument to, 64; Smith's
oration on, 64; Franklin engages
Caffieri to make monument, 64; de
sign exhibited, 65; monument shipped,
66; erected at St. Paul's Church, New
York 69, 70; inscription on, 70; re
mains interred beneath monument, 71;
monument dilapidated, 71
[Thomas], member of Irish parliament,
62
Montpellier, Museum at, Houdon's works
in, 16, 177, 255, 278
Moreau, jeune, J. M., makes drawing of
"Crowning Bust of Voltaire," 47; por
trait of Jones, 128
Morgan, J. P., owns "the Biron bust of

J. P. Jones," 135; owns Houdon's
life-mask of Washington, 201
Morny, Due de, wants to buy statuette of
Voltaire, 38
Morpheus, at Gotha, 12, 14; at Louvre,
13, 14; Secret Memoirs on, 14
Morris, Robert, his "Folly," 98; has bust
of Jones, 129; list of furniture, 130, n.

Napoleon, Houdon models bust of, 264;
at Versailles and at Dijon, 265 ; best
of all portraits of, 265 ; Armand
Dayot on, 265; Michelet on, 267;
anecdote of Houdon and, 268 ; colos
sal statue of, 268; destroyed, 269
National Academy of Design, owns two
busts of J. P. Jones by Houdon, 135;
has reproductions made, 135; has
busts of Barlow and of Fulton, 263
Necker, Jacques, 249; Houdon's bust of,
251; reproduced at Sevres, 252; in
Historical Society of Pennsylvania,
252; destroyed, 254
Mme., subscription for statue of Vol
taire, 49; protest against Pigalle, 52
Newenham, Sir Edward, bust of Franklin,
89, 90
Ney, Marshal, Houdon's bust of, 262
Nicholas I, not in sympathy with Vol
taire, 37; sells statuette, 37
Nini, Jean Baptiste, five medallions of
Franklin, 76, 108
Noel, Tony, statue to Houdon, 277
Odeon Theatre, 57
Odeoud, Mile., Houdon's bust of, 173
Ouis, C, letter from, 42
Palissot, Houdon's bust of, 173
Papillault, Georges, on busts of J. P.
Jones, 139; analyzes them, 140; com
pares bust and dead face, 142; takes

Ind

ex

339

measurements, 143; age cannot be
fixed by corpse, 146; height of Jones
furnished, a forgery by Buell, 146;
views on discord between historical
documents and body, 150; any discord
puts an end to the demonstration, 151
Peale, Charles Willson, his portrait of
J. P. Jones not like, 132; ordered to
make portrait of Washington, 184;
furnishes portrait of Washington,
185; whereabouts unknown, 186
Rembrandt, sees Houdon's life-mask of
Washington, 201 ; paints portrait of
Houdon, 283
Pelletier de Mortfontaine, Houdon's bust
of, 180; mayor of Paris, 234
Pennsylvania Academy of Fine Arts, has
bust of Franklin, 97; has Houdon's
bust of Jones, 132; has bronze made,
132; has bust of Barlow, 263; has
portrait of Houdon, 283
Phillips, Claude, on Houdon's St. Bruno,
9; on Houdon's statue of Voltaire,
55; on Houdon's Napoleon, 266; on
Houdon's skill, 281
Pierre [Jean-Baptiste-Marie], 22, 23, 100
Pigalle, Jean-Baptiste, 4, 5; chosen to make
statue of Voltaire, 50; represents
Voltaire nude, 51; Voltaire's verses
to, 52 ; statue of Voltaire in the Insti
tute, 53 ; de Quincy on, 53
Pine, Robert Edge, 207, 208, n.
Porter, Horace, report on body of J. P.
Jones, 138; his "principle of elimina
tion," 145 ; adopts Buell's forgeries
without investigation, 147, 148; letter
from, 152; letter to, from Mr. Hart,
153; answer from, 154
Portraiture, dissertation on, 279-282
Praslin, Due de, bust of, 173
Prussia, Prince Henry of, bust of, 180

Quesnay, Houdon's bust of, 173

Quincy, Quatremere de, 13; on Pigalle's
statue of Voltaire, 53
Rabache, Anne, mother of Houdon, 3
Racine, 40
Recamier, Mme., bust not by Houdon,
269, n. ; by Chinard, 270, n.
Regamey, Felix, on Houdon's Washing
ton, 221, 224
Robert, Mile., Houdon's bust of, 177
Rochette, Raoul, Houdon's son-in-law,
4. 274
Rode, Mme., Houdon's bust of, 262
Rodin, Auguste, on Houdon's bust of
Franklin, 108
Roily, Mile., initiated into Lodge of Nine
Sisters, 162
Rome, Houdon wins Prix de, 6; goes to,
8; returns from, n
Rosset-Dupont, bust of Voltaire, 49
Rousseau, Jean-Jacques, bust of, by Le
Moyne, 41, 43; death of, 114; mask
of, 114, 116; in the Pantheon, 115;
by Houdon, pirated, 117; three dif
ferent busts of, 117, 118; description
of, 117, 118; in Stephen Girard col
lection, 118; statue to, 119
Ruallemy, Abbe, letter to, 21
Rulhiere, M. de, poem on Diana, 29
Russia, Catharine, Empress of, Houdon's
bust of, 17, 24

Sachse, Julius F., errors by, 158
Saint Bruno, statue of, 8; compared with
Voltaire, 9; cast in Trocadero, 9
Saint John the Baptist, statue of, 10, II
St. Aubin, Augustin de, engraved Le
Moyne's bust of Voltaire, 44; Caffi
eri's tomb of Montgomery, 71 ; Co
chin's portrait of Franklin, 76
Salon, history of, 2, II, n.
Saxe-Gotha, Duke of, 16, 24
Sculpture, original, 105 ; compared with
painting, 105; method of work, 105

34°

Ind

ex

Serilly, Mme. de, Houdon's bust of, 173
Short, William, Paul Jones writes to, 131 ;
sends lists of persons to have his bust,
131; secretary of Legation and charge
d'affaires, 180; sends bust of Condor
cet to American Philosophical Society,
180; presents bust of La Fayette to
France for Virginia, 234
Shouwalow, Andre Paolovitch, buys statu
ette of Voltaire, 37; refuses to sell it,
38
Jean, furnishes Voltaire data, 38
Slodtz [Rene-Michel], 5, 7
Smith, William, oration on Richard Mont
gomery, 64
Soulavie, Abbe, memoirs, 83; friend of
Franklin, 84
Story, W. W., owns Houdon's life-mask of
Washington, 202 ; error in regard to
bust by Houdon not being from life,
202 ; did not know bust in Louvre, 207
Stuart, Gilbert, placed Houdon's Wash
ington first, 219, n.

Taft, Lorado, on busts by Ceracchi, 99;
on Houdon's Washington, 220
Taylor, C. H., has a bust of J. P. Jones
by Houdon, 135
Theatre-Frangais during siege of Paris,
58, 60
Thierry, £douard, Director of Theatre-
Frangais, 58 ; letter from, 59
Thomson, Charles, letter to Jefferson,
205 ; on Houdon's bust of Washing
ton, 205
"Thrush, Dead," 19, 20
Tournehem, Director-General of Royal
Buildings, 4
Tours, Museum at, Diana in, 25, 278
Tourville, Houdon's statue of, 174; over
crowded with symbols, 174
Traquair, James, offers busts for sale, 98
Tronchin, Houdon's bust of, 173

Turgot, Houdon's bust of, 18; in Ameri
can Philosophical Society, 181

Vanloo [Louis-Michel], 7
Vendahl, Comtesse de la, letter to, from
John Paul Jones, 126; sends her lock
of hair, 126; portrait of Jones by,
128, 149," lock of Jones's hair in her
miniature of him, 149; Jones sends
address of Lodge of Nine Sisters, 168
Versailles, Houdon born at, 3; Houdon's
Napoleon and Josephine at, 268
Victoire of France, Houdon's bust of, 20
Villette, M. de, Voltaire at house of, 33
Mme. de, 35
Villevieille, Marquis de, gets Voltaire to
sit to Houdon, 33, 34
Virginia, votes statue to Washington, 182;
votes bust to La Fayette, 227; changes
destination, 229, 231; votes bust to
France and to State, 230
Vitry, Paul, on Houdon's Morpheus, 12,
13. 14; on Diana, 28
Voltaire, Houdon's, 32; return of, to Paris,
33, 157; at house of M. de Villette,
33 ; sat to Houdon, 33 ; bust at Come
die-Frangaise, 35 ; present at sixth rep
resentation of "Irene," 35; bust a I'an
tique, 35; cast of hands, 36; statuette
in St. Petersburg, 37; sold by Nicho
las I, 37; bought by Shouwalow, 37;
bust by Houdon crowned, 38; bust by
Le Moyne, 39, 42, 46; drawing of
"Crowning of Bust," 47; statue by
Houdon, 48; bust by Rosset-Dupont,
49; opinion of own appearance, 49;
Pigalle chosen to make statue, 50;
represents him nude, 51; verses to
Pigalle, 52 ; statue in the Institute, 53 ;
Houdon's statue presented to Come
die-Frangaise, 54; Claude Phillips on
Houdon's statue, 55; Houdon's statue
during siege of Paris, 58-61 ; a Free-

Index

34i

mason, 157; visits Lodge of Nine Sis
ters, 158; death of, 159; statue for
the Pantheon, 270

Walferdin, M., bequeaths bust of Frank
lin and of Washington to the Louvre,
109, 206
Washington, statue of, 182; inscription,
182; equestrian statue, 183; Peale
paints portrait of, 185; description of,
185; whereabouts unknown, 186; cost
of, 186; letters from Jefferson to, 186;
190, 208; Houdon refuses to make
statue from painting, 187; offers to go
to America, 188; letter from La Fay
ette, 189; advised of Houdon's ar
rival, 199; writes to Houdon, 199; en
ters in diary Houdon's arrival, 200;
Houdon makes bust and mask of, 201 ;

mask owned by J. P. Morgan, 201 ;
shows mask of, to Rembrandt Peale,
201 ; bust modeled from life, 203 ; ex
hibited to Congress, 203 ; Francis
Hopkinson upon, 204; W. T. Frank
lin upon, 204; Charles Thomson upon,
205 ; exhibited to Congress, 205 ; orig
inal in Louvre, 205 ; costume for
statue, 208 ; bust by Houdon exhib
ited, 211; statue completed, 212;
erected in Richmond, 213; Houdon's
likeness of, 218; exact size of life,
219; the canon of comparison for all
other portraits, 219; Lorado Taft on,
220; Hubard's cast of, 221; Houdon's
bust at Mt. Vernon, 224; carried off
by Clark Mills, 224; copy presented
by Virgina to France, 225 ; fitienne
Charles upon, 225 ; by Houdon, for
La Fayette, 244; heroic bust of, 262