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Bratiforti Club Series.

NUMBER ONE.

PAPERS •••
CONCERNING THE ATTACK
ON
HATFIELD AND DEERFIELD

A PARTY OF INDIANS FROM CANADA

SEPTEMBER NINETEENTH

167?

NEW YORK
1859

Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year of our Lord 1859,
BY FRANKLIN B. HOUGH,
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court for the Northern District of New York.

ONE HUNDRED COPIES
BRIYATELT PRINTED.

scbsckiber's copy.

THE BRADFOKD CLUB.

Under this designation, a few gentlemen interested in the study of
American History and Literature, propose occasionally to print limited
editions of such manuscripts and scarce pamphlets as may be deemed
of value towards illustrating these subjects. They will seek to obtain
for this purpose, unpublished journals or correspondence containing
matter worthy of record, and which may not properly he included in
the Historical Collections or Documentary Histories of the several states.
Such unpretending cotemporary chronicles often throw precious light
upon the motives of action, nnd the imperfectly narrated events of
by-gone days ; perhaps briefly touched upon in dry official documents.
The Club may also issue facsimiles of curious manuscripts, or docu
ments worthy pf notice, which like the printed issues will bear its
imprint. " These are the
Registers, the chronicles of the age
They were written in, and speak the truth of History
Better than a hundred of your printed
Communications." — Shakerly Marmyon's Antiquary.
William Bradford, the first New York Printer, whose name we have
adopted, came to this country in 1682, and established his press jn the
neighborhood of Philadelphia. In 1693 he removed to this city, and
set up the first press "at the sign of the Bible." His first work
printed in this colony was entitled " The Laws and Acts of the
General Assembly." During a period of thirty years, he was the only
Printer in the Province, and in his imprints, he styled himself " Printer

Vlll THE BRADFORD CLUB.
to the King." In 1725 he printed our first newspaper, " The New York
Gazette." He continued the business of his profession until within a
few years of his death, which occurred in 1752 at the age of 92 years.
He was described in an obituary notice of the day as "a man of
great sobriety and industry, a real friend to the poor and needy, and
kind and affable to all."
April, 1859.

PKEFACE.

The papers contained in the following pages, are copied from the ori
ginals in the office of the Secretary of State, at Albany, and form a part
of the archives of the colonial period of New York. The leading facts
concerning the invasion of the Connecticut valley in the autumn of
1677, have since the time of their occurrence, been familiarly Tcnown
through the published narrative of a prisoner, and the record of cotem-
porary writers.
The ravages of a hundred and eighty years have, however, consigned
to oblivion many of the details connected with that event, so widely
and generally reported in the community and generation in which it
occurred ; the hand of time is gradually obliterating the written memo
rials of that day, and oral tradition has long since distorted into fable, if
not entirely lost, the exact statements of those who witnessed the scenes
and felt the sufferings which they described. Every document there
fore, which was written upon the occasion, carries us back to the time,
and spreads before us the circumstances of the event. We learn, as
from the lips of a witness, the terror which the news of the sudden
invasion spread through the community ; we feel the painful suspense
scarcely relieved by a ray of hope, concerning the dismal fate of the
captives, and we share in the exultation with which the loved and the
lost are restored to the bosoms of their families.
The papers forming the text of this volume, have never before been
printed, and it is believed they will form an interesting contribution to
the history of the times to which they relate. F. B. H.
Albany, January 25, 1859. 2

INTRODUCTION.

Hatfield is situated upon the west bank of Con
necticut river, about midway between the north and
south bounds of the state of Massachusetts, and upon
the northern border of Hampshire county. The set
tlement of this town was preceded by that of Hadley
upon the opposite side of the river, and commenced
nearly twenty years previous to the incursion detailed
in the following pages. Its first settlers were six of
the pioneers of Hadley, and for several years it was
included within the corporate limits of that town. A
considerable tract of land, embracing almost the whole
of the northern meadow in the present town of Hat
field, was granted to Mr. Bradstreet and Major Denni-
son, and the conflict of this claim with those of the
settlers of Hadley, led to a spirited declaration by the
latter to the general court, but their efforts were not
successful, and in 1664, agents were sent by that town
to purchase the meadow of Mr. Bradstreet. The
negotiation was successful, and the tract was pur
chased, excepting a reservation of one thousand acres,
for the sum of two hundred pounds. The reservation
was long denominated The Farms, but ultimately it
was divided up and sold.

12 INTRODUCTION.
The settlement west of the river, had in a few years
so increased, that a division of Hadley became neces
sary, and Hatfield was erected into a separate town
on the 11th of May, 1670. Town officers were first
chosen in the following year, and about the same time,
liberty was granted by the Hampshire county court, "to
enter into Church estate." The Rev. Hope Ather-
ton, a graduate of Harvard college, became the first
minister, and continued in the pastoral relation until
his death in 1677, at the age of thirty-three, from
disease contracted by exposure and hardship in the
celebrated "Falls fight," in May, 1675. Hatfield pur
chased from the Indians in 1672, a tract adjoining on
the north in the present town of Whately, paying
fifty fathoms of wampum for the same. This town
does not appear to have been represented in the gene
ral court until twenty years after its incorporation.1
Some idea may be formed of the relative importance
of Hatfield at about the period under consideration,
from the proportion which it paid of the colonial tax.
This was as follows :2

Colony.

Hatfield.

October 24, 1674,. £1,299 : 8 : 10

£10 : 17 : 2

do 13, 1675, 1,553 : 6 : 4

8 : 12 : 0

1675-6, 1,281:0:10

8 : 12 : 8

On the twentieth of January, 1687, the county tax
upon Hadley and Hatfield was :
Upon Hadley,  £9 : 15 : 8
do Hatfield,  4: 5:2
If these taxes were uniformly levied upon the whole

1 Holland's History of Western Massachusetts, i, 69. Ed.
2 Coll. Jim. Stat, jlsso.', i, 255. Ed.

INTRODUCTION. 13
property, this frontier town possessed considerably less
than one per cent of the total wealth of the colony,
and less than half of that in the parent town.
The danger of attack from hostile Indian tribes, had
been early taught in the sad experience of many New
England towns, and had led to the location of settlers
in villages. Each family here possessed a small plot
of* ground for a garden, and owned an individual or
common right in the fields devoted to cultivation.
The villagers were accustomed, in times of danger, to
labor in bands, and often went armed to their daily
task. The social influences thus concentrated, and
the conveniences thus afforded for schools and religious
worship, have had doubtless their influence upon the
~New England character, while the many dangers with
which they were environed, served to unite them more
closely by mutual interests in the common welfare.
While danger from Indian incursions existed, these
villages were commonly surrounded by a line of stock
ades, which afforded protection against sudden attack,
but unless judiciously defended, could not long resist
a courageous enemy.
Hatfield had been the theatre of Indian warfare,
before the event related in the following pages. In
August, 1675, numbers of the Indians living upon the
Connecticut river, began openly to evince their sym
pathies for the success of Philip of Mount Hope, then
waging a war of extermination against the colonists.
The boldness and success of his efforts, bespeak the
force of- his character, and the skill of his diplomacy,
by which, uniting the discordant factions and allaying
the petty jealousies of rival Indian tribes, he brought
them to combine in a desperate effort for the eradica
tion of the white race from their land.
Governor Hutchinson, and those who have followed

14 INTRODUCTION.
him, state that on fast day, September 1st, 1675, the
settlers were suddenly attacked by a party of hostile
Indians, who were repulsed with loss.
Barry, in his History of Massachusetts, adopts the
account given by Hutchinson, and relates that as the
savage war-whoop was ringing, and the confused and
terror-stricken inhabitants were about seeking a slender
chance of safety in flight, a man of military bearing
and venerable age, suddenly appeared among them,
and with sword in hand, and a voice accustomed to
command, rallied the disordered crowd, and placing
himself at their head, quickly restored their courage,
turned the scale of victory, and compelled the Indians
to retreat hastily with loss.
The unknown personage who had thus led them to
victory, as suddenly disappeared, and many believed
that an angel from heaven had come to their assist
ance. It was not known till near twenty years after
wards, that two of the judges who had condemned
Charles the First to the block, were then concealed in
Hadley, upon the opposite bank of the river, and there
is little reason to doubt, but that "William Goffe, who
had served as a major-general in the armies of Crom
well, was this angel of deliverance.
Most of the historians of this period, relate this inci
dent substantially as above given, but locate the event
at Hadley, upon the occasion of its attack, on the 12th
of June in the year following.1

1 This event is not noticed by Hubbard, in his History of the Indian
Wars of New England, published in 1677, and certified upon highly
respectable authority as being accurate and reliable in all respects. It
further appears that no general fast day was appointed on the above
date. Compare Barry's Hist. Mass (colonial period), 420; Hutchinson's
Hist. Mass , i, 201; Hoyt's Indian Wars, 135, 136; Stiles's Hist, of the
Three Judges, 109, 110 ; Holland^ West. Mass., i, 128. Ed.

INTRODUCTION. 15
Deerfield and Northfield soon after experienced
severe reverses from the enemy, and Springfield be
came an object of vengeance, but although favored by
the treachery of professedly friendly Indians, their
plans were detected in season to prevent their full
accomplishment. The success of the Indians made them eager to
finish the work of annihilation, and on the 19th of
October, they again fell upon Hatfield, in great num
bers. The place was garrisoned by Captains Moseley
and Poole, while a body of troops was stationed at
Hadley under Captain Appleton, and another at North
ampton under Major Treat. The latter hastened to
the assistance of their Hatfield friends, and the conflict,
after a few hours of sharp fighting, was decided in
favor of the settlers, the latter losing but about a dozen
men, while the Indians had great numbers slain.1
Hostilities continued in the Connecticut valley till near
winter, and Deerfield having been mostly burned, was
abandoned to the savages. A quantity of grain that
was stacked in the fields, escaped destruction, and the
commanding officer at Hadley, anxious to secure this
supply, sent Captain Lathrop with a party of men, and
a number of teams, to thresh the grain and bring it to
head quarters. The labor was accomplished and the
party were returning, when they were ambuscaded,
on the 18th of September, by about seven hundred
Indians, and the captain and seventy-six men were
slain. The whole .number in the party was eighty-
four, of whom eighteen were teamsters. A monument
of marble, about twenty feet in hight, was erected in

1 Hubbard's Indian War, 43; Mather, 18; Barry's Hist. Mass. (colonial
period), 422; .Holland's West. Mass., i, 105 ; Drake's Hist. Boston, 411. Ed.

16 INTRODUCTION.
August, 1838, to commemorate the locality of this
melancholy disaster.1
The details of thisx campaign do not strictly come
within our limits to notice. Philip, the controlling
spirit of these movements, disappeared from the thea
ter of action, and is supposed to have spent the winter
in the vicinity of Albany ; doubtless busy in extending
disaffection among the Indians, and laying new plans
for more extensive operations. The United Colonies
of New England were also engaged in concerting mea
sures and procuring means for effectually terminating
the war.
Occasionally the murder of an unguarded person or
family indicated the presence of lurking savages, and
towards spring the upper settlements on the Connecti
cut again became the principal scene of warfare. The
memorable swamp fight in South Kingston, Rhode
Island, on the 18th of December, had broken the
strength and crushed the hopes of the Indians in that
quarter, and many of the Narragansetts fled westward
to join in hostile operations, as occasion might favor.
Northampton was attacked early on the 14th of
March, 1676, where several houses were burned, five
persons killed, and several wounded. Repulsed from
this place, they immediately went to Hatfield, but
were prevented from attacking it by the fortunate ar
rival of troops from Hadley. They returned to North
ampton the same day, but made no further attempt at
that time.
In May, word was received that the Indians were
planting at Deerfield, and fishing at the Great falls
above that place, since known as Turner's falls. A
plan of attack was devised, and executed with terrible

1 Barber's Hist. Coll Mass., 248; Hoyt's Indian Wars, 105. Ed.

INTRODUCTION. 17
effect. The enemy had no intimation of the approach
of the English, until aroused from their morning slum
bers by the roar of musketry. Many in their confusion
rushed into the river and were swept over the falls ;
others perished in their cabins, and others who fled
for shelter to the river bank, were slain without the
power of resistance. The work of death went on until
over three hundred Indian warriors perished, while
the English lost but one man.1 On their return, how
ever, they fell into the hands of another body of
Indians, and many of their number were killed, includ
ing Captain Turner, the leader of the expedition.
This event, which occurred on the 18th of May,
1676, was followed in twelve days by an attack upon
Hatfield, by from six to seven hundred Indians. Al
most every man was at work in the meadow, and the
few that remained made a spirited resistance, but
could not prevent the Indians from firing several of
the buildings. With the assistance of a party from
Hadley, who were attracted over by the smoke of the
burning buildings, the enemy were finally repulsed,
with a loss of twenty-five killed. Of the English, five
men were killed, and three wounded. On the 12th of
June, Hadley was attacked by a large body of Indians,
who were repulsed with heavy loss, and this was the
last engagement in the war in which the enemy
appeared in numbers, or evinced their accustomed
bravery. The fortunes of Philip had tended rapidly downward
since the fight at the falls ; the Mohawks had become
his active enemies, and his friends one by one were
killed, or despairing of success yielded themselves to
the mercies of the English. Retiring to his ancient

1 Hoyt's Indian Wars, 129. En.
3

18 INTRODUCTION.
seat at Mount Hope, with a few followers who remained
true to his cause, he continued the unequal contest
against fate, until at length, betrayed and hunted from
his last remaining refuge, he was slain.
This important event occurred on the 12th of Au
gust, 1676, and was soon followed by a peace with all
the New England tribes, by which the colonies were
left to realize the severity of their losses, and repair
the ravages of their wasted settlements.
It will be remembered, that during the whole of this
war, the home governments of New England and
Canada were at peace, and their American colonies
were withheld by treaties from favoring hostile enter
prises against each other. England had been at peace
with France since 1668, and was not involved in war
with that country until twelve years after the events
related in these papers. The Count de Frontenac,
then governor of Canada, had received instructions
from his sovereign, Louis XTV", to cultivate a good
understanding with the English, and avoid any cause
of complaint.1 Still the relations existing between the
French in Canada and the English in New England
and New York, were at no time cordial, and in the
rivalry for the monopoly of the Indian fur trade which
existed many years between New York and Canada,
it not unfrequently happened that just causes of com
plaint arose upon both sides, and representations were
made to the home government by each party, that "the
other had adopted unfair measures for securing the
coveted profits of this trade, or were making dangerous
alliances with the Indian tribes. In fact while these
events were transpiring in New England, the French
had their emissaries at the castles of the Five Nations,

1 New York Colonial Documents, ix, 126, 128. Ed.

INTRODUCTION. 19
and were drawing large numbers, especially of the
Mohawks, within their immediate influence, and set
tling them within sight of Montreal.
During the progress of Philip's war, intimations
were at times received, that he was secretly supplied
with arms and ammunition by the French in Canada,
and the people of New York were publicly charged
with selling powder to the enemy. This accusation
was indignantly repelled by the governor and council
of the colony, and a careful examination of the facts
will satisfy every candid person that it was without
foundation, unless perhaps in individual cases, in which
mercenary dealers might have privately sold ammuni
tion without being inquisitive as to its intended use.
Stringent regulations against the. practice were passed,
and prosecutions for their alleged violation were
promptly instituted.1
The Indian tribes had been nominally at peace with
the English colonies of New England about a year
previous to the attack upon Hatfield, to be hereafter
more particularly described. The frontier settlers,
deprived of everything but the soil, ventured .to return
to their wasted fields, and to reconstruct their dwell
ings ; but still doubting the good faith of the Indians,
they prudently kept watch, and usually went to their
daily work and to their public meetings, with arms in
their hands. There was reason to apprehend that the
Indians who had fled to the French in Canada, would
revisit their former haunts, and the subsequent inroads
•from that quarter, show that the spirit of revenge was
long harbored against those who had deprived them
of their lands, and driven them from the homes and

1 Narrative of the Causes which led to Philip's Indian Wars (Munsell's
Hist. Series), 114, 115, 122, 130, 136, 179. Ed.

20 INTRODUCTION.
graves of their fathers. It scarcely admits of doubt,
but that this hostile feeling was favored and promoted
by the French, with the design of securing the Indians
more strongly to their interests. This policy lay at
the foundation of the whole scheme of colonization,
and was zealously and successfully prosecuted by them
until their final conquest more than eighty years after
wards. The fact that the Indians found purchasers
for their prisoners in Canada, indicates the light in
which these incursions upon the English were regard
ed, if it does not afford an explanation of the motives
which prompted them. A cherished feeling of revenge,
or a morbid thirst for plunder, might have led these
savages to fall upon exposed settlements, and destroy
with the inhabitants such fruits of their labor as could
not be appropriated to their wants, but we are led to
attribute the preservation of prisoners, and their re
moval to Canada, to the hope of profits from their sale
or redemption.
The settlement at Hatfield was suddenly attacked
by a party of Indians, at about 11 o'clock in the morn
ing, on the 19th of September, 1677, at a time when
the inhabitants were wholly unconscious of danger,
and most of the men at work raising a frame outside
of the fortification. Three of their number were shot
down before reaching the town, and the savages, break
ing through the feeble defences of the village, killed
eleven and took seventeen prisoners. Several build
ings were burned, and the marauders departed, leaving
six or seven of the settlers wounded.1

!The names of the killed were : Sergeant Isaac Graves, John Atchin-
son, John Cooper, the wife and child of Philip Russell, the wife and
child of John Coleman, the wife of Samuel Kellogg, the wife and child
of Samuel Belding, and a child of John Wells. Those taken captive

INTRODUCTION. 21
At about sunset the same day, they came upon
Deerfield, whose inhabitants were also unprepared for
resistance, and engaged in raising a house. One of
four men who fled to a swamp was pursued and killed,
and three other men were taken prisoners. The name
of the former was John Root; the latter were, Ser
geant John Plympton, Quintin Stockwell, and Benoni
Stebbins.1 After gathering such plunder as might be
conveniently brought away, the savages withdrew, and
took up their slow and painful march for the French
settlements in Canada.
On the same day a party of Indians appeared upon
the Merrimack, and persuaded or compelled Wonalan-
cet of Waamkeke, a sachem of influence, and then
supposed to be on friendly terms with the English,
to leave with them for the north, from whence he
never returned. The party that surprised Hatfield and
Deerfield numbered about fifty Indians, under the
command of Ashpelon, a chief whose name appears in
history only in connection with this event. From the
testimony of the prisoners, he appears to have been
more humane than many whom he commanded, and
that through his influence several of their number
were saved from torture. It was at first supposed that
the assailants were Mohawks, as a party of those
Indians had passed through the place the day previous,
with a number of friendly Indians as prisoners, and a
scalp ; but it was soon ascertained that the enemy were

were : two children of John Coleman, the wife and three children of
Benjamin Waite, Mrs. Foote and two children, the wife and two child
ren of Stephen Jennings, Obadiah Dickinson and one child, a child of
Samuel Kellogg, a child of William Bartholomew, and a child of John
Allis. — Holland's Western Massachusetts, i, 134. Ed.
1 Ibid, 135. Ed.

22 INTRODUCTION.
from Canada, and probably some of those who had
formerly lived in the Connecticut valley.1
The news of this incursion spread rapidly through
the colony, and the remaining members of the broken
families lost no time in endeavoring to ascertain the
destination of the prisoners. Benjamin Waite, whose
wife and children were among the captives, hastened
to Albany, thinking that the assailants were Mohawks,
but finding that they were not, he returned home.
The report brought back by Stebbins, gave the first
positive indication of the number and destination of
the party, which was no sooner learned than a plan
was arranged for visiting Canada, to recover their
families and friends by ransom. In answer to a peti
tion from Hatfield for aid in this enterprise, the gene
ral court, on the 22d of October, issued the following
order for this purpose, and resolved that the expenses
attending it should be defrayed by the colony.
"In answer to the petition of Hatfeild, & for the
recouery of their captiues, the honord Gouernor is

, 1 A letter from Edward Rawson, secretary, dated October 22d, 1677,
contains the following statement :
* # * # #
" About 3 weeks since (when we hoped to be at rest), a party of about
thirty of the old enemy, viz, Hadley & Northampton Indians fell vnex-
pectedly vpon Hattefeild, burnt fouer houses, fower barnes, some stackes
of come, killed diuerse persons, and carried away one & twenty prison
ers, men, weomen & children. One of the men escaped, and saith the
Indians were gon vp Conecticot Riuer, northward, towards the French,
from whence they came, & sajd they were incouraged and ffurnished for
this attempt by a French Capt. Wee haue it vnder consideration to
send to these Indians & to the French to endeavour the recouery of the
poore captives, & the better to vnderstand what wee may expect from
"those quarters." * * * * #
— Records of Massachusetts, v, 162. Ed.

INTRODUCTION. 23
desired & empoured to take order & care therein, by
granting comission to such meete persons as may be
imployed in that service, & giving them instructions
to mannage that affayre, and by them to write to the
French gounor at Canada, as also to those Indians that
haue the prisoners in possession, and make such ouer-
tures to them as may tend to the regayning the prison
ers & the setling of the peace of the country, & that
the chardge thereof be borne by ye country."1
Another source of disquiet had about the same time
occurred in the colony. The Mohawks had made a
predatory incursion into Massachusetts, and fallen upon
the Indian settlements of Natick and Hasseenemesett,
taking several captives and killing an inoffensive man.
These Indians were settled under the protection of the
English, professing faith in their religion, and a desire
for improvements in the arts of civilized life. "Six
Mohawks had also been taken up while hunting in the
vicinity of Charles river, and thrown into prison. An
opportunity was thus offered for opening a corres
pondence with the New York Indians, through the
government at Albany, with the view of restoring these*
Indian captives to their friends, preventing future oc
casion for complaint, and, if possible, of inducing the
warlike Mohawks to pursue the hostile party then on
their way to Canada, and rescue the prisoners with
them. It would seem that war in some form was
essential to the existence of these savages, who divided
their time between the perils of the chase and hard
ships of distant journeys, to surprise the feeble and
unsuspecting tribes of other colonies, to plunder their
cabins, and lead off the miserable captives which they

] Records of Massachusetts, v, 168. Ed.

24 INTRODUCTION.
took, for deliberate torture. The request of the Massa
chusetts people was conveyed to the Mohawks by the
six Indians of that tribe then in prison, who were
released and conducted safely beyond the settlements
toward Albany.
In a letter dated on the 12th of October, 1677, and
addressed to the Mohawks, after remonstrating against
the attack upon their friendly Indians, and apologizing
for having taken up six of their number near Boston,
they added :
" There are other Indians for you to fall vpon, whose
pursuing & destroying wee shall take kindly from your
hand, namely, a parsell of Indians who came lately
from Canada, and fell vpon Hattfeild, the same day
when 4 of yor people lodged in Hatfeild, and were there
kindly vsed the night before. These Indians, who
came from Canada, as wee since came to know by one
of our captives that is gott away from them, haue car-
rjed w01 them twenty of our people, weomen & child
ren, wth three men, whom we vnderstand are^returning
towards Canada. It would be an acceptable service
to us, if yow cann destroy this parcell of Indians ; and
may yow be instrumentall for the sauing & recouering
of any of our captives, wee' shall giue yow good reward
for the same."1
These six Mohawks were also the bearers of the
following letter to the commandant at Albany :
"Capt. Salisbury.
Sr : Wee haue thought fit to acquaint yow, that sixe
Indians by whom wee send these to yow, were some
days since taken by some of our people wthin Boston

1 Records of Massachusetts, v, 166; N. Y. Coll. MSS., xxvi. Ed.

INTRODUCTION. 25
bounds, on the northerly side of Charles River. It
being a place where wee haue no Indians setled, or
allowed to goe wtbout speciall order from ourselues,
they were forthwith carryed to prison, and being exa
mined by authority, sajd they were Macquas, though
wee had cause to doubt of it ; yet, since being assured
by some of Albany that they are reall Macques, wee
haue given order for their enlargement & well vsage,
and haue appointed sixe troopes to guard them &
conduct them safe "into the woods out of our tounes,
or hazards of our Indians, whom some Macques haue
lately don injury vnto, carrying away captiues two of
our Natick Indian weomen, and killing one very honest
man of them & taking away his scalp, all which being
contrary to their agreement wth them by our messin-
gers in Aprill last. Wee might well haue secured
some of these till sattisfaction made, and the returning
of these two captiues ; but to prevent all ground of
disquiet to the Macqua sachem, wee haue, notwthstand-
ing, set these at liberty, & make vse of them to signify
our minds to the sachems, that they send home those
squaes, whose returne from them wee doe expect, &
there instructing of their men not to come into these
parts to our friend Indians, which was one great end
of our treating them at Albany in Aprill last. Though
wee did then designe their falling on the eastern
Indians, our then ennemjes, wherein they haue not
don vs any service, yet wee did as strongly aime at, &
as carefully prouide for the security of our friend
Indians, w* they engaged to do, not to do them any
mischeifes ; and it is a great trouble to us that they or
theire people take no more oare thereof, wee being
ingaged to protect & secure them, who in the tjme of
the warr were very servicable to vs, ventured their
liues for us, & many of them lost their Hues in our ser-
4

26 INTRODUCTION.
vice ; and now wee shall not let them be destroyed by
either Macquas or others. Wee vnderstand that Major
Pinchon hath lately wrote to yow vpon the occasion
of some mischiefe doun at Hatfeild as well as formerly,
directing the Macquas to thake their randge more
norward, that the MacqUas would not adventure to
come neere our tounes now, because the ennemy In
dian hauing made an irruption vpon us, we are vpon
our guard, and haue our scouts out, & so, not knouing
Macquas from other Indians, there may be hazard of
doing them hurt vnknoune, for wee cannot distinguish
them, vnless some Englishman or Dutchman should
come w"1 them, or some one of them might adventure
into our tounes vnarmed, with a letter in his hand ;
otherwise wee know not how they will be safe. Wee
pray yow so to informe the Macquas with it, that they
may not come into any dainger; and doe us that
favour to let the Macquas know how ready & willing
we are to hold & continue all amicable correspondence
& friendship with them, & therefore expect their at
tendance to their agreement w01 us, not to doe spoyle
vpon our friend Indians. Wee haue speciall respect
for them, especially those of Naticke Pvncapawag &
hereabouts, whom his Majties Corporation [the Society
for Propagating the Gospel in Foreign Parts] also hath
lately manifested great respects for, so that it is hoped
& expected that the Macquas will be very observant
hereof for the future.
Sr wee further desire your helpfullness in recouering
of those of our people who are now in captivity with
the barbarous heathen, there being twenty persons
taken from Hattfeild & Deerefeild, as Major Pynchon
hath given yow an account, desiring you to incite the
Macquas to pursue the enemy, being Indians that
came from the French, and are thither returning, a,s

INTRODUCTION. 27
wee are certeinly informed by one of our men that
escaped from them. Wee doubt not of yor readiness
to affoord help, as it may fall in yor way, and you need
not doubt of our care to sattisfy what charge yow may
be at, and shall disburse vpon the account. W01 our
loving respects to yew, wee comend yow to God, & are
Your assurd ffriends
Edwd Rawson, Secret
in the Name & by order of the Gen"11 Court."1
The effort to arouse the Mohawks was not success
ful, nor did they cease to molest the Christian Indians
of Massachusetts. In June of the following year, a
rumor was reported at Albany, that two large war
parties of these Indians were assembling near Sche
nectady, one of which it was suspected was about to
invade Massachusetts. A troop of sixty Mohawks,
under the command of Tahiadouson Tyados, arrived
at Albany a few days after, having three men, fifteen
women and four children, prisoners. They proved on
examination, to be Natick Indians, friendly to the
English, and under the care of Major Daniel Gookin.
They had been surprised in a corn field called Magaeh-
nah on Magoncog, six miles from Sudbury, and were
conducted by their captors into the Mohawk country.
, In a letter to Colonel Broekholls, acting governor,
written a few days after, Captain Salisbury states his
-belief that these prisoners had since been mostly burnt,
and that he could have released them for two hundred
pounds, but had no orders for disbursing money for
the Indians of other colonies. He soothed his con
science by the remark that if he had, "the governor
would be angry, we having nothing to do with them,

1 Records of Mass. , v, 166. Ed.

28 INTRODUCTION.
nor receiving any profit by them, and with your leave
my thoughts are, that if the New England people had
any kindness for them, they would have sent a man in
time enough to have been at Albany to have spoken
to Tyndais."
It is proper to state, that this narrow policy did not
meet the approbation of Colonel Brockholls, who in a
letter of July 20th, in answer to the above, said :
* * * "It seems very strange that the peace
between us should be held upon such unequal and
tickelish terms, that notwithstanding we deal with
them in all friendship, yet they shall presume to break
it when they please, as now particularly their falling
upon our neighbors' friendly Indians, contrary to their
engagements, and expecting money for their delivery,
They deserve rather to be checked for their insolence
than to be soothed up in it. If they have such en
couragement, their attempt may be upon Christians,
so that they may be paid for their ransom. I suppose
that consideration hindered the New England men
from sending money." *****
Samuel Ely and Benjamin Waite were soon after
commissioned to visit Albany, and take such measures
as might be possible for the restoration of the Indian.
prisoners. Furnished with a commission from Governor
Leverett, and a letter from Major Pynchon, and at
tended by PeterDe Vos, a Dutch interpreter, and two
Natick Indians, they proceeded to Albany and were
allowed by Captain Salisbury to pass to the Mohawk's
country. An interview was obtained at Albany, and the griev
ance and claims of the agents were stated. To this
the Indians replied, by acknowledging the kind offices

INTRODUCTION. 29
they had received from New England people, and
excused the attack upon Magoncog by the plea that
their young warriors when abroad were like wolves,
and that the Indians they attacked were not dwelling
as friendly Indians near the English plantations, but
in the woods, and in a castle well fortified by stocka-
does. They reminded the agents .that their discourse
had been made without giving presents, as was the
invariable custom upon such occasions, and promised
to restore, the surviving captives. Their speech was
concluded as follows :
"Upon this following proposition we can not forbear
(according to our custom) but give a small present,
though of little value, being a fathom of zewant [wam
pum]. Brethren: The covenant that was made here
last year betwixt Major Pynchon and us, in the pre
sence of the governor general, is as fast, firm and
inviolable as ever it was, and if our warring against
the Indians of the north in general doth not please
you, pray acquaint us here therewith.
They do repeat again, that the covenant made with
the brethren, is as firm as ever it hath been, and do
present some zewant made round as a circle, which
they compare to the sun, saying that their alliance is
as firm and inviolable as the sun, and shall have such
a splendor as the beams thereof, and say furthermore,
that if any will speak with them, that this is the
appointed place, as they of Maryland have done, and
that in the governor general's presence.
Brethren: There is a troop .or two of our In
dians out against your and our enemies, who know
nothing of this, and if they should come to your habit
ations, let not them be kept fast, or any harm done to

30 INTRODUCTION.
them, and if they should take away any of your friend
Indians, there shall be no harm done to them, but
restored again to any person you shall commission to
receive the same with the rest, provided our governor
general be present."
Captain Salisbury was severely censured by the
acting governor, for allowing a conference to be held
with the Mohawks by the agents of another colony, in
his absence. We have stated this affair somewhat in
detail, as illustrative of the temper of the times, the
relations which the Mohawks sustained towards the
governments of New York and Massachusetts, and the
jealousy with which the former regarded the slightest
interference by any other colony with Indian affairs
within its borders. It is probable that this difficulty
between the Mohawks and the Christian Indians of
Massachusetts, arose from the neglect or refusal of the
latter to pay tribute to the former, as had been for
some time their custom. Similar incursions were made
upon the Mohegans of Connecticut, for the avowed
purpose of compelling them to keep up their payments
to the powerful and warlike lords of the Mohawk
valley. The journey of Waite and Jennings to Canada, for
the recovery of the Hatfield prisoners — begun on the
verge of winter, and leading through regions then
almost unknown to the English — ^was an enterprise
involving great hardship and peril, and nothing short
of the object then pressing, could have induced them
to undertake it. Mr. Waite was joined by Stephen
Jennings, whose wife and children were also among
the prisoners, and having completed their arrange
ments, they set~ out upon their errand of love on the
24th of October, 1677.

INTRODUCTION. 31
They had provided themselves with a commission
and letters from the governor and other persons in
Massachusetts, directed to the authorities at Albany
and in Canada, explaining their mission and bespeak
ing assistance and favor in promoting its object. They
reached Albany on the seventh day, and delivered
their message to the commandant at that place, but
there is sufficient reason to infer that they were not
received in the spirit that persons under their circum
stances might expect from a humane and civilized
officer, speaking their language and professing alle
giance to the same sovereign authority.
Captain Salisbury, the commanding officer, appears
to have been avaricious, jealous, and arbitrary to an
extent happily uncommon, and instead of promoting
the object of their journey, evidently wished to oppose
obstacles to its performance.1 The travelers were
ordered not to leave town without again calling upon
this personage, perhaps again to meet another post
ponement of their business ; but the urgency of the
case permitted of no delay, and without complying
with the order, they continued their journey, passing
over to Schenectady, seventeen miles westward, to
obtain the services of an Indian guide, as the route
they were to travel was mostly unknown to the whites,
and communication with the French had as much as
possible been cut off by the regulations of the govern
ment. The Dutch of Schenectady, upon enquiring of them
their business, were told that they belonged to Boston. As

1 Captain Sylvester Salisbury was appointed commandant at Albany
on the 14th of May, 1670, in place of Captain John Baker, who had held
this office from the month of August, 1668, but who was dismissed from
all military service at Albany or elsewhere, upon the appointment of his
successor. — Council Minutes, iii, 27. Ed.

32 INTRODUCTION.
they understood the language but imperfectly, .these
people took this assertion to signify that the town of
Schenectady formed a part of the Boston colony, instead
of the simple and obvious meaning that the travelers
themselves belonged to that government. Considering
this heresy too dangerous to tolerate, they caused them
to be sent back to Albany, where they were detained
as prisoners until a favorable opportunity occurred for
sending them to New York to answer for their treason
before the governor and council.
They appeared before the council on the 10th of
November, and the nature of their mission and cause
of detention being explained, they were dismissed,
with an order that no hindrance should be again per
mitted within the jurisdiction of the colony. They
returned to Albany on the 19th of November, where
they tarried till the 10th of December, waiting for ice
to form on the northern lakes, that would greatly favor
their journey. Securing with some difficulty an Indian
guide on whom they could rely, they proceeded to
Lake George, where finding a canoe, they crossed to
the outlet of that lake in three days, and carried their
craft two miles across the portage to Lake Champlain,
which they reached on the 16th of December. The
ice had not yet formed sufficiently to support them, and
after trying to advance in this manner, they returned
.after one day's journey, and carried their canoe forward
to the open waters of the lake. Here they were wind-
bound six days, and unable to make any progress.
Their provisions meanwhile became exhausted, and
had they not killed some raccoons in a hollow tree
near the shore, they would have suffered the utmost
extremity of want.
On their way, they found a bag of biscuit and some
brandy, in a deserted wigwam, that had probably been

INTRODUCTION. 66
left by a Canadian or Indian ^ hunter, and at length
arrived at the frontier town of Chambly, then a settle
ment of ten houses, on the 6th of January. They
found Jennings's wife on their way to Sorel, and five
others of the captives at that place, several of whom
had been pawned to the French by the Indians, for
liquor. They learned that the remaining prisoners
were with the Indians not far distant, excepting a little
daughter of Mrs. Foote, and a child of Jennings, who
had been put to death by the savages, the latter after
their arrival in Canada. Mrs. Waite had added one
to the number of captives soon after reaching their
destination, and Serjeant Plympton of Deerfield had
been burnt at the stake near Chambly. His fellow
captive, Dickinson of Hatfield, had been compelled to
lead him to his terrible death.1 From the surviving
prisoners they learned the details of the hardships of
the march, and the harrowing scenes and worse fore
bodings that this band of women and children had
witnessed and felt. During the whole of this period
they were in imminent danger and constant fear of
suffering the worst tortures that capricious and wanton
savages could inflict ; with which they were repeatedly
threatened, and which they had witnessed upon the
person of an aged man who had been their fellow pri
soner. They were often on the point of starvation, and
towards the close of the journey, were exposed to the
rigors of a northern winter. About two hundred
miles above Northfield, the party had divided and
crossed over to Lake Champlain, arriving, after intense
suffering, at the frontier settlements of the French.

l Holland's West. Mass., i, 135; Hubbard's Gen. Hist. N. E. (Mass.
Hist. Call.), 2d series, v, vi, 638.
5

34 INTRODUCTION.
Messrs. Waite and Jennings found it necessary to
secure the assistance of the French governor to obtain
the prisoners, and accordingly pushed on to Quebec,
where they were kindly received and assisted in getting
the surviving captives together. They were ransomed
from the Indians by the payment of two hundred
pounds, but remained in Canada until the approach of
spring. The cruel sufferings of the captive train, which was
over three months on the painful journey, have been
detailed in the following narrative of Quintin Stock-
well, one of the prisoners :l
"It can not be altogether impertinent, but may
discover much of the temper and management of the
Indians in this war, to insert an account of one Stock-
well, of Deerfield, concerning his captivity and re
demption, with other, notable occurrences during his
continuance among them, written with his own hand,
and are as follows, in his own words, viz :
September 19, 1677. — About sunset I and another
man being together, the Indians 'with great shouting
and shooting came upon us, and some other of the
English hard by, at which we ran to a swamp for
refuge, which they perceiving, made after us, and shot
at us, three guns being discharged by me ; the swamp
being mirie, I slipt in, and fell down ; whereupon an
Indian stept to me, with his hatchet lifted up to knock
me on the head, supposing I was wounded, and unfit
for travel. It happened I had a pistol in my pocket,
which (though uncharged) I presented to him, who

1 This narrative was originally published by Dr. Increase Mather, in
1684. It is here given as fpund in Blome's Present State of His Majestie's
Isles and Territories in .America (1687), pp. 221-232. Ed.

INTRODUCTION. 35
presently stept back, and told me if I would yield I
should have no hurt, boasting falsely, that they had
destroyed all Hatfield, and that the woods were full
of Indians ; whereupon I yielded myself, and fell into
the enemie's hands, and by three of them was led
away to the place whence I first fled ; where two other
Indians came running to us, and one lifting up the
but-end of his gun to knock me on the head, the other
with his hand put by the blow, and said I was his
friend. I was now near my own house, which the Indians
burnt last year,- and I was about to build up again,
and there I had some hopes to escape from them;
there was a horse just by, which they bid me take ; I
did so, but attempted no escape, because the beast was
dull and slow, and I thought they would send me to
take my own horses, which they did, but they were so
frighted, that I could not come near them, and so fell
again into the enemie's hands, who now took me, bound
me, and led me away. Soon after I was brought to
other captives, who were that day taken at Hatfield,
which moved two contrary passions ; joy, to have com
pany' and sorrow, that we were in that miserable
condition : We were all pinion'd and led away in the
night over the mountains, in dark and hideous ways.
About four miles further, before we took up our place
of rest, which was a dismal place of a wood on the
east side of that mountain ; we were kept bound all
that night, the Indians watching us, who, as they tra-
vell'd, made strange noises, as of wolves, owls, and
other birds and beasts, that they might not lose one
another ; and if followed, might not be discovered by
the English.
About break of day we marched again, and got
over the great river Pecomptuck [Deerfield] ; there the

36 INTRODUCTION.
Indians marcked out upon trays, the number of their
captives and slain, as their manner is. Here I was
again in great danger, a quarrel arising whose captive
I was, and I was afraid I must be killed to end the
controversie ; they then asked me whose I was, I said
three Indians took me ; so they agreed to have all a
share in me : I had now three masters, but the chief
was he that first laid hands on me, which happened to
be the worst of the company, as Ashpelon the Indian
captain told me, who was always very kind to me,
and a great comfort to the English. In this place
they gave us victuals which they had brought away
from the English, and ten men were again sent out
for more plunder, some of whom brought provisions,
other's corn out of the meadows, upon horses; from
hence we went up above the Falls, where we crost
that river again, when I fell down-right lame of my old
wounds received in the war ; but the apprehension of
being killed by the Indians, and what cruel death they
would put me to, soon frightened away my pain, and
I was very brisk again. We had eleven horses in that
company, which carried burthens and the women ; we
travell'd up the river till night, and then took up our
lodgings in a dismal place, being laid on our backs
and staked down, in which posture we lay many nights
together ; the manner was, our arms and legs being
stretched out, were staked fast down, and a cord being
put about our necks, so that we could not possibly
stir ; the first night (being much tired) I slept as com
fortably as ever; the next we lay in the Saquahog
meadows [Northfield] ; our provision was soon spent,
and whilst we were there, the Indians went a hunting,
and the English army came out after us. Then the
Indians moved again, dividing themselves and the
captives into many companies, that the English might

INTRODUCTION. 37
not follow their track ; at night, having crossed the
river, we met again at the place appointed ; the next
day we repassed it, where we continued a long time,
which being about thirty miles above Squag, the In
dians were quite out of fear of the English, but much
afraid of the Mohawks, another sort of Indians, ene
mies to them.
In this place they built a strong wigwam, and had
a great daunce, as they call'd it, where it was con
cluded to burn three of us; having provided bark
for that purpose, of whom (as I heard afterwards) I
was to be one, Serjeant Plumpton another, and the
wife of Benjamin Wait the third : I knew not then
who they were, yet I understood so much of their lan
guage, that I perceived some were designed thereto ;
that night I could not sleep for fear of the next day's
work, the Indians (weary with dancing) lay down and
slept soundly.
The English were all loose, whereupon I went out
for wood, and mended the fire, making a noise on
purpose, but none awaked; I thought if any of the
English should wake, we might kill them all sleeping ;
to which end I removed out of the way all the guns
and hatchets, but my heart failing, I put all these
where they were again. The day (when they intended
to burn us) our master and some others spoke for us,
and the evil was prevented at this time : We lay here
about three weeks, where I had a shirt brought me to
make ; one Indian said it should be made this way,
another a different way, and a third this way, where
upon I told them I would make it according to my
chief master's order ; upon this an Indian struck me
on the face with his fist, I suddenly rose in anger to
return it again," which raised a great hubbub; the
Indians and English coming about me, I was fain to

38 INTRODUCTION.
humble myself to my master, which ended the matter.
Before I came to this place, my three masters were
gone a hunting, and I was left with only one Indian
(all the company being upon a march) who fell sick,
so that I was fain to carry his gun and hatchet, where
by I had opportunity to have despatched him, but did
not, because the English captives had engaged the
contrary to each other, since if one should run away,
it would much endanger the remainder : Whilst we
were here, Benjamin [Benoni] Stebbins, going with
some Indians to Wachuset Hills, made his escape,
the tydings whereof caused us all to be called in and
bound. One of the Indians captains, and always our
great friend, met me coming in, and told me Stebbins
was run away, and the Indians spoke of burning us ;
some were only for burning our fingers, and then
biting them off; he said there would be a court, and
all would speak their minds, but he would speak last
and declare, that the Indian who suffered Stebbins to
make his escape, was only in fault ; and bid us not
fear any hurt should happen to us, and so it prov'd
accordingly. Whilst we lingered here-about, Provision grew
scarce, one bear's foot must serve five of us a whole
day ; we began to eat horse-flesh and devoured several
horses, three only being left alive. At this time the
Indians had fallen upon Hadley, where some of them
being taken, were released, upon promise of meeting
the English on such a plain to make further terms :
Captain Ashpalon was much for it, but the sachins of
Wachuset, when they came, were against it ; yet were
willing to meet the English", only to fall upon and
destroy them. Ashpalon charged us English not to
speak a word of this, since mischief would come of it.
With these Indians from Wachuset, there came above

INTRODUCTION. 39
fourscore squaws, or women and children, who reported
the English had taken Uncas and all his men, and
sent them beyond the seas ; whereat they were much
enraged, asking us if it were true ; we deny'd it, which
made Ashpalon angry, saying he would no longer
believe Englishmen. They then examined every one
apart; and dealt worse with us for a time, than before;
still provision was scarse ; at length we came to a
place called Suavo-Maug-River, where we hoped to find
salmon, but came too late ; this place I reckon two
hundred miles above Deerfield, then we parted into
two companies, some went one way, and some an
other; we passed over a mighty mountain, being eight
days in travelling of it, though we marched very hard,
and had every day either snow or rain ; we observed
that on this mountain all the water ran northward.
Here we likewise wanted provision, at length we got
over and came near a lake, where we staid a great
while to make canoes, wherein to pass over. Here I
was frozen, and here again we were like to starve ; all
the Indians went a hunting, but could get nothing
several days; they pawawed or conjured, but to no
purpose ; then they desired the English to pray, con
fessing they could do nothing, and would have us try
what the Englishman's God could do : I prayed, so
did serjeant Plumpton in another place, the Indians
reverently attending morning and night ; next day
they killed some bears, then they would needs make
us desire a blessing, and return thanks at meals ; but
after a while they grew weary of it, and the sachem
forbid us : When I was frozen, they were very cruel
to me, because I could not do as at other times.
When we came to the lake, we were again sadly
streightned for provision, and forced to eat touch-wood
fried in bear's grease ; at last we found a company of

40. INTRODUCTION.
racoons, and then we made a feast, the custom being
that we must eat all ; I perceived I had too much for
one time, which an Indian that sate by observing, bid
me to slip away some to him under his coat, and he
would hide it for me till another time ; this Indian, as
soon as he had got my meat, stood up and made a
speech to the rest, discovering what I had done, where
at they were very angry, and cut me another piece,
forcing me to drink racoon's grease, which made me
sick and vomit ; I told them I had enough, after which
they would give me no more, but still told me I had
racoon enough, whereby I suffered much, and (being
frozen) was in great pain, sleeping but little, and yet
must do my task that was set me ; as they came to
the lake, they killed a great moose, staying there till
it was all eaten, and then entered upon the lake ; a
storm arose, which endangered us all, but at last we
got to an island, and there the Indians went to pawaw-
ing or conjuring; the pawaw declared, that Benjamin
Wait and another were coming, and that storm was
raised to cast them away : This afterwards appeared
to be true, though then I believed it not ; upon this
island we lay still several days, and then set out again,
but a storm took us, so that we continued to and fro
upon certain islands about three weeks; we had no
provisions but racoons, that the Indians themselves
were afraid of being starved; they would give me
nothing, whereby I was several days without victuals :
At length we went upon the lake on the ice, having a
little slead, upon which we drew our loads; before
noon I tired, and just then the Indians met with some
Frenchmen: One of. the Indians who took me, came
and called me all manner of ill names, throwing me
on my back ; I told him I could do no more, then he
said he must kill me, which I thought he was about

INTRODUCTION. 41
to do, for pulling out his knife, he cut off my pockets
and wrapt them about my face, and then he helped
me up, and took my slead, and went away, giving me
a bit of biscuit like a walnut, which he had of the
Frenchman, and told me he would give me a pipe of
tobacco ; when my slead was gone I ran after him (but
being tired), soon fell to a foot-pace, whereby the
Indians were out of sight; I followed as well as I
could, having many falls upon the ice ; at length I was
so spent, I had not strength enough to rise again, but
crept to a tree that lay along, upon which I continued
-all the cold night, it being very sharp weather.
I now counted no other but I must here die, which
whilst I was, ruminating of, an Indian hollowed, and I
answered ; he came to me and called me bad names,
telling me if I would not go, he must knock me on
the head ; I told him he must then do so, he saw how
I had wallowed in the snow, but could not rise ; here
upon he wrapt me in his coat, and going back, sent
two Indians with a slead ; one said he must knock me
on the head, the other said no, they would carry me
away and burn me ; then they bid me stir my instep,
to "see if that were frozen, I did so ; when they saw
that, they said there was a chirurgeon with the French
that could cure me ; then they took me upon a slead
and carried me to the fire, making much of me, pulling
off my wet and wrapping me in dry cloaths, laying
me on a good bed; they had killed an otter, and gave
me some of the broth, and a bit of the flesh ; here I
slept till towards day, and was then able to get up and
put on my cloaths ; one of the Indians awaked, and
seeing me go, shouted, as rejoycing at it. As soon as
it was light, I and Samuel Russel went afore on the
ice upon a river, they said I must go on foot as much
as I could for fear of freezing ; Russel slipt into the
6

42 INTRODUCTION.
river with one foot, the Indians called him back and
dried his stockins, and sent us away with an Indian
guide ; we went four or five miles before the rest of
the Indians overtook us ; I was pretty well spent, Rus
sel said he was faint, and wondred how I could live,
for he said he had had ten meals to my one ; I was
then laid on the slead, and they ran away with me on
the ice ; the rest and Russel came softly after, whose
face I never after saw more, nor knew what became of
him. About midnight we got near Shamblee [Cham
bly], a French town, where the river was open ; when
I came to travel, I was not able, whereupon an Indian
who staid with me would carry me a few rods, and
then I would go as many, telling me I would die if
he did not carry me, and I must tell the English how
kind he was.
When we came to the first house there was no
inhabitants; the Indian and I were both spent and
discouraged, he said we must now both die ; at last he
left me alone, and got to another house, from whence
came some French and Indians, who brought me in ;
the French were very kind, putting my hands and
feet in cold water, and gave me a dram of brandy,
and a little hasty-pudding and milk; when I tasted
victuals, I was very hungry, but they would not suffer
me to eat too much ; I lay by the fire with the Indians
that night, yet could not sleep for pain ; next morning
the Indians and French fell out about me, the Indians
saying that the French loved the English better than
the Indians. The French presently turned the Indians
out of doors, being very careful of me, and all the
men in the town came to see me : Here I continued
three or four days," and was invited from one house to
another, receiving much civility from a young man,
who let me lie in his bed, and would have bought me,

INTRODUCTION. 43
but the Indians demanded a hundred pounds ; we tra
velled to a place called Surril [Sorel], whither this
young man accompanied me to prevent my being
abused by the Indians ; he carried me on the ice one
day's journey, for now I could not go at all ; when we
came to the place the people were kind.
Next day being in much pain ; I asked the Indians
to carry me to the chirurgeon, as they had promised ;
whereat they were very angry, one taking up his gun
to knock me down, but the French would not suffer
it, falling upon them and kicking them out of doors ;
we went away from thence to a place two or three
miles of, where the Indians had wigwams ; some of
them knew me and seemed to pity me : While, I was
here, which was three or four days, the French came
to see me, and (it being Christmas time) they brought
me cakes and other provisions ; the Indians tried to
cure me, but could not ; then I asked for the chirur
geon, at which one of them in anger struck me on the
face with his fist ; a Frenchman being by, who spoke
to him some words, and went his ways ; soon after
came the captain of the place to the wigwam, with
about twelve armed men, and asked where the Indian
was that struck the Englishman, and seizing him, told
him, he should go to the Bilboes, and then be hanged :
The Indians were much terrified at this, as appeared
by their countenance and trembling; I would have
gone away too, but the Frenchman bid me hot fear,
the Indians durst not hurt me.
When that Indian was gone, I had two masters still,
I asked them to carry me to that captain, that I
might speak in behalf of the Indian ; they answered, I
was a fool, did I think the Frenchmen were like the
English, to say one thing and do another ? they were
men of their words ; but at length I prevailed with

44 INTRODUCTION.
them to help me thither, and speaking to the captain
by an interpreter, told him, I desired him to set the
Indian free, declaring how kind he had been to me ;
he replied, he was a rogue, and should be hanged;
then I privately alleged, that if he were hanged, it
might fare the worse with the English captives ; the
captain said, that ought to be consider' d, whereupon
he set him at liberty, upon condition he should never
strike me more, and bring me every day to his house
to eat victuals; I perceived the common people did
not approve of what the Indians acted against the
English : When he was free, he came and took me
about the middle, saying, I was his brother, I had
saved his life once, and he had saved mine (he said)
thrice ; he then called for brandy, and made me drink,
and had me away to the wigwam again : When I
came there, the Indians one after another shook hands
with me, and were very kind, thinking no other but I
had saved the Indian's life.
Next day he carried me to the captain's house, and
set me down ; they gave me victuals and wine, and
being left there awhile by the Indians, I shewed the
captain and his wife my fingers, who were affrighted
thereat, and bid me lap it up again, and send for the
chirurgeon, who when he came, said, he would cure
me, and dressed it : That night I was full of pain, the
French were afraid I would die, five men did watch
me, and strove to keep me chearful, for I was some
times ready to faint ; oft-times they gave me a little
brandy. The next day the chirurgeon came again, and dressed
me, and so he did all the while I was among the
French, which was from Christmas till May. I con
tinued in this captain's house till Benjamin Wait
came and my Indian master (being in want of money)

INTRODUCTION. 45
pawned me to the captain for fourteen beavers, or the
worth of them, by such a day ; which if he did not
pay, he must lose his pawn, or else sell me for one
and twenty beavers^ but he could get no beaver, so I
was sold, and (in God's good time) set at liberty, and
returned to my friends in New England again."
It fortunately happened that at this juncture, the
governor of Canada had occasion to ask a favor of the
English. M. Basire, a prominent merchant at Que"
bee, had died, and as navigation was closed by ice in
the St. Lawrence, there were no means of communi
cating this intelligence to his business partners in
Europe, but through some port in the English colonies.
The opportunity was thus offered for an interchange
of civilities and mutual professions of " distinguished
consideration." On the return of the agents and the ransomed cap
tives, they were furnished with an escort of eleven
men,, and set out on the 19th of April, 1678, traveling
leisurely, stopping to hunt as occasion required, and
occupying sixteen days in crossing the lake. Two
days more brought them across the portage to the
Hudson, and on the 22d of May they arrived safely in
Albany. From this place Stockwell addressed a letter
to his wife, announcing their safe return thus far, and
on the next day again Wrote, urging his friends to
come on and meet the party, and to fi stay not for
sabbath or shoeing of horses."
Intelligence of the safe arrival and probable success
of the agents, had been received at Albany in Febru
ary, and doubtless became known at Hatfield, soon
after. The company tarried at Albany from Wednes
day till Monday, when they set out on foot, and at
Kinderhook, about twenty miles distant, were relieved

46 INTRODUCTION.
by horses that had been sent forward upon receiving
news of their approach.
At Westfield they were met by their friends and
neighbors, and their passage homeward was nothing
short of a triumphal procession. Every neighborhood
turned out to welcome the returning captives, and,
shared with enthusiasm in the general rejoicing.1
Five of the French escort went on with the party,
and continued their journey to Boston, having busi
ness with the government respecting some of their
nation who were said to have been brought into that
port as prisoners. The other six of the escort remained
in Albany awaiting the return of their companions,
and were meanwhile enjoying the hospitalities of the
town. The commandant improved" this opportunity
by prying into the resources and condition of the
Canadians, and comforted himself with the hope that
the colony of Massachusetts would reimburse the ex
penses which this, hospitality involved. This subject
subsequently became a theme of unpleasant recrimi
nation, as it may have been one of unavailing regret.
At the May term of the general court of Massachu
setts, the governor and magistrates reported the return
of the agents with the captives, and stated that great
charges would arise for their redemption. They com
mended the case to the people of the several towns,
and invited them to contribute to the fund. Anthony
' Stottard, John Joyliffe, and Captain John Richards,
were appointed trustees to receive contributions, and
the sum of three hundred and forty-five pounds, one
shilling, and four pence, was raised from forty-six towns
and places. Boston gave one hundred and nine pounds

l Hoyt's Indian Wars, 146 ; Hubbard's Gen. Hist. N. E. ; Holland's
West. Mass., i, 135.

INTRODUCTION. 47
and a fraction, Portsmouth twenty pounds, Dover
eleven, Charlestown fifteen, and Cambridge thirteen.
It is remarked that the Isle of Shoals gave more than
Salem, Kitteny as much as Lynn, Ipswich more than
Charlestown, and Hull as much as Andover, Glouces
ter, Topsfield or Salisbury.1

l Drake's Hist. Boston, 431.

ATTACK

UPON

HATFIELD AND DEERFIELD.

PAPERS

Letter from Major John Pynchon1 to Captain
Sylvester Salisbury.
[New York Colonial MSS., xxvi.]
[Addressed : " These ffor his Honored ffriend
Cap* Salisbury : Commander in Chiefe at ffort
Albany. Hast. Post hast, for his Matie8 Spe
cial Service."] Springfield Octobr 5th 1677
Capt Salisbury ,
Worthy Sr Yestarday Morning I Reca yor kind

1 The writer of this letter came to Springfield when but ten years • of
age, and grew up with interests and sympathies closely identified with
those of the frontier settlers. He became a prominent actor in the
public measures of the day, and his name occurs in connection with
many Indian purchases and other transactions at Springfield, and among
the other river towns. He was on almost every commission and com
mittee, was a magistrate in the local courts from the age of twenty-six
till his death," and spent the greater part of his life actively and usefully
employed in the public service. For a considerable period he was the
chief in command of the military force of the county, was repeatedly

52 HATFIELD AND DEERFIELD.
lines by Benja Waite,1 whereby I vnderstand yor sym
pathy with vs in or sad disaster by ye Indians ; & yor
readiness in making great Inquiry & greate forward
ness to do what Possible lys in yor for vs woh I haue
abundant cause to acknouledge & doe most thankfully
accept frm yor hands, & as to yor opinion of the Ma-
quas being free, & assureing me of their Innocency, I
doe fully concur wth you having sattisfaction frm what
you wrot & frm Ben Waites Relation. But to put it out
of all doubt, God in his p'vidence hath sent in one of
8 captivated men, Benoni Stebbings by name, w°h is

chosen an assistant of the colony, was one of the council of New Eng
land in the time of Andros, and was named a councilor under the new
colonial charter.
These several duties he sustained with great ability, and his name was
r. household word, not only in his county but throughout New England.
During the long period that he sustained these trusts, he was never
known to omit any opportunity of promoting the public good, or in the
least suspected of preferring his own to the general welfare. Enjoying
the public confidence which he so well merited to the last, loved,
honored, and revered, he closed his earthly career at Springfield, in
1703, at' the age of seventy-six.
His father, William Pynchon, alike the founder of Roxbury and
Springfield, and one of the original patentees of Massachusetts bay, was
at one period treasurer of the colony, and also held several colonial and
local offices. He is known among theological writers as the author of a
book containing views peculiar to himself upon certain doctrinal points.
He died at Wragsbury on the Thames, in Buckinghamshire, Eng.( in
October, 1662, aged about seventy-two. The Pynchon family residence,
the first brick structure in the valley, was erected in 1662, and torn
down in 1831. Its picture is preserved in the seal of the city of Spring
field.— Holland's West. Mass., i, 144, 162; Bradford's New Eng. Biog.,
344; Young's Chron. of Mass., 283; Farmer's Genea. Reg.; Mass. Rec.
[Passim); Mass. Hist. Coll., xvi, 308; ib., xviii, 228, 249 ; ib., xxviii, 248,
288, 294, Src En.
IFrom this it appears that Waite repaired' to Albany immediately
after the attack upon Hatfield, probably to ascertain whether the assail
ants were Mohawks. - The opinion at first prevailed that they were such,
but this was soon settled by the return of Stebbins.

HATFIELD AND DEERFIELD. 53
ye occasion of these lines to yrselfe by Post, to give
you an acco4 thereoff & to desire you to put ye MaqUas
vpon ^sueing their & our Enymys there being greate
likelyhood of ye Maquas overtaking ym.
Benoni Stebbings came in to Hadly last night in v"
night, whose relation was sent to me w"11 being but an
houre since I had it, I fteently resolved vpon sending
Post to you. Take his relation as followeth. The
company of Indians was Twenty only about sixe or 7
squas made 26, in all. They were this country Indians
belonging to Nalwotogg1 all of ym but one a Narrigan-
set. They came fr° Canada 3 Months agoe, & had bin
Hunting & were doubtfull whether to fall on North
ampton or Hatfield, at last resolved on Hatfield &
caryed away from Hatfield 17 f sons & 3 from Deerfield,
besides this man y* is come in, so y* they haue 20 cap
tives wth ym 3 of ym being men, & all well as he says
when they took ym at Deerefield, after the Noise &
Whoops were over at Deerefield, their first Inquiry
was whether there were any Maqvas there abouts &
vpon Information y* some had been there, & were
supposed not to be far off, they were all husht, &
startled & greately afraid & goeing silently away forth
wth, they tooke vp their Lodging at Deerefield River
mouth & next day crossed y" greate River viz* Conect-
icot to y" east side of it, the next day crossed ye River
againe,, afterwards, they Passed ye River many tymes
having cannoes wherein they carryed ye women &
children being about 2 days Journey above Squak-
heag,2 they sent a company of ym about halfe of ym to

1 Norwalk. A name evidently intended to be the same as this, is men
tioned in Stebbins's narrative, on a subsequent page of this book. Ed.
2 Northfield.

54 HATFIELD AND DEERFIELD.
Nashaway,1 to call of some Indians y* haue bin there
all this tyme of ye war & took this Benoni Stebbings
along wth ym thither.2 Coming to Nashaway Ponds,
there were 3 Indian men & about halfe a score of
squaws wth there children these they went too to take
along wth ym having travelled from y" company they
left 2 days to Squakheag & then fro™ Squakheag some
what more than thirty miles to ym Indians neere
Nashaway who Pluckt up their stakes having Plenty
of fish especially eeles, & many dryed huckleberrys
but no corne : This Benoni being sent wth 2 women
to carry Huccle berrys ; Ran away from them, & was
fteently f)sued by some men & at one tyme was but a
swamp betweene ym but night comeing on he escaped
from his Issuers : He says y* one of ye Indians y* they
had from about Nashaway Ponds, semes to be a coun
sellor, & wth him they consulted much & spake of
sending to ye English, but a last resolved for Canada
yet talk* of making a forte a greate way vp the River
& abiding there this winter, talked also of carving the
captives to ye French & selling ym to ye French which
he concludes they resolved on, but make but slow
Passage, having so many women & children : He con
cluded it would be, it may be, 20 days er they get to
ye Lake hunting by ye way. It was Tuesday morning
last that he escaped from ye ffty w* caryed him with
them nere Nashaway, & they had above 30 miles to
goe back to Squakheag, & then neere 2 d. Journey

1 Nashua was the earliest settlement in the southern part of New
Hampshire, and was incorporated in 1673. During Philip's war it was
abandoned. Ed.
2 Alluding to the^ visit made to Wanalancet of Naamkeke, who re
moved on the same day that Hatfield was attacked. Ed.

HATFIELD AND DEERFIELD. 55
more to ye rest above Squakheag : Ye way he says vp
this River is vnpassable for English men & their goe
ing is by Barken cannoes much of ye way & then to
ye best side of ye River men foote it leaving ye worst
way : The unpassableness of ye way this way renders
it vnpossible for us to ^sue or doe any good : But ye
conveying speedy word to ye Maquas gives not only
a Possibility but a fibability of their overtaking ym
w011 Deare Sr is ye end of these lines to you ; To request
yd" (if none of ye Maqua Sachems be at Albany) to
send at or charge to ye Chiefe of ye Maqvas, & give ym
an acco' of matters, & desire their speedy ^sueing
these Bloody Villains & enymys of ym & forthwith &
without any delay, by which meanes I hope this Bar
barous Crew (who are enemys to Religion Civillity &
all' humanity & haue so deepely Imbrued their hands
in most Innocent Blood) -may be met w*11 in their
returne, before they come to ye Lake or at ye Lake &
so or captives Recovered for wch we shall give ye Ma-
ques suitable rewards. Good Sr put forward y9 Maques
to surprise & cut of these villaines. Let ym know y*
it will be a greate demonstration of their fidelity &
friendship to vs & it is a very Lukey opportunity for
ym to kill & catch Indians whom they so much hunt
after. And this man y* is come horn says they dread
Maquas, & all their feare was least some Maquas should
¦^sue ym they did not expect or think y* English could,
& desired to get out of ye Maquas way at first goeing off
frm Deerefield & thinkeing they were got high enough
vp from them  a little ye more secure & at rest :
so y* now I beleeve they are at ease & will make so
slow Egress having beside or women & children a ^sell
of their owne women & children to clogg ym y* they
may safely be taken And the- lighting upon & destroy
ing this company of ye enemy (being as it is said 17

56 HATFIELD AND DEERFIELD.
men y* is come in ye remaining strength of this River
Indians) will be a breaking Blow to ym & a greate
meanes of oT security I Pray sr doe what you can to
Ingage ye Maqvas to goe out forthwith to deale effect
ually in it we desire to do or duty & to waite for y"
salvation of God:
Sr excuse my scribling I am in great hast to send
away ye Messenger to Westfield this Night: bee the
speed in getting ye Maques to goe out upon ye Enymy
before they get on ye Lake is all in all : If they can
but come vp with ym it will be easy to take ym : for I
tell you their strength as y6 man relates, & how they
are clogged wth women & children I doubt not of yor
helpfullness in this exigence wch will abundantly Ingage
vs & wth greate Readyness shall sattisfie what ye dis
burse: Wth my endeared Love & Respects to you
commending you to y6 fitection of ye Almighty God,
I remaine Sr Yor very Loving ffriend & servant
John Pynchon.
Ben Waite is gon home before this Intelligence. cam
to me. He talkt of goeing to Canada before & I sup
pose will rather be forward to it now then Backward.
Posible he may be at Albany about a fortnight hence
in referance to a going to ye French when if I be not
gon to Boston (w011 1 have some thoughts to doe next
weeke) I shall have some opportunity againe to write
to you Vale.
J. P.

HATFIELD AND DEERFIELD. 57

Narrative of Benoni Stebbins.
[New York Colonial MSS., xxv.]
Benonie Stebbins which was taken captive by the
Indians at Dearfield 12 miles from Hatfield related as
followeth That the Indians that took him weare al Norwooluck1
Indians saue only one which was a Naraganset. They
were 26 in al 18 of them fighting men the rest 2 squas
old men & boys. They told him that they had liued
at the French & intended to return there again to sel
the captiues to them w°h had Incouradged them that
they should haue eight pound ^ peece for them and
the french Indians did intend to come wth them the
next time either in the spring or in winter if they had
sucses this time.
The manner of his escape was thus When they
came 2 days journey aboue Squakheag they sent part
of their company to Wotchuset hills to fetch away 2
smal compeny of Indians that had liued there al this
war time with whom they sent this captiue he being
sent with 2 squas and a mare to fetch some hucleberies
a litle way from the company when he got vpon the
mare and rid till he tired the mare & then run on foot
& so escaped to Hadly, being 2 days & J wthout victuals.
This relation was taken from his mouth at North
ampton 6th Instant
P M Samll Eells.

1 Norwalk, see page 53, ante. Ed.

58 HATFIELD AND DEERFIELD.

Letter from Governor Frontenac of Canada
to Governor Andros of New York.1
[New York Colonial MSS., xxvi.]
[Endorsed "A Copie of a Letter dated No. 18th
1677 from the Governor of Canada, to the
Governor of N. Y. A Copie of another Jan
8, following."] From Quebec, the 18th day of 9br 1677.
Sr Sending now to Boston, to bee informed concern
ing some Frenchmen, who we heafe have beene car-
ryed Prisoners there, I was willing to take advantage
of this occasion, to give you new assurances of my
service, & of the good correspondence, which I desire
to keepe with you.
If in that I follow the orders of the king my master,
I also at the same time, satisfy my particular Inclinacon
to let you know with how much truth & passion I am
Yor thrice humble servant
Frontenac.
Superscription as below. From Quebec the 8th Jan 1678.
Sr The death of Mr Basire one of the principall
negotiators of this place, obliging mee to give speedy

i Sir Edmond Andros, at this period governor of New York, received
in the autumn of 1677, a letter from the Duke of York, granting him
permission to visit England during the winter. Upon consulting with
the members of the general court of assizes, at their session in October,
the condition of the colony was deemed sufficiently settled to justify his
absence, and he accordingly sailed on the 17th of November. The
government in the meantime devolved upon Anthony BrockhoUs, until
the governor's return in the following summer. Ed.

HATFIELD AND DEERFIELD. 59
notice thereof to his partners in France, I thought the
way of the Manhatans or Boston to bee the speediest,
& the good correspondence that you have allwayes
manifested a desire to entertaine betweene us makes
me hope that you will direct those I shall send, the
best way to have my Letters carry ed into old England
to be sent over from thence by the first vessells. I
desire then sr that favor of you & that you will beleeue
that if in Returne, I were capable of rendring you
service in these parts, I would doe it with as much joy
as I am with passion, Sr Your servant, thrice ¦
humble Frontenac.
To Monsr the General Major
Andros, Goveno of New York
at Manath.

Extract from the Council Minutes.
[Council Minutes, iii, Part 2, p. 176.]
At a Councell No. 10th 1677.
Lett™ from Albany by Claes Luck who brought
down two Englishmen that were sent from the Gov.
of Boston to Albany & Canada.
Benjamin Waite owne of the two men sent downe
being called in and examined what there businesse was
at Albany saith that they were sent by their Mastrs
towards Canada and had directions to goe to Albany
and brought a lettr from the Governor of Boston to
Cap* Salisbury, they went that way to avoyd their
enemies. Being demanded of the discourse between

60 HATFIELD AND DEERFIELD.
them and some at Schanectade they saying that place
did belong to Boston, the wch he denyes pretending it
some mistake, they not understanding one anothers
Language. Being askt why they went away without comming
againe when Cap* Salisbury ordered them to come, sa
they were not willing to be hindred but to make the
best of their Journey.
Stephen genning the other being askt why they
went away without speaking againe to Cap* Salisbery
as he bad them.
He saith they were sent by the Governo* of Boston
towards Canada & had orders to come by Albany, and
that Cap* Salisbury gave them no encouragement
whereupon being desirous to follow their directions,
hopeing to finde their wives and Children, they went
on their Journey. Denyes saying Schanectade did
belong to Boston &c but says they not understanding
on another well Might Mistake.
The Matter being taken into consideracon
Resolved, that they be permitted to proceed on their
voyage wo11 way they shall think proper, for wch order
to bee sent to the Commander at Albany.

HATFIELD AND DEERFIELD. 61

Letter from Timothy Cooper to Major
John Pynchon.
[New York Colonial MSS., xxvii.]
[Endorsed: ," Copie of a Lett' from Mr Tim0
Cooper to Major Pinchon sent doune by Cap*
Salisbury: Capt* Salisbury writt so by order
of Councell Mar. 18 1677."]
Albany ffebry 14th 167$
Most Worthy Major
Sr Having now this occasion by two french from
Canady who arryved here the 14th Instant beeing about
12 dayes since they cam from Canaday & now bound
for Boston, I were willing to imbrace the occation
knowing it my duty not to omitt any opportunity
whereby I may in som small measur Maniefest the
great desyer I allwayes have to serve yor worshipp to
the utmost of my Capacity: having no other way at
present to expresse the same then the presenting you
w*11 these few lynes, whereby to Informe you wee have
by these ffrench Intelligence of Benjamen Wait and
the oyrs Save arryvell att Canada : and also thar wyves
& children restored unto ym, the rest y* were Living
are redeemed from under the Indians, ther is three
of the Companie dead that is 2 children & the old man
the oy1' are all in good heallth : Benj : Waitt, and the
oyr, have vndergon much Trobule, & hard ship great
pairt of which I will not say, it was only to satisfie
some base minded persones. Though it hath now
pleased God, to mak up all the Trobles they have met
wtb by restoring to them thar wyves, & children.

62 HATFIELD AND DEERFIELD.
I pray God, thay May find more favor, and Civell
respect, from the peopell they are now among, then
they have in some oyr plac, of which I conclud you
have already hard, and therfor at present I shall not
relait to you the Cercumstance and Maner of ther
vsage. But it was such as I think it fare below Christ
ianity, or common Civility. Sr I begg yor pardon In
what I omitt, in reference to oyr Concernes, not having
tym, to Inlarge, at present; But assure you, I am not
unmyndfull of my Trust, but shall Indevor w*11 Gods
assistance to discharge the same, to the good satisfac
tion of all. So with my humble service to yor self &
good Lady, I take Leave to style my self Sr
Yor Most humble & obedient
Serv* Timo: Cooper
Subscribitur

Passport of Monsieur Lusigny.
[New York Colonial MSS., xxvii.]
[Endorsed: "Copie of the Governo* of Canada's
Passeport for Mons1 Lusigny who conveyed
the English prison18 taken by the Indians at
Hadley, Hattfield &c. Apr 30th 1678."]
Le Compte de Frontenac Gouverneur et Lievte
Gnall Pour sa Ma*' en Canida, Accadie, Isle Terre-
neuve, et autres pais de la Nouvelle France.
Nousz avon donne conge et passeport au Sr de Lusig-
nij, l'un de nos Gentilshomm.es domestiques a qui
nouz avons donne le Commandement de Lescorte des
Prisonniers Anglois, faiter par Les Sacoquis que nouvs
ranvoions pour aller a Orange, et de la a Boston, nego-

HATFIELD AND DEERFIELD. 63
tier aupres de Monsieur le gouverneur Les affaires
dont nous L'avoner charge, Ordonnons a tous ceux sur
oui nostre pouvoir sistend et Prions tous autres de
Laisser seureme et Libreme passer Led6 Sr de Lusigny
avec Lescorte et les anglois quil conduit saner le faire
aucun trouble nij empescheme mais au Contraire, leur
donner toute sorte d'aide faveur et assistance. En
Temoin de . . nous^avons Signe Lejnt Passe
port a ici luy fait poses Le Cachet de nos armes et
contresigner Par lun de nos Secret108 a Quebec le
trente avril mil six soix*e dix huit
Subseribitus, Frontenac
Par Monseigneur Barrois.
Translation.
"The Count de Frontenac, Governor and Lieutenant
General for His Majesty in' Canada, Acadia, Newfound
land and. other territories of New France.
We have given leave and passport to Sieur de Lusig
ny, one of the gentlemen of our household, to whom
we have entrusted the command of an escort of English
prisoners taken by the Sacoquis, and whom we send
back, to go to Albany and Boston to negotiate with
his Honor the Governor the business with which we
have charged him. We command all those within
our jurisdiction, and request all others, to allow the
said Sieur de Lusigny with the escort and the English
whom they conduct to pass without hindrance and to
render them every aid and assistance.
In witness whereof we have signed this passport,
sealed it with our arms and countersigned it by one
of our secretaries at Quebec this thirtieth day of April,
1678 Frontenac
By M. Barrois."

64 HATFIELD AND DEERFIELD.
Military Strength of Canada, in 1678.1
[New York Colonial MSS., xxvii.]
[Endorsed: "ARelacon of the forces at Canada
from one of the French men in May 1678."]
Being in a discourse wth Monsr de la Chambre, (one
of Count de Frontenacs Guards) did relate that they
had 25 men Office" & all in the Garrison of Quebec
& 33 Guns in the ffort, & in the Battery that is below
the ffort, whereof 4 of the biggest (of 9lb buUit) were
not mounted; At troy Rivers,2 some very few Gunns
& 6 men with a serjeant, At Mont Royall3 likewise
a small Fort wth 8 men, both Townes having Gov™
placed by Frontenac:
There are 6 or 8 Cap*8 belonging to the place, who
have the Comand upon occasion of the Companyes
belonging to the Colonye wch are roused in time of
warre & are to bee in redinesse. The Fort at Que
bec is not now strong the opening the Bastions being
bloune up wth powder last S* Johns day, with the losse
of 9 men, & is not yet built up. He sayes they have
not a strong Fort in Canada, but the Fort Cadarach-
que4 is strong:
The Go : Frontenac hath some 8 or 10 Gent1 who

1 The resources of Canada were reported by M. du Chesneau to M. de
Seignelay the minister, on the 10th of November, 1679, as follows :
" The general census gave 9,400 persons, of whom 515 were in Acadia ;
21,900 arpens of land under cultivation, 6,983 horned cattle, 145 horses,
719 sheep, 33 goats, and 12 asses. Of firearms there were reported 1,-
840 guns, and 159 pistols."— N. Y. Col. Doc., ix, 136. Ed.
2 Three Rivers. Ed. 3 Montreal. Ed.
4 Cataraqui, now Kingston. Ed.

HATFIELD AND DEERFIELD. 65
doe keepe him Compa, and doe eate at his Table daily,
he hath 16 men to bee his Guard & all other officers
in his house, as our Earles have in Engld this is what I
have learnt at present having not yet fully discoursed
with him, the rest you shall have f the next.

Letter from Capt. Salisbury to Capt. BrockhoUs.
[New York Colonial MSS., xxvii.]
Sr Upon the 22th of this Instant came to this
Place Benjamin Wayt k Stephen Gennings with 19
of those people y* were taken by y" Indians at Had-
feilde & Hadly & have for there convoy 11 ffrench men
3 of them belonge to ye Gov" of Cannada garde & those
3 with other 2 goeth with those people to Boston. The
other 6 staye heere untill ye 5 doeth come backe hau-
ing passes & letrs of credence, and to detaine them I
coulde not see any strength to doe it, therefore I desire
you'l spedy answer by this expresse, wheather I shall
detaine them & sende them down at there Returne for
I woulde be punctiall in my Dewty, and not willing to
committ any Errors, soe yor spedy answer of my Laste
as Well as of this will be a very greate help to let me
see how I shall Govern myselfe.
I haue Descoursed with Benja Wayte Consarning
there liueing in Canada & how strong in men & in
there ffortifycations & as to there liueing its very
meaine for the Commonallity are very much oppresed
with greate taxes, but the Gour and ye resteof the
greate ones, Hues hy after the French manner and so
there strenth of men thay cane make 1000 or 2 but
thay Hue in littell villages haueing littell plantations
9

66- HATFIELD AND DEERFIELD.
here & there som 20 & 30 miles from villadge to
villadge & in som vil there is 20 & some 30 houses.
They Hue as Indians and gett there liueing by hunte-
ing and there fortifications ar not very stronge. I
woulde know wheather I shall beare there Expences
while there aboad is heer & I pray you let the bearers
be furnished with prouitions at ther Returne haueing
.not ffurther to inlarge but remaine your very humble
serv* Silves' Salisbury.
ffort Albany ye 23'h May 1678.

Letter from Capt. BrockhoUs to Capt. Salisbury.
[New York Colonial MSS., xxvii,]
Cap* Salisbury.
Sr I reed yors Yesterday in the Evening of the 28th
with the enclosed copies of passeports & Letter from
the Governor of Canada, wherein you intimate the
coming of 11 French men to Albany to convey Ben
jamin Wait & Stephen Gennings with the people that
were taken prisoners by the Indyans the last fall at
Hatfield & Hadley (who without doubt are joyfull to
returne back to their habitacons) withall that 5 of the
11 French -were gone forward to Boston with those
people, the other 6 remaining behind with you untill
the returne of their Comerades concerning ye carriage
to whom you desire to bee advised I have comunicated
what you writ &  Councell who are of
opinion that [there was] no need to have conveyed
those [men farther] than Albany, from whence you
might [have sent] persons with them to their homes.
The Comunicacon of the French with the Indyans

HATFIELD AND DEERFIELD. 67
as, they passe being to bee suspected, at that time of
so great a likelyhood of warrs with them and it would
haue beene well to have knowne what buisUesse they
had to negotiate with the Go: of Boston, but since
they are past it cannot bee helpt & it is hoped they
will doe no greate harme & there being as yet no
declaracon of warre knowne to [have been made and
their] coming . also upon so charitable an Ace* as the
Redemption & bringing back of poore distrested cap
tives of our nation I know not well upon w* pretence
they could bee stopt, so that it is therefore the opinion
of the Counsell, that when the other 5 shall bee re
turned back you use them with all civility & permitt
them quietly to returne back to Canada about their
occasions. As for their Expences at Albany it is like
wise thought fitt that you defray them for the present
& that they be cleared from it onely that you take
[account of the expense] & send it hither where care
wiU bee taken [to send] it to the Go : of Boston, who
ought to allow [the amount] it being for people of his
Governm*. There was an answer went yesterday to
the Comissioners of Alb. before the receit of this con
cerning the buisnesse of Will Teller1 & Will Lover-
edge with what else was written about by them.
Yor Messenger being dispatcht returnes this after-
noone Having not farther I remaine Sr yor very hum
ble serv* A. B.
N. Y. Sunday May 26. 1678.

1 Charged with accidental homicide of an Indian, and released May
20. Ed.

68 HATFIELD AND DEERFIELD.

Letter from Count Frontenac to Capt. Brock
hoUs, without date; received May 31, 1678.
[N. Y. Colonial MSS., xxvii.]
Sr The letter you did mee the honor to write mee
of the 28"1 of February last, is so civill & the offers
you make mee so obliging, that I am glad the sending
back of the English taken prison18 by the Indyans,
(who I caused to be conducted to Orange) hath fur-
nisht me with an opportunity to returne you my
thanks sooner than I expected.
I understood by the persons I sent to Boston as also
by the Letters from Go Leverett & the councell, that
the Frenchmen sent to enquire after were releast, &
by that from Cap* Salisbury that Go : Andros arrived
well at London in 5 weekes time. I wish him a
returne as happy & that I may find means to shew
both to him & you the desire I always haue to hold a
good correspondence in testifying both to the one &
the other how much I am,
Sr Yor thrice humble serv*
Frontenac.

HATFIELD AND DEERFIELD. 69

Letter from Capt. BrockhoUs to Count
Frontenac.
[N. Y. Colonial MSS., xxvii; Translated from the French.]
Sir. I have received yours by the hands of William
Davy and Peter Monteray, two of your people who
accompanied Captain de Lusigny to Albany on his
way to restore the English taken, prisoners by the
Indians to their families and friends.
Your great kindness in the redemption of these
poor unfortunates out of the hands of their enemies
merits great praise and gratitude from all Christians
and may God reward you, for it. I have charged your
people to return for me many thanks for the obliging
and generous civilities which you were pleased to
express in your letter.
We have received letters from Mr Andros our Gov
ernor at London, in which he states that he will soon
return, so that we expect him daily. The desire you
express for a friendly correspondence shall be recipro
cated on our part, and if in any thing I may be able
to render you service I shall have the pleasure of
showing how much I am
Your very humble & obedient servt A. B.
New York June 6, 1678.

INDEX.

Albany, Philip supposed to win
ter near,  16
Benj. Waite, visits to
enquire about prison
ers  22
government applied to
on account of Indian
invasion,  23
Mohawks conducted to
wards,  24, 25
war party arrives at  29
Ely and Waite visit  28
interview with Indians
at,  28
Ty nadis should have been
seen at,  28
Waite and Jennings ar
rive at on way to Cana
da  31
Waite and Jennings sent
back to,  32
redeemed captives arrive
at,  45
part of French escort re
main at, . . . ;  46
letter to commandant at, 51
Waite visits,  52
Waite expects to visit,. . 56
letter from,by Claes Luck, 59
men sent by way of, to
Canada  59
Waite and Jennings sent
to  60
letter from Timothy Coop
er at,  61
ill treatment of Waite and
Jennings in  62
Allis John, a child of, taken
prisoner,  21
Ambuscade of Capt. Lathrop, . . 15

Ammunition suspected to be
supplied from Canada
and N. Y  19
not sold by New York to
Indians  19
Andover contributes to pay ran
som,  47
Andros, Edward Pynchon one of
the council of,  52
notice of  58
letter to,  59
arrives in London,  68
news from, in London,. . 69
Angel, superstitious belief con
cerning  14
Apology for taking up Mohawks, 24
Arms worn at daily labor,. 13, 19
carried to meetings, .... 19
suspected to be supplied
from Canada and New
York, T  19
Ashpelon Indian chief,  21
kind to prisoners,  35
proposes to release Eng
lish prisoners,  38
angry at English,  38
Atchinson, John, killed,  20
Atherton, Rev. Hope, first min
ister at Hatfield  12
Barry, account of Indian attack, 14
Bartholomew, William, a child
of, taken prisoner, .... 21
Basire, M., death of,  45, 58
Bears killed (as the Indians be-
lieve)in answer to pray
er,  39
Bear's grease used to fry touch
wood,  39
Bedling, Samuel, wife and child
of, killed  20

72

INDEX.

Bilboes, Indian threatened to be
sent to  53
Biographical note, Maj. John
Pynchon,  51
William Pynchon  52
Biscuit, bag of, found near Lake
Champlain,  32
given to Stockwell, when
he is left,  41
Blessing asked by prisoners at
request of Indians, .... 39
Blome's History of America, ex
tract from,  34
Boston, Indians taken near, .... 24
misunderstanding of the
Dutch concerning, 31, 32
contributes to pay ran
som,.  46
Pynchon expects to visit, 56
French prisoners brought '
into,  58
men sent by government
of, to Canada  59
message sent by way of,
to France  59
French escort going to, . 65
business of French to, not
known at Albany, .... 67
Bradstreet, Mr., received grant
in' Hatfield  11
Brandy found in a deserted wig
wam, .....  32
given to prisoners, . . 42, 44
BrockhoUs, Col. , acting govern
or of New York,. . 27, 58
censures Capt. Salisbury, 28
letter to,  65
of, to Capt. Salisbury, 66
to, from Count Fron
tenac,  68
to Count Frontenac. . . 69
Buildings burned by Indians, 17, 20
inhabitants surprised
while erecting, ... 20, 21
Burning of Indian prisoners, ... 27
of English prisoners by
Indians,  33
of English prisoners re
solved on  37
Cataraqui, fort at,  64
Cakes given prisoners byFrench, 43
Cambridge contributes to pay
ransom,  47
Canada at peace with New Eng
land  18
Frontenac governor of, . . 18

Canada, governor of instructed
to keep at peace with
English colonies, .....
French in, jealous of Eng
lish colonies,  18
emissaries sent from, to
the Mohawks, 
part of the Mohawks en
ticed to, 
suspected of supplying
Indians with arms and
ammunition, 
Indian incursions from,
apprehended  19
policy of, with regard to
Indians,  20
prisoners purchased in, . 20
Indians' set out with pri
soners to,  21
Indians remove from the
Merrimack to,  21
enemy ascertained to be
from,  22
plan formed for a journey
to,  22
governor of Massachu
setts writes to governor
of,  22
Mohawks urged to fol
low Indians to, . . 23, 24
journey of Waite and
Jennings to,.. 30, 31, 32
hunters from, leave provi
sions at Lake Cham
plain  32
prisoners round in,  33
march of prisoners to,
33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38
Indians separate on ap
proaching,  39
treatment of prisoners in, 44
governor of, asks a favor
of English,  45
prisoners set out to re
turn from,  45
condition of, enquired
about  46
Indians come from,  53
Waite intends to visit, .. 56
letter from governor of,. 58
two men sent to,  59
news from Waite in, ... . 61
military strength of,  64
statistics of,  69
French escort arrives at, . 65
common mode of living, 65

INDEX.

73

Canada, taxes burdensome in,. 65
villages in,  66
Canoefound on Lake Champlain, 32
made at Lake Champlain, 39
bark, used by Indians, . . 55
Captive Indians, return of, so
licited,  25
Censure of Capt. Salisbury by
governor,  2S, 30, 69
Census of Canada in 1679  64
Chambly, Waite and Jennings
arrive at,  33
Sergeant l'lympton burn
ed near  33
prisoners arrive at,  42
Character of New Englanders, . . 13
of King Philip  13, 18
Charles the First, one of the
judges of,  14
Charles river, six Mohawks
taken up near, . . 23, 125
Charlestown contributes to pay
ransom  47
Chirurgeon promised to attend
prisoners  43
Christian Indians attacked by
Mohawks,  21, 23
Christians, danger of capture of,
for their ransom,  28
Christmas, prisoners in Canada
at time of,  43
Church estate granted to Hatfield 12
Churches, circumstances favor
able for,  13
Coleman John, wife and child
of, killed,  20
two children of, taken
prisoners,  21
Colonization, French scheme of, 20
Commandant at Albany dis
trusts errand of agents, 31
interrogates Frenchmen, 46
Commission given by Gov. Le
verett,  28
for visiting Canada,  31
Complaints between Canada and
New York mutual, .... 18
Connecticut valley, settlement in, 11
hostilities in  15
Indian warfare in,  16
Indians return to ravage, 22
Indians of, pay tribute to
Mohawks  30
Cooper John, killed,  20
Timothy, letter to Major
John Pynchon,  61 1
10

Corn taken off upon horses  36
Council minutes, extract from,. 59
Waite and Jennings ap
pear before  32
Councilor Pynchon appointed,, 52
Cromwell's general, Col. Goffe, . 14
Dance of Indians,  37
Danger creates a feeling of mu
tual dependence,  13
Davy, William, letter received
by  69
Deerfield attacked by Indians, . . 15
burnt by enemy  15
monument at,  15
Indians planting at, . . . . 16
attacked by Indians  21
force of the party that at
tacked,  21
prisoners, effort to re
cover, ;  26
Sergeant Plympton of,
burnt,  33
particulars of attack up
on,  34, 35
river crossed,  35
salmon ' expected to be
found two hundred
miles above,  39
river, Indians lodge at,. 53
attacked by Indians,  53
De la Chambre, M. account of
Canada,  64
De Lusigny, Capt., accompanied
by two Englishmen to
Albany,  69
Dennison Major, receives grant
in Hatfield  11
De Vos, Peter, Dutch interpreter, 28
Dickinson, Obadiah, and a child
of, taken prisoners, ... 21
leads Plympton to the
stake,  33
Dover contributes to pay ran
som,  47
Du Chesneau, report of, on Can
ada,  64
Dutch interpreter, De Vos, .... 28
at Schenectady distrust
the agents sent to Can
ada,  31, 60
Eating, custom of Indians con
cerning,  40
Eels caught by Indians at Nash
ua  54
Ells, Samuel, statement written
hj,  57

74

INDEX.

Ely, Samuel, visits Albany, .... 28
Emissaries of French among
MohawkSj  18
England at peace with France, . 18
letter by way of, to
France,  49
English colonies jealous of
French in Canada,  18
at peace with Indians, . . 19
should have their In
dians near them,  29
attacked at Deerfield, .... 34
prisoners well treated by
Ashpelon,  36
agree not to escape,. 37, 38
reported to .have taken
Uncas,  38
desired to pray for suc
cess in hunting,  39
Englishmen or Dutch should
attend Mohawks com
ing to Massachusetts,. 26
Escape from Indians attsmpt-
ed  35
of Stebbins at Wachu-
sett Hills, 38, 52, 53, 54
Escort from Canada furnished to
redeemed captives, ... 45
French, movements of, 46
Expenses of journey to Canada
to be paid by Mass., 22, 23
of following the enemy to
be repaid,  27
of escort at Albany how
paid  66
of French, to be charged
to Massachusetts  67
Falls fight,  12, 17
prisoners cross at the, . . 36
Fast day,"1 attack of Hatfield on, 14
Favor asked by French of Eng
lish,  45
Fields ravaged by enemy re-
occupied,  19
Five Nations, French emissa
ries among  19
Fishing, Indians said to be en
gaged in,  16
at Nashua  54
Foote, Mrs., and two children
taken prisoners,  21
daughter of, killed,  32
Forts in Canada, strength of, . . 64
Fortified villages of Indians,. . . 29
France at peace with JEngland, . 18
message to be sent to, . . . 59

French jealous of English colo
nies,  18
purchase English prison
ers  '  20
supposed to secretly fa
vor the Indians,  20
Indians set out with pri-
sonerstostttlements of, 21
settlements, English pri
soners arrive at, . . 33, 42
governor aids in recover
ing prisoners,  34
quarrel with Indians, .... 42
treat prisoners with kind
ness,  42, 43
escort, part of, go on to
Boston,  46
prisoners said to be
brought into Boston, . . 46
prisoners taken to Bos
ton,  58
escort with returning cap
tives,  65
suspected of communi
cating with Indians, . . 66
prisoners released,  68
Frenchmen, letter sent by two, 61
met upon Lake Cham
plain,  40
Frontenac, Count de,  18
Gov., letter from,  58
passport from, to M-. Lu
signy,  62
relation of one of guards
of,  64
Count de, style of living, 64, 65
Gov., letter to Capt.
BrockhoUs,  68
Count, letter to, from
Capt. BrockhoUs  69
Fund raised to pay expenses of
redemption of captives, 46
Fur trade, struggle for monopoly
of, . . ,  18
General Court, declaration to, by
• Hatfield settlers,  11
Hatfield represented in, . . 12
approves of plan for re
covering Hatfield pri
soners  22
orders expenses of send
ing to Canada to be de
frayed,  46
Gloucester contributes to pay
ransom,  47

INDEX.

75

Goffe, Col. Wm., traditional ac
count of,  14
Gookin, Maj. Daniel, Indians
under care of, taken,. 27
Governor of Canada,  18
aids in recovering prison
ers,  34
has a favor to ask of Eng
lish  45
letter of,  58
of Mass. authorizes jour
ney to Canada,  23
gives letters and commis
sion for visiting Cana
da  31
of N. Y. repels charge of
supplying Indians, ... 19
Grain left at Deerfield, attempt
to recover,  15
Gratitude of an Indian at inter
cession of Stockwell, . . 44
Graves, Sergeant Isaac, killed,. 20
Great Falls, Indians planting at, 16
Hadley, settlers from, found
Hatfield,  11
divided  12
taxes in  12
reported attack on  14
Capt. Appleton stationed
at  15
Capt. Lathrop command
ing at  15
saved from attack by ar
rival of troops,  16
attacked by Indians, .... 17
a party from, relieves
Hatfield  17
Indians fall upon,  38
return of Stebbins to, . . . 53
Stebbins escapes to,  57
Hampshire court grants church
estate to Hatfield,.... 12
Hanging, Indian threatened
with,  43, 44
Hardships of journey to Canada. 30,
32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37,
38, 39, 40, 41, 42
Harvard Coll., Rev. H. Atherton
a graduate of,  12
Hasseenernsett, attacked by Mo
hawks,  23
Hatfield, location of,  11
settled,  11
purchases in,  11
incorporated,  12
church estate granted, . . , 12

Hatfield purch ases from Indians, 12
taxes in,  12
relative importance of, . . 13
Indian warfare at  13
attacked by Indians, 13, 14
relieved by Goffe,  14
again attacked by In
dians  15, 16, 17
peace with Indians prior
to attack on  19
suspected of hostile de
signs,  19
attacked by Indians, 20, 22
force of the party that at
tacked,  ; . 21
plan for recovery of pri
soners taken at,  22
general court approves of
plan,  22
Mohawks invade Mass.,. 22
Mohawks urged to follow
the enemy to Canada,
23, 24, 25 26
Maj. Pynchon writes con
cerning mischief done
at,  26
prisoners, journey to re
cover,  31, 32, 33
Dickinson of, leads John
Plympton to the stake, 33
reported as destroyed, . . 35
news from prisoners ob
tained in winter,  45
Horses taken by Indians, . . 35, 36
devoured by Indians and
their prisoners,  38
sent to meet prisoners,. . 46
Hospitality to French escort,
demands for the reim
bursement of,  46
Houses burned at Northampton, 16
Hubbard's Hist, of Indian Wars
makes no mention of
relief of Hatfield,  14
Huckleberries dried by Indians, 57
Hull contributes to pay ran
som,  47
Humanity of Ashpelon  21
of French,  42, 43
Hunters, provisions left by  32
Hunting, Indians tarry for, .... 37
Indians have no success
in,  39
Hutchinson, Gov., account of
Indian attack, .... 13, 14
Ice on the northern lakes,  32

76

INDEX.

Ice forms on Lake Champlain, . 40
obstructs navigation in
St. Lawrence,  45
Indians, purchases of land from, 12
danger of attack from,. . 1.3
led by Philip of Mt. Hope, 13
attack Hatfield  13, 14
.attack Deerfield and
Northfield,  15
threaten Springfield  15
defeated at Hatfield, .... 15
continue warfare in the
Connecticut valley, .. . 15
burn Deerfield,  15
united colonies resolved
to finish the war with, 16
commit murders,  16
renew war in Connecticut
valley,  16
defeated at swamp fight, 16
attack Northampton, .... 16
threaten to attack Hat
field,  16
planting at Deerfield  16
attacked at the Great
falls  16, 17
massacre and destruction
of,  17
surprise Capt. Turner, . . 17
again attack Hatfield,. . . 17
attack Hadley,  17
dispirited by defeat,. ... 17
many yield to English, 17, 18
of New England sue for
peace,  18
trade with, coveted by
French and English, . . 18
French send emissaries
among,  18
settle near Montreal, .... 19
said to be supplied -from
Canada and N. Y.,... 19
nominally at peace with
New England,  19
apprehensions of attack
by, from Canada, .... 19
supposed to be secretly
encouraged to hostility
by French,  20
revenge of, for injuries, 19, 20
attack Hatfield,  20
attack Deerfield,  21
appear on the Merrimack
and persuade friendly
Indians to remove to
Canada,  21

Indians Mohawk invade Massa
chusetts  21, 23 25
Mohawk urged to pursue
the enemy, . . 23, 24, 25
Mohawk invade Mass., . . 27
return with prisoners, . . 27
prisoners probably burnt, 27
peace with precarious, . . 28
interview obtained with
Mohawk,  28
speech at a meeting of, . 29
of New England tribu
tary to Mohawks,  30
one of, acts as guide to
Canada,.,  32
pawn prisoners for liquor, 33
cruelty of, to prisoners, 33, 34
burn Sergeant Plympton, 33
progress of, returning
from Hatfield, 33, 34,
35, 36
captives redeemed from, 34
details of attack upon
Deerfield and Hatfield,
by,  34, 35
imitate the cry of birds
and animals,  35
mark upon trays the
number of their cap-.
fives and slain,  36
followed by English  36
divide into several par
ties,  36
stop above Squag to hunt, 37
have a dance and pre
pare to burn prison
ers  37
one of, taken sick,  38
Stebbins escapes from,. . 38
plans with regard to pri
soners,  38
separate for Canada, .... 39
sufferings and disappoint
ment in hunting, . 39, 40
request their prisoners to
pray,  .... 39
reduced to great extremi
ties,  39, 40
accustomed to eat all, . . 40
attempt to cross Lake
Champlain,  40
overtaken by a storm and
driven upon an island, 40
hold a powow to still the
tempest,  40

INDEX.

77

Indians abuse prisoners, 40, 41, 42
quarrel with French, .... 42
one of, arrested for abus
ing prisoners,  43
gratitude .to Stockwell
for his intercession, 43, 44
attack Hatfield,  52
come from Canada, .... 53
leave Naamkeke,... 54, 57
earnest efforts to induce
Mohawks to follow,
to Canada, ....54, 55, 56
intercourse with French
suspected,  66, 67
prisoners ransomed from, 69
Instructions of governor of Can
ada, 
Intercourse with Canada embar-
; rassed by government, 31
Ipswich contributes to pay ran
som,  47
Isle of Shoals contributes to
pay ransom,  47
Jealousies of Indian tribes  13
between French and Eng
lish colonies,  18
of New York concerning
Indian affairs,  30
of Capt. Salisbury,  31
Jennings, Stephen, wife and two
children taken prison
ers   21
journey to Canada, 30, 31, 32
sent to New York,  32
released and comes to
Albany,  32
arrives in Canada,  32
wife of, found at Sorel, . . 33
child of, killed by In
dians  33
visits Quebec,  34
appears before council, . . 60
released and sent to Al
bany,  60
ill-treated at Albany,  62
arrives in Albany,  65
Journey to Canada resolved up
on  22
expenses of, to be paid
by the colony  22
of Waite and Jennings, 30, 31, 32
of redeemed captives,
homeward,  45
Joyliffe, . John, trustee to re
ceive money,  46

Kellogg, Samuel, wife of, killed, 20
a child of, taken prison
er,  21
Kinderhook, prisoners met at
with horses,  45
Kitteny contributes to pay ran
som,  47
Lake Champlain, Waite and
Jennings cross,.  32
Indians cross, 33, 40, 41, 42
Lake George crossed, by canoe, 32
Lands, purchase of,  11, 12
Indians deprived of, 19, 20
Lathrop, Capt., slain by Indians, 15
Letter of Edward Rawson, ex
tract from,  22
from Maj. John Pynchon
to Capt. Sylvester Sa
lisbury  51
of Gov. of Canada to
Gov. ofN.Y.,..'.  58
from Timothy Cooper to
Maj. John Pynchon,.. 61
Capt. Salisbury to Capt.
BrockhoUs,  65
Capt. BrockhoUs to Capt.
Salisbury,  66
Count Frontenac to Capt.
BrockhoUs  68
Capt. BrockhoUs to Count
¦ Frontenac,  69
Leverett, Gov., commissions Ely
and Waite,  28
letters received from, ... 68
Liquor, prisoners pawned for. . 33
Louis XIV, instructions to Fron
tenac,  18
Loveredge, William, charged
with accidental homi
cide  67
Luck, Claes, letter by,  59
Lusigny, M. de, passport of, 62, 63
Lynn contributes to pay ran
som,  47
Macques (see Mohawks).
Magaehnah, Indians taken pri
soners near  27
Magoneog, Indians taken pri
soners near,  27
apology for attacking, ... 29
Manhattan, message by way of,
or Boston,  59
Maryland held conference with
Indians at Albany, .... 29
Massachusetts will protect her
Indians,  26

78

INDEX.

Massachusetts to be invaded by
Mohawks,  27
relations with New York
with regard to Indian
affairs,  30
commission and letters
from Gov. of,  ,31
called upon for repay
ment of expenses,  4G
"defrays expenses of send
ing to Canada,  46
Mather, Dr. Increase, publishes
Stockwell's narrative, . 34
Meals, blessing asked and thanks
returned by prisoners, 39
Merrimack, Indians appear at, . . 21
Message to Europe by way of
Boston  45
Military strength of Canada, ... 64
Milk given to sick prisoners,.. 42
Mohawks become active ene
mies to Philip  17
enticed to Canada,  19
invade Massachusetts, 21,
23, 25, 29
feared by the Indians at
tacking Hatfield, . . 21, 22
suspected of attacking
Hatfield and Deerfield, 22
taken up at Charles
river,  23
urged to pursue hostile
Indians,.. 23, 24, 25, 26
sent with message  24
cautioned against coming
to Massachusetts,  26
prepare to invade Massa
chusetts, . .'  27
agents of Massachusetts,
should not have visit
ed  30
exact tribute from New
England Indians,  30
Indians afraid of,  37
suspected of attacking
Hatfield  52, 53
urged to pursue enemy,
52, 53, 55, 56
a terror to North In
dians  55
Mohegans pay tribute to Mo
hawks,   30
Money raised by contribution, . 46
Monopoly of Indian trade  18
Monteray, Peter, letter received
"by,  69

Montreal, Indians settled near, . 19
fort at,  64
Monument at Deerfield,  15
Moose killed by Indians,  40
Moseley, Capt., relieves Hat
field,  15
Mountain, crossed by captive
trains,  39
Mount Hope, Philip of,  13
retires to,  18
Murders committed by Indians, 16
of prisoners by Indians, . 33
Naamkeke, Indians leave, . . 21, 54
Narragansetts defeated and scat
tered, . ,  16
Narragansett Indians attack Hat
field,  59
Indian in party attack
ing Hatfield,  '.. 57
Narrative of Benoni Stebbins,. . 57
of Quintin Stockwell,. . . 34
Nashua, settlement of,  54
Indians sent to,  54
Natick attacked by Mohawks, . . 23
Indians attacked by Mo
hawks,  25
under protection of Mas
sachusetts,  26
brought in prisoners by
Mohawks,  27
come to Albar.y,  29
Navigation closed in St. Law
rence,  45
New England villages,  13
social influence of, .... . 13
united colonies of, resolve
to finish the war  16
at peace with Canada, . . 18
relations of, with Cana
da  18
Indians sue for peace, ... 18
people expected to ran
som their own prison
ers,  28
people, reason of their
not ransoming pri
soners,  28
people acknowledged
kind,  29
prisoners return to,  45
New York relations with Cana
da,  18
repels charge of supply
ing the Indians,  19
suspected of supplying
Indians  19

INDEX.

79

New York, Indian correspond
ence with,  23, 24
Waite and Jennings sent
to,  32
Nolwotogg, Indians belonging to, 53
Northampton, Maj. Treat sta
tioned at,  15
attacked by Indians, ... 16
attack proposed upon, . . 53
Northfield attacked by Indians, 15
invading party of In
dians divide at,  33
prisoners stop at,  36
Indians above,  53
Norwalk, Indians formerly from, 53
attack Hatfield, ..... 57
Norwooluck Indians attack Hat
field  57
Order of general court respect
ing journey to Canada, 22
Otter broth given to Stockwell, . 41
Owls, Indians imitate the cry
of  35
Passport of Monsieur Lusigny, . 62
translation of,  63
Pawning of prisoners for liquor, 33
for fourteen beavers, .  43
Peace with New England In
dians,  18
between New England
and Canada  18
with Indians precarious, 28
Pecomptnck river crossed, .... 35
Philip of Mount Hope,  13, 16, 17
character, of,  13
winters near Albany, .... 16
betrayed and slain,  18
said to be supplied from
New York,  19
Philip's war, Nashaway aban
doned in,  54
Plunder not the sole cause of at
tack,  20
gathered for the march
to Canada,  21
taken off upon horses,. . 36
Plympton, Sergeant John, taken
prisoner,  21
selected for burning, 33, 37
prays at request of In
dians  39
Policy of French in Canada,  20
of Capt. Salisbury con
demned by BrockhoUs, 28
Poole, Capt,, relieves Hatfield,. 15

Portsmouth contributes to pay
ransom ,  47
Powder, New York people
charged with selling,. . 19
explosion of, at Quebec, . 64
Powows of Indians to gain suc
cess in hunting,  39
held to lull the storm, . . 40
Prayers to the Englishmen's
God requested,  39
Presents omitted at an Indian
council,  29
Prisoners, English, purchased
by French in Cana
da,  .'  20
testify to kindness of
Ashpelon,  21
efforts to folfow, 22, 23,
24, 25, 26, 27, 28
plans for rescuing,  23
Waite and Jennings sent
to New York as,  32
found in Canada  33
pawned for liquor,  33
threatened and cruelly
treated,  ;  33
march of, to Canada, 33,
34, 35, 36, 97
ransom of,  33
taken and led away by
Indians,  34
quarrels about ownership
of,  35
mode of securing by
night,  36
cross the river repeated-
iy,  37
tarry above Squag  37
threatened by Indians
with burning,  37, 38
suffer greatly from hun
ger,  38, 39, 40
requested to pray to the
Englishmen's God,... 39
ask blessing upon food
at request of Indians, . 39
cruelty to, . . 40, 41, 42, 43
French protect, from
abuse,  43, 44
pawned for fourteen bea
vers  45
set out for New England, 45
arrive at Albany,  45
met at Kinderhook,  45
welcomed at Westfield
and escorted home, . . 46

80

INDEX.

Prisoners, earnest efforts for re
covery of, ... . 54, 55, 56
English, ransom of, ... . 69
French, said to be brought
into Boston,  46
taken to Boston,  58
released,  68
Indian, brought in by
Mohawks,  27
Indian, probably burnt, . 27
Prosecutions for selling powder
to Indians, ..<  19
Provisions exhausted, 32, 38,
39, 40, 41
taken off upon horses, . . 36
Pudding made for sick prison
ers,. .%.  42
Puncapaway Indians under the
protection of Massachu
setts,  26
Pynchon, Maj. John, writes to
Mohawks,  26
letter of,  28, 29
covenant made with, ... 29
notice of,  51
letter to Capt. Silvester
Salisbury,  51
letter to, from Timothy
Cooper,  61
William, notice of,  52
Quarrel about prisoners,  36
Quebec, Waite and Jennings go
down to,  34
death of M . Basire at, . . . 45
letter from  58
Jameson at,  14
Raccoons killed for food, . . 32, 40
Rawson, Edward, letter from, . . 22
letter to Mohawks,  26
Reception of prisoners at West-
field,  46
Redemption of prisoners, a mo-
I tive for their capture,. 20
of prisoners,  22, 34
of captives repaid by or
der of General Court,. 46
Regicide, account of Gofle, .... 14
Revenge of Indians dreaded, 19, 20
Rhode Island, decisive Indian
battle in  16
Richards, John, trustee to re
ceive money,  46
Rivalry between English and
French colonies,  18
River crossed by Indians and
their prisoners, ... 53, 55

Roxbury founded by William
Pynchon,  52
Russell, Philip, wife and child
- of, killed,  20
Russel, Samuel, among Indians
in Canada  41, 42
probably killed by In
dians,  42
Salem contributes to pay ran
som  47
Salisbury, Capt. Sylvester, let
ter to,  24
writes that prisoners are
probably burned,  27
cruel neglect attributed to, 27
allows Ely and Waite to
go to Mohawks,  28
censured by Governor,. . 30
censurable conduct of, . . 31
letter to, from Maj. Pyn
chon,  51
letter from,  59
reasons for not obeying
the order of,  60
letter from,  65
letter to, from Capt.
BrockhoUs  66
writes to Count Fronten
ac  68
Salisbury, towu of, contributes
to pay ransom  47
Salmon, expectation of taking,
disappointed,  39
Scalp taking by Mohawks in
Massachusetts, ... 21, 25
Schenectady, war parties of Mo
hawks assemble near, .. 27
Dutch at, misunderstand
Waite and Jennings, 31, 32
Waite and Jennings ar
rested at,  •. . . 60
Schools, circumstances favor
able for,  13
Seal of Springfield, has the Pyn
chon house,  52
Smoke of burning buildings give
notice of the enemy,. . 17
Social influences of New Eng
land villages,  13
Society for Propagating Gospel
in Foreign Parts, esta
blish a mission among
Indians  26
Sorel, Jennings' wife found
near,  33

INDEX.

81

Sorel, prisoners taken to,  43
South Kingston, swamp fight
in,  16
Speech of Indian at treaty, .... 29
Springfield, danger of attack by
Indians,  15
early settlement of,. 51^ 52
letter from  51
Saquahog, prisoners stop at, . . . 36
Squag, Indians stop at,  37
Squakeag, Stebbins escapes from
the Indians near, . . 54, 55
Indians above,  53, 57
Starvation, prisoners reduced to,
33, 38, 39, 40, 41
Stebbins, Benoni, taken prison
er by Indians,  21
report brought back by, . 22
escape of,  38, 54
narrative of,  57
Stockades around villages,  13
Stockwell, Quintin, taken pri
soner by- Indians,  21
narrative of,  34
altercation about -making
a garment  37
selected for burning, ... 37
frozen  39
prays at request of In
dians,  39
abused because unable to
eat his portion,  40
abused by Indians, 39,
40, 41, 42
intercedes with French
for Indians,  44
writes from Albany to
his friends in Mass.,. . 45
returns to New England, 45
Stoddart, Anthony, trustee to
receive money,  46
Storm on Lake Champlain, .... 40
Sudbury, Indians taken prison
ers near,  27
Sun, friendship compared with, 29
Surgeon, promised to attend
prisoners,  41, 43
employed to attend
Stockwell,  44
Surprise of Indians at the Great-
falls,  17
Swamp fight at South Kingston, 16
Suavo-Maug river, salmon ex
pected to be found at, 39
Tabiadouson, Tyados,  27
Taxes in Hatfield  12
11

Taxes burdensome in Canada,. 65
Teamsters ambuscaded,  15
Teller, William, charged with
accidental homicide, . . 67
"The Farms "in Hatfield,  11
Three Rivers, fort at  64
Tobacco, pipe of, promised, .... 41
Topsfield contributes to pay ran
som  47
Torture, prisoners saved from,
by Ashpelon,  21
of Indian prisoners,  24
inflicted by savages,  33
proposed for captives, . . 38
Touchwood eaten,  39
Transportation of Indians be
yond seas, report of, . . 39
Treachery of Indians at Spring
field  15
suspected,  19
Treason, Waite and Jennings
charged with,  32
Treat, Maj!, relieves Hatfieid,.. 15
Treaties between France and
England,  18
Tribute paid to Mohawks by
Massachusetts Indians, 30
Trustees appointed to receive
money,  46
Turner's Falls, attack upon In
dians at  16, 17
Turner, Capt., slain by Indians, 17
Tynadis, Chief, should have
been seen about pri
soners,  28
United Colonies resolved to fi
nish the war  16
Uncas reported to be taken by
English,  39
Villages, New England, usual
mo le of building,  13
in Canada,  66
Wachusett Hills, Stebbins es
capes at,  38, 57
sachems of, oppose re
lease of prisoners, .... 38
Waite, Benjamin, wife and three
children of, taken pri
soners,  21
hastens to Albany to as
certain the route of
the prisoners,  22
visits Albany with Sam
uel Ely  28
journey of, to Canada, 30, 31

82

INDEX.

Waite, Benjamin, sent to New
York,  32
wife of, selected for burn
ing,....".  37
released and comes to Al
bany,  32
arrives in Canada, . . 32, 44
visits Quebec  34
reported by powow as
coming after prison
ers  40
letter by  52
relation of Hatfield mas
sacre,  52
intends to go to Canada, 56
appears before council,. 60
released and sent to Al
bany,  60
French intelligence con
cerning,  61
ill-treated at Albany,  62
arrives at Albany,  65
statement by, concerning
Canada,  65
Wampum paid for lands,  12
given at a treaty  29

War waged by Philip of Mount
Hope,  13
the United Colonies re
solve to finish,  16
congenial to the Mo
hawks,  23
Warlike character of Mohawks, 55
Watch maintained to prevent
surprise,  14, 19
Welcome of redeemed captives, 46
Wells, John, child of killed,. . . 20
Westfield, redeemed captives
met at  46
messenger dispatched to, 56
Whately, land purchased in, . . . 12
Wigwam built above Squag, ... 37
Wine given to prisoners  44
Wolves, young warriors com
pared to  29
Indians imitate the cry
of,  35
Women prisoners carried upon
horses  36
Wonalnacet removes from Na-
amkeke to Canada, 21, 54
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