3 9002 YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Bought with income ofthe Class of 1872 Fund The Works of James Buchanan This letterpress edition is limited to 750 copies, of which this is t O No .-". .:.... &*£^£_€^?£_s? The Works OP James Buchanan Comprising his Speeches, State Papers, and Private Correspondence Collected and Edited By John Bassett Moore Volume XII BIOGRAPHICAL Philadelphia & London J. B. Lippincott Company i9i i Copyright, 1911 Bt J. B. LippmcOTT Company C[>GZ ,177 12. Printed by J; B. Lippincott Company The Washington Square Press, Philadelphia, U. S. A. CONTENTS of VOLUME XII PAGE I. Mr. Buchanan's Administration on the Eve of the Rebel lion. [By James Buchanan.] I II. Buchanan's Administration on the Eve of the Rebellion. By the Hon. W. U. Hensel 267 III. Autobiographical Sketch, 1791-1828 289 IV. Biographical Sketch. By James Buchanan Henry, Esquire.... 323 Mr. Buchanan's Administration ON THE Eve of the Rebellion BY MR. BUCHANAN MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION ON THE EVE OF THE REBELLION. [By MR. BUCHANAN] NEW YORK: D. APPLETON AND COMPANY, 443 & 445 BROADWAY. 1866. PREFACE The following historical narrative of the events preceding the late rebellion was prepared soon after its outbreak, substan tially in the present form. It may be asked, Why, then, was it not published at an earlier period? The answer is, that the publication was delayed to avoid the possible imputation, unjust as this would have been, that any portion of it was intended to embarrass Mr. Lincoln's administration in the vigorous prosecution of pending hostilities. The author deemed it far better to suffer temporary injustice than to expose himself to such a charge. He never doubted the successful event of the war, even during its most gloomy periods. Having drawn his first breath soon after the adoption of the Federal Constitution and the Union which it established, and having been an eye witness of the blessed effects of these, in securing liberty and prosperity at home, and in presenting an example to the oppressed of other lands, he felt an abiding conviction that the American people would never suffer the Great Charter of their rights to be destroyed. To the Constitution, as interpreted by its framers, he has ever been devoted, believing that the specific powers which it confers on the Federal Government, notwithstanding the experience of the last dreary years, are sufficient for almost every possible emergency, whether in peace or in war. He, therefore, claims the merit — if merit it be simply to do one's duty — that whilst in the exercise of Executive functions, he never violated any of its provisions. It may be observed that no extensive and formidable rebel lion of an intelligent people against an established Government has ever arisen without a long train of previous and subsidiary causes. A principal object of the author, therefore, is to pre- xii THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN sent to the reader a historical sketch of the antecedents ending in the late rebellion. In performing this task, the eye natu rally fixes itself, as the starting point, upon the existence of domestic slavery in the South, recognized and protected as this was by the Constitution of the United States. We shall not inquire whether its patriotic and enlightened framers acted with wise foresight in yielding their sanction to an institution which is in itself a great social evil, though they considered this was necessary to avoid the still greater calamity of dissolving the Convention without the formation of our Federal Union. The narrative will prove that the original and conspiring causes of all our future troubles are to be found in the long, active, and persistent hostility of the Northern Abolitionists, both in and out of Congress, against Southern slavery, until the final triumph of their cause in the election of President Lincoln; and on the other hand, the corresponding antagonism and vio lence with which the advocates of slavery resisted these efforts, and vindicated its preservation and extension up till the period of secession. So excited were the parties, that had they intended to furnish material to inflame the passions of the one against the other, they could not have more effectually succeeded than they did by their mutual criminations and recriminations. The struggle continued without intermission for more than the quar ter of a century, except within the brief interval between the passage of the Compromise measures of 1850 and the repeal of the Missouri Compromise in 1854, during which the hostile feelings of the parties were greatly allayed, and hopes were entertained that the strife might finally subside. These peaceful prospects, it will appear, were soon blasted by the repeal of this Compromise, and the struggle was then renewed with more bit terness than ever until the final catastrophe. Many grievous errors were committed by both parties from the beginning, but the most fatal of them all was the secession of the cotton States. The authorities cited in the work will show that Mr. Bu chanan never failed, upon all suitable occasions, to warn his countrymen of the approaching danger, and to advise them of PREFACE xiii the proper means to avert it. Both before and after he became President he was an earnest advocate of compromise between the parties to save the Union, but Congress disregarded his rec ommendations. Even after he had, in his messages, exposed the dangerous condition of public affairs, and when it had become morally certain that all his efforts to avoid the civil war would be frustrated by agencies far beyond his control, they persist ently refused to pass any measures enabling him or his successor to execute the laws against armed resistance, or to defend the country against approaching rebellion. The book concludes by a notice of the successful domestic and foreign policy of the administration. In the portion of it concerning our relations with the Mexican Republic, a history of the origin and nature of " the Monroe doctrine " is appropriately included. It has been the author's intention, in the following pages, to verify every statement of fact by a documentary or other authen tic reference, and thus save the reader, as far as may be possible, from reliance on individual memory. From the use of private correspondence he has resolutely abstained. Wheatland, September, 1865. CONTENTS CHAPTER I. The rise and progress of Anti-Slavery agitation — The Higher Law — Anti- Slavery Societies — Their formation and proceedings — Their effect destructive of State Emancipation — The case in Virginia — Employ- • ment of the Post Office to circulate incendiary publications and pic tures among the slaves — Message of General Jac' on to prohibit this by law — His recommendation defeated — The PuiF *, the Press, and other agencies — Abolition Petitions — The rise of an extreme Southern Pro-Slavery party — The Fugitive Slave Law of 1793, id the case of Prigg vs. Pennsylvania, and its pernicious effects — The South threaten Secession — The course of Mr. Buchanan as Senator— "Tie Wilmot Proviso and its consequences — The Union in serious ger at the meeting of Congress in December, 1849 I CHAPTER II. Meeting of Congress in December, 1849 — The five Acts constituting the Compromise of September, 1850 — Effect of the Compromise in allay ing excitement — Whig and Democratic Platforms indorse it — Presi dent Pierce's happy reference to it in his Message of December, 1853 — The repeal of the Missouri Compromise reopens the slavery agita tion — Its passage in March, 1820, and character — Its recognition by Congress in 1845, on the Annexation of Texas — The history of its repeal — This repeal gives rise to the Kansas troubles — Their nature and history — The Lecompton Constitution and proceedings of Con gress upon it — The Republican party greatly strengthened — Decision of the Supreme Court in the Dred Scott case — Repudiated by the Republican party and by the Douglas Democracy — Sustained by the old Democracy — The Kansas and Nebraska Act — The policy and practice of Congress toward the Territories — Abuse of President Buchanan for not adhering to the Cincinnati Platform without foundation 12 CHAPTER III. Senator Seward — The " Irrepressible Conflict " — Helper's " Impending Crisis " — The John Brown Raid — The nature of Fanaticism — The Democratic National Convention at Charleston — Its proceedings and adjournment to Baltimore — Reassembling at Baltimore and proceed ings there — Its breaking up and division into the Douglas and the Breckinridge Conventions — Proceedings of each — Review of the whole and the effect on the South _4S xvi THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN CHAPTER IV. page The heresy of Secession— Originated in New England— Maintained by Josiah Quincy and the Hartford Convention, by Mr. Rawle and Mr. John Quincy Adams, but opposed by the South— Southern Secession dates from South Carolina Nullification— Its character and history— The Compromise Tariff of 1833— The Nullifiers agitate for Seces sion—Mr. Calhoun— Mr. Cobb against it— Warnings of the Demo cratic party— They are treated with contempt — Secession encouraged by the Republicans— The Cotton States led to believe they would be allowed to depart in peace — President Buchanan warned them against this delusion 72 CHAPTER V. General Scott's " Views," and the encouragement they afforded to the cotton States to secede — Their publication by him in the " National Intelligencer '' — His recommendation in favor of four distinct Con federacies — His recommendation to reenforce nine of the Southern forts, and the inadequacy of the troops — The reason of this inade quacy — The whole army required on the frontiers — The refusal of Congress to increase it — Our fortifications necessarily left without sufficient garrisons for want of troops — The President's duty to refrain from any hostile act against the cotton States, and smooth the way to a compromise — The rights of those States in no danger from Mr. Lincoln's election — Their true policy was to cling to the Union 84 CHAPTER VI. Mr. Lincoln's election to the Presidency — Its danger to the Union — Warnings of the President and his trying position — His policy in the emergency, and the reasons for it — His supreme object the preser vation of the Union — Meeting of Congress, and the hostility of the two parties toward each other — The wrongs of the South — How rash and causeless would be rebellion in the cotton States — The right of secession discussed and denied in the Message — The President's position defined — Question of the power to coerce a State — Distinc tion between the power to wage war against a State, and the power to execute the laws against individuals — Views of Senator (now President) Johnson, of Tennessee — President Buchanan's solemn appeal in favor of the Union — His estrangement from the secession leaders — Cessation of all friendly intercourse between him and them Q2 CHAPTER VII. Refusal of Congress to act either with a view to conciliation or defence — The Senate Committee of Thirteen and its proceedings — Mr. Critten den submits his Compromise to the Committee— Its nature — The Committee unable to agree— Testimony of Messrs. Douglas and Toombs that the Crittenden Compromise would have arrested seces- CONTENTS xvii PAGE sion in the cotton States — Mr. Crittenden proposes to refer his amendment to the people of the several States by an act of ordinary legislation — His remarks in its favor — Proceedings thereon — Expres sion of public opinion in its favor — President Buchanan recommends it — Recommendation disregarded and proposition defeated by the Clark amendment — Observations thereon — Peace Convention pro posed by Virginia — Its meeting and proceedings — Amendment to the Constitution reported by Mr. Guthrie, chairman of the committee — Its modification on motion of Mr. Franklin, and final adoption by the Convention — Virginia and North Carolina vote with Connecticut, Maine, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and Vermont against it — Its rejection by the United States Senate — The House of Representa tives refuse even to receive it — Every Republican member in both branches of Congress opposed to it 1 16 CHAPTER VIII. Congress passes no measures to enable the President to execute the laws or defend the Government — They decline to revive the authority of the Federal Judiciary in South Carolina, suspended by the resigna tion of all the judicial officers — They refuse authority to call forth the militia or accept volunteers, to suppress insurrections against the United States, and it was never proposed to grant an appropriation for this purpose — The Senate declines throughout the entire session to act upon the nomination of a Collector of the Port of Charleston — Congress refuses to grant to the President the authority long since expired, which had been granted to General Jackson for the collec tion of the revenue — The 36th Congress expires, leaving the law just as they found it — General observations 134 CHAPTER IX. The forts in Charleston harbor — Conduct toward them and the reasons for it — To guard against surprise reenforcements ready — Instructions to Major Anderson — Interview with South Carolina members — Gen eral Scott again recommends the garrisoning of all the forts — Reasons against it — The compromise measures still depending — Want of troops — Observations on General Scott's report to President Lin coln — His letter to Secretary Seward, and the manner in which it, with the report, was brought to light and published — Mr. Buchanan's reply to the report — General Scott's statement of the interview with President Buchanan on 15th December, and observations there upon — The example of General Jackson in 1833, and why it was inapplicable ¦ . . 142 CHAPTER X. South Carolina adopts an ordinance of secession, and appoints Com missioners to treat with the General Government — Their arrival in Washington— Major Anderson's removal from Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumter — The President's interview with the Commissioners, who demand a surrender of all the forts — His answer to this demand — xviii THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN PAGE Their insolent reply, and its return to them— Its presentation to the Senate by Mr. Davis— Secretary Floyd requested to resign— He resigns and becomes a secessionist — Fort Sumter threatened The Brooklyn ordered to carry reinforcements to the fort — The Star of the West substituted at General Scott's instance— She is fired upon— Major Anderson demands of Governor Pickens a disavowal of the act— The Governor demands the surrender of the fort— The Major proposes to refer the question to Washington — The Governor accepts— The truce— Colonel Hayne and Lieutenant Hall arrive in Washington on the 13th January— Letter from Governor Pickens not delivered to the President until the 31st January — The answer to it- Colonel Hayne's insulting reply — It is returned to him — Virginia sends Mr. Tyler to the President with a view to avoid hostilities — His arrival in Washington and his proposals — Message of the President 159 CHAPTER XI. Fort Sumter again — An expedition prepared to relieve it — The expedition abandoned on account of a despatch from Major Anderson — Mr. Holt's letter to President Lincoln — Fort Pickens in Florida — Its danger from the rebels — The Brooklyn ordered to its relief — The means by which it was saved from capture approved by General Scott and Messrs. Holt and Toucey, with the rest of the Cabinet — Refuta- tation of the charge that arms had been stolen — Report of the Com mittee on Military Affairs and other documentary evidence — The Southern and Southwestern States received less than their quota of arms — The Pittsburg cannon — General Scott's unfounded claim to the credit of preventing their shipment to the South — Removal of old muskets — Their value — Opinion of Mr. Holt in regard to the manner in which President Buchanan conducted the administration 189 CHAPTER XII. The reduction of the expenses of the Government under Mr. Buchanan's administration — The expedition to Utah — The Covode Committee.. 211 CHAPTER XIII. The successful foreign policy of the administration with Spain, Great Britain, China, and Paraguay — Condition of the Mexican Republic; and the recommendations to Congress thereupon not regarded, and the effect — The treaty with Mexico not ratified by the Senate, and the consequences— The origin, history, and nature of the " Monroe Doctrine " 236 Mr. Buchanan's Administration CHAPTER I. The rise and progress of Anti-Slavery agitation — The Higher Law — Anti- Slavery Societies — Their formation and proceedings — Their effect destructive of State Emancipation — The case in Virginia — Employment of the Post Office to circulate incendiary publications and pictures among the slaves — Message of General Jackson to prohibit this by law— rHis recommendation defeated — The Pulpit, the Press, and other agencies — Abolition Petitions — The rise of an extreme Southern Pro-Slavery party — The Fugitive Slave Law of 1793, and the case of Prigg vs. Pennsyl vania, and its pernicious effects — The South threaten Secession — The course of Mr. Buchanan as Senator — The Wilmot Proviso and its con sequences — The Union in serious danger at the meeting of Congress in December, 1849. That the Constitution does not confer upon Congress power to interfere with slavery in the States, has been admitted by all parties and confirmed by all judicial decisions ever since the origin of the Federal Government. This doctrine was emphati cally recognized by the House of Representatives in the days of Washington, during the first session of the first Congress,1 and has never since been seriously called in question. Hence, it be came necessary for the abolitionists, in order to furnish a pretext for their assaults on Southern slavery, to appeal to a law higher than the Constitution. Slavery, according to them, was a grievous sin against God, and therefore no human Constitution could rightfully shield it from destruction. It was sinful to live in a political confed eracy which tolerated slavery in any of the States composing it ; and if this could not be eradicated, it would become a sacred duty for the free States to separate from their guilty associates. This doctrine of the higher law was preached from the pulpits and disseminated in numerous publications throughout New Eng- 1 Annals of Congress, vol. ii., p. 1474. Sept. 1, i789-'ojo. 1 2 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN land. At the first, it was regarded with contempt as the work of misguided fanatics. Ere long, however, it enlisted numerous and enthusiastic partisans. These were animated with indomi table zeal in a cause they deemed so holy. They constituted the movement party, and went ahead ; because, whether from timid ity or secret sympathy, the conservative masses failed in the beginning to resist its progress in an active and determined spirit. The anti-slavery party in its career never stopped to reflect _ that slavery was a domestic institution, exclusively under the control of the sovereign States where it existed; and therefore, if sinful in itself, it was certainly not the sin of the people of New England. With equal justice might conscience have im pelled citizens of Massachusetts to agitate for the suppression of slavery in Brazil as in South Carolina. In both cases they were destitute of all rightful power over the subject. The Constitution having granted to Congress no power over slavery in the States, the abolitionists were obliged to resort to indirect means outside of the Constitution to accomplish their object. The most powerful of these was anti-slavery agitation : agitation for the double purpose of increasing the number of their partisans at home, and of exciting a spirit of discontent and resistance among the slaves of the South. This agitation was conducted by numerous anti-slavery societies scattered over the North. It was a new and important feature of their organiza tion that women were admitted as members. Sensitive and en thusiastic in their nature against wrong, and believing slavery to be a mortal sin, they soon became public speakers, in spite of the injunctions of an inspired apostle ; and their harangues were quite as violent and extreme as those of their fathers, husbands, and brothers. Their influence as mothers was thus secured and directed to the education of the rising generation in anti-slavery principles. Never was an organization planned and conducted with greater skill and foresight for the eventual accomplishment of its object. The New England Anti-Slavery Society was organized in Boston on January 30th, 1832; that of New York in October, 1833; and the National Society was organized in Philadelphia in December, 1833. Affiliated societies soon became numerous. After the formation of the New England society the agi tation against Southern slavery proceeded with redoubled vigor, and this under the auspices of British emissaries. One of the MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 3 first and most pernicious effects of these proceedings was to arrest the natural progress of emancipation under legitimate State authority. When this agitation commenced, the subject of such emanci pation was freely discussed in the South, and especially in the grain-growing border States, and had enlisted numerous and powerful advocates. In these States the institution had become unprofitable. According to the witty and eccentric Virginian, Mr. Randolph, if the slave did not soon run away from the master, the master would run away from the slave. Besides, at this period nobody loved slavery for its own sake. Virginia, whose example has always exercised great in fluence on her sister States, was, in 1832, on the verge of emancipation.1 The current was then running strong in its favor throughout the State. Many of the leading men, both the principal newspapers, and probably a majority of the people sustained the policy and justice of emancipation. Numerous petitions in its favor were presented to the General Assembly. Mr. Jefferson Randolph, a worthy grandson of President Jeffer son, and a delegate from one of the largest slaveholding counties of the commonwealth (Albemarle), brought forward a bill in the House to accomplish the object. This was fully and freely discussed, and was advocated by many prominent members. Not a voice was raised throughout the debate in favor of slavery. Mr. Randolph, finding the Legislature not quite prepared for so decisive a measure, did not press it to a final vote ; but yet the House resolved, by a majority of 65 to 58, "that they were pro foundly sensible of the great evils arising from the condition of the colored population of the commonwealth, and were induced by policy as well as humanity to attempt the immediate removal of the free negroes; but that further action for the removal of the slaves should await a more definite development of public opinion." Mr. Randolph's course was approved by his constituents, and at the next election he was returned by them as a member of the House of Delegates, on this very question. Unfortu nately, at this moment the anti-slavery agitation in New England began to assume an alarming aspect for the peace and security of the Southern people. In consequence, they denounced it as a foreign and dangerous interference with rights which the 'Letter of Geo. W. Randolph to Nahum Capen, of 18th April, 1851. 4 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN Constitution had left exclusively under their own control. An immediate and powerful reaction against emancipation by State authority was the result, and this good cause, to which so many able and patriotic Southern men had been devoted, was sacrificed. Mr. Randolph himself, a short time thereafter, expressed a confident belief to the author, that but for this interference, the General Assembly would, at no distant day, have passed a law for gradual emancipation. He added, so great had been the revulsion of public sentiment in Virginia, that no member of that body would now dare to propose such a measure. The abolitionists became bolder and bolder as they advanced. They did not hesitate to pervert the Post Office Department of the Government to the advancement of their cause. Through its agency, at an early period, they scattered throughout the slaveholding States pamphlets, newspapers, and pictorial repre sentations of an incendiary character, calculated to arouse the savage passions of the slaves to servile insurrection. So alarm ing had these efforts become to the domestic peace of the South, that General Jackson recommended they should be prohibited by law, under severe penalties. He said, in his annual message of 2d December, 1835 : "I must also invite your attention to the painful excitement produced in the South by attempts to circu late, through the mails, inflammatory appeals addressed to the passions of the slaves, in prints, and in various sorts of publi cations, calculated to stimulate them to insurrection and to pro duce all the horrors of a servile war."1 And he also commended to the special attention of Congress " the propriety of passing such a law as will prohibit, under severe penalties, the circulation in the Southern States, through the mails, of incendiary publi cations intended to instigate the slaves to insurrection." 2 A bill for this purpose was reported to the Senate, but after a long and animated debate, it was negatived, on the 8th of June, 1836, by a vote of 19 to 2$? It is worthy of remark, that even at this early period not a single Senator from New England, whether political friend or opponent of General Jackson, voted in favor of the measure he had so emphatically recommended. All the Senators from that portion of the Union, under the ~2 Statesman's Manual, 1018. - 2 Statesman's Manual, 1019. 3 Senate Journal, June 2, 1836, pp. 399, 400, and Cong. Globe of June 8, 1836. MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 5 lead of Messrs. Webster and Davis, of Massachusetts, denied to Congress the Constitutional power of passing any law to prevent the abolitionists from using our own mails to circulate incendiary documents throughout the slaveholding States, even though these were manifestly intended to promote servile insur rection and civil war within their limits. The power and duty of Congress to pass the bill were earnestly urged by Mr. Bu chanan, then a Senator from Pennsylvania, in opposition to the objections of Mr. Webster. This anti-slavery agitation in New England was prosecuted by other and different agencies. The pulpit, the press, State Legislatures, State and county conventions, anti-slavery socie ties, and abolition lectures were all employed for this purpose. Prominent among them were what were called, in the language of the day, abolition petitions. Throughout the session of 1835-6, and for several succeed ing sessions, these petitions incessantly poured in to Congress. They prayed for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, and in the forts, magazines, arsenals, and dockyards of the United States within the slaveholding States. They also protested against the admission of any new slaveholding State into the Union, and some of them went even so far as to petition for a dissolution of the Union itself. These petitions were signed by hundreds of thousands of men, women, and children. In them slavery was denounced as a national sin and a national disgrace. Every epithet was em ployed calculated to arouse the indignation of the Southern people. The time of Congress was wasted in violent debates on the subject of slavery. In these it would be difficult to deter mine which of the opposing parties was guilty of the greatest excess. Whilst the South threatened disunion unless the agi tation should cease, the North treated such threats with derision and defiance. It became manifest to every reflecting man that two geographical parties, the one embracing the people north and the other those south of Mason and Dixon's line, were in rapid process of formation — an event so much dreaded by the Father of his Country. It is easy to imagine the effect of this agitation upon the proud, sensitive, and excitable people of the South. One ex treme naturally begets another. Among the latter there sprung up a party as fanatical in advocating slavery as were the aboli tionists of the North in denouncing it. At the first, and for a 6 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN long time, this party was small in numbers, and found it difficult to excite the masses to support its extreme views. These South ern fanatics, instead of admitting slavery to be an evil in itself, pronounced it to be a great good. Instead of admitting that it had been reluctantly recognized by the Constitution as an over ruling political necessity, they extolled it as the surest support of freedom among the white race. If the fanatics of the North denounced slavery as evil and only evil, and that continually, the fanatics of the South upheld it as fraught with blessings to the slave as well as to his master. Far different was the estimation in which it was held by Southern patriots and statesmen both before and for many years after the adoption of the Constitution. These looked forward hopefully to the day when, with safety both to the white and bhck race, it might be abolished by the people of the slaveholding States themselves, who alone possessed the power. The late President, as a Senator of the United States, from December, 1834, until March, 1845, l°st no opportunity of warning his countrymen of the danger to the Union from a persistence in this anti-slavery agitation, and of beseeching them to suffer the people of the South to manage their domestic affairs in their own way. All they desired, to employ their oft-repeated language, was " to be let alone." With a prophetic vision, at so early a period as the 9th March, 1836, he employed the fol lowing language in the Senate : " Sir," said Mr. B., " this ques tion of domestic slavery is the weak point in our institutions. Tariffs may be raised almost to prohibition, and then they may be reduced so as to yield no adequate protection to the manufac turer; our Union is sufficiently strong to endure the shock. Fierce political storms may arise — the moral elements of the country may be convulsed by the struggles of ambitious men for the highest honors of the Government — the sunshine does not more certainly succeed the storm, than that all will again be peace. Touch this question of slavery seriously — let it once be made manifest to the people of the South that they cannot live with us, except in a state of continual apprehension and alarm for their wives and their children, for all that is near and dear to them upon the earth — and the Union is from that moment dis solved. It does not then become a question of expediency, but of self-preservation. It is a question brought home to the fire side, to the domestic circle of every white man in the Southern States. This day, this dark and gloomy day for the Republic, MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 7 will, I most devoutly trust and believe, never arrive. Although) in Pennsylvania, we are all opposed to slavery in the abstract, yet we will never violate the Constitutional compact which we have made with our sister States. Their rights will be held sacred by us. Under the Constitution it is their own question, and there let it remain." - A new source of anti-slavery agitation was about this time opened against the execution of the old Fugitive Slave Law, passed in February, 1793. This was greatly increased by the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States, at the January term, 1842, in the case of Prigg vs. the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania.2 It is true, the opinion of the Court, delivered by Mr. Justice Story, explicitly affirmed the Constitutional right of the master to recover his fugitive slave in any State to which he had fled. It even went so far as to clothe the master himself " with full authority, in every State of the Union, to seize and recapture his slave, wherever he can do it without a breach of the peace or ¦any illegal violence." After these strong affirmations it becomes necessary to state the reason why this decision became the occa sion of increased anti-slavery agitation. The act of 1793 3 authorized and required State judges and magistrates, in common with judges of the United States, to carry its provisions into effect. At the date of its passage no doubt was entertained of the power of Congress to direct this duty to be performed by appropriate State authorities. From the small number of Federal judges in each State, and their dis tance from each other, the masters, in almost every instance, re sorted to the magistrate of the " county, city, or town corporate," where the slave had been arrested. Before him the necessary proof was made, and, upon being satisfied, he granted a certifi cate to the master, which was a sufficient warrant under the law " for removing the said fugitive from labor to the State or Territory from which he or she fled." These State magis trates were familiar to the people of the respective localities, and their duties were performed in a satisfactory manner, and with but little complaint or commotion. This continued to be the practice until the opinion of the Court in the case of Prigg was 1 Gales and Seaton's Register of Debates, vol. xii., part 1, 1835-36, p. 781. * 16 Peters, 539. 3 1 U. S. L. 302. 8 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN pronounced. In this it was decided that State magistrates were not bound to perform these duties; and the question whether they would do so or not was left entirely to their own discretion. It was thus rendered competent for State Legislatures to prohibit their own functionaries from aiding in the execution of the Fugitive Slave Act. Then commenced a furious agitation against the execution of this so-called " sinful and inhuman " law. State magistrates were prevailed upon by the abolitionists to refuse their agency in carrying it into effect. The Legislatures of several States, in conformity with this decision, passed laws prohibiting these magistrates and other State officials from assisting in its execu tion. The use of the State jails was denied for the safe-keeping of the fugitives. Personal Liberty Bills were passed, interpos ing insurmountable obstacles to the recovery of slaves. Every means which ingenuity could devise was put in operation to render the law a dead letter. Indeed, the excitement against it rose so high that the life and liberty of the master who pursued his fugitive slave into a free State were placed in imminent peril. For this he was often imprisoned, and, in some instances, murdered. The Fugitive Slave Law, although passed under the admin istration of Washington for the purpose of carrying into effect a plain, clear, and mandatory provision of the Constitution, was set at naught. And this was done in the face of a well-known historical fact, that without such a provision the Constitution itself never could have existed. Without this law the slaveholder would have had no remedy to enforce his Constitutional right. There would have been no security for his property. If the slave, by simply escaping across a State line, could make him self free, the guarantees of the Constitution in favor of the master would be effectually abolished. These very guarantees were rendered practically of little or no avail, by the decision of the Court in the case of Prigg vs. Pennsylvania, declaring that the Congress of 1793 had violated the Constitution by requiring State magistrates to aid in executing the law. We have no disposition to dispute the binding force of this decision, although made by a bare majority against the opinion of Chief-Justice Taney and three other judges. It was never theless pronounced by the Constitutional tribunal in the last re sort, and therefore challenges the obedience, if not the approval, of every law-abiding citizen. MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 9 Mr. Justice Story himself seems to have clearly and compla cently foreseen the injurious consequences to the rights of the slaveholder which would result from his decision. In his biog raphy, written by his son (vol. ii., p. 392), it is stated: "But in establishing, contrary to the opinion of four of the judges, that the extradition of fugitive slaves is exclusively within the juris diction of the Federal Government, and that the State Legisla tures are prohibited from interfering, even to assist in giving effect to the clause in the Constitution on this subject; he (Judge Story) considered that a great point had been gained for liberty; so great a point, indeed, that, on his return from Washington, he repeatedly and earnestly spoke of it to his family and his inti mate friends as being ' a triumph of freedom.' " Again (page 394) : " Nor were these views contradicted by subsequent experience. From the day of the decision of Prigg vs. the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, the act of 1793 was," says his biographer, " a dead letter in the free States." The slaveholders, thus deprived of their rights, began to threaten secession from the Union. They contended that, the people of the Northern States having violated the Constitution in a fundamental provision necessary to their peace and safety, they of the South, according to the settled rules governing the construction of all contracts, whether between States or individ uals, had a right to rescind it altogether. In 1846, in the midst of the agitation against the Fugitive Slave Law, came that on the Wilmot Proviso. This asserted it to be the right and duty of Congress to prohibit the people of the Southern States from emigrating with their slave property to the common territory of the United States, which might be acquired by the war with Mexico. Thus was raised anew the question in regard to slavery in the territories, which has since proved so fatal. In May, 1846, the existence of war with Mexico, by the act of that Republic, was recognized by Congress, and measures were adopted for its prosecution.1 On the 4th of August, 1846, near the close of the session,2 President Polk, desirous of restoring peace as speedily as pos sible, and of adjusting the boundaries between the two Republics in a satisfactory manner, asked Congress for a small contingent aAct of 13th May, 1846; 9 U. S. S. at Large, p. 9. * 3 Statesman's Manual, 1610. 10 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN appropriation, to be applied to this purpose, which it might or might not become necessary to employ before their next meeting. Accordingly, on the 8th of August a bill was presented to the House granting the President $2,000,000. To this bill Mr. Wilmot offered his proviso as an amend ment.1 The proviso declared " That, as an express and funda mental condition to the acquisition of any territory from the Republic of Mexico by the United States, by virtue of any treaty which may be negotiated between them, and to the use by the Executive of the moneys herein appropriated, neither slavery nor involuntary servitude shall ever exist in any part of said territory, except for crime, whereof the party shall first be duly convicted." Had this proviso been never so proper in itself, it was both out of time and out of place. Out of time, because whether any treaty could be made acquiring territory from Mexico was future and contingent; and in fact that of Guadalupe Hidalgo, under which we acquired Upper California and New Mexico, was not concluded until almost eighteen months thereafter.2 But Mr. Wilmot was so eager to introduce this new subject for anti-slavery agitation, that he could not await the regular course of events. The proviso was also out of place in an appropriation bill confined to a single important object, because it was calculated to defeat, as it actually did defeat, the appropriation. It was a firebrand recklessly and prematurely cast among the, free and slave States, at a moment when a foreign war was raging, in which all were gallantly fighting, side by side, to conquer an honorable peace. This was the moment selected, long in ad vance, to announce to the people of the slaveholding States that if we should acquire any new territory by our common blood and treasure, they should forever be prohibited from enter ing any portion of it with by far the most valuable part of their property. The introduction of this proviso instantly caused the flames of fanaticism to burn with more intense ardor, both North and South, than they had ever done before. How wise is the Divine maxim, that " sufficient unto the day is the evil thereof " ! The new territory afterwards acquired from Mexico, being xCong. Globe, 1845-46, p. 121 7. "Treaty, Feb. 2, 1848; 9 U. S. Statutes at Large, 922. MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 11 outside of the ancient province of Louisiana, was not embraced by the Missouri Compromise. The late President, then Secre tary of State, strongly urged the extension of the line of 360 30' through this territory to the Pacific Ocean, as the best mode of adjustment. He believed that its division by this ancient line, to which we had been long accustomed, would be more just in itself, and more acceptable to the people, both North and South, than any new plan which could be devised.1 This proposal was defeated by the Wilmot Proviso. That ill-starred measure continued to be forced upon the considera tion of Congress, as well as of State Legislatures, session after session, in various forms. Whilst Northern Legislatures were passing resolutions instructing their Senators and requesting their Representatives to vote for the Wilmot Proviso, Southern Legis latures and conventions were passing resolutions pledging them selves to measures of resistance. The interposition of the proviso, in season and out of season, and the violent and protracted debates to which it gave rise, defeated the establishment of territorial governments in Califor nia and New Mexico throughout the whole of the thirtieth Con gress (1847-8 and 1848-9). Meanwhile it placed the two sections of the Union in hostile array against each other. The people of the one, instead of regarding those of the other as brethren, were converted into deadly enemies. At the meeting of the thirty-first Congress (December, 1849), serious apprehen sions were everywhere entertained, among the most enlightened and purest patriots, for the safety of the Union. The necessity was admitted by all that measures should be adopted to ward off the impending danger. better to Berks County, Aug. 25, 1847. CHAPTER II. Meeting of Congress in December, 1849— The five Acts constituting the Compromise of September, 1850— Effect of the Compromise in allaying excitement— Whig and Democratic Platforms indorse it— President Pierce's happy reference to it in his Message of December, 1853— The repeal of the Missouri Compromise reopens the slavery agitation— Its passage in March, 1820, and character— Its recognition by Congress in 1845, on the Annexation of Texas— The history of its repeal— This repeal gives rise to the Kansas troubles — Their nature and history — The Lecompton Constitution and proceedings of Congress upon it — The Republican party greatly strengthened — Decision of the Supreme Court in the Dred Scott case — Repudiated by the Republican party and by the Douglas Democracy — Sustained by the old Democracy— The Kansas and Nebraska Act — The policy and practice of Congress toward the Terri tories — Abuse of President Buchanan for not adhering to the Cincinnati Platform without foundation. The thirty-first Congress assembled on the first Monday of December, 1849, and they happily succeeded in averting the present danger by the adoption of one of those wise compromises which had previously proved so beneficent to the country. The first ray of light to penetrate the gloom emanated from the great and powerful State of Pennsylvania. Her House of Representatives refused to consider instructing resolutions in favor of the Wilmot Proviso. Soon thereafter, on the 4th of February, 1850, the House of Representatives at Washington, by a vote of 105 to 75, laid resolutions favoring this proviso upon the table.1 The way was now opened for compromising all the existing questions in regard to slavery. The bold, eloquent, and patriotic Clay, who, thirty years before, had contributed so much to the passage of the Missouri Compromise, was designated by the voice of the country as the leader in effecting this new Compromise. He did not, in his old age, shrink from the task. In this he was powerfully aided by several of our wisest and most conservative statesmen. The necessary legislation for this purpose was accomplished in September, 1850, by the passage of five distinct acts of Con- ~ Cong. Globe, i849-'5o, p. 276. 12 MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 13 gress. These were : i . " An Act to amend and supplementary to" the old Fugitive Slave Law of the 12th of February, 1793.1 This provided for the appointment of as many Commissioners by the Courts of the United States as the public convenience might require to supply the place of the State magistrates who had, as heretofore explained, been forbidden to carry into effect the mandate of the Constitution for the restoration of fugitive slaves. The chief object was to make the Federal Government independent of State assistance in the execution of the law. 2. An Act for the admission of California, as a free State, into the Union, embracing its entire territory, as well that south as north of the Missouri Compromise line.2 3 and 4. Acts for establishing Territorial Governments in New Mexico and Utah, under which both these Territories were to be admitted as States into the Union, " with or without slavery as their respective Constitutions might provide." s From abun dant but wise caution, the first of these Acts declared, in conform ity with the Constitution, that " no citizen of the United States shall be deprived of his life, liberty, or property in said Territory, except by the judgment of his peers and the laws of the land." These two Acts, in addition to the old Missouri Compromise, embraced all our remaining Territories, whether derived from Mexico or France. They terminated the agitation on the Wilmot Proviso, by depriving it of any territory on which it could operate. The Act establishing the Territory of New Mexico provided also for annexing to it all that portion of Texas lying north of 360 30'; thus withdrawing it from the jurisdiction of a slave State. 5. An Act was passed to abolish the domestic slave trade within the District of Columbia.4 These five Acts constituted the famous Compromise of Sep tember, 1850. At the first this Compromise was condemned both by extreme abolitionists at the North and by extreme seces sionists in the South. By the abolitionists, because it tolerated slavery in New Mexico, and provided for the due execution of the Fugitive Slave Law; and by the secessionists, because it ad mitted the great State of California as a free State into the Union, and this notwithstanding a considerable part of it lies south of the Missouri line. Nevertheless, it gradually made its -9 U. S. Law's, 462, Sept. 18. "Ibid., 452, Sept. 9- "Ibid., 446 and 453. Sept. 9. *Ibid., 467, Sept. 20. 14 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN way to public favor, and was hailed by the conservative masses, both North and South, as a wise and judicious arrangement. So far had it enlisted the general approval, that in June, 1852, the National Conventions of both the Democratic and Whig parties bestowed upon it their approbation, and expressed their determination to maintain it. They both resolved, to employ the language of the Democratic platform, that they would " resist all attempts at renewing, in Congress or out of it, the slavery agi tation, under whatever shape or color the attempt may be made." x On this subject the Whig platform is specific and emphatic. Its eighth and last resolution is as follows : 2 " That the series of Acts of the thirty-second Congress, the Act known as the Fugitive Slave Law included, are received and acquiesced in by the Whig party of the United States as a settlement in principle and substance of the dangerous and excit ing questions which they embrace; and, so far as they are con cerned, we will maintain them and insist upon their strict enforcement, until time and experience shall demonstrate the ne cessity of further legislation to guard against the evasion of the laws on the one hand, and the abuse of their powers on the other — not impairing their present efficiency; and we deprecate all further agitation of the question thus settled, as dangerous to our peace, and will discountenance all efforts to continue or renew such agitation, whenever, wherever, or however the at tempt may be made : and we will maintain the system as essen tial to the nationality of the Whig party and the integrity of the Union." When Congress assembled, after the election of President Pierce, on the first Monday of December, 1853, although the abolition fanatics had not ceased to agitate, crimination and recrimination between the sectional parties had greatly subsided, and a comparative political calm everywhere prevailed. Pres ident Pierce, in his annual message, felicitously referred to the " sense of repose and security to the public mind throughout the Confederacy," and pledged himself " that this repose should suf fer no shock during his official term," if he had the power to avert it. The Compromise of 1850 ought never to have been disturbed by Congress. After long years of agitation and alarm, the coun- 1 Greeley's Political Text Book, i860, p. 20. ' Ibid., p. 19. MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 15 try, under its influence, had enjoyed a season of comparative repose, inspiring the people with bright hopes for the future. But how short-lived and delusive was this calm ! The very Congress which had commenced so auspiciously, by repealing the Missouri Compromise before the end of its first session, reopened the floodgates of sectional strife, which, it was fondly imagined, had been closed forever. This has ever since gone on increasing in violence and malignity, until it has involved the country in the greatest and most sanguinary civil war recorded in history. And here it is necessary, for a correct understanding of the subject, to refer to the origin, the nature, and the repeal of this celebrated Compromise. It was passed on the 6th of March, 1820, after a long and -violent struggle in Congress between the friends and the oppo nents of what was then called the Missouri restriction.1 This proposed to require from Missouri, as a condition precedent to her admission as a State, that she should " ordain and establish that there shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude" therein, except as a punishment for crime. Under the Compromise as finally effected, whilst the restric- tionists were obliged to submit to the existence of slavery in Missouri, they obtained, on their part, a guarantee for perpetual freedom throughout the vast remaining territory north of the parallel of 360 30', which had been acquired from France under the Louisiana Treaty.2 These were the equivalents reciprocally granted and accepted by the opposing parties. This guarantee is to be found in the 8th section of the Act authorizing the people of the then Missouri Territory to form a Constitution and State Government, preparatory to admission as a State into the Union.3 It is embraced in the following lan guage: "That in all that territory ceded by France to the United States, under the name of Louisiana, which lies north of 360 30' north latitude, not included within the limits of the State [Missouri] contemplated by this Act, slavery and involun tary servitude, otherwise than in the punishment of crimes, whereof the parties shall have been duly convicted, shall be, and - 3 U. S. Laws, 545. 2 For its history, vide Appendix to Cong. Globe, ist session, 33d Con gress, p. 226. 8 3 U. S. Laws, 545- 16 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN is hereby, forever prohibited. Provided always: That any per son escaping into the same, from whom labor or service is law fully claimed in any State or Territory of the United States, such fugitive may be lawfully reclaimed and conveyed to the person claiming his or her labor or service as aforesaid." The Missouri Compromise finally passed Congress by large majorities. On a test question in the Senate on the 2d March, 1820, the vote in its favor was 27 against 15 ; and in the House, on the same day, it was 134 against 42. Its wisdom and policy were recognized by Congress, a quarter of a century afterwards, in March, 1845, when Texas, being a slave State, was annexed to the Union. Acting on the presumption that several new States might be formed out of her territory, one of the express conditions of her annexation was, that in such of these States as might lie north of the Missouri Compromise line, slavery shall be prohibited.1 The Missouri Compromise had remained inviolate for more than thirty-four years before its repeal. It was a covenant of peace between the free and the slaveholding States. Its authors were the wise and conservative statesmen of a former generation. Although it had not silenced anti-slavery discussion in other forms, yet it soon tranquillized the excitement which for some months previous to its passage had convulsed the country in re gard to slavery in the Territories. It is true that the power of a future Congress to repeal any of the Acts of its predecessors, under which no private rights had been vested, cannot be denied ; still the Missouri Compromise, being in the nature of a solemn compact between conflicting parties, whose object was to ward off great dangers from the Union, ought never to have been repealed by Congress. The question of its constitutionality ought to have been left to the decision of the Supreme Court, without any legislative intervention. Had this been done, and the Court had decided it to be a violation of the Constitution, in a case arising before them in the regular course of judicial proceedings, the decision would have passed off in comparative silence, and produced no dangerous excitement among the people. Let us briefly sketch the history of this repeal, which was the immediate cause of our present troubles. Senator Douglas, on the 4th January, 1854, reported a bill 1 5 U. S. Laws, 797. MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 17 from the Committee on Territories, to establish a Territorial Government in Nebraska.1 This bill was silent in regard to the Missouri Compromise. It was nearly in the usual form, and would have doubtless passed, with but little, if any, opposition. Before it was reached in order, the Whig Senator Dixon, of Kentucky, on the 16th January, gave notice that when it should come before the Senate, he would move to add to it a section repealing the Missouri Compromise, not only in regard to Ne braska, but all other Territories of the United States.2 A few days thereafter, on the 23d January, the Committee on Terri tories, through Mr. Douglas, their chairman, offered a substitute for the original bill.3 This, after dividing Nebraska into two Territories, the one still bearing that name, and the other the name of Kansas, proceeded to annul the Missouri Compromise in regard to these and all our other Territories. With this Mr. Dixon expressed himself " perfectly satisfied." 4 Such is the origin of what has since been familiarly called " the Kansas and Nebraska Bill." On the question of repeal, a long and angry debate arose in both Houses of Congress. This consumed a large portion of the session, and exasperated the contending parties to a degree never before witnessed. The opponents of the bill openly and violently predicted imminent danger to the peace of the Union from its passage, whilst its advocates treated any such danger with proud and indignant disdain. The bill finally passed both Houses on the 25th, and was approved by President Pierce on the 30th May, 1854. It was ominous of evil that every Southern Senator present, whether Whig or Democrat, without regard to past political distinctions, voted for the repeal, with the exception of Mr. Bell, of Tennessee, and Mr. Clayton, of Delaware, who voted against it; and that every Northern Democratic Senator present, unit ing with the South, also voted for the repeal, with the exception of Messrs. Allen and James, of Rhode Island, and Mr. Walker, of Wisconsin, who voted against it.5 The repeal was accomplished in the following manner : The 14th section of this bill, whilst extending the laws of the United States over Kansas and Nebraska, excepts therefrom " the 8th section of the Act preparatory to the admission of Missouri into 1 Cong. Globe, 1853-54, P- "S- 2 Ibid., p. 1 75- 3 Ibid., p. 222. 'Ibid., p. 239. ~ Ibid., p. 1321. Vol. XII— 2 18 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN the Union, approved March sixth, eighteen hundred and twenty, which, being inconsistent with the principle of non-intervention by Congress with slavery in the States and Territories, as recog nized by the legislation of 1850, commonly called the Compro mise measures, is hereby declared inoperative and void ; it being the true intent and meaning of this Act not to legislate slavery into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Con stitution of the United States." It is impossible to conceive how it could be inferred that the Compromise of 1850, on the question of slavery in the territories, would be inconsistent with the long previous Missouri Compro mise of 1820; because each applied to distinct and separate por tions of our territorial domain. Whilst the Missouri Compro mise was confined to the territory acquired from France under the Louisiana purchase, that of 1850 provided only for the new territory long afterwards acquired from Mexico under the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo. The Compromise measures of 1850 contain no words to repeal or invalidate the Missouri Compro mise. On the contrary, they expressly recognize it, as we have already seen, in the Act providing for the cession of a portion of Texas to New Mexico. After a careful review of the history of the anti-slavery party, from its origin, the candid inquirer must admit that up till this period it had acted on the aggressive against the South. From the beginning it had kept the citizens of the slaveholding States in constant irritation, as well as serious apprehension for their domestic peace and security. They were the assailed party, and had been far more sinned against than sinning. It is true, they had denounced their assailants with extreme rancor and many threats ; but had done nothing more. In sustaining the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, however, the Senators and Representatives of the Southern States became the aggressors themselves, and thereby placed the country in an alarming and dangerous condition from which it has never since been rescued. The repeal of the Missouri Compromise having entirely removed the interdict against slavery in all our territories north of 360 30', the struggle immediately commenced in Kansas be tween the anti-slavery and pro-slavery parties. On this theatre the extreme men of both sections were brought into mortal con flict. Each party hurried emigrants to the Territory; — the one MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 19 intent upon making it a free, the other, though in violation of the laws of climate, upon making it a slave State. The one stren uously contended that slavery, under the Constitution, was local in its character and confined to the States where it existed ; and, therefore, if an emigrant passed into the Territory with his slaves, these became instantly free. The other maintained, with equal zeal, that slaves were recognized as property by the Con stitution, and consequently their masters had a right to take them to Kansas and hold them there, under its guarantees, like any other property. Besides, the South insisted that without this right the equality of the States within their common terri tory was destroyed, and they would be degraded from the rank of equals to that of inferiors. It was not long until a fierce and vindictive war arose in Kansas between the opposing parties. In this, scenes of blood shed and rapine were enacted by both parties, disgraceful to the American character. It is not our purpose to recapitulate these sad events. Whilst the pro-slavery party in the Territory sustained the Government in all its branches which had been established over it by Congress, the anti-slavery party repudiated it. They con tended that frauds and violence had been committed in the elec tion of members to the Territorial Legislature sufficient to render its enactments a nullity. For this reason they had held a Con vention at Topeka, had framed a State Constitution, had elected their own Governor and Legislature to take the place of those in the actual administration of the Territorial Government, and had applied to Congress for admission into the Union. Such were the first bitter fruits of repealing the Missouri interdict against slavery north of 360 30', and thus opening the Territory of Kansas to the admission of slaves. It cannot be doubted that frauds and violence had been committed in this election; but whether sufficient to render it a nullity was a question for Congress to decide. After a long and violent struggle, Congress had decided this question by finally rejecting the application for the admission of Kansas as a State into the Union under the Topeka Constitution, and by recogniz ing the authority of the Territorial Government. Such was the condition of Kansas when Mr. Buchanan entered upon the duties of the Presidential office. All these proceedings had taken place during the session of Congress (i856-'7) which terminated immediately before his inaugura- 20 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN tion. It will be admitted that he possessed no power to go behind the action of Congress and adjudge it to be null and void. In fact, he had no alternative but to sustain the Territorial Government. A new era was now commencing with the accession of Presi dent Buchanan, and he indulged the hope that the anti-slavery party would abandon their hostility to the Territorial Govern ment and obey the laws. In this he was encouraged by the fact, that the Supreme Court had just decided that slavery existed in Kansas under the Constitution of the United States, and conse quently the people of that Territory could only relieve them selves from it by electing anti-slavery delegates to the approach ing Lecompton Convention, in sufficient number to frame a free State Constitution preparatory to admission into the Union. They could no longer expect ever to be admitted as a State under the Topeka Constitution. The Thirty-fourth Congress had just expired, having recognized the legal existence of the Territorial Legislature in a variety of forms which need not be enumer ated.1 The Delegate elected under a Territorial law to the House of Representatives had been admitted to his seat, and had com pleted his term of service on the day previous to Mr. Buchanan's inauguration. In this reasonable hope the President was destined to disap pointment. The anti-slavery party, during a period of ten months, from the 4th of March, 1857, until the first Monday of January, 1858, continued to defy the Territorial Government and to cling to their Topeka organization. The first symptom of yielding was not until the latter day, when a large portion of them voted for State officials and a member of Congress under the Lecompton Constitution. Meanwhile, although actual war was suspended between the parties, yet the peace was only maintained by the agency of United States troops. " The oppos ing parties still stood in hostile array against each other, and any accident might have relighted the flames of civil war. Besides, at this critical moment, Kansas was left without a Governor, by the resignation of Governor Geary." 2 Soon after the inauguration an occasion offered to Mr. Buchanan to define the policy he intended to pursue in relation to Kansas. This was in answer to a memorial presented to him 1 Message to Congress transmitting the Constitution of Kansas. * Message of December, 1857, P- 18. MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 21 by forty-three distinguished citizens of Connecticut, a number of them being eminent divines. The following we extract from his letter dated at Washington, August 15, 1857: " When I entered upon the duties of the Presidential office, on the fourth of March last, what was the condition of Kansas? This Territory had been organized under the Act of Congress of 30th May, 1854, and the government in all its branches was in full operation. A governor, secretary of the Territory, chief justice, two associate justices, a marshal, and district attorney had been appointed by my predecessor, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, and were all engaged in discharging their respective duties. A code of laws had been enacted by the Territorial Legislature; and the judiciary were employed in expounding and carrying these laws into effect. It is quite true that a controversy had previously arisen respecting the validity of the election of members of the Territorial Legislature and of the laws passed by them; but at the time I entered upon my official duties Congress had recognized this Legislature in differ ent forms and by different enactments. The delegate elected to the House of Representatives, under a Territorial law, had just completed his term of service on the day previous to my inauguration. In fact, I found the government of Kansas as well established as that of any other Territory. Under these circumstances, what was my duty? Was it not to sustain this government? to protect it from the violence of lawless men who were determined either to rule or ruin? to prevent it from being overturned by force? in the language of the Constitution, to ' take care that the laws be faithfully executed ' ? It was for this purpose, and this alone, that I ordered a military force to Kansas to act as a posse comitatus in aiding the civil magistrate to carry the laws into execution. The condition of the Territory at the time, which I need not portray, rendered this precaution absolutely necessary. In this state of affairs, would I not have been justly condemned had I left the marshal and other officers of a like character impotent to execute the process and judgments of courts of justice established by Congress, or by the Territorial Legislature under its express authority, and thus have suffered the government itself to become an object of contempt in the eyes of the people? And yet this is what you designate as forcing ' the people of Kansas to obey laws not their own, nor of the United States ; ' and for doing which you have denounced me as having violated my solemn oath. I ask, what else could 22 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN I have done, or ought I to have done ? Would you have desired that I should abandon the Territorial government, sanctioned as it had been by Congress, to illegal violence, and thus renew the scenes of civil war and bloodshed which every patriot in the country had deplored? This would indeed have been to violate my oath of office, and to fix a damning blot on the character of my administration. " I most cheerfully admit that the necessity for sending a military force to Kansas to aid in the execution of the civil law, reflects no credit upon the character of our country. But let the blame fall upon the heads of the guilty. Whence did this necessity arise? A portion of the people of Kansas, unwilling to trust to the ballot-box — the certain American remedy for the redress of all grievances — undertook to create an indepen dent government for themselves. Had this attempt proved suc cessful, it would of course have subverted the existing govern ment, prescribed and recognized by Congress, and substituted a revolutionary government in its stead. This was a usurpation of the same character as it would be for a portion of the people of Connecticut to undertake to establish a separate government within its chartered limits, for the purpose of redressing any grievance, real or imaginary, of which they might have com plained against the legitimate State government. Such a prin ciple, if carried into execution, would destroy all lawful authority and produce universal anarchy." And again : " I thank you for the assurances that you will ' not refrain from the prayer that Almighty God will make my administration an example of justice and beneficence.' You can greatly aid me in arriving at this blessed consummation, by exerting your influence in allaying the existing sectional excite ment on the subject of slavery, which has been productive of much evil and no good, and which, if it could succeed in attain ing its object, would ruin the slave as well as his master. This would be a work of genuine philanthropy. Every day of my life I feel how inadequate I am to perform the duties of my high station without the continued support of Divine Provi dence ; yet, placing my trust in Him and in Him alone, I enter tain a good hope that He will enable me to do equal justice to all portions of the Union, and thus render me an humble instru ment in restoring peace and harmony among the people of the several States." MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 23 This answer, at the time, appeared to give general satis faction. Soon after the 4th of March, 1857, Mr; Robert J. Walker was appointed Governor, and Mr. Frederick P. Stanton Secre tary of the Territory of Kansas. The great object in view was to prevail upon the Anti-Slavery party to unite with their oppo nents in framing a State Constitution for Kansas, leaving the question to be decided at the ballot-box whether it should enter the Union as a free or as a slave State. Accordingly the Gov ernor was instructed to take care that the election for delegates to the convention should be held and conducted with perfect fairness to both parties, so that the genuine voice of the people might be truly heard and obeyed. This duty he performed with fidelity and ability, but unfortunately without success. The laws which had been passed by the Territorial Legisla ture providing for this election are liable to no just exception. The President, speaking on this subject in his message of 2d of February, 1858, transmitting the Kansas Constitution to Con gress, employs the following language : — " It is impossible that any people could have proceeded with more regularity in the formation of a constitution than the people of Kansas have done. It was necessary, first, to ascertain whether it was the desire of the people to be relieved from their territorial dependence and establish a State government. For this purpose the Territorial Legislature, in 1855, passed a law ' for taking the sense of the people of this Territory upon the expediency of calling a con vention to form a State constitution' at the general election to be held in October, 1856. The ' sense of the people' was accord ingly taken, and they decided in favor of a convention. It is true that at this election the enemies of the territorial govern ment did not vote, because they were then engaged at Topeka, without the slightest pretext of lawful authority, in framing a constitution of their own for the purpose of subverting the terri torial government. " In pursuance of this decision of the people in favor of a convention, the Territorial Legislature, on the 27th day of Feb ruary, 1857, passed an act for the election of delegates on the third Monday of June, 1857, to frame a State constitution. This law is as fair in its provisions as any that ever passed a legislative body for a similar purpose. The right of suffrage at this election is clearly and justly defined. 'Every bona fide inhabitant of the Territorv of Kansas ' on the third Monday of 24 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN June, the day of the election, who was a citizen of the United States, above the age of twenty-one, and had resided therein for three months previous to that date, was entitled to vote. In order to avoid all interference from neighboring States or Terri tories with the freedom and fairness of the election, provision was made for the registry of the qualified voters; and in pur suance thereof nine thousand two hundred and fifty-one voters were registered." The great object was to convince these 9,251 qualified elec tors that they ought to vote in the choice of delegates to the convention, and thus terminate the controversy by the will of the majority. The Governor urged them to exercise their right of suffrage; but in vain. In his Inaugural Address of the 27th of May, 1857, he informed them that, " Under our practice, the pre liminary act of framing a State constitution is uniformly per formed through the instrumentality of a convention of delegates chosen by the people themselves. That convention is now about to be elected by you under the call of the Territorial Legislature, created and still recognized by the authority of Congress, and clothed by it, in the comprehensive language of the organic law, with full power to make such an enactment. The Territorial Legislature, then, in assembling this convention, were fully sus tained by the Act of Congress, and the authority of the conven tion is distinctly recognized in my instructions from the Presi dent of the United States." The Governor proceeded to warn them, clearly and distinctly, what would be the consequences, if they should not participate in the election. " The people of Kansas, then," he says, " are invited by the highest authority known to the Constitution, to participate, freely and fairly, in the election of delegates to frame a Constitution and State Gov ernment. The law has performed its entire appropriate function when it extends to the people the right of suffrage, but cannot compel the performance of that duty. Throughout our whole Union, however, and wherever free government prevails, those who abstain from the exercise of the right of suffrage authorize those who do vote to act for them in that contingency; and the absentees are as much bound, under the law and Constitution, where there is no fraud or violence, by the act of the majority of those who do vote, as if all had participated in the election. Otherwise, as voting must be voluntary, self-government would MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 25 be impracticable, and monarchy or despotism would remain as the only alternative." " This was the propitious moment," said the President, " for settling all difficulties in Kansas. This was the time for abandoning the revolutionary Topeka organization, and for the enemies of the existing government to conform to the laws, and to unite with its friends in framing a State Constitution. But this they refused to do, and the consequences of their refusal to submit to lawful authority and vote at the election of delegates may yet prove to be of a most deplorable character. Would that the respect for the laws of the land which so eminently distinguished the men of the past generation could be revived! It is a disregard and violation of law which have for years kept the Territory of Kansas in a state of almost open rebellion against its government. It is the same spirit which has produced actual rebellion in Utah. Our only safety consists in obedience and conformity to law. Should a general spirit against its enforcement prevail, this will prove fatal to us as a nation. We acknowledge no master but the law ; and should we cut loose from its restraints, and every one do what seemeth good in his own eyes, our case will indeed be hopeless. " The enemies of the territorial government determined still to resist the authority of Congress. They refused to vote for delegates to the convention, not because, from circumstances which I need not detail, there was an omission to register the comparatively few voters who were inhabitants of certain coun ties of Kansas in the early spring of 1857, but because they had predetermined, at all hazards, to adhere to their revolutionary organization, and defeat the establishment of any other consti tution than that which they had framed at Topeka. The elec tion was, therefore, suffered to pass by default ; but of this result the qualified electors who refused to vote can never justly complain." A large majority, therefore, of Pro-Slavery delegates were elected members of the convention. " From this review, it is manifest that the Lecompton Con vention, notwithstanding the refusal of the Anti- Slavery party to vote, was legally constituted and was invested with power to frame a constitution." It has been urged that these proceedings were in violation of the sacred principle of popular sovereignty. " But in what manner," said the President, " is popular sovereignty to be exer- 26 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN cised in this country, if not through the instrumentality of estab lished law? In certain small republics of ancient times the people did assemble in primary meetings, passed laws, and directed public affairs. In our country this is manifestly impossible. Popular sovereignty can be exercised here only through the ballot- box; and if the people will refuse to exercise it in this manner, as they have done in Kansas at the election of delegates, it is not for them to complain that their rights have been violated." Throughout the intervening period, and for some time there after, Kansas was in a dreadful condition. To illustrate this, we shall transcribe several paragraphs from the President's Message.1 He says, that " A great delusion seems to pervade the public mind in relation to the condition of parties in Kansas. This arises from the difficulty of inducing the American people to realize the fact that any portion of them should be in a state of rebellion against the Government under which they live. When we speak of the affairs of Kansas, we are apt to refer merely to the existence of two violent political parties in that Territory, divided on the question of slavery, just as we speak of such parties in the States. This presents no adequate idea of the true state of the case. The dividing line there is not between two political parties, both acknowledging the lawful existence of the government, but between those who are loyal to this govern ment, and those who have endeavored to destroy its existence by force and by usurpation — between those who sustain and those who have done all in their power to overthrow the terri torial government established by Congress. This government they would long since have subverted, had it not been protected from their assaults by the troops of the United States. Such has been the condition of affairs since my inauguration. Ever since that period a large portion of the people of Kansas have been in a state of rebellion against the government, with a mili tary leader at their head of a most turbulent and dangerous char acter. They have never acknowledged, but have constantly re nounced and defied the government to which they owe allegiance, and have been all the time in a state of resistance against its authority. They have all the time been endeavoring to subvert it, and to establish a revolutionary government, under the so- called Topeka Constitution, in its stead. Even at this very moment the Topeka Legislature is in session. Whoever has read 1 Page i. MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 27 the correspondence of Governor Walker with the State Depart ment, recently communicated to the Senate, will be convinced that this picture is not overdrawn. He always protested against the withdrawal of any portion of the military force of the United States from the Territory, deeming its presence absolutely neces sary for the preservation of the regular government . and the execution of the laws. In his very first despatch to the Secre tary of State, dated June 2, 1857, he says : ' The most alarming movement, however, proceeds from the assembling on the 9th of June of the so-called Topeka Legislature, with a view to the enactment of an entire code of laws. Of course it will be my endeavor to prevent such a result, as it would lead to inevitable and disastrous collision, and, in fact, renew the civil war in Kansas.' This was with difficulty prevented by the efforts of Governor Walker; but soon thereafter, on the 14th of July, we find him requesting General Harney to furnish him a regiment of dragoons to proceed to the city of Lawrence, and this for the reason that he had received authentic intelligence, verified by his own actual observation, that a dangerous rebellion had occurred, ' involving an open defiance of the laws and the establishment of an insurgent government in that city.' "In the Governor's despatch of July 15, he informs the Secretary of State ' that this movement at Lawrence was the beginning of a plan, originating in that city, to organize insur rection throughout the Territory; and especially in all towns, cities, or counties where the Republican party have a majority. Lawrence is the hot-bed of all the abolition movements in this Territory. It is the town established by the abolition societies of the east; and whilst there are respectable people there, it is filled by a considerable number of mercenaries who are paid by abolition societies to perpetuate and diffuse agitation throughout Kansas, and prevent a peaceful settlement of this question. Hav ing failed in inducing their own so-called Topeka State Legisla ture to organize this insurrection, Lawrence has commenced it herself, and, if not arrested, the rebellion will extend through out the Territory.' " And again : ' In order to send this communication imme diately by mail, I must close by assuring you that the spirit of rebellion pervades the great mass of the Republican party of this Territory, instigated, as I entertain no doubt they are, by east ern societies, having in view results most disastrous to the Gov ernment and to the Union; and that the continued presence of 28 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN General Harney here is indispensable, as originally stipulated by me, with a large body of dragoons and several batteries.' " On the 20th July, 1857, General Lane, under the authority of the Topeka Convention, undertook, as Governor Walker in forms us, ' to organize the whole so-called free State party into volunteers, and to take the names of all who refuse enrolment. The professed object is to protect the polls, at the election in August, of the new insurgent Topeka State Legislature. The object of taking the names of all who refuse enrolment is to terrify the free State conservatives into submission. This is proved by recent atrocities committed on such men by Topeka- ites. The speedy location of large bodies of regular troops here, with two batteries, is necessary. The Lawrence insurgents await the development of this new revolutionary military organization,' etc., etc. " In the Governor's despatch of July 27th, he says that ' General Lane and his staff everywhere deny the authority of the territorial laws, and counsel a total disregard of these enactments.' " Without making further quotations of a similar character from other despatches of Governor Walker, it appears by a refer ence to Mr. Stanton's communication to General Cass, of the 9th of December last, that the ' important step of calling the [Territorial] Legislature together was taken after I [he] had become satisfied that the election ordered by the Convention on the 2 ist instant [December] could not be conducted without collision and bloodshed.' So intense was the disloyal feeling among the enemies of the government established by Congress, that an election which afforded them an opportunity, if in the majority, of making Kansas a free State, according to their own professed desire, could not be conducted without collision and bloodshed ! " The truth is, that, up till the present moment, the enemies of the existing government still adhere to their Topeka revolu tionary constitution and government. The very first paragraph of the message of Governor Robinson, dated on the 7th of De cember, to the Topeka Legislature, now assembled at Lawrence, contains an open defiance of the Constitution and laws of the United States. The Governor says : ' The Convention which framed the constitution at Topeka originated with the people of Kansas Territory. They have adopted and ratified the same twice by a direct vote, and also indirectly through two elections MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 29 of State officers and members of the State Legislature. Yet it has pleased the administration to regard the whole proceeding as revolutionary.' " The Topeka government, adhered to with such treasonable pertinacity, is a government in direct opposition to the existing government prescribed and recognized by Congress. It is a usurpation of the same character as it would be for a portion of the people of any State of the Union to undertake to establish a separate government, within its limits, for the purpose of redressing any grievance, real or imaginary, of which they might complain against the legitimate State Government. Such a principle, if carried into execution, would destroy all lawful authority and produce universal anarchy. " From this statement of facts, the reason becomes palpable why the enemies of the government authorized by Congress have refused to vote for delegates to the Kansas Constitutional Convention, and, also, afterwards on the question of slavery submitted by it to the people. It is because they have ever refused to sanction or recognize any other constitution than that framed at Topeka." The Convention, thus lawfully constituted, met for the sec ond time on the 4th of September, and proceeded to frame a constitution, and finally adjourned on the 7th day of November, 1857.1 A large majority of its members, in consequence of the refusal of the Anti-Slavery electors to vote for delegates, were in favor of establishing slavery. The Convention having re fused to submit the whole constitution to the people, in opposition to the desire of the President, determined finally to submit to them only the all-important question whether slavery should or should not exist in the new State. This they were required to do under the true construction of the Kansas and Nebraska Act, and without this the constitution would have encountered his decided opposition. It was not, however, until the last moment, and this after an angry and excited debate, that the Convention, by a majority of only three, determined to submit this question to a popular vote. Acting on the authority of former precedents, anti considering that all other parts of the constitution had been finally adopted, they therefore submitted the question of slavery alone to the people, at an election to be held on the 21st December, 1857. For this purpose they pro- Senate Documents, i857-'s8, vol. vii., No. 21. 30 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN vided that, before the constitution adopted by the Convention " shall be sent to Congress asking for admission into the Union as a State," an election shall be held to decide this question, at which all the white male inhabitants of the Territory should be entitled to vote. They were to vote by ballot ; and " the bal lots cast at said election shall be indorsed ' Constitution with Slavery,' and ' Constitution with no Slavery.' " " Here, again," says the President, " a fair opportunity was presented to the adherents of the Topeka Constitution, if they were the majority, to decide this exciting question ' in their own way,' and thus restore peace to the distracted Territory; but they again refused to exercise their right of popular sovereignty, and again suffered the election to pass by default." In consequence, the result, according to the report of J. Calhoun, the President of the Convention, was 6,226 votes in favor of slavery, and but 569 against it. The constitution thus adopted had provided for holding an election on the first Monday of January, 1858, for " a Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, Secretary of State, State Treasurer, and members of the Legislature, and also a member of Congress." The election was peaceably conducted under the instructions of the President. A better spirit now prevailed among the opponents of the Lecompton Constitution, and they no longer refrained from voting. A large majority of them, by a strange but happy inconsistency, recognized its existence by voting under its provisions.1 This election was warmly contested by the two political parties in Kansas, and a greater vote was polled than at any previous election. A large majority of the members of the Legislature elect belonged to that party which had previously refused to vote. The Anti-Slavery party were thus placed in the ascendant, and the political power of the State was in their hands. The President hailed this evidence of returning reason as an auspicious event. It had been his constant effort from the begin ning to induce the Anti-Slavery party to vote. Now that this had been accomplished, he knew that all revolutionary troubles in Kansas would speedily terminate. A resort to the ballot box, instead of force, was the most effectual means of restoring peace and tranquillity. 1 Message, Dec. 6, 1858. MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 31 It was after all these events had transpired, that the Presi dent, on the 30th January, 1858, received the Lecompton Con stitution, with a request from the President of the Convention that it might be submitted to the consideration of Congress. This was done by the message of the 2d February, 1858, from which we have already made several extracts. In this the Presi dent recommended the admission of Kansas as a State under the Lecompton Constitution. He says : " The people of Kansas have, then, ' in their own way,' and in strict accordance with the organic act, framed a constitution and State Government; have submitted the all-important question of slavery to the people, and have elected a governor, a member to represent them in Congress, members of the State Legislature, and other State officers. They now ask admission into the Union under this constitution, which is republican in its form. It is for Congress to decide whether they will admit or reject the State which has thus been created. For my own part, I am decidedly in favor of its admission, and thus terminating the Kansas question. This will carry out the great principle of non-intervention recognized and sanctioned by the organic act, which declares in express language in favor of ' non-intervention by Congress with slavery in the States or Territories,' leaving ' the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States.' In this manner, by localizing the question of slavery and confining it to the people whom it immediately concerned, every patriot anxiously expected that this question would be banished from the halls of Congress, where it has always exerted a baneful influence throughout the whole country." " If Congress, for the sake of those men who refused to vote for delegates to the convention when they might have excluded slavery from the constitution, and who afterwards refused to vote on the 21st December last, when they might, as they claim, have stricken slavery from the constitution, should now reject the State because slavery remains in the constitution, if is man ifest that the agitation on this dangerous subject will be renewed in a more alarming form than it has ever yet assumed." " As a question of expediency, after the right [of admission] has been maintained, it may be wise to reflect upon the benefits to Kansas and to the whole country which would result from its immediate admission into the Union, as well as the disasters which may follow its rejection. Domestic peace will be the 32 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN happy consequence of its admission, and that fine Territory, which has hitherto been torn by dissensions, will rapidly increase in population and wealth, and speedily realize the blessings and the comforts which follow in the train of agricultural and mechanical industry. The people will then be sovereign, and can regulate their own affairs in their own way. If a majority of them desire to abolish domestic slavery within the State, there is no other possible mode by which this can be effected so speedily as by prompt admission. The will of the majority is supreme and irresistible when expressed in an orderly and law ful manner. They can make and unmake constitutions at pleas ure. It would be absurd to say that they can impose fetters upon their own power which they cannot afterwards remove. If they could do this, they might tie their own hands for a hundred as well as for ten years. These are fundamental principles of American freedom, and are recognized, I believe, in some form or other, by every State constitution; and if Con gress, in the act of admission, should think proper to recognize them, I can perceive no objection to such a course. This has been done emphatically in the constitution of Kansas. It de clares in the bill of rights that ' all political power is inherent in the people, and all free governments are founded on their authority and instituted for their benefit, and therefore they have at all times an inalienable and indefeasible right to alter, reform, or abolish their form of government in such manner as they may think proper.' The great State of New York is at this moment governed under a constitution framed and established in direct opposition to the mode prescribed by the previous consti tution. If, therefore, the provision changing the Kansas consti tution after the year one thousand eight hundred and sixty-four, could by possibility be construed into a prohibition to make such a change previous to that period, this prohibition would be wholly unavailing. The Legislature already elected may, at its very first session, submit the question to a vote of the people whether they will or will not have a convention to amend their constitution, and adopt all necessary means for giving effect to the popular will." " Every patriot in the country had indulged the hope that the Kansas and Nebraska Act would put a final end to the slavery agitation, at least in Congress, which had for more than twenty years convulsed the country and endangered the Union. This act involved great and fundamental principles, and if fairly car- MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 33 ried into effect will settle the question. Should the agitation be again revived, should the people of the sister States be again estranged from each other with more than their former bitter ness, this will arise from a cause, so far as the interests of Kansas are concerned, more trifling and insignificant than has ever stirred the elements of a great people into commotion. To the people of Kansas, the only practical difference between admis sion or rejection depends simply upon the fact whether they can themselves more speedily change the present constitution if it does not accord with the will of the majority, or frame a second constitution to be submitted to Congress hereafter. Even if this were a question of mere expediency, and not of right, the small difference of time, one way or the other, is of not the least importance, when contrasted with the evils which must necessarily result to the whole country from a revival of the slavery agitation. " In considering this question, it should never be forgotten that, in proportion to its insignificance, let the decision be what it may, so far as it may affect the few thousand inhabitants of Kansas who have from the beginning resisted the constitution and the laws, for this very reason the rejection of the constitu tion will be so much the more keenly felt by the people of four teen of the States of this Union, where slavery is recognized under the Constitution of the United States. " Again : The speedy admission of Kansas into the Union would restore peace and quiet to the whole country. Already the affairs of this Territory have engrossed an undue proportion of public attention. They have sadly affected the friendly rela tions of the people of the States with each other, and alarmed the fears of patriots for the safety of the Union. Kansas once admitted into the Union, the excitement becomes localized, and will soon die away for want of outside aliment. Then every difficulty will be settled at the ballot box." " I have thus performed my duty on this important ques tion, under a deep sense of responsibility to God and my country. My public life will terminate within a brief period; and I have no other object of earthly ambition than to leave my country in a peaceful and prosperous condition, and to live in the affections and respect of my countrymen. The dark and ominous clouds which now appear to be impending over the Union, I conscien tiously believe may be dissipated with honor to every portion of it by the admission of Kansas during the present session of Con- Vol. XII— 3 34 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN gress; whereas, if she should be rejected, I greatly fear these clouds will become darker and more ominous than any which have ever yet threatened the Constitution and the Union." This Message gave rise to a long, exciting, and occasionally violent debate in both Houses of Congress, between the Anti- Slavery members and their opponents, which lasted for nearly three months. In the course of it slavery was denounced in every form which could exasperate the Southern people and render it odious to the people of the North ; whilst, on the other hand, many of the speeches of Southern members displayed char acteristic violence. Thus two sessions of Congress in succes sion had been in a great degree occupied with the same inflam matory topics, in discussing the affairs of Kansas. The debate was finally concluded by the passage of the " Act for the admission of the State of Kansas into the Union," of the 4th May, 1858.1 This act, which had been reported by a Committee of Conference of both Houses, was passed in the Senate by a vote of 31 to 22, and in the House by a vote of 112 to 103. 2 This was strictly a party vote in both Houses, with the exception of Mr. Douglas, in the Senate, who voted with the minority, and a few so-called Anti-Lecompton Democrats who voted with the minority in the House. This act explicitly recognizes the validity of the proceedings in Kansas which had given birth to the Lecompton Constitution. The preamble recites that — " Whereas, The people of the Territory of Kansas did, by a Convention of Delegates assembled at Lecompton, on the seventh day of November, one thousand eight hundred and fifty-seven, for that purpose, form for themselves a Constitution and State Government, which Constitution is republican," etc.; and it then proceeds to enact, " That the State of Kansas be, and is hereby, admitted into the Union on an equal footing with the original States in all respects whatever, but upon this funda mental condition precedent," etc. The necessity for this condition precedent arose from the fact that the ordinance of the Convention accompanying the con stitution, claimed for the State a cession of the public lands more than six times the quantity which had been granted to '11 U. S. Laws, p. 269. ~ Cong. Globe, 1857-58, pp. 1899 and 1905. MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 35 other States when entering the Union.1 The estimated amount was more than twenty-three million five hundred thousand acres. To such an exaction Congress could not yield. In lieu of this ordinance, therefore, they proposed to submit to a vote of the people of Kansas a proposition reducing the number of acres to be ceded, to that which had been granted to other States. Should this proposition be accepted by the people, then the fact was to be announced by the proclamation of the President ; and " there after, and without any further proceedings on the part of Con gress, the admission of the State of Kansas into the Union, upon an equal footing with the original States in all respects whatever, shall be complete and absolute." Such was the condition precedent, which was never ful filled, because the people by their votes on the 2d of August, 1858, rejected the proposition of Congress, and therefore Kansas was not admitted into the Union under the Lecompton Constitu tion. Notwithstanding this, the recognition by Congress of the regularity of the proceedings in forming the Lecompton Con stitution did much good, at least for a season. It diverted the attention of the people from fighting to voting, a most salutary change. The President, in referring to this subject in his next annual Message of December 6, 1858, uses the following lan guage : " When we compare the condition of the country at the present day with what it was one year ago, at the meeting of Congress, we have much reason for gratitude to that Almighty Providence which has never failed to interpose for our relief at the most critical periods of our history. One year ago the sec tional strife between the North and the South on the dangerous subject of slavery had again become so intense as to threaten the peace and perpetuity of the confederacy. The application for the admission of Kansas as a State into the Union fostered this unhappy agitation, and brought the whole subject once more before Congress. It was the desire of every patriot that such measures of legislation might be adopted as would remove the excitement from the States and confine it to the Territory where it legitimately belonged. Much has been done, I am happy to say, towards the accomplishment of this object during the last session of Congress. " The Supreme Court of the United States had previously decided that all American citizens have an equal right to take 1 Cong. Globe, 1857-58, p. 1766. 36 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN into the Territories whatever is held as property under the laws of any of the States, and to hold such property there under the guardianship of the Federal Constitution, so long as the terri torial condition shall remain. This is now a well-established position, and the proceedings of the last session were alone wanting to give it practical effect. " The principle has been recognized, in some form or other, by an almost unanimous vote of both Houses of Congress, that a Territory has a right to come into the Union either as a free or a slave State, according to the will of a majority of its people. The just equality of all the States has thus been vindicated, and a fruitful source of dangerous dissension among them has been removed. " While such has been the beneficial tendency of your legis lative proceedings outside of Kansas, their influence has nowhere been so happy as within that Territory itself. Left to manage and control its own affairs in its own way, without the pressure of external influence, the revolutionary Topeka organization, and all resistance to the territorial government established by Congress, have been finally abandoned. As a natural conse quence, that fine Territory now appears to be tranquil and pros perous, and is attracting increasing thousands of immigrants to make it their happy home. " The past unfortunate experience of Kansas has enforced the lesson, so often already taught, that resistance to lawful authority, under our form of government, cannot fail in the end to prove disastrous to its authors." It is unnecessary to pursue this subject further than to state that Kansas was finally admitted into the Union on the 29th January, 1861. The series of events already enumerated had greatly strengthened and extended the Anti-Slavery party. It soon drew within its vortex all other political organizations in the free States, except that of the old Democratic party, and consoli dated them under the name of the Republican party. This thenceforward became purely sectional, and was confined to the States north of Mason and Dixon's line. The Kansas and Nebraska Act had referred all constitutional questions respecting slavery in the Territories, to the Supreme Court of the United States. It accordingly furnished the neces sary facilities for bringing cases " involving title to slaves," or the " question of personal freedom," before that tribunal. MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 37 At the period of Mr. Buchanan's inauguration a case was pending before that Court (Dred Scott vs. Sandford, 19 How ard's Reports, p. 393) involving all the contested questions in regard to slavery. This, at the time, presented to him a cheerful but delusive prospect. He confidently expected that the decision of the Court would settle all these questions and eventually re store harmony among the States. Accordingly, in his Inaugural Address, he had declared that to this decision, whatever it might be, he should, in common with all good citizens, cheerfully sub mit. This was his imperative duty. Our free form of govern ment must soon be destroyed, should the Executive set up his judgment against that of the coordinate judicial branch, on a question clearly within its constitutional jurisdiction. Two days after the inauguration, on the 6th March, 1857, the Supreme Court pronounced its judgment. This was deliv ered by Chief Justice Taney, and embraced all the points in controversy. It establishes the following propositions : 1. Congress has power to acquire territory, " to be held by the United States until it is in a suitable condition to become a State upon an equal footing with the other States." 2. This territory is " acquired by the General Government, as the representative and trustee of the people of the United States, and it must therefore be held in that character for their common and equal benefit; for it was the people of the several States, acting through their agent and representative, the Fed eral Government, who in fact acquired the territory in question, and the Government holds it for their common use, until it shall be associated with the other States as a member of the con federacy." 3. Until that time should arrive, it was the duty of Congress to establish a government over the Territory, " best suited for the protection and security of the citizens of the United States, and other inhabitants who might be authorized to take up their abode there." 4. But " the territory being a part of the United States, the Government and the citizen both enter it under the authority of the Constitution, with their respective rights defined and marked out ; and the Federal Government can exercise no power over his person or property beyond what that instrument con fers, nor lawfully deny any right which it has reserved." 5. The Federal Government possesses no power to violate the rights of property within such Territory, because these " are 38 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN united with the rights of persons, and placed on the same ground by the fifth amendment to the Constitution, which provides that no person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law." " And the powers over persons and prop erty of which we speak, are not only not granted to Congress, but are in express terms denied, and they are forbidden to exercise them. And this prohibition is not confined to the States, but the words are general, and extend to the whole Territory over which the Constitution gives it power to legislate, including those portions of it remaining under Territorial Government, as well as that covered by States. It is a total absence of power everywhere within the dominion of the United States, and places the citizens of a Territory, as far as these rights are concerned, on the same footing with citizens of the States, and guards them as firmly and plainly against any inroads which the General Government might attempt, under the plea of implied or inci dental powers. And if Congress itself cannot do this — if it is beyond the powers conferred on the Federal Government — it will be admitted, we presume, that it could not authorize a ter ritorial Government to exercise them. It could confer no power on any local Government, established by its authority, to violate the provisions of the Constitution." 6. " It seems, however, to be supposed, that there is a differ ence between property in a slave and other property, and that different rules may be applied to it in expounding the Constitution of the United States." " Now, as we have already said in an earlier part of this opinion, on a different point, the right of property in a slave is distinctly and expressly affirmed in the Constitution. The right to traffic in it, like an ordinary article of merchandise and property, was guaranteed to the citizens of the United States, in every State that might desire it, for twenty years. And the Government in express terms is pledged to protect it in all future time, if the slave escapes from his owner. This is done in plain words — too plain to be misunderstood. And no word can be found in the Constitution which gives Con gress a greater power over slave property, or which entitles property of that kind to less protection than property of any other description. The only power conferred is the power coupled with the duty of guarding and protecting the owner in his rights." " Upon these considerations it is the opinion of the Court that the Act of Congress which prohibited a citizen from hold- MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 39 ing and owning property of this kind in the territory of the United States north of the line therein mentioned [the Missouri Compromise line], is not warranted by the Constitution, and is therefore void." This decision, so full and explicit, established the right of the master to take his slaves into the Territories and hold them there in despite of all conflicting Congressional or Territorial legislation, until the Territories should be prepared to assume the position of States. It might have been expected that this decision would have superseded all opposing political platforms, and ended the con troversy in regard to slavery in the Territories. This expecta tion, notwithstanding, soon proved to be a delusion. Instead of yielding it obedience, its correctness and binding effect were instantly resisted by the Republican party. They denounced and repudiated it in every possible form from the first moment, and continued to maintain, in opposition to its express terms, that it was not only the right but the duty of Congress to abolish slavery in all the Territories. This became a cardinal principle in the Chicago platform on which Mr. Lincoln was nominated and elected, and to which his Inaugural proves he had deter mined to adhere. The agitation continued for years, just as though the Supreme Court had never decided the question, until at length Congress passed an Act, on the 19th June, 1862, 1 de claring that from and after its passage, " there shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in any of the Territories of the United States now existing, or which may at any time hereafter be formed or acquired by the United States, otherwise than in punishment of crimes whereof the party shall have been duly convicted." This Act stands upon the Statute Book in direct conflict with the Constitution as expounded by the Supreme Coordinate Judicial Tribunal, and is therefore, according to the theory of our Government, a mere nullity. On the other hand, a large and respectable portion of the old Democratic party of the North, best known as the Douglas Democracy, equally disregarded the decision of the Supreme Court. For some years before it was pronounced, this party, whilst admitting that the Constitution authorizes the migration of slaves from the States into the Territories, had . maintained Pamph. Laws, 1861-62, p. 432. 40 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN that after their arrival it was competent for the Territorial Legis lature to impair or destroy the rights of the master. They claimed this power by virtue of a supposed inherent attribute of popular sovereignty alleged to belong to the first settlers of a Territory, just as it exists in the people of one of the States. This doctrine was appropriately, though not in good taste, called " squatter sovereignty." It involved, at least in appearance, an extension of popular rights, and was therefore well calculated to enlist public sympathy in its favor. It was presented and en forced by its advocates in such captivating colors, that before the date of the decision it had secured many enthusiastic adher ents in the North, whilst it was utterly repudiated in the South. The Douglas Democracy contended that this their favorite theory had been recognized in May, 1854, by the Kansas and Nebraska Act, declaring it to be " the true intent and meaning of this Act not to legislate slavery into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom; but to leave the people thereof free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States." They ought to have reflected that even if this provision had in plain language conferred upon the first settlers the power to abolish slavery, still, according to its very terms, it was " subject to the Constitution of the United States." and like all other laws it would be void if in conflict with this Constitution. What tribunal was to decide this question? Certainly the Supreme Court. Indeed, the law itself had, in express terms, recognized this, by prescribing the appropriate method of bringing the ques tion before that Court. After the Court, therefore, in March, 1857, had decided the question against their ideas of Territorial sovereignty, they ought to have yielded. They ought to have acquiesced in the doctrine that property, including that in slaves, as well in the Territories as in the States, is placed under the protection of the Constitution, and that neither a Territorial Legislature nor Congress possesses the power to impair or destroy it. This decision ought surely to have ended the question; but not so. Instead of this, the Douglas Democracy disregarded the decision altogether. They treated it as though it had never been made, and still continued to agitate without intermission, and with powerful effect, until the very day of President Lin coln's election. Absolute non-interference with slavery in the Territories, on the part of any human power outside of them, MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 41 was their watchword; thus leaving the people thereof entirely free to regulate or destroy it according to their own discretion. On the other hand, the old Democracy, true to its ancient and time-honored principles in support of law and order, at once yielded a willing obedience to the decision of the Supreme Court. Whatever differences of opinion previously existed among them in regard to the correctness of the decision, at once disappeared. Without being the advocates of domestic slavery, they held them selves bound by the compromises made and recorded in the Constitution by its illustrious authors, and sustained the decision from an imperious sense of public duty. It did not require the authority of the Supreme Court to convince a large majority of them that a Territorial Legislature had not power to deprive a citizen of his property which was denied both to a State Legisla ture and to Congress. This extreme power of sovereignty in the latter cases they knew could only be conferred by an amendment to the State or Federal Constitution. The Douglas Democracy still placed their principal reliance, as they had done before the decision, on the language of the Kansas and Nebraska Act. The difference between them and the old Democracy related to the point of time intended by the act, when the people of the Territories were recognized to possess the power " to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way." Was this at any time they pleased after the arrival of the first settlers, or not until the people should assemble in convention to form a State government, when, in the language of the act, they were to be admitted into the Union " with or without slavery, as their constitution may prescribe at the time of their admission " ? According to the construction of the Douglas Democracy, the act recognized their right to abolish slavery at any period of the Territorial existence ; but according to the construction of the old Democracy, there was no recogni tion of this right, until the period when they should meet in convention to form a State constitution ; and such was in accord ance with the decision of the Supreme Court. If the Douglas construction of the act be correct, it is morally certain that the Southern Senators and Representatives who were warm advocates of its passage, could not possibly have so under stood it. If they had, they would then have voluntarily voted away the rights of their own constituents. Indeed, such a con struction of the act would be more destructive to the interests of the slaveholder, than the Republican doctrine of Congressional 42 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN exclusion. Better, far better for him to submit the question to Congress, where he could be deliberately heard by his representa tives, than to be deprived of his slaves, after he had gone to the trouble and expense of transporting them to a Territory, by a hasty enactment of a Territorial Legislature elected annually and freed from all constitutional restraints. Such a construc tion of the Kansas and Nebraska Act would be in direct opposi tion to the policy and practice of the Government from its origin. The men who framed and built up our institutions, so far from regarding the Territories to be sovereign, treated them as mere wards of the Federal Government. Congress, as a faithful and kind guardian, watched over their infancy and promoted their growth and prosperity until they attained their majority. Dur ing the period of their pupilage the persons and property of the inhabitants were protected by the Constitution and laws of the United States. When the population had so far increased as to render this expedient, Congress gave them a Territorial Gov ernment. But in conferring upon the settlers the privilege to elect members to the popular branch of the Territorial Legisla ture, they took care to reserve the appointment of the Governor and the members of the Council to the President and Senate. Moreover, they expressly provided, in the language of the com promise measures of 1850, " that all the laws passed by the Legislative Assembly and Governor shall be submitted to the Congress of the United States, and if disapproved, shall be null and of no effect." This limitation on their powers was intended to restrain them from enacting laws in conflict with the Consti tution, the laws, or the established policy of the United States. It produced the happiest effect. The cases are rare, indeed, in which Congress found it necessary to exercise this disapproving power. It was not then foreseen that any political party would arise in this country, claiming the right for the majority of the first settlers of a Territory, under the plea of popular sovereignty, to confiscate the property of the minority. When the popula tion in the Territories had reached a sufficient number, Congress admitted them as States into the Union under constitutions framed by themselves, " with or without slavery," according to their own discretion. Long experience had abundantly sanctioned the wisdom of this policy. Under its benign influence many powerful and pros perous States have been admitted into the Union. No serious difficulties had ever occurred until the attempt was made to MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 43 abolish it under the construction in favor of " squatter sover eignty " given to the Kansas and Nebraska Act. The Southern people, who had expected that after the deci- sionof the Supreme Court their equal rights in the Territories would be respected by the Northern Democracy, were deeply mortified and disappointed to find that a large portion of this party still persevered in assailing these rights. This exasperated them, and placed in the hands of Southern disunion agitators a powerful weapon against the Union. President Buchanan, ever since the commencement of his administration, has been persistently denounced, especially by the Douglas Democracy, for sustaining the law as pronounced by the highest judicial authority of the country. He has been charged with proving faithless to the Cincinnati platform, which he accepted and on which he was elected. To prove this would be impossible, because it is altogether silent in regard to the power of a Territorial Legislature over the question of slavery. Nay, more; whilst affirming, in general terms, the provisions of the Kansas and Nebraska Act, it specifically designates a future time when slavery may be rightfully abolished, not by the Terri torial Legislature, but by the people. This is when, " acting through the legally and fairly expressed will of a majority of actual residents, and whenever the number of their inhabitants justifies it, [they assemble] to form a constitution with or with out domestic slavery, and be admitted into the Union upon terms of perfect equality with the other States." Before this period the Cincinnati platform is silent on the subject. The power is claimed by its advocates as a mere inference from the general language of the Kansas and Nebraska Act. But even if the right of a Territorial Legislature to abolish slavery had been affirmed in express terms by the Cincinnati Convention, which was the President bound to obey? — a political platform, or the Constitution as expounded afterwards by the Supreme Court? the decree of a nominating convention, or the supreme law of the land? He could not hesitate in the choice under his oath faithfully and to the best of his ability " to preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States." Sad must be the condition of any country where an appeal can be taken from judicial decisions to excited popular elections ! Under our free government all citizens are equal before the law. The law and the law alone is their master. When this is disregarded and defied by excited and exasperated popular majorities, anarchy 44 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN and confusion must be the inevitable consequence. Public and private rights are sacrificed to the madness of the hour. The Government itself becomes helpless for their protection, and to avoid such evils history has taught us that the people will at last seek refuge in the arms of despotism. Let all free governments in future times profit by our example. Let them take warning that the late disastrous civil war, unjustifiable as it was, would most probably never have existed had not the American people disobeyed and resisted the Constitution of their country as expounded by the tribunal which they themselves had created for this express purpose. The great Democratic party might have maintained its ascendency and saved the Union, had it not been thus hopelessly divided at this critical period. Encouraged and emboldened by its irreconcilable divisions, the Abolition or Republican party no longer confined itself to an opposition to slavery in the Terri tories. It soon extended its agitation to the suppression of slavery within the States. At the first it sought to save appear ances, but the veil was too transparent to conceal its purposes. CHAPTER III. Senator Seward — The " Irrepressible Conflict "—Helper's " Impending Crisis" — The John Brown Raid — The nature of Fanaticism — The Democratic National Convention at Charleston — Its proceedings and adjournment to Baltimore — Reassembling at Baltimore and proceedings there — Its break ing up and division into the Douglas and the Breckinridge Conventions — Proceedings of each — Review of the whole and the effect on the South. Senator Seward, of New York, was at this period the acknowledged head and leader of the Republican party. In deed, his utterances had become its oracles. He was much more of a politician than a statesman. Without strong convictions he understood the art of preparing in his closet, and uttering before the public, antithetical sentences well calculated both to inflame the ardor of his anti-slavery friends and to exasperate his pro-slavery opponents. If he was not the author of the " irrepressible conflict," he appropriated it to himself and con verted it into a party oracle. He thus aroused passions, proba bly without so intending, which it was beyond his power after wards to control. He raised a storm which, like others of whom we read in history, he wanted both the courage and the power to quell. We quote the following extract from his famous speech at Rochester on the 25th of October, 1858 -,1 "Free labor and slave labor, these antagonistic systems, are continually coming into close contact, and collision results. Shall I tell you what this collision means? They who think it is accidental, unneces sary, the work of interested or fanatical agitators, and therefore ephemeral, mistake the case altogether. It is an irrepressible conflict between opposing and enduring forces, and it means that the United States must and will, sooner or later, become either entirely a slaveholding nation or entirely a free-labor nation. Either the cotton and rice fields of South Carolina and the sugar plantations of Louisiana will ultimately be tilled by free labor, and Charleston and New Orleans become marts for legiti mate merchandise alone, or else the rye fields and wheat fields 1 Helper's Compendium, p. 142. 45 46 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN of Massachusetts and New York must again be surrendered by their farmers to slave culture and fo the production of slaves, and Boston and New York become once more markets for trade in the bodies and souls of men." However impossible that Massachusetts and New York should ever again become slaveholding States, and again engage in the African slave trade, yet such was the temper of the times that this absurd idea produced serious apprehensions in the North. It gave rise to still more serious apprehensions in the South. There they believed or affected to believe that the people of the North, in order to avoid the dreaded alternative of having slavery restored among themselves, and having their rye fields and wheat fields cultivated by slave labor, would put forth all their efforts to cut up slavery by the roots in the Southern States. These reckless fancies of Senator Seward made the deeper im pression upon the public mind, both North and South, because it was then generally believed that he would be the candidate of the Republican party at the next Presidential election. In accordance with the views expressed by Senator Seward, Hinton Helper's " Impending Crisis " soon afterwards appeared, a book well calculated to alarm the Southern people. This was ushered into the world by the following warm commendation from Mr. Seward himself : 1 "I have read the ' Impending Crisis of the South ' with great attention. It seems to me a work of great merit, rich yet accurate in statistical information, and logical in analysis." On the 9th of March, 1859, a Republican committee in New York, consisting of Horace Greeley, Thurlow Weed, and others, ' issued a circular warmly commending the book, and proposing to publish one hundred thousand copies of a compendium of it at a cheap rate for gratuitous circulation. In order to raise subscriptions for the purpose, they obtained the recommendation of this plan by sixty-eight Republican members of Congress, with Schuyler Colfax at their head. It is in the following terms : 2 " We the undersigned, members of the House of Rep resentatives of the National Congress, do cordially indorse the opinion and approve the enterprise set forth in the foregoing circular." The author of the book is by birth a North Carolinian, though of doubtful personal character, but his labors have since 1 Fowler's Sectional Controversy, p. 205. ~ Cong. Globe, i859-'6o, p. 16. MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 47 been recognized and rewarded by his appointment as Consul of the United States at Buenos Ayres. Published under such auspices, the " Impending Crisis " be came at once an authoritative exposition of the principles of the Republican party. The original, as well as a compendium, were circulated by hundreds of thousands, North, South, East, and West. No book could be better calculated for the purpose of intensifying the mutual hatred between the North and the South. This book, in the first place, proposes to abolish slavery in the slaveholding States by exciting a revolution among those called " the poor whites," against their rich slaveholding neighbors. To accomplish this purpose, every appeal which perverse inge nuity and passionate malignity could suggest, was employed to excite jealousy and hatred between these two classes. The cry of the poor against the rich, the resort of demagogues in all ages, was echoed and reechoed. The plan urged upon the non- slaveholding citizens of the South was — 1 ist. "Thorough organization and independent political ac tion on the part of the non-slaveholding whites of the South." 2d. " Ineligibility of pro-slavery slaveholders. Never an other vote to any one who advocates the retention and perpetua tion of human slavery." 3d. " No cooperation with pro-slavery politicians — no fel lowship with them in religion — no affiliation with them in society." 4th. " No patronage to pro-slavery merchants — no guest- ship in slave-waiting hotels — no fees to pro-slavery lawyers — no employment of pro-slavery physicians — no audience to pro- slavery parsons." 5th. " No more hiring of slaves by non-slaveholders." 6th. " Abrupt discontinuance of subscription to pro-slavery newspapers." 7th. " The greatest possible encouragement to free white labor." " This, then," says Mr. Helper, " is the outline of our scheme for the abolition of slavery in the Southern States. Let it be acted upon with due promptitude, and as certain as truth is mightier than error, fifteen years will not elapse before every 1 Compendium, p. 76. 48 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN foot of territory, from the mouth of the Delaware to the em- boguing of the Rio Grande, will glitter with the jewels of free dom. Some time during this year, next, or the year following, let there be a general convention of non-slaveholders from every slave State in the Union, to deliberate on the momentous issues now pending." 1 Not confining himself even within these limits, Mr. Helper proceeds to still greater extremities, and exclaims: " But, sirs, slaveholders, chevaliers, and lords of the lash, we are unwilling to allow you to cheat the negroes out of all the rights and claims to which, as human beings, they are most sacredly entitled. Not alone for ourself as an individual, but for others also, particularly for five or six millions of Southern non-slave- holding whites, whom your iniquitous Statism has debarred from almost all the mental and material comforts of life, do we speak, when we say, you must sooner or later emancipate your slaves, and pay each and every one of them at least sixty dollars cash in hand. By doing this you will be restoring to them their natural rights, and remunerating them at the rate of less than twenty-six cents per annum for the long and cheerless period of their servi tude from the 20th of August, 1620, when, on James River, in Virginia, they became the unhappy slaves of heartless tyrants. Moreover, by doing this you will be performing but a simple act of justice to the non-slaveholding whites, .upon whom the system of slavery has weighed scarcely less heavily than upon the negroes themselves. You will, also, be applying a saving balm to your own outraged hearts and consciences, and your children — your selves in fact — freed from the accursed stain of slavery, will become respectable, useful, and honorable members of society." He then taunts and defies the slaveholders in this manner: " And now, sirs, we have thus laid down our ultimatum. What are you going to do about it? Something dreadful of course! Perhaps you will dissolve the Union again. Do it, if you dare! Our motto, and we would have you to understand it, is, ' The abolition of slavery and the perpetuation of the American Union.' If, by any means, you do succeed in your treasonable attempts to take the South out of the Union to-day, we will bring her back to-morrow; if she goes away with you, she will return without you. " Do not mistake the meaning of the last clause of the last 1 Pages 89, 90. MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 49 sentence. We could elucidate it so thoroughly that no intelli gent person could fail to comprehend it ; but, for reasons which may hereafter appear, we forego the task. " Henceforth there are other interests to be consulted in the South, aside from the interests of negroes and slaveholders. A profound sense of duty incites us to make the greatest possible efforts for the abolition of slavery; an equally profound sense of duty calls for a continuation of those efforts until the very last foe to freedom shall have been utterly vanquished. To the summons of the righteous monitor within, we shall endeavor to prove faithful; no opportunity for inflicting a mortal wound in the side of slavery shall be permitted to pass us unimproved. " Thus, terror engenderers of the South, have we fully and frankly defined our position; we have no modifications to pro pose, no compromises to offer, nothing to retract. Frown, sirs, fret, foam, prepare your weapons, threat, strike, shoot, stab, bring on civil war, dissolve the Union, nay, annihilate the solar system if you will — do all this, more, less, better, worse, any thing — do what you will, sirs, you can neither foil nor intimidate us ; our purpose is as firmly fixed as the eternal pillars of heaven; we have determined to abolish slavery, and so help us God, abolish it we will ! Take this to bed with you to-night, sirs, and think about it, dream over it, and let us know how you feel to-morrow morning." Such are specimens from the book indorsed and commended by the acknowledged leader of the Republican party, after having read it " with great attention," and by sixty-eight prominent Republican members of Congress! In the midst of the excite ment produced by this book, both North and South, occurred the raid of John Brown into Virginia. This was undertaken for the avowed purpose of producing a servile insurrection among the slaves, and aiding them by military force in rising against their masters. John Brown was a man violent lawless, and fanatical. Amid the troubles in Kansas he had distinguished himself, both by word and by deed, for boldness and cruelty. His ruling passion was to become the instrument of abolishing slavery, by the strong hand, throughout the slaveholding States. With him, this amounted almost to insanity. Notwithstanding all this, he was so secret in his purposes that he had scarcely any confidants. This appears in a striking manner from the testimony taken be- Vol. Xll-^t 50 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN fore the Senate Committee.1 Several abolitionists had contrib uted money to him in aid of the anti-slavery cause generally, but he had not communicated to them for what particular purpose this was to be employed. He had long meditated an irruption into Virginia, to excite and to aid a rising of the slaves against their masters, and for this he had prepared. He had purchased two hundred Sharp's carbines, two hundred revolver pistols, and about one thousand pikes, with which to arm the slaves. These arms he had collected and deposited in the vicinity of Harper's Ferry. When the plot was ripe for execution, a little before midnight on Sunday evening, the 16th of October, 1859, ne> wim sixteen white and five negro confederates, rushed across the Po tomac to Harper's Ferry, and there seized the armory, arsenal, and rifle factory belonging to the United States. When the inhabitants awoke in the morning they found, greatly to their terror and surprise, that these places, with the town itself, were all in possession of John Brown's force. It would be a waste of time to detail the history' of this raid. Suffice it to say that on Tuesday morning, 18th, the whole band, with the exception of two who had escaped, were either killed or captured. Among the latter was John Brown himself, badly wounded. In the meantime, however, his party had murdered five individuals, four of them unarmed citizens, and had wounded nine others. It is proper to observe that John Brown, after all his efforts, re ceived no support from the slaves in the neighborhood. The news of this attack on Harper's Ferry spread rapidly over the country. All were at first ignorant of the strength of the force, and public rumor had greatly exaggerated it. The President immediately sent a detachment of marines to the spot, by which John Brown and his party were captured in the engine house, where they had fled for shelter and defence. Large numbers of volunteers from Virginia and Maryland had also hastened to the scene of action. John Brown and several of his party were after wards tried before the appropriate judicial authorities of Vir ginia, and were convicted and executed. In the already excited condition of public feeling through out the South, this raid of John Brown made a deeper impres sion on the Southern mind against the Union than all former events. Considered merely as the isolated act of a desperate fanatic, it would have had no lasting effect. It was the enthu- 1 Reports of Senate Committee, ist Session 36th Congress, No. 278, vol. ii. MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 51 siastic and permanent approbation of the object of his expedition by the abolitionists of the North, which spread alarm and appre hension throughout the South. We are told by Fowler in his " Sectional Controversy," that on the day of Brown's execution bells were tolled in many places, cannon fired, and prayers offered up for him as if he were a martyr; he was placed in the same category with Paul and Silas, for whom prayers were made by the Church, and churches were draped in mourning. Nor were these honors to his memory a mere transient burst of feeling. The Republican party have ever since honored him as a saint or a martyr in a cause which they deemed so holy. According to them, " whilst his body moulders in the dust his spirit is still marching on " in the van to accomplish his bloody purposes. Even blasphemy, which it would be improper to repeat, has been employed to consecrate his memory. Fanaticism never stops to reason. Driven by honest im pulse, it rushes on to its object without regard to interposing obstacles. Acting on the principle avowed in the Declaration of Independence, " that all men are created equal," and believing slavery to be sinful, it would not hesitate to pass from its own State into other States, and emancipate their slaves by force of arms. We do not stop to inquire whether slavery is sinful. We may observe, however, that under the old and new dispensa tions, slaves were held both by Jews and Christians, and rules were prescribed for their humane treatment. In the present state of civilization, we are free to admit that slavery is a great politi cal and social evil. If left to the wise ordinances of a superin tending Providence, which never acts rashly, it would have been gradually extinguished in our country, peacefully and without bloodshed, as has already been done throughout nearly the whole of Christendom. It is true that other countries enjoyed facilities for emancipation which we do not possess. In them the slaves were of the same color and race with the rest of the community, and in becoming freemen they soon mingled with the general mass on equal terms with their former masters. But even admitting slavery to be a sin, have the adherents of John Brown never reflected that the attempt by one people to pass beyond their own jurisdiction, and to extirpate by force of arms whatever they may deem sinful among another people, would involve the nations of the earth in perpetual hostilities? We Christians are thoroughly convinced that Mahomet was a false prophet; shall we, therefore, make war upon the Turkish 52 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN empire to destroy Islamism? If we would preserve the peace of the world and avoid much greater evils than we desire to destroy, we must act upon the wise principles of international law, and leave each people to decide domestic questions for themselves. Their sins are not our sins. We must intrust their punishment and reformation to their own authorities, and to the Supreme Governor of nations. This spirit of interference with what we may choose to consider the domestic evils of other nations, has in former periods covered the earth with blood. Even since the advent of Christianity, until a comparatively late period, Catho lics and Protestants, acting on this false principle, have, with equal sincerity, made war against each other, to put down dog mas of faith which they mutually believed to be sinful and dan gerous to the soul's salvation, and this in the name of Him who descended from heaven to establish a kingdom of peace and charity on earth. Spain waged a reckless war against the poor Indians of Mexico, to root out the sin of idolatry from their midst and compel them to embrace the Christian faith; and whoever shall read the life of Cortes must admit that he acted with perfect sincerity, and was intent on their souls' salvation. Mahometans, believing Christianity to be sinful, have, in a simi lar spirit, made war on Christian nations to propagate their own faith. We might fill volumes with like examples from history. These days of darkness and delusion, of doing evil that good might come, have, it is to be hoped, passed away for ever under the pure light of the Gospel. If all these acts were great wrongs in the intercourse between independent nations, if they violated the benign principles of Christianity, how much greater would the wrong have been had one portion of the sovereign States of a confederate union made war against the remainder to extir pate from them the sin of slavery! And this more especially when their common constitution, in its very terms, recognizes slavery, restores the runaway slave to his master, and even makes the institution a basis for the exercise of the elective franchise. With like reason might the State of Maine, whilst the delusion of the Maine liquor law prevailed, have made war on her sister States to enforce its observance upon their people, because drunkenness is a grievous sin in the belief of all Chris tians. In justification of this, she might have alleged that the intemperance tolerated among her neighbors, and not her own spirit to intermeddle with their concerns, was the cause of the MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 53 war, just as it has been asserted that slavery in the Southern States was the cause of the late war. We may believe and in deed know, that the people of the North, however much they may have extolled the conduct of John Brown, would never in prac tice have carried out his teachings and his example; but justice requires that we should make a fair allowance for the apprehen sions of the Southern people, who necessarily viewed the whole scene from an opposite standpoint. Under these circumstances it is no wonder that the South should have entertained fearful apprehensions for their peace and safety, in the event that the Abolition party should succeed in obtaining the reins of the government, an event soon thereafter rendered morally certain by the breaking up of the Charleston Democratic Convention. To the history of the sad event we now proceed. It is certain that before the meeting of the Convention, the Democratic party of the North had become seriously divided between the old and the Douglas Democracy, and that the latter at least was strongly tinctured with an anti-slavery spirit. The Convention assembled at Charleston on the 23d of April, i860, to nominate candidates for the offices of President and Vice-President. It was composed of delegates from all the thirty-three States of the Union, and each State was entitled to as many votes as it had Senators and Representatives in Con gress. The whole number of votes was, therefore, 303 ; and under the two-thirds rule which it adopted, after the example of former Conventions, 202 votes were required to make a nom ination.1 The Convention elected Hon. Caleb Cushing, of Massachusetts, its President. This Convention had no sooner assembled than a radical difference of opinion was exhibited among its members in regard to the status of slavery in the Territories. The old Democratic portion, invoking the Dred Scott decision, held that slave prop erty, under the Constitution, was entitled to the same protection therein with any other property; whilst the Douglas delegates, in opposition to this decision, maintained the power of a Terri torial Legislature to impair or destroy this property in its discre tion. On the day after the Convention assembled (24th April), a committee was appointed, consisting of a delegate from each State, selected by the respective State delegations, to report reso lutions as a platform for the party ; and on the same day it was 'Report of Proceedings, p. 11. 54 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN resolved unanimously " that this Convention will not proceed to ballot for a candidate for the Presidency until the platform shall have been adopted." On the 27th of April the Committee on Resolutions made majority and minority reports.1 After a long, able, and eloquent discussion on the respective merits of the two reports, they were both, on motion of Mr. Bigler, of Penn sylvania, re-committed to the Committee on Resolutions,2 with a view, if possible, to promote harmony; but this proved to be impracticable. On the sixth day of the Convention (Saturday, April 28th),3 at an evening session, Mr. Avery, of North Caro lina, and Mr. Samuels, of Iowa, from the majority and minority of the committee, again made opposite and conflicting reports on the question of slavery in the Territories. On this question the committee had divided from the beginning, the one portion em bracing the fifteen members from the slaveholding States, with those from California and Oregon, and the other consisting of the members from all the free States east of the Rocky Moun tains. On all the other questions both reports substantially agreed, and therefore in regard to them no special notice is required. The following is the report of the majority made on this subject by Mr. Avery, of North Carolina, the chairman of the committee: "Resolved, That the platform adopted by the Demo cratic party at Cincinnati be affirmed with the following explana tory resolutions: ist. That the Government of a Territory, organized by an act of Congress, is provisional and temporary, and during its existence all citizens of the United States have an equal right to settle with their property in the Territory, with out their rights, either of person or property, being destroyed or impaired by Congressional or Territorial legislation. 2d. That it is the duty of the Federal Government, in all its depart ments, to protect, when necessary, the rights of persons and prop erty in the Territories, and wherever else its constitutional author ity extends. 3d. That when the settlers in a Territory having an adequate population form a State Constitution, the right of sovereignty commences, and being consummated by admission into the Union, they stand on an equal footing with the people of other States, and the State thus organized ought to be ad mitted into the Federal Union whether its constitution prohibits or recognizes the institution of slavery." It will be perceived 1 5th day, p. 45. ~ Page 89. * Pages 92, 93. MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 55 that these resolutions are in exact conformity with the decision of the Supreme Court. The following is the report of the minority, made by Mr. Samuels, of Iowa. After re-affirming the Cincinnati platform by the first resolution, it proceeds : " Inasmuch as differences of opinion exist in the Democratic party, as to the nature and extent of the powers of a Territorial Legislature, and as to the powers and duties of Congress, under the Constitution of the United States, over the institution of slavery within the Terri tories, Resolved, That the Democratic party will abide by the decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States upon ques tions of constitutional law." It must strike the reader that this resolution does not meet the question, but is vague and evasive. It entirely ignores the fact that all these " questions of constitutional law " had been already decided by the Supreme Court, and that in regard to them no differences of opinion could exist among those who were willing to recognize its authority. It leaves the rights of the master over slave property in the Territories as an open question, and places them at the mercy of a majority in Terri torial Legislatures, until some future decision should be made, not on this specific question, but generally " on questions of constitutional law," In fact, it treats the decision as though it had never been made. It is proper to observe that we have included the member of the committee from Massachusetts (Mr. Butler) among the sixteen votes in favor of the minority report, because, although he made a separate report of his own, this was confined to a simple recommendation of the Cincinnati platform and nothing more. The opposing reports from the Northern and the Southern members of the committee were thus distinctly placed before the Convention. It was soon manifest that should the minority report prevail, the Convention- must be broken into fragments. After some preliminary remarks, Mr. Samuels moved the adoption of the minority report as a substitute for that of the majority.1 This gave rise to an earnest and excited debate. The difference between the parties was radical and irreconcila ble. The South insisted that the Cincinnati platform, whose true construction in regard to slavery in the Territories had always been denied by a portion of the Democratic party, should 1 Page 97. 56 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN be explained and settled by an express recognition of the prin ciples decided by the Supreme Court. The North, on the other hand, refused to recognize this decision, and still maintained the power to be inherent in the people of a Territory to deal with the question of slavery according to their own discretion. The vote was then taken, and the minority report was substituted for that of the majority by a vote of one hundred and sixty-five to one hundred and thirty-eight.1 The delegates from the six New England States, as well as from New York, Ohio, Indiana, Illi nois, Michigan, Wisconsin, Iowa, and Minnesota, fourteen free States, cast their entire vote in favor of the minority report. New Jersey and Pennsylvania alone among the free States east of the Rocky Mountains refused to vote as States, but their dele gates voted as individuals. Had all the States voted as units, without regard to the respective minorities in each; or, on the other hand, had the delegates from all the States voted as in dividuals, in either case the majority report would have been sus tained, and the Democratic party might have been saved. It was the want of uniformity in the mode of voting that produced the disastrous result. The means employed to attain this end were skilfully devised by the minority of the Pennsylvania delegation in favor of nominating Mr. Douglas.2 The entire delegation had, strangely enough, placed this power in their hands, by selecting two of their number, Messrs. Cessna and Wright, to represent the whole on the two most important committees of the Convention — that of organization and that of resolutions. These gentlemen, by adroitness and parliamentary tact, succeeded in abrogating the former practice of casting the vote of the State as a unit, and in reducing it almost to a cipher. In this manner, whilst New York indorsed with her entire thirty-five votes the peculiar views of Mr. Douglas, notwithstanding there was in her delegation a majority of only five votes in their favor on the question of Territorial sovereignty,3 the effective strength of Pennsylvania recognizing the judgment of the Supreme Court was reduced to three votes, this being the majority of fifteen on the one side over twelve on the other. The question next in order before the Convention was upon the adoption of the second resolution of the minority of the committee, which had been substituted for the report of the majority. On this occasion Georgia, Louisiana, Alabama, Ar- 1 Page 112. 7th day, April 30. "Page 21. 8 Mr. Bartlett, p. 249. MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 57 kansas, Texas, Florida, and Mississippi refused to vote.1 In deed, it soon appeared that on the question of the final adoption of this second vague and general resolution, which in fact amounted to nothing, it had scarcely any friends of either party in the Convention. The Douglas party, abandoning their own offspring, and preferring to it the Cincinnati platform, pure and simple, without explanation or addition, voted against it.2 On the other hand, the old Democracy could not vote for it without admitting that the Supreme Court had not already placed the right over slave property in the Territories on the same footing with all other property, and therefore they also voted against it. In consequence the resolution was negatived by a vote of only twenty-one in its favor to two hundred and thirty-eight.3 Had the seven Southern States just mentioned voted, the negatives would have amounted to two hundred and eighty-two, or more than thirteen to one. Thus both the majority and the minority resolutions on the Territorial question were rejected, and nothing remained before the Convention except the Cincinnati platform. At this stage of the proceedings4 (April 30th), the States of Louisiana, Alabama, South Carolina, Mississippi, Florida, Texas, and Arkansas, having assigned their reasons for the act, withdrew in succession from the Convention.5 After these seven States had retired, the delegation from Virginia made a noble effort to restore harmony.6 Mr. Russell, their chairman, addressed the Convention in a solemn and impressive manner. He portrayed the alarming nature of the crisis. He expressed his fears that we were on the eve of a revolution, and if this Convention should prove a failure it would be the last National Convention of any party which would ever assemble in the United States. " Virginia," said he, " stands in the midst of her sister States, in garments red with the blood of her children slain in the first outbreak of the ' irrepressible conflict.' But, sir, not when her children fell at midnight beneath the weapon of the assassin, was her heart penetrated with so profound a grief as that which will wring it when she is obliged to choose between a separate destiny with the South, and her common destiny with the entire Republic." Mr. Russell was not then prepared to answer, in behalf of his delegation, whether the events of the day [the defeat of the 'Page 116. 2 Ibid. s Ibid. "Pp. 1 18-125. "Pp. 126, 127. "30th April, 7th day, p. 126. 58 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN majority report, and the withdrawal of the seven States] were sufficient to justify her in taking the irrevocable step in ques tion. In order, therefore, that they might have time to delib erate, and if they thought proper make an effort to restore har mony in the Convention, he expressed a desire that it might adjourn and afford them an opportunity for consultation.1 The Convention accordingly adjourned until the next day, Tuesday, May ist; and immediately after its reassembling the delegation from Georgia, making the eighth State, also withdrew.2 In the mean time the Virginia delegation had consulted among themselves, and had conferred with the delegations of the other Southern States which still remained in the Conven tion, as to the best mode of restoring harmony.3 In conse quence Mr. Howard, of Tennessee, stated to the Convention that " he had a proposition to present in behalf of the delega tion from Tennessee, whenever, under parliamentary rules, it would be proper to present it." In this Tennessee was joined by Kentucky and Virginia, " the three great middle States which stand as a breakwater against fanaticism on one side and dis union on the other. He should propose the following resolution, whenever it would be in order : ' Resolved, That the citizens of the United States have an equal right to settle with their prop erty in the Territories of the United States; and that, under the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States, which we recognize as the correct exposition of the Constitution of the United States, neither the rights of person nor property can be destroyed or impaired by Congressional or Territorial legislation.' " 4 " Mr. Russell, as chairman of the delegation from Virginia, rose to express the sentiments entertained by the delegation from that State, and the position they occupy this morning in this Convention. They came here for the double purpose of defend ing the rights of the South, which are involved in the great issues of the day, and of maintaining the integrity of the American Union. The events of yesterday had especially left him a deli cate task to perform. Events had occurred which their constit uency never contemplated when they were sent here. They desired that the Democratic party should remain complete, what ever might be done in this Convention. With these general views, the Virginia delegation had entered into consultation 1 Page 128, 8th day. a Ibid. » Page 136. * Page 136. MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 59 among themselves, and had conferred with their sister Southern States remaining in the Convention. They believed that the resolution just read by the gentleman from Tennessee [Mr. Howard] presented a reasonable basis of settlement among all parties, North and South, affirming, as it did, the doctrine of the decision of the Supreme Court, and going no further." On a subsequent day (May 3d), Mr. Russell informed the Convention that this resolution had, " he believed, received the approbation of all the delegations from the Southern States which remained in the Convention, and also received the appro bation of the delegation from New York. He was informed there was strength enough to pass it when in order." 1 Of this there could have been no doubt, with the vote of New York in its favor. Had it been adopted, what an auspicious event this would have been both for the Democratic party and the country ! Mr. Howard, however, in vain attempted to obtain a vote on his resolution. When he moved to take it up on the evening of the day it had been offered, he was met by cries of " Not in order," " Not in order." 2 The manifest purpose was to post pone its consideration until the hour should arrive which had been fixed by a previous order of the Convention, in opposition to its first order on the same subject, for the balloting to com mence for a Presidential candidate, when it would be too late. This the friends of Mr. Douglas accomplished, and no vote was ever taken upon it either at Charleston or Baltimore. Before the balloting commenced Mr. Howard succeeded, in the face of strong opposition, with the aid of the thirty-five votes from New York, in obtaining a vote of the Convention in affirmance of the two-thirds rule. On this motion they re solved, by 141 to 112 votes,3 "that the President of the Con vention be and he is hereby directed not to declare any person nominated for the office of President or Vice-President, unless he shall have received a number of votes equal to two-thirds of the votes of all the electoral colleges." It was well known at the time that this resolution rendered the regular nomination of Mr. Douglas impossible. The balloting then commenced (Tuesday evening, May ist), on the eighth day of the session.4 Necessary to a nomination, under the two-thirds rule, 202 votes. On the first ballot Mr. 'Page 152. 2Page 138. 8 P. 141- 'Pages 141-152. 60 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN Douglas received 145^ votes; Mr. Hunter, of Virginia, 42; Mr. Guthrie, of Kentucky, 35/2; Mr. Johnson, of Tennessee, 12; Mr. Dickinson, of New York, 7; Mr. Lane, of Oregon, 6; Mr. Toucey, of Connecticut, 25-2 ; Mr. Davis, of Mississippi, 1/., and Mr. Pearce, of Maryland, 1 vote. The voting continued until 3d May, during which there were fifty-four additional ballotings. Mr. Douglas never rose to more than 152/2, and ended at iSij4 votes, 202 votes being necessary to a nomination. Of these votes, at least no were given by delegates from States which, judging from their ante cedents, could not give him or any Democratic candidate a single electoral vote. This statement proves the wisdom and foresight of those who adopted the two-thirds rule. Until 1824 nominations had been made by Congressional caucus. In these none participated except Senators from Democratic States, and Representatives from Democratic Congressional districts. The simple majority rule governed in these caucuses, because it was morally certain that, composed as they were, no candidate could be selected against the will of the Democratic States on whom his election depended. But when a change was made to National Conven tions, it was at once perceived that if a mere majority could nominate, then the delegates from Anti-Democratic States might be mainly instrumental in nominating a candidate for whom they could not give a single electoral vote. Whilst it would have been harsh and inexpedient to exclude these States from the Convention altogether, it would have been unjust to confer on them a controlling power over the nomination. To compro mise this difficulty, the two-thirds rule was adopted. Under its operation it would be almost impossible that a candidate could be selected, without the votes of a simple majority of delegates from the Democratic States. It had now become manifest that it was impossible to make a nomination at Charleston. The friends of Mr. Douglas adhered to him and would vote for him and him alone, whilst his opponents, apprehending the effect of his principles should he be elected President, were equally determined to vote against his nomination. In the hope that some compromise might yet be effected to save the Democratic party, the Convention, on the motion of Mr. Russell of Virginia resolved to adjourn to meet at Balti- MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 61 more on Monday, the 18th June; 1 and it was " respectfully rec ommended to the Democratic party of the several States, to make provision for supplying all vacancies in their respective delegations to this Convention when it shall assemble." The Convention re-assembled at Baltimore on the 18th June, i860,2 according to its adjournment, and Mr. Cushing, the Pres ident, took the chair. It was greatly to be desired that the Southern delegates who had withdrawn at Charleston might resume their seats at Baltimore, and thus restore the Convention to its original integrity. In that event high hopes were still entertained that both parties might harmonize in selecting some eminent Democratic statesman, not obnoxious to either as a can didate, and thus save the Democracy of the Union from certain defeat. Every discerning citizen foresaw that without such a re-union the Democratic party would continue to be hopelessly divided, and the Republican candidates must inevitably be elected. Immediately after the reorganization of the Convention, Mr. Howard, of Tennessee, offered a resolution, " that the Presi dent of this Convention direct the sergeant-at-arms to issue tickets of admission to the delegates of the Convention, as orig inally constituted and organized at Charleston." Thus the vitally important question was distinctly presented. It soon, however, became manifest that no such resolution could prevail. In the absence of the delegates who had withdrawn at Charleston, the friends of Mr. Douglas constituted a controlling majority. At the threshold they resisted the admission of the original dele gates, and contended that by withdrawing they had irrevocably resigned their seats. In support of this position, they relied upon the language of the resolution adjourning the Convention to Bal timore, which, as we have seen, " recommended to the Demo cratic party of the several States to make provision for supplying all vacancies in their respective delegations to this Convention, when it shall reassemble." On the other hand, the advocates of their readmission contended that a simple withdrawal of the delegates was not a final renunciation of their seats, but they were still entitled to reoccupy them, whenever, in their judgment, this course would be best calculated to restore the harmony and promote the success of the Democratic party ; that the Convention had no right to interpose between them and the Democracy of their respective States; that being directly responsible to this ' Pages 152-154. 10th day, May 3d. * Page 155. 62 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN Democracy, it alone could accept their resignation ; that no such resignation had ever been made, and their authority therefore continued in full force, and this, too, with the approbation of their constituents. In the mean time, after the adjournment from Charleston to Baltimore, the friends of Mr. Douglas, in several of these States, had proceeded to elect delegates to take the place of those who had withdrawn from the Convention, but not in any instance, it is believed, according to the rules and usages of the Democratic party. Indeed, it was manifest at the time, and has since been clearly proved by the event, that these delegates represented but a small minority of the party in their respective States. These new delegates, nevertheless, appeared and de manded seats. After a long and ardent debate, the Convention adopted a resolution, offered by Mr. Church, of New York, and modified on motion of Mr. Gilmore, of Pennsylvania, as a substitute for that of Mr. Howard, to refer " the credentials of all persons claiming seats in this Convention, made vacant by the secession of delegates at Charleston, to the Committee on Credentials." They thus prejudged the question, by deciding that the seats of these delegates had been made and were still vacant. The Com mittee on Credentials had been originally composed of one dele gate from each of the thirty-three States, but the number was now reduced to twenty-five, in consequence of the exclusion of eight of its members from the States of Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, South Carolina, Texas, Louisiana, Arkansas, and Florida. The committee, therefore, now stood 1 6 to 9 in favor of the nomination of Mr. Douglas, instead of 17 to 16 against it, according to its original organization.1 The committee, through their chairman, Mr. Krum, of Mis souri, made their report on the 21st June, and Governor Ste vens, of Oregon, at the same time presented a minority report, signed by himself and eight other members. It is unnecessary to give in detail these conflicting reports. It is sufficient to state that whilst the report of the majority maintained that the delegates, by withdrawing at Charleston, had resigned their seats, and these were still vacant ; that of the minority, on the contrary, asserted the right of these delegates ' Pages 187-191. MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 63 to resume their seats in the Convention, by virtue of their original appointment. In some respects the majority report presented a strange aspect. Whilst it recommended the admission of all the new delegates from the States of Alabama and Louisiana, to the exclusion of the old, it divided Georgia equally between the conflicting parties, allowing one-half to each, thus rendering the vote of the State a mere nullity. This anomaly was, however, afterwards corrected by a vote of the Convention. Indeed, the new delegates voluntarily withdrew their claim to seats. On the next day (June 22 )1 the important decision was made between the conflicting reports. Mr. Stevens moved to substitute the minority report for that of the majority, and his motion was rejected by a vote of 100 J4 to 150. Of course no vote -was given from any of the excluded States, except one half vote from each of the parties in Arkansas. The resolutions of the majority, except the ninth, relating to the Georgia delegation, were then adopted in succession. Among other motions of similar character, a motion had been made by a delegate in the majority to reconsider the vote by which the Convention had adopted the minority report, as a substitute for that of the majority, and to lay his own motion on the table. This is a common mode resorted to, according to parliamentary tactics, of defeating every hope of a reconsidera tion of the pending question, and rendering the first decision final.2 Mr. Cessna, always on the alert, with this view called for a vote on laying the motion to reconsider on the table. Should this be negatived, then the question of reconsideration would be open. The President stated the question to be first " on laying on the table the motion to reconsider the vote by which the Con vention refused to amend the majority report of the Committee on Credentials by substituting the report of the minority." On this question New York, for the first time since the meeting at Baltimore, voted with the minority and changed it into a major ity. " When New York was called," says the report of the proceedings, "and responded thirty-five votes" (in the nega tive)," the response was greeted with loud cheers and applause." 3 The result of the vote was 113^2 to 1 383/2 — " so the Convention refused to lay on the table the motion to reconsider the minority 1 Page 203. 2 Page 209. * Page 210. 64 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN report." The Convention then adjourned until the evening, on motion of Mr. Cochrane, of New York, amidst great excite ment and confusion. This vote of New York, appearing to indicate a purpose to harmonize the party by admitting the original delegates from the eight absent States, was not altogether unexpected. Al though voting as a unit, it was known that her delegation were greatly divided among themselves. The exact strength of the minority was afterwards stated by Mr. Bartlett, one of its mem bers, in the Breckinridge Convention.1 He said : " Upon all questions and especially upon the adoption of the majority report on credentials, in which we had a long contest, the line was strictly drawn, and there were thirty on one side and forty on the other." This was equal to fifteen votes to twenty. The position of New York casting an undivided vote of thirty-five, with Dean Richmond at their head, had been a con trolling power from the commencement. Her responsibility was great in proportion. Had she cast her weight into the scale at Charleston in favor of the majority report on the resolutions and in accordance with the decision of the Supreme Court, this, as we have already seen, would have prevailed by a vote of 173 to 130. Such a result might probably have terminated the controversy between the North and the South. After the retirement of the Southern delegations at Charles ton, the delegation from New York had appeared to be willing to change their course and adopt the compromise platform pro posed by Virginia, Tennessee, and Kentucky, with the approba tion of the other border States still in the Convention. This was in fact nothing more than an affirmance of the decision of the Supreme Court. In advocating it, Mr. Russell, of Virginia, whose ability and spirit of conciliation had been displayed throughout, stated his belief, as we have seen, that it had " re ceived the approbation of the delegation from New York ; " and this statement was not contradicted. This would have secured its adoption. The means by which a vote upon the question was defeated at Charleston by the commencement of the balloting have already been presented. Strong expectations were, there fore, now entertained that after the New York delegation had recorded their vote against a motion which would have killed the minority report beyond hope of revival, they would now 1 Page 249. MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 65 follow this up by taking the next step in advance and voting for its reconsideration, and adoption.1 On the evening of the very same day, however, they reversed their course and voted against its reconsideration. They were then cheered by the opposite party from that which had cheered them in the morning. Thus the action of the Convention in favor of the majority report became final and conclusive.2 Mr. Cessna, of Pennsylvania, always eager, at once moved " that the Convention do now proceed to nominate candidates for President and Vice-President of the United States." These proceedings immediately produced the disastrous effects which must have been foreseen by all.3 Mr. Russell rose and stated, " It has become my duty now, by direction of a large majority of the delegation from Virginia, respectfully to inform you and this body, that it is not consistent with their convictions of duty to participate longer in its deliberations." * Mr. Leader next stated " that it became his duty, as one of the delegates from North Carolina, to say that a very large majority of the delegation from that State were compelled to retire permanently from this Convention, on account, as he con ceived, of the unjust course that had been pursued toward some of their fellow-citizens of the South. The South had heretofore relied upon the Northern Democracy to give them the rights which were justly due them; but the vote to-day had satisfied the majority of the North Carolina delegation that these rights were now refused them, and this being the case, they could no longer remain in the Convention." Then followed in succession the withdrawal of the delega tions from Tennessee,5 Kentucky,6 Maryland,7 California,8 Ore gon,9 and Arkansas.10 The Convention now adjourned at half- past ten o'clock until the next morning at ten. Soon after the assembling of the Convention n the President, Mr. Cushing, whilst tendering his thanks to its members for their candid and honorable support in the performance of his duties, stated that notwithstanding the retirement of the delega tions of several of the States at Charleston, in his solicitude to maintain the harmony and union of the Democratic party, he had 1 Page 211. ~ Page 211. ~ Page 212. * Page 213. 5 Page 213. " Page 213. 'Page 214. ~ Pages 215-217. "Page 217. "Page 225. u Sixth day, June 23d, page 225. Vol. XII— 5 66 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN continued in his post of labor. " To that end and in that sense," said he, " I had the honor to meet you, gentlemen, here at Balti more. But circumstances have since transpired which compel me to pause. The delegations of a majority of the States have, either in whole or in part, in one form or another, ceased to par ticipate in the deliberations of the Convention. ... In the present circumstances, I deem it a duty of self-respect, and I deem it still more a duty to this Convention, as at present organ ized, ... to resign my seat as President of this Conven tion, in order to take my place on the floor as a member of the delegation from Massachusetts. ... I deem this above all a duty which I owe to the members of this Convention, as to whom no longer would my action represent the will of a majority of the Convention." x " Governor Tod, of Ohio, one of the Vice-Presidents, then took the vacant chair, and was greeted with hearty and long- continued cheers and applause from members of the Convention." " Mr. Butler, of Massachusetts, now announced that a por tion of the Massachusetts delegation desired to retire, but was interrupted by cries of ' No,' ' No,' ' Call the roll.' The inde fatigable Mr. Cessna called for the original question, to wit, that the Convention now proceed to a nomination for President and Vice-President." " The President here ordered the Secretary to call the States. Maine, New Hampshire, and Vermont were called, and they gave an unbroken vote for Stephen A. Douglas. When Massa chusetts was called, Mr. Butler rose and said he had a respectful paper in his hand which he would desire the President to have read. A scene of great confusion thereupon ensued, cries of 'I object' being heard upon all sides." Mr. Butler, not to be baffled, contended for his right at this stage to make remarks pertinent to the matter, and cited in his support the practice of the Conventions at Baltimore in 1848 and 1852, and at Cincin nati in 1856. He finally prevailed, and was permitted to pro ceed. He then said he " would now withdraw from the Conven tion, upon the ground that there had been a withdrawal, in whole or in part, of a majority of the States ; and further, which was a matter more personal to himself, he could not sit in a Conven tion where the African slave trade, which was piracy according to the laws of his country, was openly advocated." 1 Page 226. MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 67 Mr. Butler then retired, followed by General Cushing and four others of the Massachusetts delegation. Tlie balloting now proceeded. Mr. Douglas received 173^ votes ; Mr. Guthrie 9 ; Mr. Breckinridge 6j^ ; Mr. Bocock and Mr. Seymour each 1 ; and Mr. Dickinson and Mr. Wise each half a vote. On the next and last ballot Mr. Douglas received 181^2 votes, eight of those in the minority having changed their votes in his favor. To account for this number, it is proper to state that a few delegates from five of the eight States which had withdrawn still remained in the Convention. On the last ballot Mr. Douglas received all of their votes, to wit: 3 of tlie 15 votes of Virginia, 1 of the 10 votes of North Carolina, i1/* of the 3 votes of Ar kansas, 3 of the 12 votes of Tennessee, 3 of the 12. votes of Kentucky, and 2j^ of the 8 votes of Maryland, making in the aggregate 14 votes. To this number may be added the 9 votes of the new delegates from Alabama and the 6 from Louisiana, who had been admitted to the exclusion of the original dele gates. If these 29 votes from Southern States be deducted from the i8i}4 votes nominating Mr. Douglas, that number would be reduced to 152^2. These proceedings had now rendered it clear that Mr. Doug las could not, as he did not, receive one electoral vote from any of the sixteen Democratic States of Delaware, Maryland, Vir ginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Lou isiana, Mississippi, Texas, Florida, Tennessee, Kentucky, Arkan sas, California, and Oregon. He owed his nomination almost exclusively to States which could not give him a single electoral vote. What was still more ominous of evil, the division was sectional between the free and the slaveholding States, between the North and the South. It might have been supposed that these disastrous circumstances, foreboding such dangers both to the Democratic party and the Union, would have caused his friends to pause, and at the last moment consent to some means of conciliation. But they rushed on to complete their work, regardless of consequences. The two-thirds rule interposed no obstacle in their course, although it had been expressly adopted and readopted by this Convention, and the very case had now occurred — the nomination by nearly all the Anti-Democratic States — against which its original authors, with wise foresight, intended to guard. Mr. Douglas was accordingly declared to be 68 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN the regular nominee of the Democratic party of the Union,1 upon the motion of Mr. Church, of New York, when, according to the report of the proceedings, " The whole body rose to its feet, hats were waved in the air, and many tossed aloft; shouts, screams and yells, and every boisterous mode of expressing approbation and unanimity, were resorted to." Senator Fitzpatrick, of Alabama, was then unanimously nominated as the candidate for Vice-President ; and the Conven tion adjourned sine die on the 23d June, the sixth and last day of its session.2 On the same day, but after the adjournment, Mr. Fitzpatrick declined the nomination, and it was immediately conferred on Mr. Herschel V. Johnson, of Georgia, by the Execu tive Committee. Thus ended the Douglas Convention. But another Convention assembled at Baltimore on the same 23d June,3 styling itself also, and with as little reason, the " National Democratic Convention." It was composed chiefly of the delegates who had just withdrawn from the Douglas Convention, and the original delegates from Alabama and Louisi ana. One of their first acts was to abrogate the two-thirds rule, as had been done by the Douglas Convention. Both acted under the same necessity, because the preservation of this rule would have prevented a nomination by either. This consideration, in stead of causing both to desist and appeal to the people of the States to appoint a new Convention for the salvation of the Democratic party, was totally disregarded. Mr. Cushing was elected and took the chair as President. In his opening address he said : " Gentlemen of the Convention, we assemble here, delegates to the National Democratic Conven tion [applause], duly accredited thereto from more than twenty States of the Union [applause], for the purpose of nominating candidates of the Democratic party for the offices of President and Vice-President of the United States, for the purpose of announcing the principles of the party, and for the purpose of continuing and reestablishing that party upon the firm foundations of the Constitution, the Union, and the coequal rights of the several States." 4 Mr. Avery, of North Carolina, who had reported the major ity resolutions at Charleston, now reported the same from the committee of this body, and they " were adopted unanimously, amid great applause." ' Pages 231-236. * Page 239. " Page 241. * Page 243. MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 69 The Convention then proceeded to select their candidates. Mr. Loring, on behalf of the delegates from Massachusetts, who with Mr. Butler had retired from the Douglas Convention, nominated John C. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, which Mr. Dent, representing the Pennsylvania delegation present, " most heartily seconded." Mr. Ward, from the Alabama delegation, nominated R. M. T. Hunter, of Virginia ; Mr. Ewing, from that of Tennes see, nominated Mr. Dickinson, of New York; and Mr. Stevens, from Oregon, nominated General Joseph Lane. Eventually all these names were withdrawn except that of Mr. Breckinridge, and he received the nomination by a unanimous vote. The whole number of votes cast in his favor from twenty States was 103^2. The vote of Mr. Douglas was considerably greater, but Mr. Breckinridge received a large majority over him from States known to be Democratic. General Lane was unanimously nominated as the candidate for Vice-President. Thus terminated the Breckinridge Con vention. The 23d of June, i860, was a dark and gloomy day both for the Democratic party and the Union. It foreboded nothing but evil. There could be no pretence that either candidate had been nominated according to the established rules of the party. Every individual Democrat was, therefore, left at liberty to choose between them. In many localities, especially North, their respective partisans became more violent against each other than against the common foe. No reasonable hope could remain for the election of Mr. Douglas or Mr. Breckinridge. It was morally certain that Mr. Lincoln would be the next President, and this added greatly to his strength. The result was, that of the 303 electoral votes, Mr. Douglas received but 12 1 (3 from New Jersey, and 9 from Missouri), and Mr. Breckinridge only 72 (3 from Delaware, 8 from Maryland, 10 from North Carolina, 8 from South Carolina, 10 from Georgia, 6 from Louisiana, 7 from Mississippi, 9 from Alabama, 4 from Arkansas, 3 from Florida, and 4 from Texas). Virginia, North Carolina, and Tennessee cast their 39 votes for John Bell, of Tennessee, of the self-styled Constitutional Union party. In reviewing the whole, it is clear that the original cause of the disaster was the persistent refusal of the friends of Mr. Douglas to recognize the constitutional rights of the slavehold- 1 Cong. Globe, i86o-'6i, page 894. 70 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN ing States in the Territories, established by the Supreme Court. These rights the Southern States could not yield after the deci sion, without a sense of self-degradation, and voluntary abandon ment of their equality with their sister States, as members of the Union. But were they justified, for this cause, in seceding from the Convention, and pursuing a course so extreme? Far from it. Had they remained at the post of duty, like Virginia and the other border States, it would have been impossible that a candidate so obnoxious to them, on account of his principles, could have been nominated. The final result would probably then have been the nomination of some compromise candidate, which would have preserved the unity and strength of the Demo cratic organization. Indeed, the withdrawal of these States, under the circumstances, has afforded plausible ground for the be lief of many, that this was done with a view to prepare the way for a dissolution of the Union. Although, from the votes and speeches of their delegates, there do not seem to be sufficient grounds for so harsh a judgment, yet it cannot be denied that the act was rash, unwise, and unfortunate. An entire new generation had now come upon the stage in the South, in the midst of the anti-slavery agitation. The for mer generation, which had enjoyed the blessings of peace and security under the Constitution and the Union, had passed away. That now existing had grown up and been educated amid assaults upon their rights, and attacks from the North upon the domestic institution inherited from their fathers. Their post-offices had been perverted for the circulation of incendiary pictures and publications intended to excite the slaves to servile insurrection. In the North, the press, State Legislatures, anti-slavery societies, abolition lecturers, and above all the Christian pulpit, had been persistently employed in denouncing slavery as a sin, and ren dering slaveholders odious. Numerous abolition petitions had been presented to Congress, from session to session, portraying slavery as a grievous sin against God and man. The Fugitive Slave Law enacted by the first Congress, as well as that of 1850, for the security of their property, had been nullified by the Per sonal Liberty Acts of Northern Legislatures, and by the organized assistance afforded by abolitionists for the escape of their slaves. Wilmot provisos had been interposed to defeat their constitutional rights in the common Territories, and even after these rights had been affirmed by the Supreme Court, its decision had been set at naught not only by the Republican but by the Douglas MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 71 party. " The irrepressible conflict " of Senator Seward, and the Helper book, both portending the abolition of slavery in the States, had been circulated broadcast among the people. And finally the desperate fanatic, John Brown, inflamed by these teachings, had invaded Virginia, and murdered a number of her peaceful citizens, for the avowed purpose of exciting a servile insurrection; and although he had expiated his crimes on the gallows, his memory was consecrated by the abolitionists, as though he had been a saintly martyr. In the midst of these perils the South had looked with hope to the action of the Democratic National Convention at Charles ton, but in this they had been sadly disappointed. This series of events had inflamed the Southern mind with intense hostility against the North, and enabled the disunion agitators to prepare it for the final catastrophe. It was not until after the breaking up of the Democratic party at Charleston and Baltimore, that the masses, even in the cotton States, always excepting South Carolina, could be induced to think seriously of seceding from the Union. The border States, with Virginia in the front rank, although much dissatis fied with the course of events at the North, still remained true to the Federal Government. CHAPTER IV. The heresy of Secession— Originated in New England— Maintained by Josiah Quincy and the Hartford Convention, by Mr. Rawle and Mr. John Quincy Adams, but opposed by the South — Southern Secession dates from South Carolina Nullification— Its character and history— The Compromise Tariff of 1833 — The Nullifiers agitate for Secession — Mr. Calhoun — Mr. Cobb against it — Warnings of the Democratic party — They are treated with contempt — Secession encouraged by the Republicans — The Cotton States led to believe they would be allowed to depart in peace — President Buchanan warned them against this delusion. The alleged right of secession, or the right of one or more States to withdraw from the Union, is not a plant of Southern origin. On the contrary, it first sprung up in the North. At an early period after the formation of the Constitution, many influential individuals of New England became dissatisfied with the union between the Northern and Southern States, and were anxious to dissolve it. " The design," according to Mr. John Quincy Adams, " had been formed in the winter of 1803-4, im mediately after and as a consequence of the acquisition of Louisi ana." x This he disclosed to Mr. Jefferson, in the year 1809. About the same time, to the confidential friends of Mr. Jefferson he " urged that a continuance of the embargo much longer would certainly be met by forcible resistance, supported by the Legis lature and probably by the judiciary of the State [Massachusetts]. That to quell that resistance, if force should be resorted to by the Government, it would produce a civil war ; and that, in that event, he had no doubt the leaders of the party would secure the co operation with them of Great Britain. That their object was, and had been for several years, a dissolution of the Union, and the establishment of a separate Confederation, he knew from un equivocal evidence, although not provable in a court of law; and that in case of a civil war, the aid of Great Britain to effect that purpose would be assuredly resorted to, as it would be indispensably necessary to the design." 'Letter of Dec. 30, 1828, in reply to Harrison Gray Otis and others. Appendix to Randall's Life of Jefferson, vol. iii., p. 635. Vide also vol. iii., P- 295- 72 MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 73 Afterwards, in 1828, whilst President of the United States, he reaffirmed the statement made to Mr. Jefferson, and said: " That project, I repeat, had gone to the length of fixing upon a military leader for its execution ; and although the circumstances of the times never admitted of its execution, nor even of its full development, I had yet no doubt in 1808 and 1809, and have no doubt at this time, that it is the key of all the great movements of these leaders of the Federal party in New Eng land, from that time forward till its final catastrophe in the Hartford Convention." It is but fair to observe that these state ments were denied by the parties implicated, but were still adhered to and again reaffirmed by Mr. Adams. In this connection we may cite the speech delivered by Mr. Josiah Quincy, a leading and influential Representative from Massachusetts, on the 14th January, 181 1.1 In this he boldly avows and defends both the right and the duty of States to separate from the Union, should Congress pass the bill then pending before them, " to enable the people of the Territory of Orleans to form a Constitution and State Government, and for the admission of such State [Louisiana] into the Union on an equal footing with the original States." He alleges " that the principle of this bill materially affects the liberties and rights of the whole people of the United States. To me it appears that it would justify a revolution in this coun try, and that in no great length of time may produce it." He then proceeds to declare as follows : " If this bill passes, it is my deliberate opinion that it is virtually a dissolution of the Union ; that it will free the States from their moral obligation, and, as it will be the right of all, so it will be the duty of some, definitely to prepare for a separation, amicably if they can, vio lently if they must." Upon being called to order for the utter ance of this sentiment, he repeated it and committed it to writing with his own hand. The violation of the Constitution involved in this bill was, according to Mr. Quincy, the admission into the Union of a State composed of foreign territory, which had been outside of the limits of the United States when the Constitution was adopted. This, he contended, would result in a serious diminu tion of the power and influence in the Federal Government, to which Massachusetts and the other old States were justly entitled. 'Gales & Seaton's Annals of Congress, i8io-'ii, 3d session, p. 524. 74 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN It is curious to observe that he justified a dissolution of the Union by the very same fallacy afterwards employed by the Southern secessionists, in applying to our Government a rule of construction applicable to mere private contracts. " Is there," said he, " a moral principle of public law better settled, or more conformable to the plainest suggestions of reason, than that the violation of a contract by one of the parties may be considered as exempting the other from its obligations ? " x Thirty-five members united with Mr. Quincy in voting against this bill, but it passed the House by a vote of ^J to 36. We shall not refer specially to the proceedings of the Hart ford Convention, which assembled in December, 1814, during the existence of our last war with Great Britain. We may ob serve generally, that this body manifested their purpose to dis solve the Union, should Congress refuse to redress the grievances of which they complained. The peace, however, with Great Britain, terminated their action, and consigned them to lasting and well merited reproach. During this entire period the South ern people opposed and denounced all threats and efforts to dissolve the Union as treasonable, and during the war as giving " aid and comfort " to the enemy. The right of secession found advocates afterwards in men of distinguished abilities and unquestioned patriotism. In 1825 it was maintained by Mr. William Rawle, of Philadelphia, an eminent and universally respected lawyer, in the 23d chapter of his " View of the Constitution of the United States." In speaking of him his biographer says, that "in 1791 he was appointed District Attorney of the United States, by the Father of his country ; " and " the situation of Attorney General was more than once tendered to him by Washington, but as often declined," for domestic reasons.2 But to quote a still higher authority, that of Mr. John Quincy Adams. This learned and profound statesman, in 1839, admitted the right of the people of a State to secede from the Union, whilst deprecating its exer cise. We copy entire the three paragraphs relating to this sub ject from his " Discourse delivered before the New York Historical Society,"3 on the fiftieth anniversary of General Washington's Inauguration as President of the United States: 'Gales & Seaton's Annals of Congress, i8io-'ii, 3d session, p. 577. a Brown's Forum, p. 505. 8 Pages 68, 69. MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 75 " In the calm hours of self-possession, the right of a State to nullify an act of Congress, is too absurd for argument, and too odious for discussion. The right of a State to secede from the Union., is equally disowned by the principles of the Declaration of Independence. Nations acknowledge no judge between them upon earth ; and their Governments, from necessity, must in their intercourse with each other decide when the failure of one party to a contract to perform its obligations, absolves the other from the reciprocal fulfilment of his own. But this last of earthly powers is not necessary to the freedom or independence of States, connected together by the immediate action of the people of whom they consist. To the people alone is there reserved as well the dissolving as the constituent power, and that power can be exercised by them only under the tie of conscience, binding them to the retributive justice of Heaven. " With these qualifications, we may admit the same right as vested in the people of every State in the Union, with reference to the General Government, which was exercised by the people of the United Colonies, with reference to the supreme head of the British empire, of which they formed a part; and under these limitations have the people of each State in the Union a right to secede from the confederated Union itself. " Thus stands the RIGHT. But the indissoluble link of union between the people of the several States of this confed erated nation is, after all, not in the right, but in the heart. If the day should ever come (may Heaven avert it) when the affec tions of the people of these States shall be alienated from each other ; when the fraternal spirit shall give way to cold indifference, or collision of interest shall fester into hatred, the bands of politi cal association will not long hold together parties no longer attracted by the magnetism of conciliated interests and kindly sympathies; and far better will it be for the people of the dis united States to part in friendship from each other, than to be held together by constraint. Then will be the time for reverting to the precedents which occurred at the formation and adoption of the Constitution, to form again a more perfect union, by dissolv ing that which could no longer bind, and to leave the separated parts to be reunited by the law of political gravitation to the centre." These high authorities in the North made no impression on the Southern people. Southern secession was the bitter fruit of South Carolina nullification. 76 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN Nullification did not spring from the slavery question. It originated exclusively from hostility to a protective tariff. In the belief of the people of South Carolina, the tariff laws afforded extravagant and unconstitutional protection to domestic manu factures, greatly to their injury. They were convinced that the high import duties exacted from them enhanced unjustly the price of the articles they consumed, and at the same time depreci ated the value of the cotton and other articles which they pro duced and exported; and that all their losses were so many forced contributions to enrich Northern manufacturers at their expense. In this belief the people of the State were nearly unanimous ; but they were almost equally divided as to whether nullification was an appropriate and constitutional remedy. Nullification assumes that each State has the rightful power to absolve itself from obedience to any particular law of Congress which it may deem oppressive, and to resist its execution by force; and yet in regard to all other laws to remain a constituent member of the Union. Thus in each State, though, still under the same General Government, a different code might be in force, varying with every degree of latitude. This would produce " confusion worse confounded." Even secession can be sustained by much more plausible arguments than such a paradox. Mr. John C. Calhoun was the acknowledged leader of the Nullification party. As a member of the House of Representa tives he had borne a conspicuous part in the declaration and prosecution of the war of 1812 against Great Britain. He had been Secretary of War during nearly the whole eight years of Mr. Monroe's Presidency, and had displayed great administra tive ability in organizing and conducting his Department. He was elected in 1824, and afterwards reelected in 1828, Vice- President of the United States, and still held this high office. He possessed eminent reasoning powers, but, in the opinion of many, was deficient in sound practical judgment. He was terse and astute in argument ; but his views were not sufficiently broad and expanded to embrace at the same time all the great interests of the country, and to measure them according to their relative importance. It was his nature to concentrate all his powers on a single subject; and this, for the time being, almost to the exclusion of all others. Although not eloquent in debate, he was rapid, earnest, and persuasive. His powers of conversation were of the highest order; and it was his delight to exert them in MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 77 making proselytes, especially of the young and promising. It is but just to add that his private life was a model of purity. Under his auspices, the State Convention of South Carolina, in November, 1832, passed the well-known Nullification Ordi nance. By this they declared that all the tariff acts then in force had been passed in violation of the Constitution of the United States ; and that they were " null, void, and no law, nor binding upon this State, its officers or citizens." They also ordained that should the Federal Government attempt to carry these acts into effect within the limits of South Carolina, " the people of this State will thenceforth hold themselves absolved from all further obligation to maintain or preserve their political connection with the people of the other States, and will forth with proceed to organize a separate Government, and to do all other acts and things which sovereign and independent States of right do." 1 This declaration was the germ of Southern secession. It asserted the right and the duty of South Carolina to secede from the Union and establish an independent Government, whenever the Federal Government should attempt to execute the tariff laws within its limits. At this period a large and influential minority, almost amounting to a majority of the people of South Carolina, were opposed to nullification. This party embraced the Federal judges, and the collectors and other revenue officers at the dif ferent ports. They did not believe nullification to be either a rightful or constitutional remedy for grievances, which notwith standing they felt keenly in common with their fellow-citizens. So hostile did the parties become toward each other in the progress of the conflict, that there was imminent danger they might resort to civil war. The minority stood ready to aid the Government in enforcing the tariff laws against the nullifiers. The Convention, in their address to the people of the United States,2 proposed terms of compromise, with which should Con gress comply, South Carolina would repeal the nullifying ordi nance. Professing their willingness " to make a large offering to preserve the Union," 3 and distinctly declaring that it was a concession on their part, they proposed to consent to a tariff im- 1 Cong. Debates, vol. ix., Part 2d, Appendix, pp. 162, 163. ~ Cong. Debates, vol. ix., Part 2d, Appendix, p. 168. - Page 172. 78 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN posing the same rate of duty on the protected as on the unpro tected articles, " provided that no more revenue be raised than is necessary to meet the demands of the Government for consti tutional purposes, and provided, also, that a duty substantially uniform be imposed upon all foreign imports." Thus their ulti matum was a uniform ad valorem horizontal tariff for revenue alone, without any discriminations whatever in favor of domestic manufactures. At this crisis Mr. Calhoun resigned the office of Vice-Presi dent, and on the 12th December, 1832, took his seat in the Senate as one of the Senators from South Carolina, for the purpose of advocating the measures he had advised. Strange to say, South Carolina substantially succeeded in accomplishing her object by the passage of the " Compromise Act " of 2d March, 1833.1 Under it Congress provided for a gradual reduction of existing duties on all foreign articles competing in the home market with our domestic manufactures, until they should finally sink, on the 30th June, 1842, to a uniform rate of 20 per cent. ad valorem, from and after which period this reduced duty only should be collected. Mr. Calhoun supported the bill and voted for its passage. South Carolina accepted the concession, and repealed the ordinance of nullification. Mr. Calhoun, notwithstanding this success, was never able to indoctrinate the Southern people outside of his own State with the heresy of nullification. It soon became odious to the whole country, and has since passed into universal disrepute. But not so with its twin sister secession. Whilst these proceedings were pending, General Jackson was ready and willing to enforce the laws against South Carolina, should they be resisted, with all the means in his power. These were, however, inadequate for the occasion. New legislation was required to enable him to act with vigor and success. For this he applied to Congress in an elaborate message of the 16th January, 1833.2 This was not granted until the passage of the " Compromise Act " had rendered such legislation unnecessary. In fact, this act and " the Force Bill," as it was then called, con ferring on him the necessary powers, were approved by General Jackson on the same day (2d March, 1833). Such was, at this crisis, the jealousy of executive power in Congress, that the only 1 U. S. Statutes at Large, p. 629. 2 Cong. Debates, vol. ix., part 2d, Appendix, p. 145. MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 79 effective enactments of this bill were to expire, by their own limitation, at the end of the next session of Congress (June, 1834). Here it may be proper to observe, that Congress refused to revive them throughout the entire session of i86o-'6i, and to confer upon President Buchanan the same powers for the collection of the revenue which they had, but only for this brief period, conferred on President Jackson. The majority in South Carolina, encouraged by success in bringing Congress to terms on the tariff question, and smarting under the reproach of nullification, soon threw aside all reserve and rushed from this heresy into that of secession. In this they were not long after joined by the minority which had resisted nullification. The formidable aspect assumed by anti-slavery at the North consolidated the union between the nullifiers and the anti-nullifiers. Then followed the exchange of violent and viru lent denunciations between the slavery and anti-slavery factions, North and South, each furnishing combustibles to the other, as though they had been in alliance to destroy the Union. Al though the people of South Carolina had thus become almost unanimous in their hostility to the Union, they were nevertheless divided into two parties, denominated " Disunionists " and " Co- operationists." Both were equally resolved on secession; they differed merely as to the point of time for making the movement. Whilst the former advocated immediate action by the State alone, the latter were in favor of awaiting the cooperation of one or more of the other slaveholding States. The time-honored and Lhiion-loving Whig and Democratic parties no longer existed in South Carolina. They had passed away amid the din of disunion. Mr. Calhoun, from the termi nation of nullification until the day of his death (31st March, 1850), made the wrongs and dangers of the South his almost constant theme. These he much exaggerated. In his last great speech to the Senate,1 on the 4th March, 1850, a few days before his death, which, from physical weakness, was read by Mr. Mason, the Senator from Virginia, he painted these wrongs in glowing colors, and predicted that if they were not speedily re dressed disunion must inevitably follow. He asked the North " to do justice, by conceding to the South an equal right in the acquired [Mexican] territory, and to do her duty by causing the stipulations in regard to fugitive slaves to be faithfully fulfilled ; ' Cong. Globe, i849-'so, p. 451. 80 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN to cease the agitation of the slave question," and to provide for such an amendment to the Constitution as would restore to the South the means of self-protection. It is worthy of remark, that, extreme as he was, he never, on any occasion, asked for a repeal of the Missouri Compromise. Although the earnest and impassioned appeals of Mr. Cal houn made a deep impression on the people of the Southern States, yet outside of South Carolina these failed to convince the masses that they ought to resort to extreme measures. Whilst satisfied they were suffering grievous wrongs from the Abolitionists, they were yet willing to abide by the compromise measures of 1850, and to seek redress by constitutional efforts within the Union. Such, it is our confident belief, continued to be the genuine sentiments of a very large majority of their people even in the cotton States for a number of years after the death of Mr. Calhoun. Still complaining, yet still hoping, they could not be persuaded to adopt rash measures, by all the zeal and elo quence of pro-slavery demagogues with which they were infested. The friends of the Union calculated much upon the persist ent opposition to South Carolina doctrines so long maintained by Georgia. Indeed Mr. Cobb, in his canvass for Governor, had made an able and powerful argument before the people of that State against the right of secession; and this was a prin cipal reason for his selection for a seat in the Cabinet of Mr. Buchanan. Without the cooperation of this great and influential State a successful movement toward disunion would have been impracticable. It was not until after the breaking up of the Charleston and Baltimore Conventions, as we have before observed, that the people of the cotton States, having lost all hopes of security and redress within the Union, began seriously to determine to go out of it. By this time they had become thoroughly indoctri nated with a belief in the right of secession ; and they began to think earnestly of putting it into practice. Throughout the Presidential canvass, the cotton States openly declared their purpose to secede should Mr. Lincoln be elected. In this they were now unfortunately in earnest. In ominous contrast with their former blustering, they now assumed a quiet and determined tone. No sound judging man, unless blinded by prejudice, could doubt their fixed resolution, unless the Republican party should concede their equal rights within the Territories; should cease to assail slavery in the States; MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 81 should repeal the personal liberty laws of Northern Legislatures, and should fairly carry into execution the Fugitive Slave Laws. Besides, they felt confident of their power. Their territory was larger and contained a greater population than that of the thir teen original States which had established their independence against the forces of the British Empire. They also hoped to bring the border slaveholding States, which still remained true to the Union, into their alliance. They knew that if invaded, the Northern armies, in order to reach them, must march through these States, which they hoped would deny a right of passage to the invaders. The Democratic party, justly appreciating the danger, every where throughout the canvass warned their countrymen of its approach. The Republican party, on the other hand, treated these warnings as mere electioneering expedients, and in deri sion ridiculed the Democrats as " Union savers." They confi dently predicted that the threats of the cotton States would end in smoke, as they had ended heretofore; that they would not dare to secede; but even if they should, they could within a brief period be reduced to obedience by the overwhelming physical power of the North. With strange inconsistency, however, immediately after Mr. Lincoln's election much was said and written by Republicans in the North calculated to delude the cotton States into the belief that they might leave the Union without serious opposition. The New York " Tribune," deservedly their leading and most influential journal, giving tone to its party everywhere, contrib uted much to encourage this delusion. It was doubtless actuated by hostility to a continued union with slaveholding States. Act ing in the spirit of the quotation already made from the oration of John Quincy Adams before the New York Historical Society, it on the 9th of November, but three days after Mr. Lincoln's election, announced such sentiments as the following : " If the cotton States shall become satisfied that they can do better out of the Union than in it, we insist on letting them go in peace. The right to secede may be a revolutionary one, but it exists nevertheless. . . . We must ever resist the right of any State to remain in the Union and nullify or defy the laws thereof. To WITHDRAW FROM THE UNION IS QUITE ANOTHER MATTER; and whenever a considerable section of our Union shall deliber ately resolve to go out, we shall resist all coercive meas- Vol. XII— 6 82 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN ures designed to keep it in. We hope never to live in a Re public whereof one section is pinned to another by bayonets." And again on the 17th December, three days before the secession of South Carolina : " If it [the Declaration of Inde pendence] justifies the secession from the British Empire of three millions of colonists in 1776, zue do not see why it would not justify the secession of five millions of Southrons from the Fed eral Union in 1861. If we are mistaken on this point, why does not some one attempt to show wherein and why ? For our own part, while we deny the right of slaveholders to hold slaves against the will of the latter, we cannot see how twenty millions of people can rightfully hold ten, or even -five, in a detested Union with them by military force. . . . If seven or eight contiguous States shall present themselves authentically at Wash ington, saying, ' We hate the Federal Union ; we have withdrawn from it ; we give you the choice between acquiescing in our seces sion and arranging amicably all incidental questions on the one hand and attempting to subdue us on the other,' we could not stand up for coercion, for subjugation, for we do not think it would be just. We hold the right of self-government even when invoked in behalf of those who deny it to others. So much for the question of principle." In this course the " Tribune " persisted from the date of Mr. Lincoln's election until after his inauguration, employing such remarks as the following : " Any attempt to compel them by force to remain would be contrary to the principles enunciated in the immortal Declaration of Independence, contrary to the fundamental ideas on which human liberty is based." Even after the cotton States had formed their' confederacy, and adopted a provisional Constitution at Montgomery, on the 23d February, 1861, it gave them encouragement to proceed in the following language : " We have repeatedly said, and we once more insist, that the great principle embodied by Jefferson in the Declaration of American Independence, that Governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed, is sound and just; and that if the Slave States, the Cotton States, or the Gulf States only, choose to form an independent nation, they have a clear moral right to do so. — Whenever it shall be clear that the great body of Southern people have become con clusively alienated from the Union, and anxious to escape from it, we will do our best to forward their views." In a similar spirit, leading Republicans everywhere scorn- MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 83 fully exclaimed, " Let them go ; " " We can do better without them ; " " Let the Union slide," and other language of the same import. In addition to all these considerations, the persistent refusal of Congress, from the first until the last hour of the session of i86o-'6i, to take a single step in preparing for armed resistance to the execution of the laws, served to confirm the cotton States in the opinion that they might " depart in peace." The people of the cotton States, unfortunately for them selves, were also infatuated with the belief, until the very last moment, that in case they should secede they would be sus tained by a large portion if not the whole Democratic party of the North. They vainly imagined that this party, which had maintained their constitutional rights whilst they remained in the Union, would sustain them in rebellion after they had gone out of it. In this delusion they were also greatly encouraged by sympathy and support from influential and widely circulated Anti-Republican journals in the North, and especially in the city of New York. It was in vain, therefore, that the late President warned them, as he often did, against this delusion. It was in vain he assured them that the first cannon fired against either Fort Moultrie or Fort Sumter would arouse the indignant spirit of the North — would heal all political divisions amongst the Northern people, and would unite them as one man in support of a war rendered inevitable by such an act of rebellion. CHAPTER V. General Scott's " Views," and the encouragement they afforded to the cotton States to secede — Their publication by him in the " National Intelligen cer '' — His recommendation in favor of four distinct Confederacies — His recommendation to reenforce nine of the Southern forts, and the inade quacy of the troops — The reason of this inadequacy — The whole army required on the frontiers — The refusal of Congress to increase it — Our fortifications necessarily left without sufficient garrisons for want of troops — The President's duty to refrain from any hostile act against the cotton States, and smooth the way to a compromise — -The rights of those States in no danger from Mr. Lincoln's election — -Their true policy was to cling to the Union. Such, since the period of Mr. Lincoln's election, having been the condition of the Southern States, the " Views " of General Scott, addressed before that event to the Secretary of War, on the 29th and 30th October, i860, were calculated to do much injury in misleading the South. From the strange inconsisten cies they involve, it would be difficult to estimate whether they did most harm in encouraging or in provoking secession. So far as they recommended a military movement, this, in order to secure success, should have been kept secret until the hour had arrived for carrying it into execution. The substance of them, however, soon reached the Southern people. Neither the head quarters of the army at New York, nor afterwards in Washing ton, were a very secure depository for the " Views," even had it been the author's intention to regard them as confidential. That such was not the case may be well inferred from their very nature. Not confined to the recommendation of a military move ment, by far the larger portion of them consists of a political disquisition on the existing dangers to the Union ; on the horrors of civil war and the best means of averting so great a calamity; and also on the course which their author had resolved to pursue, as a citizen, in the approaching Presidential election. These were themes entirely foreign to a military report, and equally foreign from the official duties of the Commanding General. Furthermore, the " Views " were published to the world by the General himself, on the 18th January, 1861, in the "National Intelligencer," and this without the consent or even previous 84 MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 85 knowledge of the President. This was done at a critical moment in our history, when the cotton States were seceding one after the other. The reason assigned by him for this strange violation of official confidence toward the President, was the necessity for the correction of misapprehensions which had got abroad, " both in the public prints and in public speeches," in relation to the " Views." The General commenced his " Views " by stating that, " To save time the right of secession may be conceded, and instantly balanced by the correlative right on the part of the Federal Government against an interior State or States to reestablish by force, if necessary, its former continuity of territory." He subsequently explains and qualifies the meaning of this phrase by saying : " It will be seen that the ' Views ; only apply to a case of secession that makes a gap in the present Union. The falling off (say) of Texas, or of all tlie Atlantic States, from the Potomac South [the very case which has since occurred], was not within the scope of General Scott's provisional remedies." As if apprehending that by possibility it might be inferred he intended to employ force for any other purpose than to open the way through this gap to a State beyond, still in the Union, he disclaims any such construction, and says : " The foregoing views eschew the idea of invading a seceded State." This dis claimer is as strong as any language he could employ for the purpose. To sustain the limited right to open the way through the gap, he cites, not the Constitution of the United States, but the last chapter of Paley's " Moral and Political Philosophy," which, however, contains no allusion to the subject. The General paints the horrors of civil war in the most gloomy colors, and then proposes his alternative for avoiding them. He exclaims : " But break this glorious Union by what ever line or lines that political madness may contrive, and there would be no hope of reuniting the fragments except by the laceration and despotism of the sword. To effect such result the intestine wars of our Mexican neighbors would, in comparison with ours, sink into mere child's play. " A smaller evil " (in the General's opinion) " would be to allow the fragments of the great Republic to form themselves into new Confederacies, probably four." Not satisfied with this general proposition, he proceeds not only to discuss and to delineate the proper boundaries for these 86 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN new Confederacies, but even to designate capitals for the three on this side of the Rocky Mountains. We quote his own lan guage as follows : — " All the lines of demarcation between the new unions cannot be accurately drawn in advance, but many of them approximately may. Thus, looking to natural bounda ries and commercial affinities, some of the following frontiers, after many waverings and conflicts, might perhaps become acknowledged and fixed : " i. The Potomac River and the Chesapeake Bay to the Atlantic. 2. From Maryland along the crest of the Alleghany (perhaps the Blue Ridge) range of mountains to some point on the coast of Florida. 3. The line from, say the head of the Potomac to the West or Northwest, which it will be most diffi cult to settle. 4. The crest of the Rocky Mountains." " The Southeast Confederacy would, in all human proba bility, in less than five years after the rupture, find itself bounded by the first and second lines indicated above, the Atlantic and the Gulf of Mexico, with its capital at say Columbia, South Caro lina. The country between the second, third, and fourth of those lines would, beyond a doubt, in about the same .time con stitute another Confederacy, with its capital at probably Alton or Quincy, Illinois. The boundaries of the Pacific Union are the most definite of all, and the remaining States would consti tute the Northeast Confederacy, with its capital at Albany. It, at the first thought, will be considered strange that seven slave- holding States and part of Virginia and Florida should be placed (above) in a new Confederacy with Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, etc. But when the overwhelming weight of the great Northwest is taken in connection with the laws of trade, contiguity of terri tory, and the comparative indifference to free soil doctrines on the part of Western Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee, and Mis souri, it is evident that but little if any coercion, beyond moral force, would be needed to embrace them; and I have omitted the temptation of the unwasted public lands which would fall entire to this Confederacy — an appanage (well husbanded) suffi cient for many generations. As to Missouri, Arkansas, and Mississippi, they would not stand out a month. Louisiana would coalesce without much solicitation, and Alabama with West Florida would be conquered the first winter from the abso lute need of Pensacola for a naval depot." According to this arrangement of General Scott, all that would be left for " the Northeast Confederacy " would be the MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 87 New England and Middle States; and our present proud Capi tol at Washington, hallowed by so many patriotic associations, would be removed to Albany.1 It is easy to imagine with what power these " Views," pre sented so early as October, i860, may have been employed by the disunion leaders of the cotton States to convince the people that they might depart in peace. Proceeding from the Com manding General of the army, a citizen and a soldier so eminent, and eschewing as they did the idea of invading a seceded State, as well as favoring the substitution of new Confederacies for the old Union, what danger could they apprehend in the formation of a Southern Confederacy? This portion of the " Views," being purely political and pros pective, and having no connection with military operations, was out of time and out of place in a report from the Commanding General of the Army to the Secretary of War. So, also, the expression of his personal preferences among the candidates then before the people for the office of President. " From a sense of propriety as a soldier," says the General, " I have taken no part in the pending canvass, and, as always heretofore, mean to stay away from the polls. My sympathies, however, are with the Bell and Everett ticket." After all these preliminaries, we now proceed to a different side of the picture presented by the General. In the same "Views" (the 29th October, i860), he says that, " From a knowledge of our Southern population it is my solemn conviction that there is some danger of an early act of rashness preliminary to secession, viz., the seizure of some or all of the following posts: — Forts Jackson and St. Philip, in the Mississippi, below New Orleans, both without garrisons; Fort Morgan, below Mobile, without a garrison; Forts Pickens and M'Rea, Pensacola harbor, with an insufficient garrison for one; Fort Pulaski, below Savannah, without a garrison; Forts Moul trie and Sumter, Charleston harbor, the former with an insuf ficient garrison, and the latter without any ; and Fort Monroe, Hampton Roads, without a sufficient garrison. In my opinion 1 It is worthy of special remark that General Scott in his autobiography recently published, vol. ii., p. 609, entirely omits to copy this part of his views on which we have been commenting; so also his supplementary views of the next day, though together they constitute but one whole. He merely copies that which relates to garrisoning the Southern forts. 88 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN all these works should be immediately so garrisoned as to make any attempt to take any one of them by surprise or coup de main ridiculous." It was his duty, as commanding general, to accompany this recommendation with a practicable plan for garrisoning these forts, stating the number of troops necessary for the purpose; the points from which they could be drawn, and the manner in which he proposed to conduct the enterprise. Finding this to be impossible, from the total inadequacy of the force within the President's power to accomplish a military operation so exten sive, instead of furnishing such a plan he absolves himself from the task by simply stating in his supplemental views of the next day (30th October) that " There is one (regular) company at Boston, one here (at the Narrows), one at Pittsburg, one at Augusta, Ga., and one at Baton Rouge — in all five companies, only, within reach, to garrison or reenforce the forts mentioned in the ' Views.' " Five companies only, four hundred men, to garrison nine fortifications scattered over six highly excited Southern States. This was all the force " within reach " so as to make any attempt to take any one of them by surprise or coup de main ridiculous. He even disparages the strength of this small force by apply ing to it the diminutive adverb " only," or, in other words, merely, barely. It will not be pretended that the President had any power, under the laws, to add to this force by calling forth the militia, or accepting the services of volunteers to garrison these fortifications. And the small regular army were beyond reach on our remote frontiers. Indeed, the whole American army, numbering at that time not more than sixteen thousand effective men, would have been scarcely sufficient. To have at tempted to distribute these five companies among the eight forts in the cotton States, and Fortress Monroe, in Virginia, would have been a confession of weakness, instead of an exhibition of imposing and overpowering strength. It could have had no effect in preventing secession, but must have done much to pro voke it. It will be recollected that these views, the substance of which soon reached the Southern States, were written before Mr. Lincoln's election, and at a time when none of the cotton States had made the first movement toward secession. Even South Carolina was then performing all her relative duties, though most reluctantly, to the Government, whilst the border MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 89 States, with Virginia in the first rank, were still faithful and true to the Union. Under these circumstances, surely General Scott ought not to have informed them in advance that the reason why he had recommended this expedition was because, from his knowledge of them, he apprehended they might be guilty of an early act of rashness in seizing these forts before secession. This would necessarily provoke the passions of the Southern people. Vir ginia was deeply wounded at the imputation against her loyalty from a native though long estranged son. Whilst one portion of the " Views," as we have already seen, might be employed by disunion demagogues in convincing the people of the cotton States that they might secede without serious opposition from the North, another portion of them was calculated to excite their indignation and drive them to extrem ities. From the impracticable nature of the " Views," and their strange and inconsistent character, the President dismissed them from his mind without further consideration. It is proper to inform the reader why General Scott had five companies only within reach for the proposed service. This was because nearly the whole of our small army was on the remote frontiers, where it had been continually employed for years in protecting the inhabitants and the emigrants on their way to the far west, against the attacks of hostile Indians. At no former period had its services been more necessary than throughout the year i860, from the great number of these In dians continually threatening or waging war on our distant settle ments. To employ the language of Mr. Benjamin Stanton, of Ohio, in his report of the 18th February, 1861, from the military committee to the House of Representatives : " The regu lar army numbers only 18,000 men, when recruited to its maxi mum strength; and the whole of this force is required upon an extended frontier, for the protection of the border settlements against Indian depredations." Indeed, the whole of it had proved insufficient for this purpose. This is established by the reports of General Scott himself to the War Department. In these he urges the necessity of raising more troops, in a striking and convincing light. In that of 20th November, 1857,1 after portraying the intolerable hardships and sufferings of the army engaged in this service, he says : " To mitigate these evils, and 1 3 Senate Documents, 1857-58, p. 90 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN to enable us to give a reasonable security to our people on Indian frontiers, measuring thousands of miles, I respectfully suggest an augmentation of at least one regiment of horse (dragoons, cavalry, or riflemen) and at least three regiments of foot (infan try or riflemen). This augmentation would not more than furnish the reenforcements now greatly needed in Florida, Texas, New Mexico, California, Oregon, Washington Territory, Kan sas, Nebraska, and Minnesota, leaving not a company for Utah." Again, General Scott, in his report of November 13, 1858, says : 1 " This want of troops to give reasonable security to our citizens in distant settlements, including emigrants on the plains, can scarcely be too strongly stated; but I will only add, that as often as we have been obliged to withdraw troops from one fron tier in order to reenforce another, the weakened points have been instantly attacked or threatened with formidable invasion." The President, feeling the force of such appeals, and urged by the earnest entreaties of the suffering people on the frontiers, recommended to Congress, through the War Department, to raise five additional regiments.2 This, like all other recommen dations to place the country in a proper state of defence, was disregarded. Prom what has been stated it is manifest that it was impossible to garrison the numerous forts of the United States with regular troops. This will account for the destitute condition of the nine forts enumerated by General Scott, as well as of all the rest. When our system of fortifications was planned and carried into execution, it was never contemplated to provide garrisons for them in time of peace. This would have required a large standing army, against which the American people have ever evinced a wise and wholesome jealousy. Every great republic, from the days of Csesar to Cromwell, and from Cromwell to Bonaparte, has been destroyed by armies composed of free citi zens, who had been converted by military discipline into veteran soldiers. Our fortifications, therefore, when completed, were generally left in the custody of a sergeant and a few soldiers. No fear was entertained that they would ever be seized by the States for whose defence against a foreign enemy they had been erected. Under these circumstances it became the plain duty of the ' Senate Executive Documents, 1858-59, vol. ii., part 3, p. 761. 2 Senate Documents, 1857-58, vol. iii., p. 4. MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 91 President, destitute as he was of military force, not only to refrain from any act which might provoke or encourage the cotton States into secession, but to smooth the way for such a Congressional compromise as had in times past happily averted danger from the Union. There was good reason to hope this might still be accomplished. The people of the slaveholding States must have known there could be no danger of an actual invasion of their constitutional rights over slave property from any hostile action of Mr. Lincoln's administration. For the protection of these, they could rely both on the judicial and the legislative branches of the Government. The Supreme Court had already decided the Territorial question in their favor, and it was also ascertained that there would be a majority in both Houses of the first Congress of Mr. Lincoln's term, sufficient to prevent any legislation to their injury. Thus protected, it would be madness for them to rush into secession. Besides, they were often warned and must have known that by their separation from the free States, these very rights over slave property, of which they were so jealous, would be in greater jeopardy than they had ever been under the Government of the Union. Theirs would then be the only Government in Christendom which had not abolished or was not in progress to abolish slavery. There would be a strong pressure from abroad against this institution. To resist this effectually would require the power and moral influence of the Government of the whole United States. They ought, also, to have foreseen that if their secession should end in civil war, whatever might be the event, slavery would receive a blow from which it could never recover. The true policy, even in regard to the safety of their domestic institution, was to cling to the Union. CHAPTER VI. Mr. Lincoln's election to the Presidency— Its danger to the Union— Warnings of the President and his trying position— His policy in the emergency, and the reasons for it— His supreme object the preservation of the Union— Meeting of Congress, and the hostility of the two parties toward each other — The wrongs of the South — How rash and causeless would be rebellion in the Cotton States— The right of secession discussed and denied in the Message— The President's position defined— Question of the power to coerce a State — Distinction between the power to wage war against a State, and the power to execute the laws against individuals- Views of Senator (now President) Johnson, of Tennessee— President Buchanan's solemn appeal in favor of the Union — His estrangement from the secession leaders— Cessation of all friendly intercourse between him and them. On the 6th November, i860, Abraham Lincoln was elected President of the United States, and immediately thereafter the Legislature of South Carolina passed an Act for the call of a Convention to carry the State out of the Union, calculating that by this precipitate violence she might force the other cotton States to follow in her lead. Every discerning citizen must now have foreseen serious danger to the Union from Mr. Lincoln's election. After a struggle of many years, this had accomplished the triumph of the anti- slavery over the slaveholding States, and established two geo graphical parties, inflamed with malignant hatred against each other, in despite of the warning voice of Washington. It at once became manifest that the apprehensions of civil war, arising from this event, had proved as disastrous to the business of the country as if the struggle had actually commenced. Al though the harvests of the year had been abundant, and com merce and manufactures had never been more prosperous, terror and alarm everywhere prevailed. In the midst of all the elements of prosperity, every material interest was at once greatly de pressed. With a sound currency in abundance, the price of all public securities fell in the market. The credit of the Federal Government, which had before stood so high, was unable to resist the shock. The small necessary loans to meet the previous appropriations of Congress, could not be obtained except at ruinous rates. 92 MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 93 Throughout more than a quarter of a century the late Presi dent, on every fitting occasion, had solemnly warned his country men of the approaching danger, unless the agitation in the North against slavery in the South should cease. Instead of this, it still continued to increase, year after year, with brief intervals only, until it has become at length the unhappy, though unjusti fiable cause, perhaps the criminal pretext, for the secession of eleven slaveholding States from the Confederacy. The President had less than four months to complete his term of office. The Democratic party, to which he owed his election, had been defeated, and the triumphant party had pursued his administration from the beginning with a virulence uncom mon even in our history. His every act had been misrepresented and condemned, and he knew that whatever course he might pursue, he was destined to encounter their bitter hostility. No public man was ever placed in a more trying and responsible position. Indeed, it was impossible for him to act with honest independence, without giving offence both to the anti-slavery and secession parties, because both had been clearly in the wrong. In view of his position, and after mature reflection, he adopted a system of policy to which ever afterward, during the brief remnant of his term, he inflexibly adhered. This he announced and explained in the annual message to Congress of the 3d De cember, i860, and in the special message thereafter of the 8th January, 1861. The Cabinet was then composed of Lewis Cass, of Michi gan, Secretary of State; Howell Cobb, of Georgia, Secretary of the Treasury ; John B. Floyd, of Virginia, Secretary of War ; Isaac Toucey, of Connecticut, Secretary of the Navy; Jacob Thompson, of Mississippi, Secretary of the Interior; Joseph Holt,1 of Kentucky, Postmaster-General, in the place of Aaron V. Brown, of Tennessee, deceased; and Jeremiah S. Black, of Pennsylvania, Attorney-General. 'Editorial note, by J. B. M. — Among the Buchanan Papers, Historical Society of Pennsylvania, there is the following undated memorandum in Mr. Buchanan's handwriting : " Holt. A man of superior intellect and great polemic ability. In the profession of the law he was the equal rival of the celebrated Prentiss before the courts of Mississippi. A native of Kentucky, he had returned to that State and afterwards had travelled much abroad. " He was taciturn in the extreme, and locked up and revolved his thoughts in his own bosom. He was severe in his judgments of men; and I have never known a man in the world who could with more eloquence and 94 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN The annual message throughout, before it was communi cated to Congress, had been warmly approved by every member of the Cabinet, except so much of it as denied the right of seces sion, and maintained the duty of defending the public property and collecting the revenue in South Carolina, to which Messrs. Cobb and Thompson objected. These having now become prac tical questions of vital importance, both felt it would be impos sible to remain in the Cabinet whilst holding opinions upon them in opposition to the known and settled convictions of the Presi dent. They accordingly resigned after the meeting of Congress, remaining in office for a brief period, to enable them to bring up and close the ordinary business of their respective depart ments, and thus clear the way for their successors. At this critical moment, and but nine days after Congress had assembled, General Cass, on the 12th December, i860, re signed the office of Secretary of State, notwithstanding the message had, but a few days before, elicited from him strong expressions of approbation. Of this resignation and the circum stances preceding and following it, we forbear to speak, not doubting it proceeded at the moment from a sense of duty. Attorney-General Black was, in consequence, appointed Secretary of State, and the vacancy thereby created was filled by the appointment of Edwin M. Stanton as Attorney-General.1 effect, whether in writing and I believe in speaking, was [sic] more terrible in denunciation. It was his nature to go to extremes ; and if started wrong, it was impossible to get him right. His thoughts were locked up in his own bosom. He was an excellent Postmaster General, but from his taciturnity gave great offence to those with whom he transacted business. If he decided in favor of any applicant, it was done in such a silent and ungracious manner as not to secure cordial thanks. If he refused, he never condescended to palliate the refusal by any kind explanations. He went further in his hatred of the abolitionists than either policy or Christian charity would have warranted." 'Editorial note, by J. B. M. — Among the Buchanan Papers, Historical Society of Pennsylvania, there is the following undated memorandum in Mr. Buchanan's handwriting: " Mr. Stanton was an able, astute, and somewhat overbearing lawyer. He had been eminently and deservedly successful at the bar. His personal integrity has never been doubted. He was, however, deficient in the knowl edge of a statesman, but performed his duties as Attorney General in a respectable and satisfactory manner. He had not the calmness and sober judgment for an important administrative office. It was his nature to act from the impulse of the moment, and he did not stop [to inquire] into remote consequences of his decision." MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 95 Philip F. Thomas, formerly Governor of Maryland, and then Commissioner of Patents, was appointed Secretary of the Treasury, in place of Mr. Cobb, who had resigned on the 8th December, but he did not long continue in office, having also resigned on the nth January, 1861. The reason he assigned was a difference of opinion from the President and a majority of the Cabinet in regard to the measures which had been adopted against South Carolina, and the purpose of the President to enforce the collection of the customs at the port of Charleston. Immediately thereafter, the President tendered the appointment of Secretary of the Treasury to General John A. Dix, of New York, which was, much to his satisfaction, promptly accepted. The Interior Department remained vacant after the retire ment of Mr. Thompson, but its duties were ably and faithfully performed by Moses Kelly, the chief clerk, until the close of the administration. Upon Mr. Holt's transfer, late in December, i860, from the Post Office to the War Department, the first As sistant Postmaster-General, Horatio King, of Maine, continued for some time to perform the duties of the Department in a highly satisfactory manner, when he was appointed Postmaster- General. After these changes the Cabinet consisted of Messrs. Black, Dix, Holt, Toucey, Stanton, and King, who all remained in office until the end of Mr. Buchanan's term. The President had earnestly desired that his Cabinet might remain together until the close of the administration. He felt sensibly the necessary withdrawal of some of its members, after all had been so long united in bonds of mutual confidence and friendship. The President's policy was, first and above all, to propose and urge the adoption of such a fair and honorable compro mise as might prove satisfactory to all the States, both North and South, on the question of slavery in the Territories, the im mediate and principal source of danger to the Union ; and should he fail to accomplish this object in regard to the seven cotton States, which there was too much cause to apprehend, then to employ all legitimate means to preserve and strengthen the eight remaining slave or border States in their undoubted loyalty. These States, he knew, in case of need, might prove instrumental in bringing back their erring sisters to a sense of duty. To preserve the Union was the President's supreme object, and he considered it doubtful whether it could survive the shock of civil war. He was well aware that our wisest statesmen had 96 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN often warned their countrymen, in the most solemn terms, that our institutions could not be preserved by force, and could only endure whilst concord of feeling, and a proper respect by one section for the rights of another, should be maintained. Mr. Madison in this spirit had observed, in the Federal Convention,1 that " Any Government for the United States, formed upon the supposed practicability of using force against the unconstitutional proceedings of the States, would prove as visionary and fallacious as the Government of [the old] Congress." And General Jack son, a high authority, especially on such a subject, had declared in his Farewell Address 2 (3d March, 1837), that " the Constitu tion cannot be maintained, nor the Union preserved, in opposition to public feeling, by the mere exertion of the coercive powers confided to the General Government. The foundations must be laid in the affections of the people; in the security it gives to life, liberty, character, and property, in every quarter of the country; and in the fraternal attachments which the citizens of the several States bear to one another, as members of one political family, mutually contributing to promote the happiness of each other. Hence [in evident reference to the slavery agitation in the North] the citizens of every State should studiously avoid every thing calculated to wound the sensibility or offend the just pride of the people of other States ; and they should frown upon any proceedings within their own borders likely to disturb the tranquillity of their political brethren in other portions of the Union." The President, whilst admitting that Mr. Madison and Gen eral Jackson may have erred in these opinions, was convinced that should a rebellion break out within the seven cotton States, this could not be overcome without a long and bloody war, From the character of our people and the history of our race, it was evident that such a war, on both sides, would be carried to desperate extremities. These seven States composed a con tiguous territory of greater extent than the whole thirteen orig inal States, and contained more than five millions of people. To vanquish them would require a very large army and an im mense sacrifice of kindred blood. No person acquainted with history could be blind to the danger to which our free institu tions would be exposed from such an army. History had taught 'June 8, 1787. Sup. to Elliot's Debates, vol. v., p. 171. ~ 2 Statesman's Manual, 951. MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 97 us that every great Republic had fallen a victim to military power. Besides, it was morally certain that should civil war actually commence, most if not all of the border States, though still adhering to the Union, would eventually be drawn into the conflict. To prosecute civil war would require an expenditure of hundreds of millions of dollars. This would entail an enor mous debt on ourselves and our posterity, the interest on which could only be paid by oppressive taxation. The President knew that, in the mean time, many of the great commercial, manufac turing, artisan, and laboring classes would be exposed to abso lute ruin. It was therefore his supreme desire to employ all the constitutional means in his power to avert these impending calamities. In the midst of these portentous circumstances, both present and prospective, Congress met on the first Monday of December, i860, and the President on the next day transmitted to them his annual message. The opposing parties, instead of presenting the peaceful aspect becoming the Representatives of a great Con federacy assembled to promote the various interests of their con stituents, breathed nothing but mutual defiance. There was no longer any social or friendly intercourse between the Pro-Slavery and Anti-Slavery members. South Carolina had called a Con vention for the avowed purpose of adopting a secession ordi nance ; and the other cotton States were preparing to follow her example. Such was the situation at the meeting of Congress, and it was most unfortunate that but few individuals in the Northern States justly appreciated the extent and magnitude of the danger. These facts stared every unprejudiced observer in the face. The danger was upon us, and how to remove it was a question for enlightened and patriotic statesmanship. The stake involved was no less than the peace and perpetuity of the Union. The evil could not be averted by any argument, however conclusive, against the right of a State peacefully to secede from the Union. This dangerous heresy had taken thorough possession of the Southern mind, and the seven cotton States were acting and preparing to act in accordance with it. There was but one mode of arresting their headlong career, and this was promptly to recognize their rights over slave property in the Territories, as they existed under the decision of the Supreme Court. If the North should refuse to do this and reject any compromise, the secession of the cotton States would be inevitable. Apart Vol. XII— 7 98 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN from the factitious importance with which party spirit had invested the question, it was little more in point of fact than a mere abstraction. The recognition of the decision of the Su preme Court on the part of Congress, would not have added a single slave or a single slave State to the number already exist ing. The natural and irreversible laws of climate would prove an insurmountable barrier against the admission of any of our Territories as a slave State into the Union. The President, therefore, in his annual message of 3d De cember, i860, appealed to Congress to institute an amendment to the Constitution recognizing the rights of the Southern States in regard to slavery in the Territories. But before we proceed to give the history and the fate of this recommendation, it is neces sary to revert to previous portions of the message, in which he endeavored to hold the balance fairly between the North and the South. And first in respect to the wrongs which the South had suf fered, he says : " The long-continued and intemperate interfer ence of the Northern people with the question of slavery in the Southern States, has at length produced its natural effects. The different sections of the Union are now arrayed against each other, and the time has arrived, so much dreaded by the Father of his Country, when hostile geographical parties have been formed. " I have long foreseen, and often forewarned my country men of the now impending danger. This does not proceed solely from the claim on the part of Congress or the Territorial Legislatures to exclude slavery from the Territories, nor from the efforts of different States to defeat the execution of the fugitive slave law. " All or any of these evils might have been endured by the South, without danger to the Union (as others have been), in the hope that time and reflection might apply the remedy. The immediate peril arises, not so much from these causes, as from the fact that the incessant and violent agitation of the slavery question throughout the North, for the last quarter of a century, has at length produced its malign influence on the slaves, and inspired them with vague notions of freedom. Hence a sense of security no longer exists around the family altar. This feeling of peace at home has given place to apprehensions of servile insur rections. Many a matron throughout the South retires at night in dread of what may befall herself and her children before the MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 99 Should this apprehension of domestic danger, whether real or imaginary, extend and intensify itself until it shall per vade the masses of the Southern people, then disunion will be come inevitable. Self-preservation is the first law of nature, and has been implanted in the heart of man by his Creator for the wisest purpose; and no political union, however fraught with blessings and benefits in all other respects, can long continue, if the necessary consequence be to render the homes and the fire sides of nearly half the parties to it habitually and hopelessly insecure. Sooner or later the bonds of such a Union must be severed. It is my conviction that this fatal period has not yet arrived; and my prayer to God is, that he would preserve the Constitution and the Union throughout all generations. " But let us take warning in time and remove the cause of danger. It cannot be denied that for five and twenty years the agitation at the North against slavery has been incessant. In 1835, pictorial handbills and inflammatory appeals were circu lated extensively throughout the South, of a character to excite the passions of the slaves, and, in the language of General Jack son, ' to stimulate them to insurrection and produce all the horrors of a servile war.' " This agitation has ever since been continued by the public press, by the proceedings of State and County Conventions, and by abolition sermons and lectures. The time of Congress has been occupied in violent speeches on this never-ending subject; and appeals, in pamphlet and other forms, indorsed by distin guished names, have been sent forth from this central point and spread broadcast over the Union. " How easy would it be for the American people to settle the slavery question forever, and to restore peace and harmony to this distracted country! They, and they alone, can do it. All that is necessary to accomplish the object, and all for which the slave States have ever contended, is to be let alone and permit ted to manage their domestic institutions in their own way. As sovereign States, they and they alone are responsible before God and the world for the slavery existing among them. For this the people of the North are not more responsible, and have no more right to interfere, than with similar institutions in Rus sia or in Brazil. Upon their good sense and patriotic forbear ance, I confess, I still greatly rely. Without their aid it is be yond the power of any President, no matter what may be his own political proclivities, to restore peace and harmony among 100 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN the States. Wisely limited and restrained as is his power under our Constitution and laws, he alone can accomplish but little for good or for evil on such a momentous question." The President then proceeded to show how rash and cause less would be the action of the cotton States, should they rise in revolutionary resistance against the Federal Government, at a time when their rights were in no real danger, either from the election or administration of Mr. Lincoln. He says : " And this brings me to observe, that the election of any one of our fellow- citizens to the office of President does not of itself afford just cause for dissolving the Union. This is more especially true if his election has been effected by a mere plurality and not a majority of the people, and has resulted from transient and temporary causes, which may probably never again occur. In order to justify a resort to revolutionary resistance, the Federal Government must be guilty of ' a deliberate, palpable, and dan gerous exercise ' of powers not granted by the Constitution. The late Presidential election, however, has been held in strict con formity with its express provisions. How, then, can the result justify a revolution to destroy this very Constitution? Reason, justice, a regard for the Constitution, all require that we shall wait for some overt and dangerous act on the part of the Presi dent elect, before resorting to such a remedy. It is said, how ever, that the antecedents of the President elect have been suf ficient to justify the fears of the South that he will attempt to invade their constitutional rights. But are such apprehensions of contingent danger in the future sufficient to justify the imme diate destruction of the noblest system of government ever devised by mortals ? From the very nature of his office, and its high responsibilities, he must necessarily be conservative. The stern duty of administering the vast and complicated concerns of this Government, affords in itself a guarantee that he will not attempt any violation of a clear constitutional right. " After all, he is no more than the chief executive officer of the Government. His province is not to make but to execute the laws, and it is a remarkable fact in our history that, notwith standing the repeated efforts of the Anti-Slavery party, no single act has ever passed Congress, unless we may possibly except the Missouri Compromise, impairing in the slightest degree the rights of the South to their property in slaves. And it may also be observed, judging from present indications, that no probability exists of the passage of such an act by a majority MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION L 101 of both Houses, either in the present or the next Congress. Surely, under these circumstances, we ought to be restrained from present action by the precept of Him who spake as man never spoke, that ' sufficient unto the day is the evil thereof.' The day of evil may never come unless we shall rashly bring it upon ourselves. " It is alleged as one cause for immediate secession, that the Southern States are denied equal rights with the other States in the common Territories. But by what authority are these de nied? Not by Congress, which has never passed, and I believe never will pass, any act to exclude slavery from these Territories. And certainly not by the Supreme Court, which has solemnly decided that slaves are property, and like all other property their owners have a right to take them into the common Terri tories and hold them there under the protection of the Con stitution. " So far, then, as Congress is concerned, the objection is not to any thing they have already done, but to what they may do hereafter. It will surely be admitted that this apprehension of future danger is no good reason for an immediate dissolution of the Union. It is true that the Territorial Legislature of Kan sas, on the 23d February, i860, passed in great haste an act over the veto of the governor, declaring that slavery ' is and shall be for ever prohibited in this Territory.' Such an act, however, plainly violating the rights of property secured by the Constitu tion, will surely be declared void by the judiciary, whenever it shall be presented in a legal form. " Only three days after my inauguration the Supreme Court of the United States solemnly adjudged that this power did not exist in a Territorial Legislature. Yet such has been the factious temper of the times that the correctness of this decision has been extensively impugned before the people, and the question has given rise to angry political conflicts throughout the country. Those who have appealed from this judgment of our highest constitutional tribunal to popular assemblies, would, if they could, invest a Territorial Legislature with power to annul the sacred rights of property. This power Congress is expressly forbidden by the Federal Constitution to exercise. Every State Legislature in the Union is forbidden by its own Constitution to exercise it. It cannot be exercised in any State .except by the people in their highest sovereign capacity when framing or amending their State Constitution. In like manner it can only 102 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN be exercised by the people of a Territory, represented in a con vention of delegates for the purpose of framing a constitution preparatory to admission as a State into the Union. Then, and not until then, are they invested with power to decide the question whether slavery shall or shall not exist within their limits. This is an act of sovereign authority and not of subor dinate territorial legislation. Were it otherwise, then indeed would the equality of the States in the Territories be destroyed, and the rights of property in slaves would depend not upon the guarantees of the Constitution, but upon the shifting majorities of an irresponsible Territorial Legislature. Such a doctrine, from its intrinsic unsoundness, cannot long influence any con siderable portion of our people, much less can it afford a good reason for a dissolution of the Union. " The most palpable violations of constitutional duty which have yet been committed consist in the acts of different State Legislatures to defeat the execution of the fugitive slave law. It ought to be remembered, however, that for these acts neither Congress nor any President can justly be held responsible. Hav ing been passed in violation of the Federal Constitution, they are therefore null and void. All the courts, both State and na tional, before whom the question has arisen, have, from the beginning, declared the fugitive slave law to be constitutional. The single exception is that of a State court in Wisconsin; and this has not only been reversed by the proper appellate tribunal, but has met with such universal reprobation, that there can be no danger from it as a precedent. The validity of this law has been established over and over again by the Supreme Court of the United States with perfect unanimity. It is founded upon an express provision of the Constitution, requiring that fugitive slaves who escape from service in one State to another shall be ' delivered up ' to their masters. Without this provision it is a well-known historical fact that the Constitution itself could never have been adopted by the Convention. In one form or other under the acts of 1793 and 1850, both being substantially the same, the fugitive slave law has been the law of the land from the days of Washington until the present moment. Here, then, a clear case is presented, in which it will be the duty of the next President, as it has been my own, to act with vigor in executing this supreme law against the conflicting enactments of State Legislatures. Should he fail in the performance of this high duty, he will then have manifested a disregard of the Constitu- MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 103 tion and laws, to the great injury of the people of nearly one- half of the States of the Union. But are we to presume in advance that he will thus violate his duty? This would be at war with every principle of justice and of Christian charity. Let us wait for the overt act. The fugitive slave law has been carried into execution in every contested case since the com mencement of the present administration ; though often, it is to be regretted, with great loss and inconvenience to the master, and with considerable expense to the Government. Let us trust that the State Legislatures will repeal their unconstitutional and obnoxious enactments. Unless this shall be done without un necessary delay, it is impossible for any human power to save the Union. " The Southern States, standing on the basis of the Consti tution, have a right to demand this act of justice from the States of the North. Should it be refused, then the Constitution, to which all the States are parties, will have been wilfully violated by one portion of them in a provision essential to the domestic security and happiness of the remainder. In that event, the injured States, after having first used all peaceful and constitu tional means to obtain redress, would be justified in revolutionary resistance to the Government of the Union." Having thus disposed of the question of revolutionary re sistance, the message proceeds to discuss the right of peaceful secession from the Union claimed by the Southern States in their sovereign character. It proceeds : " I have purposely confined my remarks to revolutionary resistance, because it has been claimed within the last few years that any State, whenever this shall be its sovereign will and pleasure, may secede from the Union in accordance with the Constitution, and without any violation of the constitutional rights of the other members of the Confederacy. That as each became parties to the Union by the vote of its own people assembled in convention, so any one of them may retire from the Union in a similar manner by the vote of such a convention. " In order to justify secession as a constitutional remedy, it must be on the principle that the Federal Government is a mere voluntary association of States, to be dissolved at pleasure by any one of the contracting parties. If this be so, the Confed eracy is a rope of sand, to be penetrated and dissolved by the first adverse wave of public opinion in any of the States. In this manner our thirty-three States may resolve themselves into 104 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN as many petty, jarring, and hostile republics, each one retiring from the Union without responsibility whenever any sudden excitement might impel them to such a course. By this process a Union might be entirely broken into fragments in a few weeks, which cost our forefathers many years of toil, privation, and blood to establish. " Such a principle is wholly inconsistent with the history as well as the character of the Federal Constitution. After it was framed with the greatest deliberation and care, it was submitted to conventions of the people of the several States for ratification. Its provisions were discussed at length in these bodies, com posed of the first men of the country. Its opponents contended that it conferred powers upon the Federal Government danger ous to the rights of the States, while its advocates maintained that, under a fair construction of the instrument, there was no foundation for such apprehensions. In that mighty struggle between the first intellects of this or any other country, it never occurred to any individual, either among its opponents or advo cates, to assert or even to intimate that their efforts were all vain labor, because the moment that any State felt herself aggrieved she might secede from the Union. What a crushing argument would this have proved against those who dreaded that the rights of the States would be endangered by the Constitution. The truth is, that it was not until some years after the origin of the Federal Government that such a proposition was first advanced. It was afterwards met and refuted by the conclusive arguments of General Jackson, who, in his message of the 16th January, 1833, transmitting the nullifying ordinance of South Carolina to Congress, employs the following language : ' The right of the people of a single State to absolve themselves at will and without the consent of the other States from their most solemn obliga tions, and hazard the liberty and happiness of the millions com posing this Union, cannot be acknowledged. Such authority is believed to be utterly repugnant both to the principles upon which the General Government is constituted, and to the objects which it was expressly formed to attain.' " It is not pretended that any clause in the Constitution gives countenance to such a theory. It is altogether founded upon inference, not from any language contained in the instru ment itself, but from the sovereign character of the several States by which it was ratified. But is it beyond the power of a State, like an individual, to yield a portion of its sovereign rights to MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 105 secure the remainder? In the language of Mr. Madison, who has been called the father of the Constitution, ' It was formed by the States — that is, by the people in each of the States acting in their highest sovereign capacity, and formed consequently by the same authority which formed the State constitutions.' ' Nor is the Government of the United States, created by the Constitution, less a Government, in the strict sense of the term, within the sphere of its powers, than the governments created by the constitutions of the States are within their several spheres. It is, like them, organized into legislative, executive, and judi ciary departments. It operates, like them, directly on persons and things ; and, like them, it has at command a physical force for executing the powers committed to it.' " It was intended to be perpetual, and not to be annulled at the pleasure of any one of the contracting parties. The old Articles of Confederation were entitled ' Articles of Confedera tion and Perpetual Union between the States ; ' and by the thir teenth article it is expressly declared that ' the articles of this confederation shall be inviolably observed by every State, and the Union shall be perpetual.' The preamble to the Constitution of the United States, having express reference to the Articles of Confederation, recites that it was established ' in order to form a more perfect union.' And yet it is contended that this ' more perfect union ' does not include the essential attribute of perpetuity. " But that the Union was designed to be perpetual, appears conclusively from the nature and extent of the powers conferred by the Constitution on the Federal Government. These powers embrace the very highest attributes of national sovereignty. They place both the sword and the purse under its control. Con gress has power to make war and to make peace; to raise and support armies and navies, and to conclude treaties with foreign governments. It is invested with the power to coin money, and to regulate the value thereof, and to regulate commerce with foreign nations and among the several States. It is not necessary to enumerate the other high powers which have been conferred upon the Federal Government. In order to carry the enumerated powers into effect, Congress possesses the exclusive right to lay and collect duties on imports, and, in common with the States, to lay and collect all other taxes. " But the Constitution has not only conferred these high powers upon Congress, but it has adopted effectual means to 106 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN restrain the States from interfering with their exercise. For that purpose it has in strong prohibitory language expressly de clared that ' no State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or con federation; grant letters of marque and reprisal; coin money; emit bills of credit; make any thing but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts ; pass any bill of attainder, ex post facto law, or law impairing the obligation of contracts.' More over, 'without the consent of Congress no State shall lay any imposts or duties on any imports or exports, except what may be absolutely necessary for executing its inspection laws,' and if they exceed this amount, the excess shall belong to the United States. And ' no State shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any duty of tonnage, keep troops or ships of war in time of peace, enter into any agreement or compact with another State, or with a foreign power, or engage in war, unless actually invaded or in such imminent danger as will not admit of delay.' " In order still further to secure the uninterrupted exercise of these high powers against State interposition, it is provided ' that this Constitution and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made or which shall be made under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land; and the judges in every State shall be bound thereby, any thing in the Constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding.' " The solemn sanction of religion has been superadded to the obligations of official duty, and all Senators and Representa tives of the United States, all members of State Legislatures, and all executive and judicial officers, ' both of the United States and of the several States, shall be bound by oath or affirmation to support this Constitution.' " In order to carry into effect these powers, the Constitution has established a perfect Government in all its forms, legislative, executive, and judicial; and this Government to the extent of its powers acts directly upon the individual citizens of every State, and executes its own decrees by the agency of its own officers. In this respect it differs entirely from the Government under the old confederation, which was confined to making requisitions on the States in their sovereign character. This left it in the discretion of each whether to obey or to refuse, and they often declined to comply with such requisitions. It thus became necessary, for the purpose of removing this barrier, and ' in order to form a more perfect union,' to establish a Govern- MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 107 ment which could act directly upon the people and execute its own laws without the intermediate agency of the States. This has been accomplished by the Constitution of the United States. In short, the Government created by the Constitution, and de riving its authority from the sovereign people of each of the several States, has precisely the same right to exercise its power over the people of all these States in the enumerated cases, that each one of them possesses over subjects not delegated to the United States, but ' reserved to the States respectively or to the people.' " To the extent of the delegated powers the Constitution of the United States is as much a part of the constitution of each State, and is as binding upon its people, as though it had been textually inserted therein. " This Government, therefore, is a great and powerful Gov ernment, invested with all the attributes of sovereignty over the special subjects to which its authority extends. Its framers never intended to implant in its bosom the seeds of its own de struction, nor were they at its creation guilty of the absurdity of providing for its own dissolution. It was not intended by its framers to be the baseless fabric of a vision, which, at the touch of the enchanter, would vanish into thin air, but a substantial and mighty fabric, capable of resisting the slow decay of time, and of defying the storms of ages. Indeed, well may the jealous patriots of that day have indulged fears that a Government of such high powers might violate the reserved rights of the States, and wisely did they adopt the rule of a strict construc tion of these powers to prevent the danger. But they did not fear, nor had they any reason to imagine that the Constitution would ever be so interpreted as to enable any State by her own act, and without the consent of her sister States, to discharge her people from all or any of their federal obligations. " It may be asked, then, are the people of the States with out redress against the tyranny and oppression of the Federal Government? By no means. The right of resistance on the part of the governed against the oppression of their govern ments cannot be denied. It exists independently of all consti tutions, and has been exercised at all periods of the world's his tory. Under it, old governments have been destroyed and new ones have taken their place. It is embodied in strong and ex press language in our own Declaration of Independence. But the distinction must ever be observed that this is revolution 108 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN against an established Government, and not a voluntary secession from it by virtue of an inherent constitutional right. In short, let us look the danger fairly in the face; secession is neither more nor less than revolution. It may or it may not be a justifiable revolution; but still it is revolution." The President having thus attempted to demonstrate that the Constitution affords no warrant for secession, but that this was inconsistent both with its letter and spirit, then defines his own position. He says : " What, in the mean time, is the responsibility and true posi tion of the Executive? He is bound by solemn oath, before God and the country, ' to take care that the laws be faithfully executed,' and from this obligation he cannot be absolved by any human power. But what if the performance of this duty, in whole or in part, has been rendered impracticable by events over which he could have exercised no control? Such, at the present moment, is the case throughout the State of South Caro lina, so far as the laws of the United States to secure the adminis tration of justice by means of the Federal judiciary are con cerned. All the Federal officers within its limits, through whose agency alone these laws can be carried into execution, have already resigned. We no longer have a district judge, a district attorney, or a marshal in South Carolina. In fact, the whole machinery of the Federal Government necessary for the distribu tion of remedial justice among the people has been demolished, and it would be difficult, if not impossible, to replace it. " The only acts of Congress on the statute book bearing upon this subject are those of the 28th February, 1795, and 3d March, 1807. These authorize the President, after he shall have ascertained that the marshal, with his posse comitatus, is unable to execute civil or criminal process in any particular case, to call forth the militia and employ the army and navy to aid him in performing this service, having first by proclamation commanded the insurgents ' to disperse and retire peaceably to their respective abodes within a limited time.' This duty can not by possibility be performed in a State where no judicial authority exists to issue process, and where there is no marshal to execute it, and where, even if there were such an officer, the entire population would constitute one solid combination to resist him. " The bare enumeration of these provisions proves how in adequate they are without further legislation to overcome a MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 109 united opposition in a single State, not to speak of other States who may place themselves in a similar attitude. Congress alone has power to decide whether the present laws can or cannot be amended so as to carry out more effectually the objects of the Constitution. " The same insuperable obstacles do not lie in the way of executing the laws for the collection of the customs. The reve nue still continues to be collected, as heretofore, at the custom house in Charleston, and should the collector unfortunately re sign, a successor may be appointed to perform this duty. " Then, in regard to the property of the United States in South Carolina. This has been purchased for a fair equivalent, ' by the consent of the Legislature of the State,' ' for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals,' &c, and over these the authority ' to exercise exclusive legislation ' has been expressly granted by the Constitution to Congress. It is not believed that any attempt will be made to expel the United States from this prop erty by force; but if in this I should prove to be mistaken, the officer in command of the forts has received orders to act strictly on the defensive. In such a contingency the responsibility for consequences would rightfully rest upon the heads of the assailants. " Apart from the execution of the laws, so far as this may be practicable, the Executive has no authority to decide what shall be the relations between the Federal Government and South Carolina. He has been invested with no such discretion. He possesses no power to change the relations heretofore existing between them, much less to acknowledge the independence of that State. This would be to invest a mere executive officer with the power of recognizing the dissolution of the Confederacy among our thirty-three sovereign States. It bears no resem blance to the recognition of a foreign de facto Government, in volving no such responsibility. Any attempt to do this would, on his part, be a naked act of usurpation. It is, therefore, my duty to submit to Congress the whole question in all its bearings." Then follows the opinion expressed in the message, that the Constitution has conferred no power on the Federal Govern ment to coerce a State to remain in the Union. The following is the language : " The question fairly stated is, ' Has the Con stitution delegated to Congress the power to coerce a State into submission which is attempting to withdraw, or has actually withdrawn from the Confederacv? If answered in the affirma- 110 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN tive, it must be on the principle that the power has been conferred upon Congress to make war against a State. " After much serious reflection, I have arrived at the conclu sion that no such power has been delegated to Congress or to any other department of the Federal Government. It is mani fest, upon an inspection of the Constitution, that this is not among the specific and enumerated powers granted to Congress; and it is equally apparent that its exercise is not ' necessary and proper for carrying into execution ' any one of these powers. So far from this power having been delegated to Congress, it was ex pressly refused by the Convention which framed the Constitution. " It appears from the proceedings of that body that on the 31st May, 1787, the clause 'authorising an exertion of the force of the whole against a delinquent State ' came up for considera tion. Mr. Madison opposed it in a brief but powerful speech, from which I shall extract but a single sentence. He observed : ' The use of force against a State would look more like a declara tion of war than an infliction of punishment, and would probably be considered by the party attacked as a dissolution of all previous compacts by which it might be bound.' Upon his motion the clause was unanimously postponed, and was never, I believe, again presented. Soon afterwards, on the 8th June, 1787, when incidentally adverting to the subject, he said : ' Any government for the United States, formed on the supposed practicability of using force against the unconstitutional proceedings of the States, would prove as visionary and fallacious as the government of Congress,' evidently meaning the then existing Congress of the old confederation." The Republican party have severely but unjustly criticized this portion of the message, simply because they have not chosen to take the distinction between the power to make war against a State in its sovereign character, and the undoubted power to enforce the laws of Congress directly against individual citizens thereof within its limits. It was chiefly to establish this very distinction that the Federal Constitution was framed. The Gov ernment of the old Confederation could act only by requisitions on the different States, and these, as we have- seen, obeyed or disobeyed according to their own discretion. In case of disobedi ence, there was no resort but to actual force against them, which would at once have destroyed the Confederacy. To remove the necessity for such a dangerous alternative, the present Con stitution, passing over the Governments of the States, conferred MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 111 upon the Government of the United States the power to execute its own laws directly against their people. Thus all danger of collision between the Federal and State authorities was removed, and the indissoluble nature of the Federal Union established. The Republican party have, notwithstanding, construed the mes sage to mean a denial by the President of the power to enforce the laws against the citizens of a State after secession, and even after actual rebellion. The whole tenor, not only of this message, but of the special message of the 8th January, 1861, contradicts and disproves this construction. Indeed, in the clause of the first, immediately preceding that relied upon, and whilst South Carolina was rapidly rushing to secession, he expressed his de termination to execute the revenue laws whenever these should be resisted, and to defend the public property against all assaults. And in the special message, after South Carolina and other States had seceded, he reiterated this declaration, maintaining both his right and his duty to employ military force for this purpose. Having proved secession to be a mere nullity, he considered the States which had seceded to be still within the Union, and their people equally bound as they had been before to obey the laws. The Disunionists, unlike the Republicans, placed the correct construction upon both messages, and therefore denounced them in severe terms. The President was gratified to observe that Senator John son of Tennessee, a few days after the date of the first message, placed this subject in its true light, and thereby exposed himself to similar denunciations. In his speech of 18th December, i860 ("Congressional Globe," p. 119), he says: "I do not believe the Federal Government has the power to coerce a State, for by the eleventh amendment of the Constitution of the United States it is expressly provided that you cannot even put one of the States of this Confederacy before one of the courts of the country as a party. As a State, the Federal Government has no power to coerce it ; but it is a member of the compact to which it agreed in common with the other States, and this Government has the right to pass laws, and to enforce those laws upon individuals within the limits of each State. While the one proposition is clear, the other is equally so. This Government can, by the Constitution of the country, and by the laws enacted in confor mity with the Constitution, operate upon individuals, and has the right and the power, not to coerce a State, but to enforce and execute the law upon individuals within the limits of a State." 112 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN Sound doctrine, and in conformity with that of the framers of the Constitution ! Any other might, according to Mr. Madi son, have been construed by the States in rebellion as a dissolu tion of their connection with the other States, and recognized them as independent belligerents on equal terms with the United States. Happily our civil war was undertaken and prosecuted in self-defence, not to coerce a State, but to enforce the execu tion of the laws within the States against individuals, and to suppress an unjust rebellion raised by a conspiracy among them against the Government of the United States. After an impartial review of all the circumstances, and a careful consideration of the danger of the crisis, the President determined to recommend to Congress to initiate such amend ments to the Constitution as would recognize and place beyond dispute the rights of the Southern people, as these had been ex pounded by the Supreme Court. Whilst acknowledging that the cotton States were without justifiable cause for their threatened attempts to break up the Union, either by peaceful secession, as they claimed the right to do, or by forcible rebellion, he could not deny that they had suffered serious wrongs through many years from the Northern abolition party. To deny them such a security would be at war with the noblest feelings of patriotism, and inconsistent with the friendly sentiments which ought ever to be cherished between the people of sister States. We ought first to do our duty toward the cotton States; and if thereafter they should persist in attempting to dissolve the Union, they would expose themselves to universal condemnation. We should first " cast the beam out of our own eye," and then we might see clearly how to deal with our brothers' faults. Besides, such a course would have confirmed the loyalty of the border slavehold ing States. And above all, we were bound to make this conces sion, the strong to the weak, when the object was to restore the fraternal feelings which had presided at the formation of the Constitution, to reestablish the ancient harmony between the States, and to prevent civil war. Neither the Chicago platform, nor any other political platform, ought to have stood in the way of such a healing measure. The President, therefore, appealed to Congress to propose and recommend " to the legislatures of the several States the remedy for existing evils which the Con stitution has itself provided for its own preservation. This has been tried at different critical periods of our history, and always with eminent success. It is to be found in the fifth article pro- MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 113 viding for its own amendment. Under this article amendments have been proposed by two-thirds of both houses of Congress, and have been ' ratified by the legislatures of three-fourths of the several States,' and have consequently become parts of the Constitution. To this process the country is indebted for the clause prohibiting Congress from passing any law respecting an establishment of religion, or abridging the freedom of speech or of the press, or of the right of petition. To this we are, also, indebted for the Bill of Rights, which secures the people against any abuse of power by the Federal Government. Such were the apprehensions justly entertained by the friends of State rights at that period as to have rendered it extremely doubtful whether the Constitution could have long survived without those amendments. " Again, the Constitution was amended by the same process, after the election of President Jefferson by the House of Rep resentatives, in February, 1803. This amendment was rendered necessary to prevent a recurrence of the dangers which had seriously threatened the existence of the Government during the pendency of that election. The article for its own amendment was intended to secure the amicable adjustment of conflicting constitutional questions like the present, which might arise be tween the Governments of the States and that of the United States. This appears from contemporaneous history." . . . " The explanatory amendment might be confined to the final settlement of the true construction of the Constitution on three special points : " 1. An express recognition of the right of property in slaves in the States where it now exists or may hereafter exist. " 2. The duty of protecting this right in all the common Territories throughout their Territorial existence, and until they shall be admitted as States into the Union, with or without slavery, as their constitutions may prescribe. " 3. A like recognition of the right of the master to have his slave, who has escaped from one State to another, restored and ' delivered up ' to him, and of the validity of the fugitive slave law enacted for this purpose, together with a declaration that all State laws impairing or defeating this right are viola tions of the Constitution, and are consequently null and void. It may be objected that this construction of the Constitution has already been settled by the Supreme Court of the United States, and what more ought to be required? The answer is, that a Vol. XII— 8 114 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN very large proportion of the people of the United States still contest the correctness of this decision, and never will cease from agitation and admit its binding force until clearly estab lished by the people of the several States in their sovereign character. Such an explanatory amendment would, it is be lieved, forever terminate the existing dissensions, and restore peace and harmony among the States. " It ought not to be doubted that such an appeal to the arbit rament established by the Constitution itself, would be received with favor by all the States of the Confederacy. In any event, it ought to be tried in a spirit of conciliation before any of these States shall separate themselves from the Union." The President accompanied his recommendations by a sol emn appeal in favor of the Union. He says : " But may I be permitted solemnly to invoke my country men to pause and deliberate, before they determine to destroy this, the grandest temple which has ever been dedicated to human freedom since the world began. It has been consecrated by the blood of our fathers, by the glories of the past, and by the hopes of the future. The Union has already made us the most pros perous, and ere long will, if preserved, render us the most power ful nation on the face of the earth. In every foreign region of the globe the title of American citizen is held in the highest respect, and when pronounced in a foreign land it causes the hearts of our countrymen to swell with honest pride. Surely when we reach the brink of the yawning abyss, we shall recoil with horror from the last fatal plunge. " By such a dread catastrophe, the hopes of the friends of freedom throughout the world would be destroyed, and a long night of leaden despotism would enshroud the nations. Our example for more than eighty years would not only be lost, but it would be quoted as a conclusive proof that man is unfit for self-government. " It is not every wrong — nay, it is not every grievous wrong — which can justify a resort to such a fearful alternative. This ought to be the last desperate remedy of a despairing people, after every constitutional means of conciliation had been ex hausted. We should reflect that, under this free Government, there is an incessant ebb and flow in public opinion. The slavery question, like every thing human, will have its day. I firmly believe that it has reached and passed the culminating point. MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 115 But if, in the midst of the existing excitement, the Union shall perish, the evil may then become irreparable." This message proved unsatisfactory both to the Republican party and to the Pro-Slavery party in the cotton States. The leaders of this latter party in Congress, and especially Mr. Jef ferson Davis, objected to it because of its earnest argument against secession, and the determination expressed to collect the revenue in the ports of South Carolina, by means of a naval force, and to defend the public property. From this moment they alienated themselves from the President. Soon thereafter, when he refused to withdraw Major Anderson from Fort Sum ter, on the demand of the self-styled South Carolina Commis sioners, the separation became complete. For more than two months before the close of the session all friendly intercourse between them and the President, whether of a political or social character, had ceased. CHAPTER VII. Refusal of Congress to act either with a view to conciliation or defence— The Senate Committee of Thirteen and its proceedings— Mr. Crittenden submits his Compromise to the Committee— Its nature— The Committee unable to agree— Testimony of Messrs. Douglas and Toombs that the Crittenden Compromise would have arrested secession in the Cotton States— Mr. Crittenden proposes to refer his amendment to the people of the several States by an act of ordinary legislation— His remarks in its favor — Proceedings thereon — Expression of public opinion in its favor —President Buchanan recommends it— Recommendation disregarded and proposition defeated by the Clark amendment— Observations thereon— Peace Convention proposed by Virginia— Its meeting and proceedings- Amendment to the Constitution reported by Mr. Guthrie, chairman of the committee — Its modification on motion of Mr. Franklin, and final adop tion by the Convention — Virginia and North Carolina vote with Con necticut, Maine, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and Vermont against it — Its rejection by the United States Senate — The House of Represen tatives refuse even to receive it — Every Republican member in both branches of Congress opposed to it. In this perilous condition of the country it would scarcely be believed, were it not demonstrated by the record, that Con gress deliberately refused, throughout the entire session, to pass any act or resolution either to preserve the Union by peaceful measures, or to furnish the President or his successor with a military force to repel any attack which might be made by the cotton States. It neither did the one thing nor the other. It neither presented the olive branch nor the sword. All history proves that inaction in such an emergency is the worst possible policy, and can never stay the tide of revolution. On the con trary, it affords the strongest encouragement to rebellion. The sequel will prove the correctness of these opinions. Then, first, as to the action of Congress on the President's recommendation to adopt amendments to the Constitution. Soon after its meeting, on the motion of Senator Powell, of Kentucky, " so much of the President's Message as relates to the present agitated and distracted condition of the country, and the griev ances between the slaveholding and the non-slaveholding States," - was referred to a special committee, consisting of ' Senate Report of Committees, 2d session, 36th Cong., i86o-'6i, No. 288. 116 MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 117 thirteen members. This committee was composed of the most distinguished and influential Senators. They were true repre sentatives of the political parties to which they respectively be longed. It consisted of five Republicans: Messrs. Seward, Col- lamer, Wade, Doolittle, and Grimes; five from slaveholding States : Messrs. Powell, Hunter, Crittenden, Toombs, and Davis ; and three Northern Democrats : Messrs. Douglas, Bigler, and Bright. The latter three were intended to act as mediators be tween the extreme parties on the committee. No legislative body, in the history of nations, had ever created a committee upon whose action more important conse quences depended. Beyond question, they had it in their power justly and honorably to preserve the peace of the country and the integrity of the Union. The committee first met on the 21st December, i860, and, preliminary to any other proceeding, they " resolved that no proposition shall be reported as adopted, unless sustained by a majority of each of the classes of the committee; Senators of the Republican party to constitute one class, and Senators of the other parties to constitute the other class." This resolution was passed, because any report they might make to the Senate would be in vain unless sanctioned by at least a majority of the five Republican Senators. On the next day (the 22d), Mr. Critten den submitted to the committee " A Joint Resolution " (the same which he had two days before presented to the Senate), "pro posing certain amendments to the Constitution of the United States," now known as the Crittenden Compromise. This was truly a compromise of conflicting claims, because it proposed that the South should surrender their adjudged right to take slaves into all our Territories, provided the North would recog nize this right in the Territories south of the old Missouri Com promise line. This amendment offered terms to the North far less favorable to the South than their existing rights under the decision of the Supreme Court. The Constitution, as expounded by this decision, opens all the Territories, both North and South, as the common property of the States, to the introduction and protection of slave property. Mr. Crittenden's amendment proposed to restrict this general right and confine it to the Territories south of the latitude of 360 30'. It prohibited slavery forever from all Territories, "now held or hereafter acquired," north of this line, whilst south of it slavery was " recognized as existing, and shall not 118 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN be interfered with by Congress, but shall be protected as property by all the departments of the Territorial Government during its continuance; and when any Territory north or south of said line, within such boundaries as Congress may prescribe, shall contain the population requisite for a member of Congress, it shall be admitted into the Union with or without slavery, as the Constitution of such new State may provide." - This amendment yielded every thing to the North, except a mere abstraction. It gave, in point of fact, all the vast terri tories of the United States to perpetual freedom, with the single exception of New Mexico. And in regard to this, it is scarcely necessary to state to any person in the least degree acquainted with geography, that New Mexico could never practically become a slaveholding State. As to the Indian Territory south of 360 30', it belongs not to the United States, but is secured to the Indians by solemn treaties, founded upon full and indeed ample equivalents. At the first it was confidently expected that this amendment would be yielded by the North as a peace offering to the South. It was in substance and in fact neither more nor less than an offer to restore the Missouri Compromise, against the repeal of which the Republican party in Congress, in 1854, had so justly struggled. It was hailed by the people throughout the country as the rainbow upon the cloud, promising peace and perpetuity to the Union. Indeed, who could fail to believe that when the alternative was presented to the Senators and Representatives of the Northern States, either to yield to their brethren in the South the barren abstraction of carrying their slaves into New Mexico, or to expose the country to the imminent peril of civil war, they would choose the side of peace and union? The period for action was still propitious. It will be recollected that Mr. Crittenden's amendment was. submitted before any of our forts had been seized, before any of the cotton States, except South Carolina, had seceded, and before any of the Conventions which had been called in the remaining six of those States had assembled. Under such circumstances it would have been true wisdom to seize the propitious moment before it fled forever, and even yield, if need be, a trifling concession to patriotic policy, if not to abstract justice, rather than expose the country to a great impending calamity. And how small the concession 1 Senate Report of the Proceedings of the Committee, Dec. 31, i860. MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 119 required even from a sincere anti-slavery Republican! In the language of Mr. Crittenden : " The sacrifice to be made for its preservation [that of the Union] is comparatively worthless. Peace and harmony and union in a great nation were never pur chased at so cheap a rate as we now have it in our power to do. It is a scruple only, a scruple of as little value as a barleycorn, that stands between us and peace and reconciliation and union; and we stand here pausing and hesitating about that little atom which is to be sacrificed." x Notwithstanding these powerful arguments in favor of the Crittenden Compromise, it was rejected by the Committee of Thirteen, every one of its five Republican members, together with Messrs. Davis and Toombs, from the cotton States, having voted against it. Indeed, not one of all the Republicans in the Senate, at any period or in any form, voted in its favor, doubtless for the reason that it tolerated slavery within New Mexico, in opposi tion to the Chicago platform. This they held paramount to every other consideration.2 ' Cong. Globe, 3d Jan., 1861, p. 237. 'Editorial note, by J. B. M. — In connection with the foregoing, the fol lowing letter of Duff Green to President Buchanan, narrating a conversation with Mr. Lincoln, is of interest : " Springfield, III., December 28, i860. " Dear Sir : — I have had a long and interesting conversation with Mr. Lincoln. I brought with me a copy of the resolutions submitted by Mr. Crit tenden, which he read over several times, and said that he believed that the adoption of the line proposed would quiet, for the present, the agitation of the slavery question, but believed it would be renewed by the seizure and attempted annexation of Mexico. He said that the real question at issue between the North and the South was slavery " propagandism," and that upon that issue the Republican party was opposed to the South, and that he was with his own party; that he had been elected by that party, and intended to sustain his party in good faith ; but added, that the question on the amendments to the Constitution and the questions submitted by Mr. Crittenden belonged to the people and States in legislatures or conventions, and that he would be inclined not only to acquiesce, but to give full force and effect to their will thus expressed. Seeing that he was embarrassed by his sense of duty to his party, I suggested that he might so frame a letter to me as to refer the measures for the preservation of the Union to the action of the people in the several States, and he promised to prepare a letter, giving me his views, by 9 a.m. to-morrow. If his letter be satisfactory, its purport will be communicated to you by telegraph. Yours truly, "Duff Green." The letter which Green expected to receive from Mr. Lincoln does not appear to have been written. Green's letter is printed in Curtis's Buchanan, II. 426. 120 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN The committee, having failed to arrive at a satisfactory con clusion, reported their disagreement to the Senate on the 31st December, i860, in a resolution declaring that they had " not been able to agree upon any general plan of adjustment." -¦ Thus on the last day of the year i860 vanished the reasonable prospect that any of the seven cotton States would voluntarily remain in the Union. Soon thereafter the Conventions of Florida on the 7th January, Mississippi the 9th, Alabama the nth, Georgia the 19th, Louisiana the 25th, and Texas the 5th February, adopted ordinances of secession by overwhelming majorities. Several of these States, after the evil example of South Carolina, proceeded to seize the public property within their limits; and the authorities of Louisiana, even before her ordinance of secession, more outrageous than the rest, robbed the Branch Mint and Sub-Treasury at New Orleans of a large amount of money. But was Mr. Crittenden correct in believing, notwithstand ing the adverse vote of Messrs. Davis and Toombs in the commit tee, that the adoption of his amendment would have arrested secession in the cotton States? There is good reason to believe that he was, with the exception of South Carolina ; and she could not long have remained in a state of isolation. On this question we have the published testimony of two members of the Com mittee of Thirteen, which has never since been contradicted. Mr. Douglas, in his speech of the 3d January, 1861, but three days after the report of the committee and within the hearing of all its members, said : " If you of the Republican side are not willing to accept this [a proposition for adjustment made by himself] nor the proposition of the Senator from Kentucky (Mr. Crittenden), pray tell us what you are willing to do. I address the inquiry to the Republicans alone, for the reason that in the Committee of Thirteen, a few days ago, every member from the South, including those from the cotton States (Messrs. Toombs and Davis), expressed their readiness to accept the proposition of my venerable friend from Kentucky (Mr. Crit tenden), as a final settlement of the controversy, if tendered and sustained by the Republican members. Hence the sole respon sibility of our disagreement, and the only difficulty in the way of an amicable adjustment, is with the Republican party." 2 1 Senate Report of Committee, i86o-'6i, No. 288. 'Appendix to Cong. Globe, i86o-'6i, p. 41. MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 121 And Mr. Douglas, afterwards, on the 2d March, 1861, re affirmed his former statement. In replying to Senator Pugh (of Ohio), he said : " The Senator has said that if the Crittenden proposition could have been passed early in the session, it would have saved all the States except South Carolina. I firmly be lieve it would. While the Crittenden proposition was not in accordance with my cherished views, I avowed my readiness and eagerness to accept it, in order to save the Union, if we could unite upon it. No man has labored harder than I have to get it passed. I can confirm the Senator's declaration that Sen ator Davis himself, when on the Committee of Thirteen, was ready, at all times, to compromise on the Crittenden proposition. I will go further and say that Mr. Toombs was also ready to do so." 1 Besides, on the 7th January, 1861, Mr. Toombs, only twelve days before his State seceded, said : " But although I insist upon this perfect equality in the Territories, when it was proposed, as I understand the Senator from Kentucky now proposes, that the line of 360 30' shall be extended, acknowledging and pro tecting our property on the south side of that line, for the sake of peace, permanent peace, I said to the Committee of Thirteen, and I say here, that with other satisfactory provisions, I would accept it," etc., etc.2 Mr. Crittenden did not despair of ultimate success, notwith standing his defeat before the Committee of Thirteen. After this, indeed, he could no longer expect to' carry his compromise as an amendment to the Constitution by the necessary two-thirds vote of Congress. It was, therefore, postponed by the Senate on his own motion.3 As a substitute for it he submitted to the Senate, on the 3d January, 1861, a joint resolution (S. No. 54), which might be passed by a bare majority of both Houses. This was to refer his rejected amendment, by an ordinary Act of Con gress, to a direct vote of the people of the several States. This he prefaced by some striking remarks. He said : " The times on which we have fallen, sir, are of a very extraordinary charac ter ; full of danger to the peace of the country, and even to the union of the country. Its extraordinary character seems to require of us all efforts, ordinary and extraordinary, for the pur pose of averting the danger which now so threateningly hangs over us. The measure which I am about to propose, sir, is of 1 Cong. Globe, i86o-'6i, p. 1391. ~ Ibid., p. 270. 3 Ibid., p. 237. 122 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN that extraordinary character ; and I shall be at a loss for a justi fication and excuse for it, if it cannot be found in the perilous condition of public affairs, and in that great law, the safety of the people." He then proceeded to offer his resolution in the following language : " Whereas the Union is in danger, and, owing to the unhappy divisions existing in Congress, it would be difficult, if not impossible, for that body to concur in both its branches by the requisite majority, so as to enable it either to adopt such measures of legislation, or to recommend to the States such amendments, to the Constitution, as are deemed necessary and proper to avert that danger; and whereas in so great an emer gency the opinion and j udgment of the people ought to< be heard, and would be the best and surest guide to their Representatives : Therefore, Resolved, That provision ought to be made by law without delay for taking the sense of the people and submitting to their vote the following resolution [the same as in his former amendment], as the basis for the final and permanent settlement of those disputes that now disturb the peace of the country and threaten the existence of the Union." It was supposed that this resolution would conciliate the support of some at least, if not all, of the Republican Senators. By referring the questions in dispute to the legitimate fountain of all political power, it would relieve them from previous com mittals to the Chicago platform. Besides, it was believed that they would not assume the responsibility of denying to the people of their own States the opportunity of expressing an opinion at the ballot-box on questions involving no less a stake than the peace and safety of the Union. Nevertheless, it will appear from the sequel, that not a single Republican Senator ever voted for the resolution. Had Congress thought proper to refer the Crittenden Compromise to the people of the several States, no person who observed the current of public opinion at the time, can fail to believe that outside of South Carolina it would have received their approbation. Memorials in its favor poured into Congress from all portions of the North, even from New Eng land.1 One of these presented to the Senate was from " the Mayor and members of the Board of Aldermen and the Com mon Council of the city of Boston, and over 22,000 citizens of the State of Massachusetts, praying the adoption of the com- ' Index to Senate Journal, pp. 494, 495, and 496. MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 123 promise measures proposed by Mr. Crittenden." 1 It may be proper here to observe that the resolution of Mr. Crittenden did not provide in detail for holding elections by which " the sense of the people " could be ascertained. To supply this omission, Senator Bigler, of Pennsylvania, the able, indefatigable, and devoted friend of the measure, on the 14th January, 1861, brought in " A bill to provide for taking the sense of the people of tlie United States on certain proposed amendments to the Constitution of the United States ; " but never was he able, not withstanding his persevering efforts, to induce the Senate even to consider this bill. President Buchanan, in the mean time, and from the begin ning, exerted all his constitutional influence in favor of these measures. In his special message to Congress of the 8th Jan uary, 1861, after depicting the deplorable consequences which had already resulted to the country from the bare apprehension of civil war and the dissolution of the Union, he says : " Let the question be transferred from political assemblies to the ballot- box, and the people themselves would speedily redress the serious grievances which the South have suffered. But, in Heaven's name, let the trial be made before we plunge into armed conflict upon the mere assumption that there is no other alternative. Time is a great conservative power. Let us pause at this mo mentous point, and afford the people, both North and South, an opportunity for reflection. Would that South Carolina had been convinced of this truth before her precipitate action! I, therefore, appeal through you to the people of the country, to declare in their might that the Union must and shall be pre served by all constitutional means. I most earnestly recom mend that you devote yourselves exclusively to the question how this can be accomplished in peace. All other questions, when compared with this, sink into insignificance. The present is no time for palliatives; action, prompt action is required. A delay in Congress to prescribe or to recommend a distinct and prac tical proposition for conciliation, may drive us to a point from which it will be almost impossible to recede. " A common ground on which conciliation and harmony can be produced is surely not unattainable. The proposition to compromise by letting the North have exclusive control of the territory above a certain line, and to give Southern institutions 1 Senate Journal, 1860-61, p. 218. 124 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN protection below that line, ought to receive universal approba tion. In itself, indeed, it may not be entirely satisfactory, but when the alternative is between a reasonable concession on both sides and a dissolution of the Union, it is an imputation on the patriotism of Congress to assert that its members will hesitate for a moment." This earnest recommendation was totally disregarded. It would be a useless labor to recapitulate all the proceedings in the Senate upon the proposition of Mr. Crittenden to refer his amendment to a vote of the people. On the 14th January, 1861, he made an unsuccessful attempt to have it considered, but it was postponed until the day following.1 On this day it was again postponed by the vote of ever}' Republican Senator pres ent, in order to make way for the Pacific Railroad bill.2 On the third attempt (January 16), he succeeded, but by a majority of a single vote, in bringing his resolution before the body. Every Republican Senator present voted against its considera tion. A direct vote upon the resolution, so earnestly desired by the country, now seemed inevitable. The parliamentary tactics of the Republican party, however, defeated this object. Mr. Clark, a Republican Senator from New Hampshire, moved to strike out the entire preamble and resolution of Mr. Crittenden, and in lieu thereof insert as a substitute a preamble and resolu tion of a directly opposite character, and in accordance with the Chicago platform. This motion prevailed by a vote of .25 to 23, every Republican Senator present having voted in its favor.3 Thus Mr. Crittenden's proposition to refer the question to the people was buried under the Clark amendment. This continued to be its position for more than six weeks, until the day before the final adjournment of Congress, 2d March, when it was far too late for final action even had there been a majority in its favor. This superincumbent weight was then removed, and the proposition itself was defeated by a vote of 19 in the affirmative against 20 in the negative.4 Thus the Republican party accom plished their object, and thus terminated every reasonable hope of any compromise between the North and the South. It is proper for future reference that the names of those Senators who constituted the majority on this momentous ques tion, should be placed upon record. Every vote given from the 'Cong. Globe, i86o-'6i, pp. 361-363. 2 Ibid., p. 381. s Ibid., p. 409. 4 Ibid., p. I40S- MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 125 six New England States was in opposition to Mr. Crittenden's resolution. These consisted of Mr. Clark, of New Hampshire; Messrs. Sumner and Wilson, of Massachusetts; Mr. Anthony, of Rhode Island; Messrs. Dixon and Foster, of Connecticut; Mr. Foot, of Vermont; and Messrs. Fessenden and Morrill, of Maine. The remaining eleven votes, in order to make up the 20, were given by Mr. Wade, of Ohio ; Mr. Trumbull, of Illinois ; Messrs. Bingham and Chandler, of Michigan; Messrs. Grimes and Harlan, of Iowa; Messrs. Doolittle and Durkee, of Wiscon sin; Mr. Wilkinson, of Minnesota; Mr. King, of New York; and Mr. Ten Eyck, of New Jersey. It is also worthy of observa tion, that neither Mr. Hale, of New Hampshire, Mr. Simmons, of Rhode Island, Mr. Collamer, of Vermont, Mr. Seward, of New York, nor Mr. Cameron, of Pennsylvania, voted on the question, although it appears from the journal that all these gen tlemen were present in the Senate on the day of the vote. It would be vain to conjecture the reasons why these five Senators refrained from voting on an occasion so important. It will be recollected that a direct vote of the Senate on the Crittenden resolution was defeated by the adoption of the Clark amendment, at so early a period of the session as the 16th Jan uary, when there was still time for action. This amendment prevailed only in consequence of the refusal of six secession Senators to vote against it. They thus played into the hands of the Republican Senators, and rendered them a most acceptable service. These were Messrs. Benjamin and Slidell, of Louisi ana; Mr. Iverson, of Georgia; Messrs. Hemphill and Wigfall, of Texas ; and Mr. Johnson, of Arkansas. Had these gentlemen voted with their brethren from the border slaveholding States and the other Democratic Senators, the Clark amendment would have been defeated, and the Senate would then have been brought to a direct vote on the Crittenden resolution. Had this been effected and the Crittenden resolution adopted by the Senate, as it might have been by the votes of the recusant Senators, this would have awakened the people of the country to their true con dition, and might have aroused them into action in sufficient time before the close of the session to avert the impending danger. As it was, they remained in a state of suspense, and still continued to hope until the very day before the termination of Congress, when all hope was finally extinguished. Such conduct on the part of these six Senators cannot be too severely censured. They thus deserted the Democratic Senators from the border slavehold- 126 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN ing and other States, at the hour of their utmost need. It is but a poor excuse for their defection to say, as they did, that the Republican Senators, whose votes were necessary to any effectual compromise, had steadily repudiated the Crittenden propositions in every form, and for this reason they were already on the eve of abandoning their seats in the Senate. Whilst the lovers of peace were almost despairing for the fate of the Crittenden amendment, their hope of its final tri umph was revived by the interposition of Virginia.1 The Gen eral Assembly of that Commonwealth, on the 19th January, 1861, adopted resolutions expressing " the deliberate opinion " " that unless the unhappy controversy which now divides the States of the Confederacy shall be satisfactorily adjusted, a permanent dissolution of the Union is inevitable." For the purpose of averting " so dire a calamity," they extended an invi tation " to all such States, whether slaveholding or non-slave- holding, as are willing to unite with Virginia in an earnest effort to adjust the present unhappy controversies, in the spirit in which the Constitution was originally framed," to appoint Com missioners for this purpose, to meet on the 4th February, 1861, at the City of Washington. The resolutions expressed a favor able opinion of the Crittenden Compromise, with some modifi cations, and the belief that " it would be accepted as a satisfactory adjustment by the people of this Commonwealth." Such was the origin of the Peace Convention. The best hopes of the coun try were now fixed on the border slave States, including North Carolina and Tennessee. These great and powerful common wealths still remained faithful to the Union. They had hitherto stood aloof from secession, and had manifested an earnest desire not only to remain in the Union themselves, but to exert their powerful influence to bring back the seceding sisters. Virginia had ever ranked as chief among the Southern States, and had exercised great influence over their counsels. She had now taken the lead in the grand design to save the Union, and it be came the duty of the President to render her all the aid in his power in a cause so holy. Every reflecting man foresaw that if the present movement of Virginia should fail to impress upon Congress and the country the necessity for adopting a peaceful compromise, like that proposed by Mr. Crittenden, there was irnminent danger that all the border slave States would follow 1 Cong. Globe, i86o-'6i, p. 601. MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 127 the cotton States, which had already adopted ordinances of seces sion, and unite with them in an attempt to break up the Union. Indeed, as has been already seen, the Virginia Legislature had declared that, in case of failure, such a dissolution was " inevitable." The Peace Convention met on the 4th February.1 It was composed of one hundred and thirty-three commissioners, repre senting twenty-one States. A bare inspection of the list will convince all inquirers of the great respectability and just influ ence of its members. Among them there were many venerable and distinguished citizens from the border States, earnestly in tent upon restoring and saving the Union. Their great object was to prevail upon their associates from the North to unite with them in such recommendations to Congress as would pre vent their own States from seceding, and enable them to> bring back the cotton States which had already seceded. It will be recollected that on the 4th February, when the Peace Convention assembled, six of the cotton States, South Carolina, Alabama, Mississippi, Georgia, Louisiana, and Florida, had already adopted ordinances of secession; and that but four days thereafter (8th February) deputies from these States had adopted and published at Montgomery, Alabama, a Provisional Constitution for the so-called Confederate States. The Union was then crumbling to pieces. One month only of the session of Congress remained. Within this brief period it was necessary that the Convention should recommend amendments to the Constitution in sufficient time to enable both Houses to act upon them before their final adjournment. It was also essential to success that these amend ments should be sustained by a decided majority of the commis sioners both from the Northern and the border States. It was, however, soon discovered that the same malign influence which had caused every Republican member of Congress to oppose the Crittenden Compromise, would probably defeat the patriotic pur pose for which the Convention had assembled. On Wednesday, the 6th February, a resolution was adopted,2 on motion of Mr. Guthrie, of Kentucky, to refer the resolutions of the General Assembly of Virginia, and all other kindred sub jects, to a committee to consist of one commissioner from each State, to be selected by the respective State delegations; and ' Cong. Globe, i86o-'6l, p. 125. 2 Official Journal of the Convention, pp. 9 and 10. 128 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN to prevent delay they were instructed to report on or before the Friday following (the 8th), "what they may deem right, necessary, and proper to restore hannony and preserve the Union." This committee, instead of reporting on the day appointed, did not report until Friday, the 15th February,1 and thus a precious week was lost. The reason for this delay shall be ex pressed in the language of Mr. Reverdy Johnson, a member of the committee and a commissioner from Maryland. In his let ter of 13th May, 1863, to the editors of the " Journal of Com merce," in answer to allegations made by Mr. David D. Field, who had also been a member of the committee from New York, he says : " In the committee to whom the whole subject was re ferred, and at whose head was placed Mr. Guthrie, of Kentucky, and of which Mr. Field was a member, efforts to this end [rea sonable guarantees to the South on the subject of slavery] were made again and again, but in vain. And what was finally agreed upon and reported, met with the sanction of but a bare majority of the committee, Mr. Field not being of that majority. The discussions in every meeting of the committee were earnest, and a part of the Southern members (I was of the number) im plored their Northern brethren to agree to something that there was any reason to believe would be satisfactory to the South. I saw then that unanimity could alone render the propositions of the committee effective. I also saw, and as the result has proved, that no satisfactory adjustment attained, an attempt at least would be made to sever the Union." (The cotton States had already attempted to sever it so far as this was in their power. ) The amendments reported by a majority of the committee, through Mr. Guthrie, their chairman, were substantially the same with the Crittenden Compromise; but on motion of Mr. Johnson, of Maryland, the general terms of the first and by far the most important section were restricted to the present Terri tories of the United States.2 On motion of Mr. Franklin, of Pennsylvania, this section was further amended, but not mate rially changed, by the adoption of the substitute offered by him. Nearly in this form it was afterwards adopted by the Conven tion.3 The following is a copy : " In all the present territory of the United States north of the parallel of thirty-six degrees "Official Journal, p. 21. 2 Ibid., p. 42. s Ibid., p. 70. MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 129 and thirty minutes of north latitude, involuntary servitude, ex cept in punishment of crime, is prohibited. In all the present territory south of that line, the status of persons held to involun tary service or labor, as it now exists, shall not be changed ; nor shall any law be passed by Congress or the Territorial Legisla ture to hinder or prevent the taking of such persons from any of the States of this Union to said territory, nor to impair the rights arising from said relation; but the same shall be subject to judicial cognizance in the Federal courts, according to the course of the common law. When any Territory north or south of said line, within such boundary as Congress may prescribe, shall contain a population equal to that required for a member of Congress, it shall, if its form of government be republican, be admitted into the Union on an equal footing with the original States, with or without involuntary servitude, as the Constitu tion of such State may provide." Mr. Baldwin, of Connecticut, and Mr. Seddon, of Virginia, on opposite extremes, made minority reports, which they pro posed to substitute for that of the majority. Mr. Baldwin's report was a recommendation " to the several States to unite with Kentucky in her application to Congress to call a Con vention for proposing amendments to the Constitution of the United States, to be submitted to the Legislatures of the several States, or to Conventions therein, for ratification, as the one or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by Congress, in accordance with the provisions in the fifth article of the Con stitution." -¦ Of the two modes prescribed by the Constitution for its own amendment, this was the least eligible at the existing crisis, be cause by far the most dilatory. Instead of calling upon Con gress, then in session and which could act immediately, to propose specific amendments to the Legislatures of the several States, it adopted the circuitous mode of requesting these Legis latures, in the first instance, to apply to Congress to call a Con vention. Even should two-thirds of them respond in the affirma tive to this request, the process would necessarily occasion a delay of years in attaining the object, when days were all-important. This would entirely defeat the patriotic purpose of the Peace Convention. It was called to obtain, if possible, a direct vote of two-thirds of both Houses before the end of the session in favor 1 Official Journal, pp. 24 and 25. Vol. XII— 9 130 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN of such amendments as it might recommend. Could such a vote be obtained, it was confidently expected by the friends of the Union that its moral influence would, for the present, satisfy the border States; would arrest the tide beginning to rise among their people in favor of secession, and might enable them to exercise an effective influence in reclaiming the States which had already seceded. Affairs were then so urgent that long before the State Legislatures could possibly ask Congress to call a Con vention as required by Mr. Baldwin's proposition, the cause of the Union might be hopeless. It was, therefore, rejected. This proposition of Mr. Baldwin, evasive and dilatory as it was, nevertheless received the votes of eight of the twenty-one States.1 These consisted of the whole of the New England States, except Rhode Island, and of Illinois, Iowa, and New York, all being free States. This was an evil omen. The first amendment reported by Mr. Seddon differed from that of the majority inasmuch as it embraced not only the pres ent but all future Territories.2 This was rejected.3 His sec ond amendment, which, however, was never voted upon by the Convention, went so far as distinctly to recognize the right of secession. It cannot be denied that there was in the Convention an ex treme Southern rights element, headed by Mr. Seddon. This manifested itself throughout its proceedings. These show how naturally extremes meet. On more than one important occa sion, we find the vote of Virginia and North Carolina, though given in each case by a bare majority of their commissioners, side by side with the vote of Massachusetts and Vermont. It would be too tedious to trace the proceedings of the Convention from the report of the committee made by Mr. Guthrie until its final adjournment. It is sufficient to say that more than ten days were consumed in discussion and in voting upon various propositions offered by individual commissioners. The final vote was not reached until Tuesday, the 26th February, when it was taken on the first and vitally important section, as amended.4 This section, on which all the rest depended, was negatived by a vote of eight States to eleven. Those which voted in its favor were Delaware, Kentucky, Maryland, New Jersey, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, and Tennessee. And those in the negative were Connecticut, Illinois, Iowa, Maine, Massachusetts, ' Official Journal, p. 63 . ~ Ibid., pp. 26, 27, 28. 8 Ibid., p. 28. * Ibid., p. 70. MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 131 Missouri, New York, North Carolina, New Hampshire, Vermont, and Virginia. It is but justice to say that Messrs. Ruffin and Morehead, of North Carolina, and Messrs. Rives and- Summers, of Virginia, two of the five commissioners from each of these States, declared their dissent from the vote of their respective States. So, also, did Messrs. Bronson, Corning, Dodge, Wool, and Granger, five of the eleven New York commissioners, dissent from the vote of their State. On the other hand, Messrs. Mere dith and Wilmot, two of the seven commissioners from Pennsyl vania, dissented from the majority in voting in favor of the sec tion. Thus would the Convention have terminated but for the interposition of Illinois. Immediately after the section had been negatived, the commissioners from that State made a motion to reconsider the vote, and this prevailed. The Conven tion afterwards adjourned until the next morning. When they reassembled (February 27), the first section was adopted, but only by a majority of nine to eight States, nine being less than a majority of the States represented. This change was effected by a change of the vote of Illinois from the negative to the affirmative, by Missouri withholding her vote, and by a tie in the New York commissioners, on account of the absence of one of their number, rendering it impossible for the State to vote. Still Virginia and North Carolina, in the one extreme, and Con necticut, Maine, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and Vermont, in the other, persisted in voting in the negative. From the nature of this vote, it was manifestly impossible that two-thirds of both Houses of Congress should act favorably on the amend ment, even if the delay had not already rendered such action impracticable before the close of the session. It would be useless to refer to the voting on the remaining sections of the amendment, which were carried by small majori ties.1 The Convention, on the same day, through Mr. Tyler, their President, communicated to the Senate and House of Rep resentatives the amendment they had adopted, embracing all the sections, with a request that it might be submitted by Congress, under the Constitution, to the several State Legislatures. In the Senate this was immediately referred to a select committee, on motion of Mr. Crittenden. The committee, on the next day (28th Feb.),2 reported a joint resolution (No. 70) proposing it as an amendment to the Constitution, but he was never able to bring 1 Senate Journal, pp. 332, 333. " Ibid., p. 337. 132 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN the Senate to a direct vote upon it.1 Failing in this, he made a motion to substitute the amendment of the Peace Convention for his own.2 This he prefaced by declaring that he looked upon the result of the deliberations of that body " as affording the best opportunity for a general concurrence among the States, and among the people." He, therefore, " had determined to take it in preference to his own proposition, and had so stated to many of the members of the Convention." He further said that he had " examined the propositions offered by that Convention ; they contain, in my judgment, every material provision that is con tained in the resolution called the Crittenden Resolution." He also had adopted this course " out of deference to that great body of men selected on the resolution of Virginia, and invited by Virginia herself. The body having met, and being composed of such men, and a majority of that Convention concurring in these resolutions, I think they come to us with a sanction entitling them to consideration." Mr. Crittenden's reasons failed to con vince the Senate, and his motion was rejected by a large majority (28 to 7).3 Then next in succession came the memorable vote on Mr. Crittenden's own resolution, and it was in its turn de feated, as we have already stated, by a majority of 20 against 19. We cannot take leave of this venerable patriot, who so wisely appreciated the existing danger, without paying a just tribute to the vigor and perseverance of his repeated efforts to ward off from his country the direful calamity of disunion and civil war. Well did he merit the almost unanimous vote of the Virginia Convention, on the nth March, tendering him the thanks of the people of Virginia for " his recent able, zealous, and patriotic efforts in the Senate of the United States, to bring about a just and honorable adjustment of our national difficulties." * This vote, we may remark, was far from being complimentary to the conduct of a majority of their own commissioners (Messrs. Tyler, Brockenbrough, and Seddon) in the Peace Convention. In the House of Representatives, the amendment proposed by the Convention was treated with still less respect than it had been by the Senate.5 The Speaker was refused leave even to 1 Senate Journal, p. 384. 2 Cong. Globe, i86o-'6i, p. 1404. a Senate Journal, p. 386. ' National Intelligencer, March 14, 1861. "Cong. Globe, pp. 1331, 1332, 1333. MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 133 present it.1 Every effort made for this purpose was successfully resisted by leading Republican members. The consequence is that a copy of it does not even appear in the Journal. Although the amendment was somewhat less favorable to the South, and ought, therefore, to have been more acceptable to the North than the Crittenden amendment, yet like this it encountered the opposition of every Republican member in both Houses of Congress. Nevertheless, it presented a basis of com promise which, had it been conceded by the North, might and probably would have been accepted by the people of the border States, in preference to the fearful alternative of their secession from the Union. 'House Journal, pp. 446, 448, 449. CHAPTER VIII. Congress passes no measures to enable the President to execute the laws or defend the Government — They decline to revive the authority of the Federal Judiciary in South Carolina, suspended by the resignation of all the judicial officers — They refuse authority to call forth the militia or accept volunteers, to suppress insurrections against the United States, and it was never proposed to grant an appropriation for this purpose — The Senate declines throughout the entire session to act upon the nomi nation of a Collector of the Port of Charleston — Congress refuses to grant to the President the authority long since expired, which had been granted to General Jackson for the collection of the revenue — The 36th Congress expires, leaving the law just as they found it — General observations. We have already seen that Congress, throughout the entire session, refused to adopt any measures of compromise to prevent civil war, or to retain first the cotton or afterwards the border States within the Union. Failing to do this, and whilst witness ing the secession of one after another of the cotton States, the withdrawal of their Senators and Representatives, and the for mation of their Confederacy, it was the imperative duty of Con gress to furnish the President or his successor the means of re pelling force by force, should this become necessary to preserve the Union. They, nevertheless, refused to perform this duty with as much pertinacity as they had manifested in repudiating all measures of compromise. 1. At the meeting of Congress a Federal Judiciary had ceased to exist in South Carolina. The District Judge, the Dis trict Attorney, and the United States Marshal had resigned their offices. These ministers of justice had all deserted their posts before the act of secession, and the laws of the United States could no longer be enforced through their agency. We have already seen that the President, in his message, called the atten tion of Congress to this subject, but no attempt was made in either House to provide a remedy for the evil. 2. Congress positively refused to pass a law conferring on the President authority to call forth the militia, or accept the services of volunteers, to suppress insurrections which might occur in any State against the Government of the United States. 134 MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 135 It may appear strange that this power had not long since been vested in the Executive. The Act of February 28, 1795, * the only law applicable to the subject, provides alone for calling forth the militia to suppress insurrections against State Govern ments, without making any similar provision for suppressing insurrections against the Government of the United States. If any thing were required beyond a mere inspection of the act to render this clear, it may be found in the opinion of Attorney- General Black, of the 20th November, i860. Indeed it is a plain casus omissus. This palpable omission, which ought to have been instantly supplied, was suffered to continue until after the end of Mr. Buchanan's administration, when on the 29th July, 1861, Congress conferred this necessary power on the President.2 The framers of the Act of 1795 either did not anticipate an insurrec tion within any State against the Federal Government, or if they did, they purposely abstained from providing for it. Even in regard to insurrections against a State Government, so jealous were they of any interference on the part of the Federal Govern ment with the rights of the States, that they withheld from Con gress the power to protect any State " against domestic violence," except " on the application of the Legislature, or of the Executive (when the Legislature cannot be convened)." Under the Act of 1795, therefore, the President is precluded from acting even upon his own personal and absolute knowledge of the existence of such an insurrection. Before he can call forth the militia for its suppression, he must first be applied to for this purpose by the appropriate State authorities, in the manner prescribed by the Constitution. It was the duty of Congress, immediately after their meeting, to supply this defect in our laws, and to confer an absolute authority on the President to call forth the militia, and accept the services of volunteers, to suppress insurrections against the United States, whenever or wherever they might occur. This was a precautionary measure which, independently of existing dangers, ought long since to have formed a part of our permanent legislation. But no attempt was ever made in Congress to adopt it until after the President's special message of the 8th January, 1861, and then the attempt entirely failed. Meanwhile the aspect of public affairs had become more and more threatening. Mr. Crittenden's amendment had been defeated before the Committee of Thirteen, on the last day of 1 1 Stat, at Large, p. 424. " 12 U. S. Stat, at Large, p. 281. 136 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN December; and it was also highly probable that his proposition before the Senate to refer it to a vote of the people of the States, would share the same fate. South Carolina and Florida had already seceded, and the other cotton States had called Conven tions for the purpose of seceding. Nay, more, several of them had already seized the forts, magazines, and arsenals within their limits. Still all this failed to produce any effect upon Congress. It was at this crisis the President sent his special message to Congress (8th January, 1861), by which he endeavored to im press them with the necessity for immediate action. He con cealed nothing from them. Whilst still clinging to the fading hope that they might yet provide for a peaceful adjustment of our difficulties, and strongly recommending this course, he says : " Even now the danger is upon us. In several of the States which have not yet seceded, the forts, arsenals, and magazines of the United States have been seized. This is by far the most serious step which has been taken since the commencement of the troubles. . . . The seizure of this property, from all ap pearances, has been purely aggressive, and not in resistance to any attempt to coerce a State or States to remain in the Union." He also stated the well-known fact that our small army was on the remote frontiers, and was scarcely sufficient to guard the in habitants against Indian incursions, and consequently our forts were without sufficient garrisons. Under these circumstances he appeals to Congress in the fol lowing language : " But the dangerous and hostile attitude of the States toward each other has already far transcended and cast in the shade the ordinary executive duties already provided for by law, and has assumed such vast and alarming proportions as to place the subject entirely above and beyond executive control. The fact cannot be disguised that we are in the midst of a great revolution. In all its various bearings, therefore, I commend the question to Congress, as the only human tribunal, under Provi dence, possessing the power to meet the existing emergency. To them exclusively belongs the power to declare war, or to authorize the employment of military force in all cases contemplated by the Constitution ; and they alone possess the power to remove grievances which might lead to war, and to secure peace and union to this distracted country. On them, and on them alone, rests the responsibility." Congress might, had they thought proper, have regarded the forcible seizure of these forts and other property, including that MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 137 of the Branch Mint at New Orleans with all the treasure it con tained, as the commencement of an aggressive war. Beyond question the cotton States had now committed acts of open hos tility against the Federal Government. They had always con tended that secession was a peaceful constitutional remedy, and that Congress had no power to make war against a sovereign State for the purpose of coercing her to remain in the Union. They could no longer shelter themselves under this plea. They had by their violent action entirely changed the position they had assumed ; and instead of peacefully awaiting the decision of Congress on the question of coercion, they had themselves become the coercionists and assailants. This question had, therefore, passed away. No person has ever doubted the right or the duty of Congress to pass laws enabling the President to defend the Union against armed rebellion. Congress, however, still shrunk from the responsibility of passing any such laws. This might have been commendable had it proceeded from a sincere desire not to interpose obstacles to a compromise intended to prevent the effusion of fraternal blood and restore the Union. Still in any event the time had arrived when it was their duty to make at the least contingent provisions for the prosecution of the war, should this be rendered inevitable. This had become the more necessary as Congress would soon expire, and the new Congress could not be convened for a considerable period after the old one had ceased to exist, because a large portion of the Represen tatives had not then been elected. These reasons, however, produced no effect. The President's special message J was referred, two days after its date (ioth January), by the House of Representatives to a special committee, of which Mr. Howard, of Michigan, was chairman. Nothing was heard from this committee for the space of twenty days. They then, on the 30th January, through Mr. John H. Reynolds, of New York, one of its members, re ported a bill 2 enabling the President to call forth the militia or to accept the services of volunteers for the purpose of protecting the forts, magazines, arsenals, and other property of the United States ; and to " recover possession " of such of these as " has been or may hereafter be unlawfully seized or taken possession of by any combination of persons whatever." Had this bill be come a law, it would have been the duty of the President at ' Cong. Globe, p. 316. 2 Ibid., p. 645, bills of H. R., No. 698. 138 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN once to raise a volunteer or militia force to recapture the forts which had been already seized. But Congress was not then pre pared to assume such a responsibility. Mr. Reynolds accordingly withdrew his bill from the consideration of the House on the very day it was reported. On his own motion it was recom mitted, and thus killed as soon as it saw the light. It was never heard of more. Then, after another pause of nineteen days, and only a fort night before the close of the session, the Committee on Military Affairs, through Mr. Stanton, of Ohio, their chairman, on the 1 8th February reported another bill 1 on the subject, but of a more limited character than that which had been withdrawn. It is remarkable that it contains no provision touching the recovery of the forts and other property which had been already seized by the delinquent States. It did no more than provide that the powers already possessed by the President, under the Act of 1795, to employ the militia in suppressing insurrections against a State Government, should be " extended to the case of insur rections against the authority of the United States," with the additional authority to " accept the services of such volunteers as may offer their services for the purpose mentioned." Thus all hostile action for the recovery of the forts already seized was excluded from the bill. It is difficult to conceive what reasonable objection could be made to this bill, except that it did not go far enough and embrace the forts already seized ; and more especially as when it was reported we may recollect that the Confederate Congress had already been ten days in session at Montgomery, Alabama, and had adopted a Provisional Constitution. Notwith standing all this, the House refused to act upon it. The bill was discussed on several occasions until Tuesday, 26th February. On that day a motion was made by Mr. Corwin, of Ohio, to post pone its consideration until Thursday, the 28th February.2 Mr. Stanton, the reporter of the bill, resisted this motion, stating that such a postponement would be fatal to it. " It will," said he, " be impossible after that to have it passed by the Senate " (before the 4th March). He, therefore, demanded the ayes and noes; and notwithstanding his warning, Mr. Corwin's motion prevailed by a vote of 100 "to 74, and thus the bill was defeated. It may be proper to observe that Mr. Corwin, whose motion killed the bill, was a confidential friend of the President elect, ' Cong. Globe, p. 1001, bill 1003, H. R. ~ Cong. Globe, 1232. MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 139 then present in Washington, and was soon thereafter appointed minister to Mexico. But even had Congress passed this bill, it would have proved wholly inefficient for want of an appropriation to carry it into effect. The Treasury was empty ; but had it been full, the Presi dent could not have drawn from it any, even the most trifling sum, without a previous appropriation by law. The union of the purse with the sword, in the hands of the Executive, is wholly inconsistent with the idea of a free government. The power of the legislative branch to withhold money from the Executive, and thus restrain him from dangerous projects of his own, is a necessary safeguard of liberty. This exists in every govern ment pretending to be free. Hence our Constitution has de clared that " no money shall be drawn from the Treasury but in consequence of appropriations made by law." It is, therefore, apparent that even if this bill had become a law, it could not have been carried into effect by the President without a direct violation of the Constitution. Notwithstanding these insuperable obstacles, no member of either House, throughout the entire ses sion, ever even proposed to raise or appropriate a single dollar for the defence of the Government against armed rebellion. Congress not only refused to grant the President the authority and force necessary to suppress insurrections against the United States ; but the Senate, by refusing to confirm his nomination of a collector of the customs for the port of Charleston, effectually tied his hands and rendered it impossible for him to collect the revenue within that port. In his annual message he had ex pressed the opinion that " the same insuperable obstacles do not lie in the way of executing the [existing] laws for the collection of customs on the seaboard of South Carolina as had been inter posed to prevent the administration of justice under the Federal authority within the interior of that State." At all events he had determined to make the effort with the naval force under his command. He trusted that this might be accomplished without collision; but if resisted, then the force necessary to attain the object must be applied. Accordingly, whilst informing Congress " that the revenue still continues to be collected as heretofore at the custom house in Charleston," he says that " should the collec tor unfortunately resign, a successor may be appointed to per form this duty." The collector (William F. Colcbck) continued faithfully to perform his duties until some days after the State had seceded, when at the end of December he resigned. The 140 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN President, immediately afterwards, on the 2d January, nominated to the Senate, as his successor, Mr. Peter Mclntire, of Pennsyl vania, a gentleman well qualified for the office. The selection could not have been made from South Carolina, because no citi zen of that State would have accepted the appointment. The Senate, throughout their entire session, never acted upon the nomination of Mr. Mclntire; and without a collector of customs duly appointed, it was rendered impossible for the President, under any law in existence, to collect the revenue. But even if the Senate had confirmed Mr. Mclntire's nomi nation, it is extremely doubtful whether the President could lawfully have collected the revenue against the forcible resist ance of the State, unless Congress had conferred additional powers upon him. For this purpose Mr. Bingham, of Ohio, on the 3d January 1861,1 the day after Mr. Mclntire's nomination to the Senate, reported a bill from the Judiciary Committee, further to provide for the collection of duties on imports. This bill embraced substantially the same provisions, long since ex pired, contained in the Act of 2d March, 1833, commonly called " the Force Bill," to enable General Jackson to collect the revenue outside of Charleston, " either upon land or on board any vessel." Mr. Bingham's bill was permitted to slumber on the files of the House until the 2d March, the last day but one before Congress expired,2 when he moved for a suspension of the rules, to enable the House to take it up and consider it, but his motion proved unsuccessful. Indeed, the motion was not made until so late an hour of the session that even if it had prevailed, the bill could not have passed both Houses before the final adjournment. Thus the President was left both without a collector of customs, and most probably without any law which a collector could have carried into effect, had such an officer existed. Mr. Bingham's bill shared the fate of all other legislative measures, of whatever character, intended either to prevent or to confront the existing danger. From the persistent refusal to pass any act enabling either the outgoing or the incoming administration to meet the contingency of civil war, it may fairly be inferred that the friends of Mr. Lincoln, in and out of Congress, believed he would be able to settle the existing difficulties with the cotton States in a peaceful manner, and that he might be embarrassed by any legis lation contemplating the necessity of a resort to hostile measures. 1 Cong. Globe, p. 236, bills H. R., No. 910. ~ H. Journal, p. 465. MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 141 The 36th Congress expired on the 3d March, 1861, leaving the law just as they had found it. They made no provision whatever for the suppression of threatened rebellion, but delib erately refused to grant either men or money for this purpose. It was this violation of duty which compelled President Lincoln to issue a proclamation convening the new Congress, in special session, immediately after the attack on Fort Sumter. Urgent and dangerous emergencies may have arisen, or may hereafter arise in the history of our country, rendering delay disastrous, such as the bombardment of Fort Sumter by the Confederate Government, which would for the moment justify the President in violating the Constitution, by raising a military force without the authority of law, but this only during a recess of Congress. Such extreme cases are a law unto themselves. They must rest upon the principle that it is a lesser evil to usurp, until Congress can be assembled, a power withheld from the Executive, than to suffer the Union to be endangered, either by traitors at home or enemies from abroad. In all such cases, however, it is the President's duty to present to Congress, immediately after their next meeting, the causes which impelled him thus to act, and ask for their approbation; just as, on a like occasion, a British minis ter would ask Parliament for a bill of indemnity. It would be difficult, however, to conceive of an emergency so extreme as to justify or even excuse a President for thus transcending his constitutional powers whilst Congress, to whom he could make an immediate appeal, was in session. Certainly no such case existed during the administration of the late President. On the contrary, not only was Congress actually in session, but bills were long pending before it for extending his authority in calling forth the militia, for enabling him to accept the services of volun teers, and for the employment of the navy, if necessary, outside of ports of entry for the collection of the revenue, all of which were eventually rejected. Under these circumstances, had the President attempted, of his own mere will, to exercise these high powers, whilst Congress were at the very time deliberating whether to grant them to him or not, he would have made himself justly liable to impeachment. This would have been for the Executive to set at defiance both the Constitution and the legislative branch of the Government. CHAPTER IX. The forts in Charleston harbor — Conduct toward them and the reasons for it — To guard against surprise reinforcements ready — Instructions to Major Anderson — Interview with South Carolina members — General Scott again recommends the garrisoning of all the forts — Reasons against it — The compromise measures still depending — Want of troops — Obser vations on General Scott's report to President Lincoln — His letter to Secretary Seward, and the manner in which it, with the report, was brought to light and published — Mr. Buchanan's reply to the report — General Scott's statement of the interview with President Buchanan on 15th December, and observations thereupon — The example of General Jackson in 1833, and why it was inapplicable. It is now necessary to recur to the condition of the forts and other public property of the United States within South Carolina, at the date of the President's annual message, on the 3d Decem ber, i860. In regard to that property the message says : " This has been purchased for a fair equivalent, by the consent of the Legislature of the State, for the ' erection of forts, magazines, arsenals,' and over these the authority ' to exercise exclusive legislation ' has been expressly granted by the Constitution to Congress. It is not believed that any attempt will be made to expel the United States from this property by force, but if in this I should prove to be mistaken, the officer in command of the forts has received orders to act strictly on the defensive. In such a contingency the responsibility for consequences would rightfully rest upon the heads of the assailants." Thus if war must come, the President had determined to fix the whole responsibility for its commencement on South Carolina. In order to estimate cor rectly the wisdom of this defensive policy, it is necessary to revert to the condition of the country on the 3d December, i860, when it was announced. At this period we may divide the Southern States into three classes, holding opinions variant from each other. 1. There was South Carolina, which had been the avowed and persistent advocate of disunion for more than a quarter of a century. She had already called a Convention for the pur pose of seceding from the Union. Her leading secessionists were ever on the alert to seize upon any action of the Federal 142 MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 143 Government which they might wrest to the purpose of alienating the other slaveholding States from their attachment to the Union, and enlisting them in her cause. 2. The second class was composed of the six other cotton States. The people of these, although highly excited against the abolitionists, were still unwilling to leave the Union. They would have been content, notwithstanding the efforts of seces sion demagogues, with a simple recognition of their adjudged rights to take slaves into the Territories, and hold them there like other property, until a territorial convention, assembled to frame a State constitution, should decide the question. To this decision, whatever it might be, they professed their willingness to submit. Indeed, as has already been seen from the statements of Messrs. Douglas and Toombs in the Senate, they would have consented to abandon their rights in all the Territories north of 360 30', leaving what should remain to them little more than a name. 3. The third class consisted of the border slaveholding States, with Virginia at the head. A large majority of their people, although believing in the right of peaceful secession, had resisted all the efforts of the extreme men in their midst, and were still devoted to the Union. Of this there could be no better proof than the result of the election held in Virginia, February 4, 1861, for the choice of delegates to her State Convention, even after the cotton States had all seceded.1 This showed that a very large majority of the delegates elected were in favor of remaining in the Union. Under these circumstances, it is easy to imagine what would have been the effect on the other Southern States of sending a feeble force of United States troops to Fort Moultrie at this criti cal conjuncture. Had collision been the consequence, and blood been shed immediately before the meeting of Congress, the other cotton States, from their well-known affinities, would have rushed to the support of South Carolina. She would thus have accom plished her long-sought object. Indeed, it was the current report of the day that her leading disunionists had declared the spilling of a little blood would be necessary to secure the cooperation of other Southern States. Besides, in the President's opinion, there was no necessity, at the time, for any reenforcement to secure the forts in the harbor of Charleston. He was convinced 'Appleton's Annual Cyclopaedia for 1861, p. 730. 144 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN that while the other slaveholding States were ready and willing to compromise with the North, South Carolina would not dare to attack Fort Moultrie. This conviction did not spring from any confidence in her spirit of forbearance; it arose from a cer tain knowledge that such an outrage would be condemned not only by the border but by the cotton States. It would estrange and separate them from her, at the very moment she was most solicitous to conciliate them. Whoever was in Washington at the time cannot fail to recollect the denunciations in advance of leading Southern men against such an unprovoked attack. The public property stood within her limits — three forts, a custom house, an arsenal, and a post office, covered by the flag of the country. From these she knew she had nothing to fear unless she should first make the attack. Such an outrage as the seizure of a fort of the United States by any State had never before been imagined. There must be a fearful suspense between the con ception and the commission of such an act. It was the supreme object of the President to promote, by all the means in his power, such a fair and honorable adjustment between the North and the South as would save the country from the scourge of civil war. It was, therefore, his evident policy to isolate South Carolina, as far as possible, from the other Southern States; and for this purpose to refrain from any act which might enable her to enlist them in her cause. If, after all, she should attack Fort Moultrie, this act would have met their universal condemnation. Besides, nothing short of such an attack could have united the people of the North in suppressing her revolt. They were then far from being prepared for civil war. On the contrary, they were intent on a peaceful solution of our difficulties, and would have censured any act of the administration which might have defeated this purpose and precipitated them into hostilities. The true policy was that expressed by President Lincoln to the seceded cotton States in his inaugural months afterward, in which he informs them, " You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors." Although the President believed (and this with good cause, as the event has shown), that under the existing circumstances, South Carolina would not attack any of the forts in the harbor of Charleston whilst he suffered their status quo to remain; yet in this it was possible he might be mistaken. To guard against surprise after the secession of the State, which was then imminent, he had prepared an expedition as powerful as his limited means would afford, to send reinforcements to MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 145 Major Anderson, at the first moment of danger. For this pur pose the Secretary of the Navy had stationed the Brooklyn, a powerful war steamer, then completely ready for sea, in Hamp ton Roads, to take on board for Charleston three hundred disci plined troops, with provisions and munitions of war, from the neighboring garrison of Fortress Monroe. Having thus provided for the reenforcement of the forts, in case of need, the Secretary of War despatched Assistant Adju tant-General Buell to Major Anderson, at Fort Moultrie, with instructions how he should act in his present position. These were communicated to him on the nth December, i860. Whilst they instructed the Major to avoid every act of aggression, they directed him, in case of an attack upon, or an attempt to take possession of, any of the three forts under his command, to defend them to the last extremity. Furthermore, he was author ized, as a precautionary measure, should he believe his force insufficient for the defence of all three, to remove it at his discre tion from Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumter, whenever he should have tangible evidence of a design, on the part of South Carolina, to proceed to a hostile act. We say to Fort Sumter, because the third fort, Castle Pinckney, was wholly indefensible. From the important bearing of these instructions upon subsequent events, they are entitled to textual insertion. They are as fol lows : -¦ " You are aware of the great anxiety of the Secretary of War, that a collision of the troops with the people of the State shall be avoided, and of his studied determination to pursue a course with reference to the military force and forts in this har bor, which shall guard against such a collision. He has, there fore, carefully abstained from increasing the force* at this point, or taking any measures which might add to the present excited state of the public mind, or which would throw any doubt on the confidence he feels that South Carolina will not attempt by violence to obtain possession of the public works or interfere! with their occupancy. But as the counsel and acts of rash and impulsive persons may possibly disappoint these expectations of the Government, he deems it proper that you shall be prepared with instructions to meet so unhappy a contingency. He has, therefore, directed me verbally to give you such instructions. You are carefully to avoid every act which would needlessly tend to provoke aggression, and for that reason you are not, without 1 Ex. Doc, H. R., vol. vi., No. 26, p. 10. Vol. XII— 10 146 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN evident and imminent necessity, to take up any position which could be construed into the assumption of a hostile attitude, but you are to hold possession of the forts in this harbor, and if attacked you are to defend yourself to the last extremity. The smallness of your force will not permit you, perhaps, to occupy more than one of the three forts, but an attack on or attempt to take possession of either one of them will be regarded as an act of hostility, and you may then put your command into either of them whieh you may deem most proper to increase its power of resistance. You are also authorized to take similar defensive steps whenever you have tangible evidence of a design to proceed to a hostile act." 1 The President having observed that Major Buell, in reducing to writing at Fort Moultrie the instructions he had verbally re ceived, required Major Anderson, in case of attack, to defend himself to the last extremity, immediately caused the Secretary of War to modify this instruction. This extreme was not re quired by any principle of military honor or by any rule of war. It was sufficient for him to defend himself until no reasonable hope should remain of saving the fort. The instructions were accordingly so modified, with the approbation of General Scott. The President having determined not to disturb the status quo at Charleston, as long as our troops should continue to be hospitably treated by the inhabitants, and remain in unmolested possession of the forts, was gratified to learn, a short time there after, that South Carolina was equally intent on preserving the peace. On the 8th December, i860, four of the Representatives in Congress from that State sought an interview, and held a con versation with him concerning the best means of avoiding a hos tile collision between the parties. In order to guard against any misapprehension on either side, he suggested that they had best reduce their verbal communication to writing, and bring it to him in that form. Accordingly, on the 10th December, they delivered to him a note, dated on the previous day, and signed by five members, in which they say : " In compliance with our statement to you yesterday, we now express to you our strong convictions that neither the constituted authorities, nor any body of the people of the State of South Carolina, will either attack or molest the United States forts in the harbor of Charleston, previously to the action of the Convention ; and we hope and 'Ex. Doc, H. R., vol. vi., No. 26, p. 10. MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 147 believe not until an offer has been made, through an accredited representative, to negotiate for an amicable arrangement of all matters between the State and the Federal Government, provided that no reenforcements be sent into these forts, and their relative military status shall remain as at present." -¦ Both in this and in their previous conversation, they declared that in making this statement, they were acting solely on their own responsibil ity, and expressly disclaimed any authority to bind their State. They, nevertheless, expressed the confident belief that they would be sustained both by the State authorities and by the Convention, after it should assemble. Although the President considered this declaration as nothing more than the act of five highly respectable members of the House from South Carolina, yet he welcomed it as a happy omen, that by means of their influence collision might be prevented, and time afforded to all parties for reflection and for a peaceable adjustment. From abundant caution, however, he objected to the word " provided " in their statement, lest, if he should accept it without remark, this might possibly be construed into an agreement on his part not to reenforce the forts. Such an agreement, he informed them, he would never make. It would be impossible for him, from the nature of his official responsi bility, thus to tie his own hands and restrain his own freedom of action. Still, they might have observed from his message, that he had no present design, under existing circumstances, to change the condition of the forts at Charleston. He must, not withstanding, be left entirely free to exercise his own discretion, according to exigencies as they might arise. They replied that nothing was further from their intention than such a construction of this word ; they did not so understand it, ahd he should not so consider it.2 It was at this moment, on the 15th December, i860, after the President's policy had been fixed and announced in his an nual message ; after the " Brooklyn " had been made ready to go 1 Ex. Doc, H. R., vol. vi., No. 96, p. 9, &c 2 "This account, although written and published in 1866 (Buchanan's Defence, p. 167), was founded on and embodied the substance of the private memorandum made by the President on the back of the letter, immediately after the termination of the interview. Two of the gentlemen who signed the letter, Messrs. Miles and Keitt, published at Charleston an account of this interview, in which they did not intimate that anything in the nature of a pledge passed on either side. (See Appleton's American Annual Cyclopaedia for 1861, p. 703.)" (Curtis's Buchanan, II. 378.) 148 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN to the relief of Major Anderson in case of need; after he had received instructions in accordance with this policy; after the President's pacific interview with the South Carolina members, and before any action had yet been taken on the first Crittenden Compromise, that General Scott deemed it proper to renew his former recommendation to garrison the nine Southern fortifi cations. This appears from his report to President Lincoln, of the 30th March, 1861, entitled " Southern Forts; a Sum mary," &c, of which we shall often hereafter have occasion to speak. It is scarcely a lack of charity to infer that General Scott knew at the time when he made this recommendation (on the 15th December) that it must be rejected. The President could not have complied with it, the position of affairs still remaining unchanged, without at once reversing his entire policy, and with out a degree of inconsistency amounting almost to self-stultifi cation. The Senators from the cotton States and from Virginia, where these forts are situated, were still occupied with their brother Senators in devising measures of peace and conciliation. For this patriotic purpose the Committee of Thirteen were about to be appointed, and they remained in session until the last day of the month. Meanwhile all the Southern Senators in Congress professed their willingness to adopt the Crittenden Compromise, so much and so justly lauded afterwards by General Scott him self. If at this moment, whilst they were engaged in peaceful consultation with Senators from the North, the President had despatched military expeditions to these nine forts, it was easy to foresee what would be the disastrous effect, not only in the cotton, but in all the border States. Its first effect would have been to dissolve the existing conferences for a peaceable adjustment. This, the General's second recommendation, was wholly un expected. He had remained silent for more than six weeks from the date of his supplemental " Views," convinced, as the Presi dent inferred, that he had abandoned the idea of garrisoning all these forts with " the five companies only " within his reach. Had the President never so earnestly desired to reenforce the nine forts in question, at this time, it would have been little short of madness to undertake the task, with the small force at his com mand. Without authority to call forth the militia or accept the services of volunteers for the purpose, this whole force now con sisted of six hundred recruits, obtained by the General since the date of his " Views," in addition to the five regular companies. MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 149 Our army was still out of reach on the remote frontiers, and could not be withdrawn, during midwinter, in time for this mili tary operation. Indeed, the General had never suggested such a withdrawal. He knew, that had this been possible, the inhabi tants on our distant frontiers would have been immediately ex posed to the tomahawk and scalping knife of the Indians. Our weak condition in regard to troops within reach is demonstrated by the insignificant number of these he was able to collect in Washington on the 4th March following. This was to resist an attempt which he apprehended would be made by an armed force to prevent the inauguration of President Lincoln and to seize the public property. The General was so firmly convinced of the reality of this plot, that nothing could shake his faith. It was in vain that a committee of the House of Representatives, after hearing the General himself, and after full investigation, had reported that his apprehensions were unfounded.1 Besides, the President, relying on his own sources of information, had never entertained any similar apprehensions. The stake, not withstanding, was so vast and the General so urgent, that he granted him permission to bring to Washington all the troops he could muster to resist an imaginary but dreaded enemy. The whole number of these, including even the sappers and miners whom he had withdrawn from West Point, amounted to no more than six hundred and fifty-three, rank and file. These troops, with a portion of the district militia, the General had posted in different parts of the city, and had stationed sentinels on the tops of the highest houses and other eminences, so that all was ready to attack the enemy at the first moment of their appearance; but never did an inauguration pass more peacefully and quietly. It is due to President Lincoln to state, that throughout his long progress in the same carriage with the late President, both on the way to the Capitol and the return from it, he was far from evincing the slightest apprehension of danger. Had the President attempted to distribute the General's thousand men, as he proposed, among the numerous forts in the cotton States, as well as Fortress Monroe, their absurd inade quacy to the object would have exhibited weakness instead of strength. It would have provoked instead of preventing colli sion. It would have precipitated a civil war with the cotton States without the slightest preparation on the part of Congress, 'February 14, 1861. House Reports of Committees, vol. ii., No. 79. 150 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN and would at once have destroyed the then prevailing hopes of compromise. Worse than all, it would have exasperated Vir ginia and the other border States, then so intent on remaining in the Union, and might have driven them at once into hostile action. And now it becomes our painful duty to examine the report of General Scott to President Lincoln of 30th March, 1861. This was first published at the General's instance, eighteen months after its date, in the " National Intelligencer " of the 2 ist October, 1862. It cannot be denied that the report through out is an indiscriminate censure of President Buchanan's conduct in dealing with the Southern forts. It evidently proceeded from a defective memory prejudiced by a strong bias. It rests mainly on vague and confused recollections of private conversations alleged to have been held with the President several months before its date. These having occurred between the commander- in-chief and the commanding General of the army, on important military questions, pertaining to their respective official duties, were, in their nature, strictly confidential. Were this otherwise, it would destroy that freedom and unreserve which ought to char acterize such consultations, and instead thereof, the parties would be ever on their guard in the interchange of opinions, often greatly to the prejudice of the public interest. Had the General resolved to violate a confidence as sacred as that between the President and a member of his Cabinet, such is the treachery of the best human memory, he ought, at the least, to have submitted his statements to Mr. Buchanan before he had embodied them in his report. Had he done this, we venture to say from the sequel that most of them would have never seen the light. When President Buchanan retired from office, he had reason to believe he had parted from the General on terms mutually amicable. Although in former years their friendly intercourse had been for a season interrupted, yet he believed all this had been forgotten. A suspicion never entered his mind that the General held in reserve a quiver of arrows to assail his public character upon his retirement from office. This report does not allege that it had been made in conse quence of a call from President Lincoln. From its face it ap pears to have been a pure volunteer offering on the part of the General. It deals with the past and not with the future. It is remarkable that it does not contain a word of advice to President Lincoln, such as might have been expected from the command- MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 151 ing General, as to the manner of recovering the forts which before its date had been already seized by the Confederates. On the contrary, it reveals the strange fact that the General, so late as the 12th March, and after the so-called Confederate Govern ment of the cotton States was in full operation at Montgomery, had advised President Lincoln to evacuate Fort Sumter, and this in direct opposition to what had been the well-known and oft- expressed determination of Mr. Buchanan. We need scarcely remark that President Lincoln acted wisely in disregarding this counsel. It was founded on an alleged military necessity. Had the fort been actually invested by a hostile force so superior as to render resistance hopeless, this would have justified a capitu lation in order to save a useless sacrifice of life. Its voluntary abandonment, however, to the Confederacy, would have gone far toward a recognition of their independence. The General, in this report, would have President Lincoln believe, on the authority of a Richmond newspaper, that " had Scott been able to have got these forts in the condition he desired them to be, the Southern Confederacy would not now exist." Strange hallucination! In plain English, that South Carolina, which throughout an entire generation had determined on dis union, and had actually passed an ordinance of secession to carry this purpose into effect, and the remaining six powerful cotton States ready to follow her evil example, unless their adjudged rights should be recognized by Congress, and which together have since sent into the field such numerous and powerful armies, would at once have been terrified into submission by the distribu tion of four hundred troops in October, or one thousand in De cember, among their numerous fortifications ! Very different must have been his opinion on the 3d March following, when he penned his famous letter to Secretary Seward. In this he exclaims : " Conquer the seceded [cotton] States by invading armies. No doubt this might be done in two or three years by a young and able general — a Wolfe, a Dessaix, a Hoche, with three hundred thousand disciplined men, estimating a third for garrisons, and the loss of a yet greater number by skirmishes, sieges, battles and Southern fevers. The destruction of life and property on the other side would be frightful, however perfect the moral discipline of the invaders. The conquest completed, at that enormous waste of human life to the North and the Northwest, with at least $250,000,000 added thereto, and cui bono? Fifteen devastated provinces! not to be brought into 152 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN harmony with their conquerors, but to be held for generations by heavy garrisons, at an expense quadruple the net duties or taxes it would be possible to extort from them, followed by a pro tector or an emperor." In view of these fearful forebodings, we are not surprised that he should have despaired of the Union, and been willing to say to the cotton States, " Wayward sisters, depart in peace." Nor that he should have fallen back on his opinion expressed in the "Views" (29th October, i860), that " a smaller evil [than such a civil war] would be to allow the fragments of the great Republic to form themselves into new Confederacies." The General, however, in the same letter to Secretary Seward, presents his alternative for all these evils. He advises Mr. Lincoln's administration " to throw off the old and assume a new designation — the Union party; adopt the conciliatory measures proposed by Mr. Crittenden, or the Peace Convention, and my life upon it, we shall have no new case of secession, but, on the contrary, an early return of many if not all of the States which have already broken off from the Union. Without some equally benign measure, the remaining slaveholding States will probably join the Montgomery Confederacy in less than sixty days, when this city, being included in a foreign country, would require a permanent garrison of at least thirty-five thousand troops." His advice to adopt the Crittenden Compromise would have been excellent had it been given to his Republican friends in Congress in the previous December, before any State had seceded, and before any fort had been seized, instead of then recommending to President Buchanan to despatch small bands of United States soldiers to each of the forts. This recommen dation, had it been followed at the time, would at once have defeated this very Crittenden Compromise, so much desired, and served only to< provoke the cotton States into secession. It would have been the stone of Cadmus cast among the armed men sprung from the dragon's teeth, and the signal for immediate fratricidal war and mutual destruction. The advice to President Lincoln was out of season, after both the Crittenden Compro mise and the measures proposed by the Peace Convention had been finally rejected by Congress, and whilst the Confederacy of the cotton States was in active existence. Before we proceed to analyze in further detail the General's report, it is curious to note the reason for its publication. This was a consequence of the publication of his letter to Secretary MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 153 Seward, which was in its very nature confidential. At this period, in October, 1862, when the rebellion had assumed a for midable aspect, and when his sinister predictions appeared to be in the course of fulfilment, he read the original draft, in his own handwriting, to a friend. This gentleman, whilst extolling the far-seeing sagacity and the prophetic spirit it displayed, begged for the draft as an invaluable keepsake. This appeal to the General proved irresistible. The manuscript was deliv ered to the friend, who soon thereafter read it, amid great ap plause, at a public meeting in the city of New York, and whilst a highly excited political canvass was depending for the office of Governor. The letter thus published, implying a direct censure on President Lincoln for not having followed the advice it had given, created no little astonishment, because of the prevalent belief at the time, that the General was under many obligations to the administration for liberal and indulgent treatment in the face of discomfiture and defeat. The letter having thus been first published by his friend, it was soon thereafter republished in the " National Intelligencer," of the 21st October, 1862, un der the General's own authority, and in addition, a copy of his report to President Lincoln. Why he thus connected these two documents, so distinct and even opposite in character, it would be difficult to decide. It has been conjectured he may have thought that the censure of Mr. Buchanan in the report might prove an antidote to that against Mr. Lincoln in the Seward let ter. Whatever may have caused the publication of this report, Mr. Buchanan has cause to rejoice that it was brought to light during his lifetime. It might, otherwise, have slumbered on the secret files of the Executive Department until after his death, and then been revealed to posterity as authentic history. And here it is proper to mention, that a few days after the publication of the report, Mr. Buchanan replied to it in a letter published in the " National Intelligencer," of the ist November, 1862. This gave rise to a correspondence between himself and General Scott, which, on both sides, was formally addressed to the editors of that journal, and was published by them in successive numbers. This continued throughout the autumn. It might at first be supposed that the errors in the report had been sufficiently ex posed in the course of this correspondence; but in the present historical sketch of President Buchanan's conduct, it is impossible to pass over the strictures made upon it by General Scott. The two are inseparably joined together. 154 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN The General, in his report, prefaces the statement of his con versation with President Buchanan, by saying, that on the 13th December he had " personally urged upon the Secretary of War the same 'views' [those of the previous October], viz., strong garrisons in the Southern forts ; those of Charleston and Pensa cola harbors at once; those on Mobile Bay and the Mississippi below New Orleans, next, &c, &c. I again pointed out the organized companies, and the [600] recruits at the principal depots available for the purpose. The Secretary did not concur in my views." This, indeed, he could not have done so early as the 13th December, without placing himself in direct opposi tion to the well-defined policy of the President. An interview was, therefore, appointed for the 15th December, between the President and the General. " By appointment," says the General, " the Secretary accompanied me to the President, December 15th, when the same topics, secessionism, &c, were again pretty fully discussed." He does not furnish the President's answer to the proposition to send strong garrisons to the Southern forts. This must unquestionably have referred to the topics of which his mind was then full, viz., the promising aspect of compromise at the moment; the certain effect of such a measure in defeating it; the inadequacy of the force at command for so extended an opera tion ; and the policy which had been laid down in his annual mes sage. Not a word of all this. But the General's memory seems to have improved with the lapse of years and the progress of the rebellion. In his report to President Lincoln, he speaks of but one conversation with President Buchanan, that of the 15th De cember, whilst in his letter of the 8th November, 1862, to the " National Intelligencer," a portion of the correspondence to which we have referred, he alleges he had, on the 28th and 30th of the same December, repeated the recommendation to garrison all the Southern forts. In this statement, if material, it would be easy to prove he was mistaken. Indeed, President Buchanan has in his possession a note from the General himself, dated on Sunday, 30th December, stating that by indisposition he was con fined to the house on that day, and could not therefore call upon him. Of this hereafter. According to the report, he merely mentions in general terms the recruits he had obtained for the expedition, without allot ting them among the several forts. According to the letter, he informed President Buchanan that the number of recruits at New York and Carlisle barracks was about six hundred, " be- MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 155 sides the five companies of regulars near at hand, making about one thousand men." And he also stated how he would distrib ute them among the several forts. In this distribution he left only " about two hundred men for the twin forts of Moultrie and Sumter, Charleston harbor." He also declared in this letter, that " he considered the force quite adequate to the occasion." But, as if rendered conscious of its inadequacy by the logic of events, he alleges that President Buchanan " might have called forth volunteers to garrison these forts, without any special legislation," and this, too, " with the full approbation of every loyal man in the Union." That is, that on the 15th December, i860, before any State had seceded, he might without law have usurped this authority, when the law-making power was actually in session and had made no movement to grant it, and when all were intent, not on war, but on measures of compromise. In this letter he charges the Secretary of War, " with or without the President's approbation," with " having nearly denuded our whole eastern seaboard of troops." In doing this, he must surely have forgotten that he himself had eloquently urged that all the force on the frontiers was not sufficient for the protection of our distant fellow-citizens, and had therefore advocated the raising of an additional force by Congress for this very purpose. It would seem from the report that the President confined his observations at their interview exclusively to the reenforce ment of the forts in Charleston harbor, for which General Scott, according to his own statement, in the letter to the " National Intelligencer," could spare but two hundred men, the remaining eight hundred being required for the other fortifications. The President having expressed the opinion, according to the report, " that there was at the moment no danger of an early secession beyond South Carolina," he proceeded to state, " in reply to my [General Scott's] arguments for immediately reenforcing Fort Moultrie, and sending a garrison to Fort Sumter," that " the time has not arrived for doing so ; that he should wait the action of the Convention of South Carolina, in the expectation that a commission would be appointed and sent to negotiate with him and Congress, respecting the secession of the State and the prop erty of the United States held within its limits ; and that if Con gress should decide against the secession, then he would send a reenforcement, and telegraph the commanding officer (Major Anderson) of Fort Moultrie to hold the forts (Moultrie and Sumter) against attack." 156 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN Now it is probable that in the course of this conversation, the President may have referred to the rumor then current, that the South Carolina Convention intended to send commissioners to Washington to treat with the Government, but it is quite impossible he could have stated that the reenforcement of the forts should await the result of their mission. Why? Because the Brooklyn had been for some time ready to proceed to Fort Moultrie, dependent on no other contingency than that of its attack or danger of attack. Least of all was it possible the President could have said that if Congress should decide against secession, he would then telegraph to Major Anderson " to hold the forts (Moultrie and Sumter) against attack," when instruc tions of a similar but stronger character had already been sent and delivered to him, and were of record in the War Department. It is strange that the President should, according to the General, have made any future action in regard to these forts dependent upon his own decision, or that of Congress, on the question of secession, when he had in his annual message, but a few days before, condemned the doctrine as unconstitutional, and he well knew it would be equally condemned by Congress. It is curious to note a trait of the fault-finding temper of the General in this conversation. In it he makes the Secretary of War observe, " with animation," " We have a vessel of war (the Brooklyn) held in readiness at Norfolk, and he would then send three hundred men in her from Fort Monroe to Charleston ; " but the General objected to this arrangement, saying in answer, " that so many men could not be withdrawn from that garrison, but could be taken from New York," &c, &c. In this report to President Lincoln the General exultingly declares, " that if the Secretary's three hundred men had then (on the 15th Decem ber), or some time later, been sent to Forts Moultrie and Sum ter, both would now have been in the possession of the United States," &c. And again, " It would have been easy to re- enforce this fort (Sumter) down to about the 12th February." In making these declarations, he must surely have forgotten not only his own objection to sending these very " three hundred men " from Fortress Monroe, but also the fate of the Star of the West, in the early part of January, with his recruits from New York, which had been substituted under his advice and direction for the Brooklyn. The reader must have observed that we speak argumenta- tively and doubtingly of the General's statement of this conver- MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 157 sation. We do this simply because President Buchanan, al though a party to it, has no recollection whatever of its particu lars. The reason doubtless is, that, believing General Scott to have been aware before the interview that the President would not violate his announced policy by sending one thousand men to all the Southern forts, or two hundred to those in Charleston harbor, he must have considered this renewed recommendation rather a matter of form, springing from a motive which he will not attempt to conjecture, than any thing more serious. But whatever may have been the cause of his want of memory, the fact is certainly true. He sincerely wishes it were otherwise. We may observe generally in regard to this report, that the attempt, at the end of more than three months, filled with the most important and stirring events, to write out charges against President Buchanan, must almost necessarily do him injustice. Fairly to accomplish such a task, the writer ought to have tested his own recollection by a reference to dates and official documents within his reach. Not having done this, the report is confused throughout, sometimes blending in the same sentence occur rences of distinct date and opposite nature. When these come to be unravelled, it will appear in the sequel that they are often contradicted by official and other unimpeachable testimony. And here it is due to General Scott to mention, that on the evening of their interview (15th December), he addressed a note to President Buchanan, reminding him that General Jackson, during the period of South Carolina nullification, had sent re enforcements to Fort Moultrie to prevent its seizure by the nulli fies and to enforce the collection of the revenue.1 This ex- 1 Editorial note, by J. B. M. — The note to which Mr. Buchanan here refers, besides being embodied by General Scott in his report to President Lincoln of March 30, 1861, is also given in the " Memoirs of Lieut-General Scott, LL.D., written by himself," vol. 2, p. 616. The note, as found in the original, in the Buchanan Papers, Historical Society of Pennsylvania, is in the following form: " Lieut.-General Scott begs the President to pardon him for supplying, in this note, what he omitted to say this morning at the interview with which he was honored by the President. "Long prior to the force-bill (March 2, 1833), prior to the issue of his proclamation, &, in part, prior to the passage of the Ordinance of Nullifica tion, President Jackson, under the act of March 3, 1807 — ' authorizing the employment of the land & naval forces ' — caused reinforcements to be sent to Fort Moultrie, & a sloop-of-war (The Natchez) with two Revenue Cutters to be sent to Charleston harbour, in order, 1. To prevent the seizure of that 158 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN ample was doubtless suggested for imitation. But the times had greatly changed during more than a quarter of a century which had since elapsed. In 1833 South Carolina stood alone. She had then the sympathy of no other Southern State. Her nullifi cation was condemned by them all. Even her own people were almost equally divided on the question. But instead of this, in December, i860, they were unanimous, and the other cotton States were preparing to follow her into secession, should their rights in the Territories be denied by Congress. Besides, the President had already declared his purpose to collect the revenue by the employment of vessels of war stationed outside of the port of Charleston, whenever its collection at the custom house should be resisted. He hoped thereby to avoid actual collision; but, whether or not, he had resolved at every hazard to collect the revenue. Such was the state of affairs on the 1 5th December, i860. Meanwhile the forts and all other public property were unmolested, and Major Anderson and his troops continued to be supplied and treated in the kindest manner. fort by the nullifiers, & 2. To enforce the execution of the revenue laws. Genl. Scott himself, arrived at Charleston the day after the passage of the Ordinance of Nullification, & many of the additional companies were then en route for the same destination. " President Jackson familiarly said, at the time, that, by the assemblage of those forces, for lawful purposes, he was not making war upon So. Caro lina; but that, if So. Carolina attacked them, it would be So. C. that made war upon the U. States. Genl. S., who received his first instructions (oral) from the President in the temporary absence of the Secretary of War (Genl. Cass), remembers those expressions well. " Saturday night, Dec. 15/60." CHAPTER X. South Carolina adopts an ordinance of secession, and appoints Commissioners to treat with the General Government — Their arrival in Washington — Major Anderson's removal from Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumter — The President's interview with the Commissioners, who demand a surrender of all the forts — His answer to this demand — Their insolent reply, and its return to them — Its presentation to the Senate by Mr. Davis— Secre- tary Floyd requested to resign — He resigns and becomes a secessionist — Fort Sumter threatened — The Brooklyn ordered to carry reenforcements to the fort — The Star of the West substituted at General Scott's instance — She is fired upon — Major Anderson demands of Governor Pickens a disavowal of the act — The Governor demands the surrender of the fort — The Major proposes to refer the question to Washington — The Governor accepts — Colonel Hayne and Lieutenant Hall arrive in Wash ington on the 13th January — The truce — Letter from Governor Pickens not delivered to the President until the 31st January — The answer to it — Colonel Hayne's insulting reply — It is returned to him — Virginia sends Mr. Tyler to the President with a view to avoid hostilities — His arrival in Washington and his proposals — Message of the President. On the 20th December, i860, the South Carolina Convention adopted an ordinance of secession, and on the 22d appointed three of their most distinguished citizens to proceed forthwith to Washington to treat with the Government of the United States concerning the relations between the parties. These were Robert W. Barnwell, James H. Adams, and James L. Orr. They arrived in Washington on Wednesday, the 26th December. On the next morning they received intelligence by telegraph that Major Anderson had, on Christmas night, secretly dismantled Fort Moultrie; had spiked his cannon, had burnt his gun- carriages, and had removed with his troops to Fort Sumter, as if from an impending attack. This information they sent to the President. He received it with astonishment and regret. With astonishment, because he had believed Major Anderson to be in security at Fort Moultrie; and this more especially whilst the commissioners appointed but three days before were on their way to Washington. With regret, because this movement would probably impel the other cotton and border States into active sympathy with South Carolina, and thereby defeat the measures of compromise still before the Committee of Thirteen of the 159 160 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN Senate, from which he had hoped to confine secession to that State alone. The President never doubted for a moment that Major Anderson believed before the movement that he had " the tangible evidence " of an impending attack required by his in structions. Still it was difficult to imagine that South Carolina would be guilty of the base perfidy of attacking any of these forts during the pendency of her mission to Washington, for the avowed purpose of preserving the peace and preventing collision. Such treacherous conduct would have been considered infamous among all her sister States. She has always strenuously denied that such was her intention. In this state of suspense the President determined to await official information from Major Anderson himself. After its receipt, should he be convinced upon full examination that the Major, on a false alarm, had violated his instructions, he might then think seriously of restoring for the present the former status quo of the forts. This, however, was soon after known to be impossible, in consequence of the violent conduct of South Caro lina in seizing all the other forts and public property in the harbor and city of Charleston. It was under these circumstances that the President, on Friday, the 28th December, held his first and only interview with the commissioners from South Carolina. He determined to listen with patience to what they had to communicate, taking as little part himself in the conversation as civility would per mit. On their introduction he stated that he could recognize them only as private gentlemen and not as commissioners from a sovereign State ; that it was to Congress, and to Congress alone, they must appeal. He, nevertheless, expressed his willingness to communicate to that body, as the only competent tribunal, any propositions they might have to offer. They then proceeded, evidently under much excitement, to state their grievances aris ing out of the removal of Major Anderson to Fort Sumter, and declared that for these they must obtain redress preliminary to entering upon the negotiation with which they had been intrusted ; that it was impossible for them to make any proposition until this removal should be satisfactorily explained ; and they even insisted upon the immediate withdrawal of the Major and his troops, not only from Fort Sumter, but from the harbor of Charleston, as a sine qua non to any negotiation. In their letter to the President of the next day, they repeat MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 161 this demand, saying : 1 " And, in conclusion, we would urge upon you the immediate withdrawal of the troops from the harbor of Charleston. Under present circumstances they are a standing menace which renders negotiation impossible, and, as our recent experience shows, threatens to bring to a bloody issue questions which ought to be settled with temperance and judgment." This demand, accompanied by an unmistakable threat of attacking Major Anderson if not yielded, was of the most extravagant character. To comply with it, the commissioners must have known, would be impossible. Had they simply requested that Major Anderson might be restored to his former position at Fort Moultrie, upon a guarantee from the State that neither it nor the other forts or public property should be molested; this, at the moment, might have been worthy of serious consideration. But to abandon all these forts to South Carolina, on the demand of commissioners claiming to represent her as an independent State, would have been a recognition, on the part of the Executive, of her right to secede from the Union. This was not to be thought of for a moment. The President replied to the letter of the commissioners on Monday, 31st December. In the mean time information had reached him that the State authorities, without waiting to hear from Washington, had, on the day after Major Anderson's re moval, seized Fort Moultrie, Castle Pinckney, the custom house, and post office, and over them all had raised the Palmetto flag; and moreover, that every officer of the customs, collector, naval officer, surveyor, appraisers, together with the postmaster, had resigned their appointments; and that on Sunday, the 30th De cember, they had captured from Major Humphreys, the officer in charge, the arsenal of the United States, containing public property estimated to be worth half a million of dollars. The Government was thus expelled from all its property except Fort Sumter, and no Federal officers, whether civil or military, re mained in the city or" harbor of Charleston. The secession leaders in Congress attempted to justify these violent proceedings of South Carolina as acts of self-defence, on the assumption that Major Anderson had already commenced hostilities. It is certain that their tone instantly changed after his removal; and they urged its secrecy, the hour of the night when it was made, the destruction of his gun-carriages, and other attendant incidents, 1 Ex. Doc, H. R., vol. vi., No. 26, p. 6. Vol. XII— 11 162 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN to inflame the passions of their followers. It was under these cir cumstances that the President was called upon to reply to the letter of the South Carolina commissioners, demanding the immediate withdrawal of the troops of the United States from the harbor of Charleston. In this reply he peremptorily rejected the demand in firm but courteous terms, and declared his purpose to defend Fort Sumter by all the means in his power against hos tile attacks, from whatever quarter they might proceed. ( Vide his letter of the 31st December, i860, Ex. Doc. No. 26, H. R., 36th Congress, 2d Session, accompanying President's message of 8th January, 1861.) To this the commissioners sent their answer, dated on the 2d January, 1861. This was so violent, unfounded, and disrespectful, and so regardless of what is due to any individual whom the people have honored with the office of President, that the reading of it in the Cabinet excited indig nation among all the members. With their unanimous appro bation it was immediately, on the day of its date, returned to the commissioners with the following indorsement : " This paper, just presented to the President, is of such a character that he declines to receive it." Surely no negotiation was ever conducted in such a manner, unless, indeed, it had been the predetermined purpose of the negotiators to produce an open and immediate rupture. It may be asked, why did the President, at his interview with the South Carolina commissioners, on the 28th December, offer to lay the propositions they had to make before Congress, when he must have been morally certain they would not meet a favor able response? This was to gain time for passion to subside, and for reason to resume her sway; to bring the whole subject before the representatives of the people in such a manner as to cause them to express an authoritative opinion on secession, and the other dangerous questions then before the country, and adopt such measures for their peaceable adjustment as might possibly reclaim even South Carolina herself; but whether or not, might prevent the other cotton States from following her evil and rash example. The insulting letter of the commissioners, which had been returned to them, was notwithstanding presented to the Senate by Mr. Jefferson Davis, immediately after the reading of the President's special message of the 8th January; and such was the temper of that body at the time, that it was received and read, and entered upon their journal. Mr. Davis, not content MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 163 with this success, followed it up by a severe and unjust attack against the President, and his example was followed by several of his adherents. From this time forward, as has been already stated, all social and political intercourse ceased between the disunion Senators and the President. It is worth notice, that whilst this letter of the commission ers was published at length in the " Congressional Globe," among the proceedings of the Senate, their previous letter to the Presi dent of the 28th December, and his answer thereto of the 31st, were never published in this so-called official register, although copies of both had accompanied his special message. By this means the offensive letter was scattered broadcast over the coun try, whilst the letter of the President, to which this professed to be an answer, was buried in one of the numerous and long after published volumes of executive documents. It is proper to advert to the allegation of the commissioners, in their letter of the 28th December, that the removal of Major Anderson to Fort Sumter was made in violation of pledges given by the President. They also say that " since our arrival an officer of the United States, acting, as we are assured, not only without but against your orders, has dismantled one fort and occupied another, thus altering to a most important extent the condition of affairs under which we came." As to the alleged pledge, we have already shown that no such thing existed. It has never been pretended that it rests upon any pretext ex cept the note of the gth December, delivered • to the President by the South Carolina members of Congress, and what occurred on that occasion. All this has been already stated. But if ad ditional evidence were wanting to refute the assertion of a pledge, this might be found in the statement published afterwards in Charleston by two of their number (Messrs. Miles and Keitt),1 who, in giving an account of this interview, do not pretend or even intimate that any thing passed even in their opinion on either side in the nature of a pledge. By what officer, then, was the assurance given to the commissioners since their arrival in Washington, that Major Anderson had acted not only without but against the President's order? It was none other than the Secretary of War himself, notwithstanding it was in obedience to his own instructions but a few days before that the removal was made from Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumter. This appears 1 Appleton's American Annual Cyclopaedia for 1861, p. 703. 164 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN from the letter of Major Anderson to the War Department of the 27th December, the day after his removal, which unfor tunately did not arrive in Washington until some days after its date. In this he says : " I will add that many things con vinced me that the authorities of the State designed to proceed to a hostile act " (against Fort Moultrie), the very contingency on which the Secretary had not only authorized but directed the Major to remove his troops to Fort Sumter, should he deem this a position of greater security. These instructions were in a certain sense peculiarly his own. They were prepared and trans mitted to Major Anderson by himself. Throughout they do not mention the name of the President, though in the main they expressed his views. We can refer to a probable cause for this strange conduct on the part of the Secretary. This was, that three days before the South Carolina commissioners reached Washington, the Presi dent had communicated to him (23d December), through a dis tinguished friend and kinsman of his own, a request that he should resign his office, with a statement of the reason why this was made. When he heard this request he displayed much feeling, but said he would comply with the President's wishes. It is proper to state the reason for this request. On the night before it was made (22d December), the fact was first made known to the President that 870 State bonds for $1,000 each, held in trust by the Government for different Indian tribes, had been purloined from the Interior Department by Godard Bailey, the clerk in charge of them, and had been delivered to William H. Russell, a member of the firm of " Russell, Majors & Wad- dell." Upon examination, it was discovered that this clerk, in lieu of the bonds abstracted, had from time to time received bills of corresponding amount from Russell, drawn by the firm on John B. Floyd, Secretary of War, and by him accepted and indorsed, and this without any lawful authority. In consequence there was found in the safe where the Indian bonds had been kept, a number of these accepted bills, exactly equal in amount to $870,000. These acceptances were thirteen in number, com mencing on the 13th September, i860, and had been received by Mr. Bailey, according to his own statement, " as collateral security for the return of the bonds," and as such had been placed by him in the safe. It is remarkable that the last of them, dated on the 13th December, i860, for $135,000, had been drawn for the precise sum necessary to make the aggregate MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 165 amount of the whole number of bills exactly equal to that of the abstracted bonds. And here it is due to Secretary Thompson to state, though a digression, that on Monday morning, the 24th December, at his own instance, the House of Representatives appointed a committee " to investigate and report upon the subject," of which Hon. Mr. Morris, of Illinois, a rancorous opponent of the administration, was the chairman. After a full investigation, the committee made their report on the 12th February, 1861.1 In this they state: " They deem it but justice to add that they have discovered nothing to involve the late Secretary, Hon. Jacob Thompson, in the slightest degree in the fraud, and nothing to indicate that he had any complicity in the transaction, or that he had any knowledge of it until the time of the disclosure by Godard Bailey." It is to be regretted, for the sake of public justice, that all the circumstances connected with the abstraction of these bonds had not been subjected to a judicial investigation. This was rendered impossible by the action of the committee itself, in examining John B. Floyd and William H. Russell as witnesses. For this reason they were relieved from all criminal responsibility by the Act of Congress of the 24th January, 1857,2 of the existence of which the committee seem to have been igno rant. This act provides that no person examined as a witness before a committee of either House of Congress, " shall be held to answer criminally in any court of justice for any fact or act " " touching which he shall have testified." In this manner both Mr. Floyd and Mr. Russell escaped without trial. To return from our digression. Secretary Floyd's apparent complicity with this fraudulent transaction covered him with suspicion, and, whether this were well or ill founded, rendered it impossible, in the opinion of the President, that he should re main in the Cabinet ; and hence the request that he should resign. What effect this request may have produced in suddenly convert ing him from having been until then an avowed and consistent opponent of secession to one of its most strenuous supporters, may be readily inferred. Certain it is, that immediately after the arrival of the South Carolina commissioners, he became the intimate associate of leading secession Senators, who had just before been in the habit of openly condemning his official conduct. 1 Report of Committee, H. R., i86o-'6i, vol. ii., No. 78, p. 3. 2 11 Laws U. S., p. 155. 166 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN On the evening of the day after the arrival of these commis sioners he boldly assumed his new position, and became the only witness to a pledge which his own instructions of a few days before prove could never have existed. On that evening, in the face of all these facts, he read to the President, in Cabinet coun cil, in a discourteous and excited tone, hitherto unknown, a paper declaring that " it is evident now, from the action of the com mander at Fort Moultrie, that the solemn pledges of this Govern ment have been violated by Major Anderson," and that " one remedy only is left, and that is to withdraw the garrison from the harbor of Charleston altogether." This evidently foreshadowed the demand made by the commissioners on the following day (28th December), of which we have already treated. This proposition the President heard with astonishment. As he had stated in his reply to them of the 31st December: "Such an idea was never thought of by me. No allusion had ever been made to it in any communication between myself and any human being." The Secretary, on the 29th December, sent to the President the resignation of his office. By this he offered to discharge its duties until his successor should be appointed. It was instantly accepted without reference to this offer, and Postmaster General Holt was transferred to the War Department.1 1 Editorial note, by J. B. M. — In a statement drawn up by Mr. Buchanan, with his own hand, in response to a request for information on the subject of Mr. Floyd's resignation, there is the following narrative : " I do not recollect the precise time when I had the only conversation which I ever held with Governor Floyd on the subject of your inquiry. It was most probably soon after Mr. Benjamin had the interview with myself, the particulars of which I cannot now recall ; but it is proper to state that I learned from another source that acceptances of Mr. Floyd had been offered for discount in Wall Street. " When I next saw Secretary Floyd I asked him if it were true that he had been issuing acceptances to Russell & Company on bills payable at a future day. He said he had done so in a few cases. That he had done this in no instance until after he had ascertained that the amount of the bills would be due to them under their contract, before the bills reached maturity; that the trains had started on their way to Utah, and there could be no possible loss to the Government. That the Government at that time was largely indebted to Russell & Company, and the bills which he had accepted would be paid, when they became due, out of the appropriation for that purpose. I asked him, under what authority he had accepted these drafts. He said, this had been done under the practice of the Department. I said, I had never heard of such a practice, and if such a practice existed, I con- MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 167 The President had not made the personal acquaintance of Mr. Floyd before his appointment. Though never in Congress, he had been, like his father, Governor of Virginia. Mr. Bu chanan had been favorably impressed by the fact that he had refused to accept a recommendation from the Electoral College of Virginia for a seat in the Cabinet, assigning as a reason that the President, in making selections for this high and confiden- sidered it altogether improper, and should be discontinued. I asked him if there was any law which authorized such acceptances. He said there was no law, he believed, for it, and no law against it. I replied, if there was no law for it, this was conclusive that he had no such authority. He said, I need give myself no trouble about the matter. That the acceptances already issued should be promptly paid out of the money due to Russell & Company, and he would never accept another such draft. I might rest perfectly easy on the subject. I had not the least doubt that he would fulfil his promise in good faith. He never said another word to me upon the subject. I was, therefore, never more astonished than at the exposure which was made that he had accepted drafts to the amount of $870,000, and that these were sub stituted in the safe at the Interior Department, as a substitute for the Indian bonds which had been purloined. " I took immediate measures to intimate to him, through a distinguished mutual friend, that he could no longer remain in the cabinet, and that he ought to resign. I expected his resignation hourly; but a few days after, he came into the cabinet with a bold front, and said he could remain in it no longer unless I would instantly recall Major Anderson and his forces from Fort Sumter.'' Mr. Floyd's letter of resignation of Dec. 29, i860, incorporating the paper of Dec. 27, was as follows : " War Department, December 29th, i860. " Sir : — On the evening of the 27th instant, I read the following paper to you, in the presence of the cabinet : " ' Council Chamber, Executive Mansion, " ' December 27th, i860. " ' Sir : — It is evident now, from the action of the commander at Fort Moultrie, that the solemn pledges of this Government have been violated by Major Anderson. In my judgment, but one remedy is now left us by which to vindicate our honor and prevent civil war. It is in vain now to hope for confidence on the part of the people of South Carolina in any further pledges as to the action of the military. One remedy only is left, and that is to withdraw the garrison from the harbor of Charleston altogether. I hope the President will allow me to make that order at once. This order, in my judgment, can alone prevent bloodshed and civil war. " ' John B. Floyd, " ' Secretary of War. " ' To the President.' 168 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN tial office, ought to be left free and untrammelled to the exercise of his own judgment. The removal of Major Anderson to Fort Sumter, and the seizure by South Carolina of all the remaining public property at Charleston, altogether changed the aspect of affairs from what it had been at the date of the interview between General Scott and the President. Fort Sumter was now threatened with an immediate attack. The time had arrived for despatching the " I then considered the honor of the administration pledged to maintain the troops in the position they occupied ; for such had been the assurances given to the gentlemen of South Carolina who had a right to speak for her. South Carolina, on the other hand, gave reciprocal pledges that no force should be brought by them against the troops or against the property of the United States. The sole object of both parties to these reciprocal pledges was to prevent collision and the effusion of blood, in the hope that some means might be found for a peaceful accommodation of the existing troubles, the two Houses of Congress having both raised committees looking to that obj ect. " Thus affairs stood, until the action of Major Anderson, taken unfor tunately while commissioners were on their way to this capital on a peaceful mission, looking to the avoidance of bloodshed, has complicated matters in the existing manner. Our refusal, or even delay, to place affairs back as they stood under our agreement, invites collision, and must inevitably inau gurate civil war in our land. I can not consent to be the agent of such a calamity. " I deeply regret to feel myself under the necessity of tendering to you my resignation as Secretary of War, because I can no longer hold it, under my convictions of patriotism, nor with honor, subjected as I am to the viola tion of solemn pledges and plighted faith. " With the highest personal regard, I am most truly yours, " John B. Floyd." President Buchanan instantly accepted Mr. Floyd's resignation. On the next day Mr. Floyd sent to President Buchanan the following apologetic letter, which seems to have remained unacknowledged : " Washington, December 30th, i860. " My dear Sir : — I understand from General Jefferson Davis that you regard my letter of resignation as offensive to you. I beg to assure you that I am deeply grieved by this intelligence. Nothing could have been further from my wish, and nothing more repugnant to my feelings. If there is any sentence or expression which you regard in that light, I will take sincere pleasure in changing it. The facts and the ideas alone were in my mind when I penned the letter, and I repeat that nothing could have been further from my intention than to wound your feelings. My friendship for you has been and is sincere and unselfish. I have never been called upon by an imperious sense of duty to perform any act which has given me so much pain, as to MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 169 Brooklyn on her destined expedition for its relief. At this crisis General Scott, being too unwell to call in person, addressed a note to the President, on Sunday, the 30th December, asking his permission to send, without reference to the War Depart ment, and otherwise as secretly as possible, two hundred and fifty recruits from New York harbor to reenforce Fort Sumter, together with some extra muskets or rifles, ammunition and subsistence stores, expressing the hope "that a sloop-of-war and cutter may be ordered for the same purpose as early as to-morrow" (31st December).1 separate myself from your administration, and this feeling would be greatly aggravated by the belief that in this separation I had said anything which could give you pain or cause of offence. " I beg to assure you that I am very truly and sincerely your friend, " John B. Floyd." 1 Editorial note, by J. B. M. — The note of General Scott of Dec. 30, i860, referred to by Mr. Buchanan, reads, as found in the Buchanan Papers, His torical Society of Pennsylvania, as follows : " Lieut. Genl. Scott begs the President of the U. S. to pardon the irregu larity of this communication. " It is Sunday, the weather is bad, & Genl. S. is not well enough to go to church. But matters of the highest national importance seem to forbid a moment's delay, &, if misled by zeal, he hopes for the President's forgiveness. " Will the President permit Genl. S., without reference to the War Department, & otherwise as secretly as possible, to send two hundred & fifty recruits, from New York Harbor, to reinforce Fort Sumter, together with some extra muskets or rifles, ammunition, & subsistence stores? " It is hoped that a sloop of war & cutter may be ordered for the same purpose as early as to-morrow. " Genl. S. will wait upon the President at any moment he may be called for. "The President's Most Obt. Servt. " Winfield Scott. " Washington, Dec. 30, i860.'' In connection with the note of Dec. 30, two other notes, dated respec tively Dec. 28 and Dec. 31, may be read. The note of Dec. 28, as given in General Scott's autobiography, vol. 2, p. 618, reads as follows: " Lieutenant-General Scott (who has had a bad night, and can scarcely hold up his head this morning) begs to express the hope to the Secretary of War — 1. That orders may not be given for the evacuation of Fort Sumter; 2. That one hundred and fifty recruits may instantly be sent from Governor's Island to reenforce that garrison, with ample supplies of ammunition and subsistence, including fresh vegetables, as potatoes, onions, turnips, etc. ; 3. That one or two armed vessels be sent to support the said fort. " Lieutenant-General Scott avails himself of this opportunity also to express the hope that the recommendation heretofore made by him to the 170 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN The President immediately decided to order reenforcements ; but he preferred to send them by the Brooklyn, which had re mained in readiness for this service. He thought that a power ful war steamer with disciplined troops on board would prove more effective than a sloop-of-war and cutter with raw recruits. Accordingly on the next morning (Monday) he instructed the Secretaries of War and the Navy to despatch the Brooklyn to Fort Sumter. On the evening of this day the General called to congratulate him on the fact that the Secretaries had already issued appropriate orders to the respective army and navy offi cers, and stated that these were then in his own pocket. In contradiction to this prompt action, it is difficult to imagine how the General could have asserted, in his report to President Lincoln, that " the South Carolina commissioners had already been many days in Washington, and no movement of defence [on the part of the United States] had been permitted." In regard to the " many days' " delay : — These commissioners ar rived in Washington on the 26th December ; the General sent his request to the President on Sunday, the 30th ; and on Monday Secretary of War, respecting Forts Jackson, St. Philip, Morgan, and Pulaski, and particularly in respect to Forts Pickens and McRee, and the Pensacola Navy Yard, in connection with the last two named works, may be recon sidered by the Secretary. " Lieutenant-General Scott will further ask the attention of the Secretary to Forts Jefferson (Tortugas) and Taylor (Key West), which are wholly national — being of far greater value even to the most distant points of the Atlantic Coast and the people on the upper waters of the Missouri, Mis sissippi, and Ohio Rivers, than to the State of Florida. There is only a feeble company at Key West for the defence of Fort Taylor, and not a soldier in Fort Jefferson to resist a handful of filibusters or a rowboat of pirates ; and the Gulf, soon after the beginning of secession or revolutionary troubles in the adjacent States, will swarm with such nuisances. " Respectfully submitted to the Secretary of War. " Headquarters of the Army, " Winfield Scott. " Washington, Dec. 28, i860." The note of Dec. 31, as found in the original, in the Buchanan Papers, Historical Society of Pennsylvania, reads as follows : " Lieut. Genl. Scott again begs leave to trespass for a moment on the indulgence of the President of the U. S— particularly as he learns, by rumor, that there is no head to the War Department. Such are the necessities of the service that it is hoped the vacancy in question may be speedily filled, &, incidentally, that the new Secretary, if ad interim, may not be a junior officer of the army, as it would wound the pride of any senior to serve under such Secretary. MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 171 morning he himself received the necessary orders for the depar ture of the expedition. General Scott, notwithstanding this prompt response to his request, proceeds still further, and charges the President with having "refused to allow any attempt to be made " to reenforce Fort Sumter, " because he was holding nego tiations with the South Carolina commissioners," although this alleged refusal occurred at the very time (31st December) when he himself had in his own hands the order for the Brooklyn to proceed immediately to Fort Sumter. Nay, more : " After wards," says the General, " Secretary Holt and myself endeav ored, in vain, to obtain a ship-of-war for the purpose, and were finally obliged to employ the passenger steamer 5" tar of the West." After this statement, will it be credited that the Star of the West was employed in place of the Brooklyn at the press ing instance of General Scott himself? And yet such is the fact. The President yielded to this unfortunate change with great reluctance, and solely in deference to the opinion of the commanding General on a question of military strategy. What a failure and confusion of memory the report to President Lincoln exhibits ! " Lt. Genl. S. deems it to be his duty to lay the accompanying letter before the President. The writer is a distinguished graduate of the Military Academy, & an eminent lawyer of the New York Bar. Major General Sandford, mentioned by him, is an officer & citizen of great merit & dis cretion, commanding the city division of Volunteers. " Genl. S. does not recommend the acceptance of Mr. Hamilton's propo sition, as we have disposable regulars enough for that single purpose, but that we already need many & larger detachments for the protection of our coast defences further south is becoming daily more & more evident. " In reference to Genl. Scott's note of yesterday to the President, he respectfully adds : — " Of course the War Department & Genl. S. cannot communicate any thing to Major Anderson, or receive, by mail or telegraphic wires, anything from him (who must be regarded as in a state of siege) except by permis sion of the authorities in Charleston ; & it is just possible, in his state of isolation, a system of forged telegrams from this place may be played off so successfully as to betray him into some false movement. " Most respectfully submitted to the President of the U. States. „ TT A " Winfield Scott. Headquarters of the Army, " Washington, Dec. 31, i860. " P. S. As a sequence to the foregoing, it is respectfully suggested that there seems to be no other way of freely communicating with Major Ander son than by water (say) by a revenue cutter running regularly between Wilmington, No. Carolina, & Fort Sumter. W. S." 172 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN At the interview with President Buchanan on the evening of the 31st December, the General seemed cordially to approve the matured plan of sending reenforcements by the Brooklyn. Why, then, the change in his opinion? At this interview the President informed him he had sent a letter but a few hours before to the South Carolina commissioners, in answer to a communication from them, and this letter would doubtless speed ily terminate their mission ; — that although he had refused to recognize them in an official character, yet it might be considered improper to transmit the orders then in his possession to the Brooklyn until they had an opportunity of making a reply, and that the delay for this purpose could not, in his opinion, exceed forty-eight hours. In this suggestion the General promptly con curred, observing that it was gentlemanly and proper. He, there fore, retained the orders to await the reply. On the morning of the 2d January the President received and returned the insolent communication of the South Carolina commissioners without an answer, and thus every obstacle was removed from the immediate transmission of the orders. In the mean time, however, the General had unluckily become convinced, after advising with an individual believed to possess much knowledge and practical ex perience in naval affairs, that the better plan to secure both secrecy and success would be to send to Fort Sumter a fast side-wheel mercantile steamer from New York with the two hundred and fifty recruits. Such was the cause of the change, according to the undoubted information communicated to the President at the time by the Secretaries of War and the Navy. For this reason alone was the Star of the West substituted for the service instead of the Brook lyn. The change of programme caused a brief delay; but the Star of the West, with recruits on board, left New York for Charleston on the afternoon of the 5th January. On the evening of the same day, however, on which this ill-fated steamer went to sea, General Scott despatched a telegram to his son-in-law, Colonel Scott, of the United States army, then at New York, to countermand her departure; but this did not reach him until after she had left the harbor. The cause of this countermand proves how much wiser it would have been to employ the Brooklyn in the first instance on this important service. This shall be stated in the language of Secretary Holt in his letter of the 5th March, 1861, in reply to MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 173 certain allegations which had been made and published 1 by Mr. Thompson, the late Secretary of the Interior. In this he says: " The countermand spoken of (by Mr. Thompson) was not more cordially sanctioned by the President than it was by General Scott and myself; not because of any dissent from the order on the part of the President, but because of a letter received that day from Major Anderson, stating, in effect, that he regarded him self secure in his position ; and yet more from intelligence which late on Saturday evening (5th January, 1861) reached the De partment, that a heavy battery had been erected among the sand hills, at the entrance to Charleston harbor, which would prob ably destroy any unarmed vessel (and such was the Star of the West) which might attempt to make its way to Fort Sumter. This important information satisfied the Government that there was no present necessity for sending reenforcements, and that when sent they should go not in a vessel of commerce, but of war. Hence the countermand was despatched by telegraph to New York; but the vessel had sailed a short time before it reached the officer (Colonel Scott) to whom it was addressed." General Scott, as well as the Secretaries of War and the Navy, convinced of the blunder which had been committed in substituting the Star of the West for the Brooklyn, proceeded to provide, as far as might be possible, against anticipated disaster. For this purpose the Secretary of the Navy, on the 7th January, despatched an order to the commander of the Brooklyn (Farra gut), and General Scott simultaneously forwarded to him a despatch to be delivered to the U. S. officer in command of the recruits on the Star of the West. By this the commander of the recruits was informed that Captain Farragut had been instructed to afford him " aid and succor in case your [his] ship be shat tered or injured; second, to convey this order of recall, in case you cannot land at Fort Sumter, to Fort Monroe, Hampton Roads, there to await further orders." In a postscript he was further directed " to land his troops at Fort Monroe and dis charge the ship." The sequel will show that these precautions were useless. The Star of the West, under the command of Captain Mc- Gowan, proceeded on her ill-starred voyage, amid anxious appre hensions for the fate of the recruits and mariners on board. She arrived in Charleston harbor on the 9th of January, the flag National Intelligencer, 5th March, 1861. 174 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN of the United States flying at her mast-head ; and whilst endeav oring to approach Fort Sumter, was fired upon by order of Governor Pickens. She then immediately changed her course and returned to New York. Fortunately no lives were lost, nor was the vessel materially injured. This statement of facts proves incontestably that the President, so far from refusing, was not only willing but anxious, within the briefest period, to reenforce Fort Sumter. On the very day and immediately after this outrage on the Star of the West, Major Anderson sent a flag to Governor Pick ens, informing him of the reason why he had not opened fire from Fort Sumter on the batteries which had attacked the Star of the West. This was because he presumed the act had been unau thorized. He demanded its disavowal, and if this were not sent in a reasonable time he would consider it war, and fire on any vessel that attempted to leave the harbor. Had he adhered to his purpose, the civil war would then have commenced. This demand of Major Anderson, so worthy of an American officer, was totally disregarded by the Governor. Instead of disavowing the act or apologizing for it, he had the audacity, but two days after the outrage, to send the Hon. A. G. Magrath and General D. F. Jamison, whom he styled as " both members of the Execu tive Council and of the highest position in the State," to Major Anderson, for the purpose of persuading him to surrender the fort. In the letter which they bore from the Governor, dated on the i ith January, they were instructed to present to Major Ander son " considerations of the gravest public character, and of the deepest interest to all who deprecate the improper waste of life, to induce the delivery of Fort Sumter to the constituted authori ties of the State of South Carolina, with a pledge on its part to account for such public property as may be in your charge." This Major Anderson appears to have regarded, not merely as an effort to persuade him voluntarily to surrender the fort, but as an absolute demand for its surrender. In either case, however, his instructions, already quoted, prescribed his line of duty. Under these he ought to have peremptorily informed the emissaries of the Governor that he would not surrender, but would defend the fort against attack by all the means in his power. In this course he would not only have obeyed his instructions, but have acted in accordance with the explicit determination of the President, announced but eleven days before (31st December) to the South Carolina commissioners. But Major Anderson, not- MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 175 withstanding these considerations, as well as his own declared purpose but two days before to consider the attack on the Star of the West as war, and to act accordingly, unless it should be explained and disavowed, now proposed to Governor Pickens to refer the question of surrender to Washington. In his answer of the same date to the Governor's menacing request, whilst stating that he could not comply with it, and deeply regretting that the Governor should have made a demand of him with which he could not comply, he presents the following alternative: " Should your Excellency deem fit, prior to a resort to arms, to refer this matter to Washington, it would afford me the sincerest pleasure to depute one of my officers to accompany any messen ger you may deem proper to be the bearer of your demand." This proposition was promptly accepted by the Governor, and in pursuance thereof he sent on his part Hon. I. W. Hayne, Attor ney-General of South Carolina, to Washington; whilst Major Anderson sent as his deputy Lieutenant J. Norman Hall, of the first artillery, then under his command in the fort. These gentle men immediately set out for Washington, and arrived together on the evening of the 13th January, 1861. Thus, greatly to the surprise of the President, had a truce or suspension of arms been concluded between Major Anderson and Governor Pickens, to continue, from its very nature, until he should again decide against the surrender of Fort Sumter. This was what the writers on public law denominate " a partial truce "¦ under which hostilities are suspended only in certain places, as between a town and the army besieging it." 1 Until this decision should be made by the President, Major Anderson had thus placed it out of his own power to ask for reenforcements, and equally out of the power of the Government to send them without a violation of the public faith pledged by him as the commandant of the fort. In the face of these facts, the President saw with astonishment that General Scott, in his report to President Lin coln, had stated that the expedition under Captain Ward, of three or four small steamers, " had been kept back," not in consequence of this truce between Major Anderson and Governor Pickens, " but by something like a truce or armistice concluded here [in Washington], embracing Charleston and Pensacola harbors, agreed upon between the late President and certain principal seceders of South Carolina, Florida, Louisiana, &c, and this 1 Vattel's Law of Nations, p. 404. 176 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN truce lasted to the end of the. administration." From the con fused and inaccurate memory of the General, events altogether distinct in their nature are so blended in his report to President Lincoln, that it is difficult to disentangle them. Such is eminently the case in mixing up the facts relative to Charleston and Pensa cola in the same sentences. In order to render each clear, we shall first treat of Charleston and afterwards of Pensacola. The expedition of the Star of the West had scarcely re turned to New York, when the news of the truce between Major Anderson and Governor Pickens reached Washington (13th January) . Between the two events it was physically impossible to prepare and send a second expedition, and this could not be done afterwards until the truce should expire, without a viola tion of public faith. It did not last, as the General asserts, " to the end of the administration," but expired by its own limitation on the 5th February, the day when Secretary Holt finally and peremptorily announced to the South Carolina commissioner that the President would not under any circumstances surrender Fort Sumter. It is possible that, under the laws of war, the President might have annulled this truce after due notice to Governor Pickens. This, however, would have cast a serious reflection on Major Anderson for having concluded it, who, beyond question, had acted from the purest and most patriotic motives. Neither General Scott nor any other person, so far as is known, ever proposed to violate it. Indeed, from his peculiar temper of mind and military training, he would have been the last man to make such a proposition; and yet, in his report to President Lincoln, he does not make the most distant allusion to the fact, well known to him, that such a truce had ever been concluded. Had he done this, he would at once have afforded conclusive evidence against sending reenforcements until it should expire. On the contrary, instead of the actual truce, " something like a truce," according to his statement, was made, not in Charleston, but in Washington, and not between the actual parties to it, but " between the late President and certain principal seceders of South Carolina." Nothing more unfounded and unjust could have been attributed to President Buchanan. Major Anderson may probably have committed an error in not promptly rejecting the demand, as he understood it, of Gov ernor Pickens for the surrender of Fort Sumter, instead of refer ring it to Washington. If the fort were to be attacked, which was then extremely doubtful, this was the propitious moment MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 177 for a successful resistance. The Governor, though never so will ing, was not in a condition to make the assault. He required time for preparation. On the other hand, Major Anderson was then confident in his power to repel it. This is shown by his letters to the War Department of the 31st December and 6th January. From these it appears that he not only felt safe in his position, but confident that he could command the harbor of Charleston, and hold the fort in opposition to any force which might be brought against him. Such was, also, the oft-expressed conviction at Washington of Lieutenant Hall, whom he had selected as his deputy, as well as that of Lieutenant Theodore Talbot, likewise of the ist artillery, who had left Fort Sumter on the 9th January, 1861, as a bearer of despatches. Still, had Governor Pickens attacked the fort, this would have been the commencement of civil war between the United States and South Carolina. This every patriot desired to avoid as long as a rea sonable hope should remain of preserving peace. And then such a hope did extensively prevail, founded upon the expectation that the Crittenden Compromise, or some equally healing measure, might be eventually adopted by Congress. How far this con sideration may account for Major Anderson's forbearance when the Star of the West was fired upon, and for his proposal two days thereafter to refer the question of the surrender of the fort to Washington, we can only conjecture. If this were the cause, his motive deserves high commendation. Colonel Hayne, the commissioner from South Carolina, as already stated, arrived in Washington on the 13th January. He bore with him a letter from Governor Pickens addressed to the President. On the next morning he called upon the Presi dent and stated that he would deliver this letter in person on the day following. The President, however, admonished by his recent experience with the former commissioners, declined to hold any conversation with him on the subject of his mission, and requested that all communications between them might be in writing. To this he assented. Although the President had no actual knowledge of the contents of the Governor's letter, he could not doubt it contained a demand for the surrender of the fort. Such a demand he was at all times prepared peremp torily to reject. This Colonel Hayne must have known, be cause the President had but a fortnight before informed his prede cessors this was impossible, and had never been thought of by him in any possible contingency. The President confidently expected Vol. XII— 12 178 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN that the letter would be transmitted to him on the day after the interview, when his refusal to surrender the fort would at once terminate the truce, and leave both parties free to act upon their own responsibility. Colonel Hayne, however, did not transmit this letter to the President on the 15th January, according to his promise, but withheld it until the 31st of that month. The reason for this vexatious delay will constitute a curious portion of our narrative, and deserves to be mentioned in some detail. (Vide the President's message of 8th February, 1861, with the accompanying documents, Ex. Doc, H. R., vol. ix., No. 61.) The Senators from the cotton States yet in Congress ap peared, strangely enough, to suppose that through their influence the President might agree not to send reenforcements to Fort Sumter, provided Governor Pickens would stipulate not to attack it. By such an agreement they proposed to preserve the peace. But first of all it was necessary for them to prevail upon Colonel Hayne not to transmit the letter to the President on the day appointed, because they well knew that the demand which it con tained would meet his prompt and decided refusal. This would render the conclusion of such an agreement impossible. In furtherance of their plan, nine of these Senators, with" Jefferson Davis at their head, addressed a note to Colonel Hayne, on the 15th January, requesting him to defer the delivery of the letter. They proposed that he should withhold it until they could ascertain from the President whether he would agree not to send reenforcements, provided Governor Pickens would en gage not to attack the fort. They informed the Colonel that should the President prove willing in the first place to enter into such an arrangement, they would then strongly recommend that he should not deliver the letter he had in charge for the present, but send to South Carolina for authority from Governor Pickens to become a party thereto. Colonel Hayne, in his answer to these Senators of the 17th January, informed them that he had not been clothed with power to make the arrangement suggested, but provided they could get assurances with which they were entirely satisfied that no reenforcements would be sent to Fort Sumter, he would withhold the letter with which he had been charged, refer their communication to the authorities of South Carolina, and await further instructions. On the 19th January this correspondence between the Sena tors and Colonel Hayne was submitted to the President, accom- MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 179 panied by a note from three of their number, requesting him to take the subject into consideration. His answer to this note was delayed no longer than was necessary to prepare it in proper form. On the 22d January it was communicated to these Sena tors in a letter from the Secretary of War. This contained an express refusal to enter into the proposed agreement. Mr. Holt says : " I am happy to observe that, in your letter to Colonel Hayne, you express the opinion that it is ' especially due from South Carolina to our States, to say nothing of other slavehold ing States, that she should, so far as she can consistently with her honor, avoid initiating hostilities between her and the United States or any other power.' To initiate such hostilities against Fort Sumter would, beyond question, be an act of war against the United States. In regard to the proposition of Colonel Hayne, ' that no reenforcements will be sent to Fort Sumter in the interval, and that public peace will not be disturbed by any act of hostility toward South Carolina,' it is impossible for me to give you any such assurances. The President has no authority to enter into such an agreement or understanding. As an execu tive officer, he is simply bound to protect the public property so far as this may be practicable; and it would be a manifest vio lation of his duty to place himself under engagements that he would not perform this duty, either for an indefinite or limited period. At the present moment it is not deemed necessary to reenforce Major Anderson, because he makes no such request and feels quite secure in his position. Should his safety, how ever, require reenforcements, every effort will be made to supply them." It was believed by the President that this peremptory refusal to enter into the proposed agreement, would have caused Colonel Hayne immediately to present the letter he had in charge and thus terminate his mission, thereby releasing both parties from the obligations of the truce. In this expectation the President was disappointed. The secession Senators again interposed, and advised Colonel Hayne still longer to withhold the letter from the President, and await further instructions from Charleston. In his answer of 24th January to their note containing this ad vice, he informs them that although the letter from the Secretary of War " was far from being satisfactory," yet in compliance with their request he " would withhold the communication with which he was at present charged, and refer the whole matter 180 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN to the authorities of South Carolina, and would await their reply." On the 30th this reply was received, and on the next day Colonel Hayne transmitted to the President the letter of Governor Pick ens demanding the surrender of the fort, with a long communi cation from himself. This letter is dated " Headquarters, Charleston, January 12, 1861," and is as follows: " Sir : At the time of the separation of the State of South Carolina from the United States, Fort Sumter was, and still is, in the possession of troops of the United States, under the com mand of Major Anderson. I regard that possession as not con sistent with the dignity or safety of the State of South Carolina, and have this day [it was the day previous] addressed to Major Anderson a communication to obtain from him the possession of that fort by the authorities of this State. The reply of Major Anderson informs me that he has no authority to do what I re quired, but he desires a reference of the demand to the President of the United States. Under the circumstances now existing, and which need no comment by me, I have determined to send to you Hon. I. W. Hayne, the Attorney-General of the State of South Carolina, and have instructed him to demand the delivery of Fort Sumter, in the harbor of Charleston, to the constituted authorities of the State of South Carolina. The demand I have made of Major Anderson, and which I now make of you, is sug gested by my earnest desire to avoid the bloodshed which a persistence in your attempt to retain possession of that fort will cause, and which will be unavailing to secure to you that posses sion, but induce a calamity most deeply to be deplored. If conse quences so unhappy shall ensue, I will secure for this State, in the demand which I now make, the satisfaction of having exhausted every attempt to avoid it. " In relation to the public property of the United States within Fort Sumter, the Hon. I. W. Hayne, who will hand you this communication, is authorized to give you the pledge of the State that the valuation of such property will be accounted for by this State, upon the adjustment of its relations with the United States, of which it was a part." On the 6th February, the Secretary of War, on behalf of the President, replied to this demand, as well as to the letter of Colonel Hayne accompanying it. Our narrative would be in complete without this admirable and conclusive reply. It is as follows : MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 181 " War Department, February 6, 1861.1 " Sir : The President of the United States has received your letter of the 31st ultimo, and has charged me with the duty of replying thereto. " In the communication addressed to the President by Gov ernor Pickens, under date of the 12th January, and which accom panies yours now before me, his Excellency says : ' I have deter mined to send to you the Hon. I. W. Hayne, the Attorney- General of the State of South Carolina, and have instructed him to demand the surrender of Fort Sumter, in the harbor of Charles ton, to the constituted authorities of the State of South Carolina. The demand I have made of Major Anderson, and which I now make of you, is suggested because of my earnest desire to avoid the bloodshed which a persistence in your attempt to retain the possession of that fort will cause, and which will be unavailing to secure to you that possession, but induce a calamity most deeply to be deplored.' The character of the demand thus authorized to be made appears (under the influence, I presume, of the corre spondence with the Senators to which you refer) to have been modified by subsequent instructions of his Excellency, dated the 26th, and received by yourself on the 30th January, in which he says : ' If it be so that Fort Sumter is held as property, then, as property, the rights, whatever they may be, of the United States, can be ascertained, and for the satisfaction of these rights the pledge of the State of South Carolina you are author ized to give.' The full scope and precise purport of your instruc tions, as thus modified, you have expressed in the following words : ' I do not come as a military man to demand the surren der of a fortress, but as the legal officer of the State — its attorney- general — to claim for the State the exercise of its undoubted right of eminent domain, and to pledge the State to make good all injury to the rights of property which arise from the exercise of the claim.' And lest this explicit language should not sufficiently define your position, you add : ' The proposition now is that her [South Carolina's] law officer should, under authority of the Governor and his council, distinctly pledge the faith of South Carolina to make such compensation, in regard to Fort Sumter and its appurtenances and contents, to the full extent of the money value of the property of the United States, delivered over to the -H. R. Ex. Doc, i86o-'6i, vol. ix., Doc. No. 61. 182 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN authorities of South Carolina by your command.' You then adopt his Excellency's train of thought upon the subject, so far as to suggest that the possession of Fort Sumter by the United States, ' if continued long enough, must lead to collision,' and that ' an attack upon it would scarcely improve it as property, whatever the result; and if captured, it would no longer be the subject of account.' " The proposal, then, now presented to the President, is sim ply an offer on the part of South Carolina to buy Fort Sumter and contents as property of the United States, sustained by a decla ration, in effect, that if she is not permitted to make the purchase she will seize the fort by force of arms. As the initiation of a negotiation for the transfer of property between friendly gov ernments, this proposal impresses the President as having assumed a most unusual form. He has, however, investigated the claim on which it professes to be based, apart from the declaration that accompanies it. And it may be here remarked, that much stress has been laid upon the employment of the words ' property ' and ' public property ' by the President in his several messages. These are the most comprehensive terms which can be used in such a connection, and surely, when referring to a fort or any other public establishment, they embrace the entire and undivided interest of the Government therein. " The title of the United States to Fort Sumter is complete and incontestable. Were its interest in this property purely proprietary, in the ordinary acceptation of the term, it might probably be subjected to the exercise of the right of eminent do main; but it has also political relations to it of a much higher and more imposing character than those of mere proprietorship. It has absolute jurisdiction over the fort and the soil on which it stands. This jurisdiction consists in the authority to ' exercise exclusive legislation ' over the property referred to, and is there fore clearly incompatible with the claim of eminent domain now insisted upon by South Carolina. This authority was not derived from any questionable revolutionary source, but from the peace ful cession of South Carolina herself, acting through her legis lature, under a provision of the Constitution of the United States. South Carolina can no more assert the right of eminent domain over Fort Sumter than Maryland can assert it over the District of Columbia. The political and proprietary rights of the United States in either case rest upon precisely the same ground. MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 183 " The President, however, is relieved from the necessity of further pursuing this inquiry by the fact that, whatever may be the claim of South Carolina to this fort, he has no constitutional power to cede or surrender it. The property of the United States has been acquired by force of public law, and can only be dis posed of under the same solemn sanctions. The President, as the head of the executive branch of the government only, can no more sell and transfer Fort Sumter to South Carolina than he can sell and convey the Capitol of the United States to Mary land or to any other State or individual seeking to possess it. His Excellency the Governor is too familiar with the Constitu tion of the United States, and with the limitations upon the powers of the Chief Magistrate of the government it has estab lished, not to appreciate at once the soundness of this legal prop osition. The question of reenforcing Fort Sumter is so fully disposed of in my letter to Senator Slidell and others, under date of the 22d of January, a copy of which accompanies this, that its discussion will not now be renewed. I then said : ' At the present moment it is not deemed necessary to reenforce Major Anderson, because he makes no such request. Should his safety, however, require reenforcements, every effort will be made to supply them.' I can add nothing to the explicitness of this language, which still applies to the existing status. " The right to send forward reenforcements when, in the judgment of the President, the safety of the garrison requires them, rests on the same unquestionable foundation as the right to occupy the fortress itself. In the letter of Senator Davis and others to yourself, under date of the 1 5th ultimo-, they say : ' We therefore think it especially due from South Carolina to our States — to say nothing of other slaveholding States — that she should, as far as she can consistently with her honor, avoid initiating hostilities between her and the United States or any other power ; ' and you now yourself give to the President the gratifying assurance that ' South Carolina has every disposition to preserve the public peace ; ' and since he is himself sincerely animated by the same desire, it would seem that this common and patriotic object must be of certain attainment. It is difficult, however, to reconcile with this assurance the declaration on your part that ' it is a consideration of her [South Carolina's] own dignity as a sovereign, and the safety of her people, which prompts her to demand that -this property should not longer be used as a mill- 184 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN tary post by a government she no longer acknowledges,' and the thought you so constantly present, that this occupation must lead to a collision of arms and the prevalence of civil war. Fort Sumter is in itself a military post, and nothing else; and it would seem that not so much the fact as the purpose of its use should give to it a hostile or friendly character. This fortress is now held by the Government of the United States for the same objects for which it has been held from the completion of its construction. These are national and defensive ; and were a public enemy now to attempt the capture of Charleston or the destruction of the commerce of its harbor, the whole force of the batteries of this fortress would be at once exerted for their protection. How the presence of a small garrison, actuated by such a spirit as this, can compromise the dignity or honor of South Carolina, or be come a source of irritation to her people, the President is at a loss to understand. The attitude of that garrison, as has been often declared, is neither menacing, nor defiant, nor unfriendly. It is acting under orders to stand strictly on the defensive; and the government and people of South Carolina must well know that they can never receive aught but shelter from its guns, un less, in the absence of all provocation, they should assault it and seek its destruction. The intent with which this fortress is held by the President is truthfully stated by Senator Davis and others in their letter to yourself of the 1 5th January, in which they say : ' It is not held with any hostile or unfriendly purpose toward your State, but merely as property of the United States, which the President deems it his duty to protect and preserve.' " If the announcement so repeatedly made of the President's pacific purposes in continuing the occupation of Fort Sumter until the question shall have been settled by competent authority, has failed to impress the government of South Carolina, the for bearing conduct of his administration for the last few months should be received as conclusive evidence of his sincerity. And if this forbearance, in view of the circumstances which have so severely tried it, be not accepted as a satisfactory pledge of the peaceful policy of this administration toward South Carolina, then it may be safely affirmed that neither language nor conduct can possibly furnish one. If, with all the multiplied proofs which exist of the President's anxiety for peace, and of the earnestness with which he has pursued it, the authorities of that State shall assault Fort Sumter, and peril the lives of the handful of brave MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 185 and loyal men shut up within its walls, and thus plunge our common country into the horrors of civil war, then upon them and those they represent must rest the responsibility. " Very respectfully, your obedient servant, " J. Holt, " Secretary of War. "Hon. I. W. Hayne, Attorney-General of the State of South Carolina. " P. S. — The President has not, as you have been informed, received a copy of the letter to yourself from the Senators, com municating that of Mr. Holt of the 22d January." This letter of Mr. Holt, though firm and decided in charac ter, is courteotis and respectful, both in tone and in terms. It reviews the subject in an able and comprehensive manner, ex plaining and justifying the conduct of the President. Unlike the letters to which it is a response, it contains no menace. In conclusion it does no more than fix the responsibility of com mencing a civil war on the authorities of South Carolina, should they assault Fort Sumter and imperil the lives of the brave and loyal men shut up within its walls. It does not contain a word or an expression calculated to afford just cause of offence; yet its statements and its arguments must have cut Colonel Hayne to the quick. To reply to them successfully was impossible. He, therefore, had no resort but to get angry. Following in the footsteps of his predecessors, on the 8th February he ad dressed an insulting answer not to Secretary Holt, as usage and common civility required, but directly to the President. He then suddenly left Washington, leaving his missile behind him to be delivered after his departure. From his conduct he evi dently anticipated its fate. His letter was returned to him on the same day, directed to Charleston, with the following indorse ment : " The character of this letter is such that it cannot be received. Col. Hayne having left the city before it was sent to the President, it is returned to him by the first mail." What has become of it we do not know. No copy was retained, nor have we ever heard of it since. What effect this letter of Mr. Holt may have produced upon the truculent Governor of South Carolina we shall not attempt to decide. Certain it is, from whatever cause, no attack was made upon Fort Sumter until six weeks after the close of Mr. Buchanan's administration. The fort remained unmolested un til South Carolina had been for some time a member of the Con- 186 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN federate States. It was reserved for Mr. Jefferson Davis, their President, to issue the order for its bombardment, and thus formally to commence the civil war. This he did with a full consciousness that such would be the fatal effect ; because in the letter from him and other Southern Senators to Col. Hayne, of the 15th January, both he and they had warned Governor Pickens that an attack upon the fort would be " the instituting hostilities between her [South Carolina] and the United States." Thus ended the second mission from South Carolina to the President, and thus was he relieved from the truce concluded by Major Anderson. But in the mean time, before the termination of this truce, the action of the General Assembly of Virginia, instituting the Peace Convention, had interposed an insurmount able obstacle to the reenforcement of Fort Sumter, unless attacked or in immediate danger of attack, without entirely defeating this beneficent measure. Among their other proceedings they had passed a resolution " that ex-President John Tyler is hereby appointed by the concurrent vote of each branch of the General Assembly, a commissioner to the President of the United States ; and Judge John Robertson is hereby appointed by a like vote, a commissioner to the State of South Carolina and the other States that have seceded or shall secede, with instructions re spectfully to request the President of the United States and the authorities of such States to agree to abstain, pending the pro ceedings contemplated by the action of the General Assembly, from any and all acts calculated to produce a collision of arms between the States and the Government of the United States." Mr. Tyler arrived in Washington on the 23d January, a fortnight before the departure of Col. Hayne, bearing with him a copy of the Virginia resolutions. These he presented to the President on the following day, assuring him that whilst the people of Virginia were almost universally inclined to peace and reconstruction, yet any efforts on her part to reconstruct or pre serve the Union " depended for their success on her being per mitted to conduct them undisturbed by outside collision." This resolution, it will be observed, requested the President, and not Congress, to enter into the proposed agreement. Mr. Tyler, therefore, urged the President to become a party to it. This he refused, stating, according to Mr. Tyler's report to the Governor of Virginia, " that he had in no manner changed his views as presented in his annual message; that he could give no pledges; that it was his duty to enforce the laws, and the whole MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 187 power rested with Congress." He promised, notwithstanding, that he would present the subject to that body. This was due both to its intrinsic importance and to the State of Virginia, which had manifested so strong a desire to restore and preserve the Union. The President, accordingly, in his message of the 28th Janu ary, submitting the Virginia resolutions to Congress, observed in regard to this one, that " however strong may be my desire to enter into such an agreement, I am convinced that I do not possess the power. Congress, and Congress alone, under the war-making power, can exercise the discretion of agreeing to abstain ' from any and all acts calculated to produce a collision of arms ' between this and any other Government. It would, therefore, be a usurpation for the Executive to attempt to restrain their hands by an agreement in regard to matters over which he has no constitutional control. If he were thus to act, they might pass laws which he should be bound to obey, though in conflict with his agreement. Under existing circumstances, my present actual power is confined within narrow limits. It is my duty at all times to defend and protect the public property within the seceding States, so far as this may be practicable, and especially to employ all constitutional means to protect the property of the United States, and to preserve the public peace at this the seat of the Federal Government. If the seceding States abstain ' from any and all acts calculated to produce a collision of arms,' then the danger so much to be deprecated will no longer exist. De fence, and not aggression, has been the policy of the administra tion from the beginning. But whilst I can enter into no engage ment such as that proposed, I cordially commend to Congress, with much confidence that it will meet their approbation, to abstain from passing any law calculated to produce a collision of arms pending the proceedings contemplated by the action of the General Assembly of Virginia. I am one of those who will never despair of the Republic. I yet cherish the belief that the American people will perpetuate the union of the States on some terms just and honorable for all sections of the country. I trust that the mediation of Virginia may be the destined means, under Providence, of accomplishing this inestimable benefit. Glorious as are the memories of her past history, such an achievement, both in relation to her own fame and the welfare of the whole country, would surpass them all." 188 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN This noble and patriotic effort of Virginia met no favor from Congress. Neither House referred these resolutions of her General Assembly to a committee, or even treated them with the common courtesy of ordering them to be printed. In the Senate no motion was made to refer them, and the question to print them with the accompanying message was debated from time to time until the 21st February,1 when the Peace Convention had nearly completed its labors, and after this no further notice seems to have been taken of the subject. In the House the motion to- refer and print the Virginia resolutions, made by Mr. Stanton, of Ohio, on the day they were received, . was never afterwards noticed.2 This mortifying neglect on the part of the Representatives of the States and of the people, made a deep and unfortunate impres sion on the citizens of Virginia. JCong. Globe, pp. 590, 636. 2H. J., p. 236. Cong. Globe, p. 601. CHAPTER XI. Fort Sumter again — An expedition prepared to relieve it — The expedition abandoned on account of a despatch from Major Anderson — Mr. Holt's letter to President Lincoln — Fort Pickens in Florida — Its danger from the rebels — The Brooklyn ordered to its relief — The means by which it was saved from capture approved by General Scott and Messrs. Holt and Toucey, with the rest of the Cabinet — Refutation of the charge that arms had been stolen — Report of the Committee on Military Affairs and other documentary evidence — The Southern and Southwestern States received less than their quota of arms — The Pittsburg cannon — General Scott's unfounded claim to the credit of preventing their shipment to the South — Removal of old muskets — Their value — Opinion of Mr. Holt in regard to the manner in which President Buchanan conducted the administration. It is now necessary to return to Fort Sumter. This was the point on which the anxious attention of the American people was then fixed. It was not known until some days after the termination of the truce, on the 6th February, that Governor Pickens had determined to respect the appeal from the General Assembly of Virginia, and refrain from attacking the fort during the session of the Peace Convention. It, therefore, became the duty of the administration in the mean time to be prepared, to the extent of the means at command, promptly to send succor to Major Anderson should he so request, or in the absence of such request, should they ascertain from any other quarter that the fort was in danger. From the tenor of the Major's despatches to the War Department, no doubt was entertained that he could hold out, in case of need, until the arrival of reenforcements. In this state of affairs, on the very day (30th January) on which the President received the demand for the surrender of the fort, he requested the Secretaries of War and the Navy, accom panied by General Scott, to meet him for the purpose of devising the best practicable means of instantly reenforcing Major Ander son, should this be required. After several consultations an expedition for this purpose was quietly prepared at New York, under the direction of Secretary Toucey, for the relief of Fort Sumter, the command of which was intrusted to his intimate friend, the late lamented Commander Ward of the navy. This 189 190 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN gallant officer had been authorized to select his own officers and men, who were to rendezvous on board of the receiving-ship, of which he was then in command. The expedition consisted of a few small steamers, and it was arranged that on receiving a telegraphic despatch from the Secretary, whenever the emer gency might require, he should in the course of the following night set sail for Charleston, entering the harbor in the night, and anchoring if possible under the guns of Fort Sumter. It is due to the memory of this brave officer to state that he had sought the enterprise with the greatest enthusiasm, and was willing to sacrifice his life in the accomplishment of the object, should such be his fate, saying to Secretary Toucey this would be the best inheritance he could leave to his wife and children. According to General Scott's version of this affair in his report to President Lincoln : " At this time, when this [the truce on the 6th February] had passed away, Secretaries Holt and Toucey, Captain Ward of the navy, and myself, with the knowl edge of the President [Buchanan], settled upon the employment under the captain (who was eager for the expedition) of three or four small steamers belonging to the coast survey." But this expedition was kept back, according to the General; and for what reason? Not because the Peace Convention remained still in session, and the President would not break it up by sending reenforcements to Fort Sumter whilst the authorities of South Carolina continued to respect the appeal of the General Assembly of Virginia to avoid collision, and whilst Major Anderson at the point of danger had asked no reenforcements. The General, passing over these the true causes for the delay in issuing the order to Commander Ward to set sail, declares this was kept back " by something like a truce or armistice made here [in Washing ton] between President Buchanan and the principal seceders of South Carolina," etc., etc., the existence of which has never been pretended by any person except himself. It soon appeared that General Scott, as well as the President and Secretaries of War and the Navy, had been laboring under a great misapprehension in supposing, from the information received from Major Ander son, that this small expedition, under Commander Ward, might be able to relieve Fort Sumter. How inadequate this would have proved to accomplish the object, was soon afterwards demon strated by a letter, with enclosures, from Major Anderson to the Secretary of War. This was read by Mr. Holt, greatly to his own surprise and that of every other member of the Cabinet, on MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 191 the morning of the 4th March, at the moment when the Thirty- sixth Congress and Mr. Buchanan's administration were about to expire. In this the Major declares that he would not be willing to risk his reputation on an attempt to throw reenforcements into Charleston harbor with a force of less than twenty thousand good and well-disciplined men. Commander Ward's expedition, con sisting of only a few small vessels, borrowed from the Treasury Department and the Coast Survey, with but two or three hundred men on board, was necessarily abandoned. On the next, day (5th March) the Secretary of War transmitted Major Ander son's letter, with its enclosures, to President Lincoln. This he accompanied by a letter from himself reviewing the correspond ence between the War Department and Major Anderson from the date of his removal to Fort Sumter. The following is a copy, which we submit without comment : " War Department, March 5th, 1861. " Sir : I have the honor to submit for your consideration several letters with enclosures received on yesterday from Major Anderson and Captain Foster, of the Corps of Engineers, which are of a most important and unexpected character. Why they were unexpected will appear from the following brief statement : "After transferring his forces to Fort Sumter, he (Major Anderson) addressed a letter to this Department, under date of the 31st December, i860, in which he says: 'Thank God, we are now where the Government may send us additional troops at its leisure. To be sure the uncivil and uncourteous action of the Governor [of South Carolina], in preventing us from purchasing any thing in the city, will annoy and inconvenience us somewhat; still we are safe.' And after referring to some deficiency in his stores, in the articles of soap and candles, he adds : ' Still we can cheerfully put up with the inconvenience of doing without them for the satisfaction we feel in the knowledge that we can command this harbor as long as our Government wishes to keep it.' And again, on the 6th January, he wrote : ' My position will, should there be no treachery among the work men whom we are compelled to retain for the present, enable me to hold this fort against any force which can be brought against me; and it would enable me, in the event of war, to annoy the South Carolinians by preventing them from throwing in supplies into their new posts, except by the aid of the Wash Channel through Stone River.' 192 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN " Before the receipt of this communication, the Government, being without information as to his condition, had despatched the Star of the West with troops and supplies for Fort Sumter; but the vessel, having been fired on from a battery at the entrance to the harbor, returned without having reached her destination. " On the 16th January, 1861, in replying to Major Ander son's letters of the 31st December and of 6th January, I said: ' Your late despatches, as well as the very intelligent statements of Lieutenant Talbot, have relieved the Government of the appre hensions previously entertained for your safety. In consequence it is not its purpose at present to reenforce you. The attempt to do so would no doubt be attended by a collision of arms and the effusion of blood — a national calamity, which the President is most anxious to avoid. You will, therefore, report frequently your condition, and the character and activity of the preparations, if any, which may be being made for an attack upon the fort, or for obstructing the Government in any endeavors it may make to strengthen your command. Should your despatches be of a nature too important to be intrusted to the mails, you will convey them by special messenger. Whenever, in your judgment, addi tional supplies or reenforcements are necessary for your safety or for a successful defence of the fort, you will at once com municate the fact to this Department, and a prompt and vigorous effort will be made to forward them.' " Since the date of this letter Major Anderson has regularly and frequently reported the progress of the batteries being con structed around him, and which looked either to the defence of the harbor, or to an attack on his own position ; but he has not suggested that these works compromised his safety, nor has he made any request that additional supplies or reenforcements should be sent to him. On the contrary, on the 30th January, 1 86 1, in a letter to this Department, he uses this emphatic lan guage : ' I do hope that no attempt will be made by our friends to throw supplies in; their doing so would do more harm than good.' " On the 5th February, when referring to the batteries, etc., constructed in his vicinity, he said : ' Even in their present con dition, they will make it impossible for any hostile force, other than a large and well-appointed one, to enter this harbor, and the chances are that it will then be at a great sacrifice of life;' and in a postscript he adds : ' Of course in speaking of forcing an entrance, I do not refer to the little stratagem of a small party MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 193 slipping in.' This suggestion of a stratagem was well considered in connection with all the information that could be obtained bearing upon it ; and in consequence of the vigilance and number of the guard-boats in and outside of the harbor, it was rejected as impracticable. " In view of these very distinct declarations, and of the earnest desire to avoid a collision as long as possible, it was deemed entirely safe to adhere to the line of policy indicated in my letter of the 16th January, which has been already quoted. In that Major Anderson had been requested to report ' at once,' ' whenever, in his judgment, additional supplies or reenforcements were necessary for his safety or for a successful defence of the fort.' So long, therefore, as he remained silent upon this point, the Government felt that there was no- ground for apprehension. Still, as the necessity for action might arise at any moment, an expedition has been quietly prepared and is ready to sail from New York on a few hours' notice for transporting troops and supplies to Fort Sumter. This step was taken under the super vision of General Scott, who arranged its details, and who re garded the reenforcements thus provided for as sufficient for the occasion. The expedition, however, is not upon a scale approach ing the seemingly extravagant estimates of Major Anderson and Captain Foster, now offered for the first time, and for the dis closures of which the Government was wholly unprepared. " The declaration now made by the Major that he would not be willing to risk his reputation on an attempt to throw re enforcements into Charleston harbor, and with a view of holding possession of the same, with a force of less than twenty thousand good and well-disciplined men, takes the Department by surprise, as his previous correspondence contained no such intimation. " I have the honor to be, " Very respectfully " Your obedient servant, " J. Holt. " To the President." Having pointed out the course pursued by President Bu chanan in regard to Fort Sumter, we must now return to Fort Pickens, in Florida. This feeble State was the last from which a revolutionary outbreak could have reasonably been expected. Its numbers had not entitled it to admission into the Union, and a large amount of blood and treasure had been expended by the Vol. XII— 13 194 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN Government of the United States for the protection and defence of its inhabitants against the Seminole Indians. Nevertheless, weak as the State was, its troops, under the command of Colo nel William H. Chase, formerly of the corps of engineers of the United States army, suddenly rose in rebellion, attacked the troops of the United States, and expelled them from Pensacola and the adjacent navy yard. Lieutenant Slemmer, of the artil lery, and his brave little command, consisting of between seventy and eighty men, were thus forced to take refuge in Fort Pickens, where they were in imminent danger of being captured every moment by a greatly superior force. From the interruption of regular communications with Washington, Secretary Holt did not receive information of these events until some days after their occurrence, and then only through a private channel. Reenforcements were despatched to Fort Pickens without a moment's unnecessary delay. The Brooklyn, after being superseded by the Star of the West, had fortunately remained at her old station, ready for any exigency. She immediately took on board a company of United States troops from Fortress Monroe, under the command of Captain Vogdes, of the artillery, and with provisions and military stores left Hampton Roads on the 24th January for Fort Pickens. The Secretary of the Navy had, with prudent precaution, with drawn from foreign stations all the vessels of war which could possibly be spared with any regard to the protection of our for eign commerce, and had thus rendered the home squadron un usually large. Several of the vessels of which it was composed were at the time in the vicinity of Fort Pickens. These, united with the Brooklyn, were deemed sufficient for its defence. " The fleet," says the Secretary, " could have thrown six hundred men into the fort (seamen and marines), without including the com pany from Fortress Monroe." -- Four days after the Brooklyn had left Fortress Monroe, Sen ators Slidell, Hunter, and Bigler received a telegraphic despatch from Senator Mallory, of Florida, dated at Pensacola on the 28th January, with an urgent request that they would lay it before the President. This despatch expressed an ardent desire to preserve the peace, as well as the most positive assurance from himself and Colonel Chase, that no attack would be made 1 His testimony before the Hale Committee and the Court-Martial on Captain Armstrong. Report No. 37, pp. 58, 234. MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 195 on the fort if its present status should be suffered to remain. The President carefully considered this proposal. The Brooklyn might not arrive in time for the preservation of this important fort, and for the relief of Lieutenant Slemmer. Besides, a collision at that point between the opposing forces would prove fatal to the Peace Convention so earnestly urged by Virginia, and then about to assemble. But, on the other hand, the fort was greatly in need of provisions, and these must at every hazard be supplied. Mr. Mallory and Colonel Chase must be distinctly informed that our fleet in the vicinity would be always on the alert and ready to act at a moment's warning, not only in case the fort should be attacked, but whenever the officers in command should observe preparations for such an attack. No- precaution must be omitted on their part necessary to hold the fort. The conclusion at which the President arrived, with the approbation of every member of his Cabinet, will be seen in the joint order dated on the 29th January, immediately transmitted by telegraph from Secretaries Toucey and Holt to the com manders of the Macedonian and Brooklyn, and " other naval officers in command," and " to Lieutenant A. J. Slemmer, ist artillery, commanding Fort Pickens, Pensacola, Florida." The following is a copy : " In consequence of the assurances received from Mr. Mallory in a telegram of yesterday to Messrs. Slidell, Hunter, and Bigler, with a request it should be laid before the President, that Fort Pickens would not be assaulted, and an offer of such assurance to the same effect from Colonel Chase, for the purpose of avoiding a hostile collision, upon receiving satisfactory assurances from Mr. Mallory and Colonel Chase that Fort Pickens will not be attacked, you are instructed not to land the company on board the Brooklyn unless said fort shall be attacked, or preparations shall be made for its attack. The provisions necessary for the supply of the fort you will land. The Brooklyn and the other vessels of war on the station will remain, and yon will exercise the utmost vigilance and be pre pared at a moment's warning to land the company at Fort Pick ens, and you and they will instantly repel any attack on the fort. The President yesterday sent a special message to Congress communicating the Virginia resolutions of compromise. The commissioners of different States are to meet here on Monday, the 4th February, and it is important that during their session a collision of arms should be avoided, unless an attack should be made, or there should be preparations for such an attack. 196 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN In either event the Brooklyn and the other vessels will act promptly. Your right, and that of the other officers in command at Pensacola, freely to communicate by special messenger [with the Government] , and its right in the same manner to communi cate with yourself and them, will remain intact, as the basis on which the present instruction is given." x On the arrival of this order at Pensacola the satisfactory assurances which it required were given by Mr. Mallory and Colonel Chase to our naval and military commanders, and the result proved most fortunate. The Brooklyn had a long pas sage. Although she left Fortress Monroe on the 24th January, she did not arrive at Pensacola until the 6th February. In the mean time Fort Pickens, with Lieutenant Slemmer (whose con duct deserves high commendation) and his command, was, by 1 Editorial note, by J. B. M. — The following paper, in President Buchanan's handwriting, is among the Holt Papers in the Library of Con gress. The passage here given in italics is crossed out in the original, and clauses numbered 2 and 5 are written in pencil. " Memoranda : [ 1861 ] "1. In consequence of the assurances from Mr. Mallory, in a telegram of yesterday to Messrs. Slidell, Hunter, and Bigler, with a request it should be laid before the President, that Fort Pickens would not be assaulted, and an offer of such an assurance to the same effect from Col. Chase, you are instructed for the purpose of avoiding a hostile collision not to land the Company on board the Brooklyn, upon receiving satisfactory assurances from Major Chase and Mr. Mallory that the Fort will not be attacked. 3. The provisions necessary for the supply of the Fort you will land. The Brooklyn and the other vessels of war on the Station (4) will remain, and you will exercise the utmost vigilance and be prepared at a moment's warning to land the Company at Fort Pickens, and you and they will instantly repel any attack on the Fort. • " The President yesterday sent a special Message to Congress commend ing the Virginia Resolutions of Compromise. The Commissioners of differ ent States are to meet here on Monday the 4th February ; and it is important that during their session a collision of arms should be avoided unless an attack should be made, or there should be preparation for such an attack. In either event, the Brooklyn and the other vessels will act promptly. " 2. For the purpose of avoiding a hostile collision, upon receiving satis factory assurances from Mr. Mallory and Col. Chase that Fort Pickens will not be attacked, you are instructed not to land the Company on board the Brooklyn unless said Fort shall be attacked or preparations shall be made for its attack. " 5. Your right and that of the other officers in command at Pensacola freely to communicate with the government by special Messenger, and its right in the same manner to communicate with yourselves and them, will remain intact as the basis on which the present instruction is given." MR. BUCHANAN'^ ADMINISTRATION 197 virtue of this order, supplied with provisions and placed in per fect security, until an adequate force had arrived to defend it against any attack. The fort has ever since been in our possession. General Scott, in his report to President Lincoln, speaks of this arrangement in the hostile spirit toward President Buchanan which pervades the whole document. He condemns it without qualification. He alleges " that the Brooklyn, with Captain Vogdes' company alone, left the Chesapeake for Fort Pickens about January the 22d, and on the 29th President Buchanan, having entered into a quasi armistice with certain leading seceders at Pensacola and elsewhere, caused Secretaries Holt and Toucey to instruct, in a joint note, the commanders of the war vessels off Pensacola, and Lieutenant Slemmer, commanding Fort Pick ens, to commit no act of hostility, and not to land Captain Vogdes' company unless the fort should be attacked." He washes his hands of all knowledge of the transaction by declaring, " That joint note I never saw, but suppose the armistice was consequent upon the meeting of the Peace Convention at Washington, and was understood to terminate with it." Will it be believed that General Scott himself had expressly approved this joint order before it was issued, which he presents to President Lincoln in such odious colors ? President Buchanan had a distinct recollection that either the Secretary of War or of the Navy, or both, had at the time informed him of this fact. Still he would have hesitated to place himself before the public on an important question of veracity in direct opposition to a report to his successor by the Commanding General of the army. He was relieved from this embarrassment by finding among his papers a note from Secretary Holt to himself, dated on the 29th January, the day on which the joint order was issued. From this the following is an extract : " I have the satisfaction of say ing that on submitting the paper to General Scott he expressed himself entirely satisfied with it, saying that there could be no objection to the arrangement in a military point of view or otherwise." J How does General Scott, in November, 1862, at- 1 Editorial note, by J. B. M. — The entire note of Mr. Holt is as follows : " My dear Sir/ The words are ' the provisions necessary for the supply of the Fort, you will land.' I think the language could not be more care fully guarded. If, on communicating with the Fort, it is found that no pro visions are needed, then none will be landed. " I have the satisfaction of saying that on submitting the paper to Genl. 198 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN tempt to escape from this dilemma? Whilst acknowledging that few persons are as little liable as Mr. Holt to make a mis statement, either by accident or design, he yet states that he has not the slightest recollection of any interview with him on the subject.1 He proceeds to say that he does indeed remember that Mr. Holt, about this time, approached his bedside when he was suffering from an access of pain ; leaving it to be inferred, though he does not directly say so, that this might account for his want of attention; and then he slides off, as is his wont, to another subject. But his subterfuge will not avail him. The testimony of Mr. Holt is conclusive that he not only expressed his satisfaction with the order, but expressly declared that there could be no objection to it in a military or any other point of view. It is impossible that Mr. Holt, on the very day of the interview, and without any conceivable motive, should have made a false report to the President of what had just occurred between himself and the General. Strange forgetfulness ! Scott, he expressed himself satisfied with it, saying that there could be no objection to the arrangement in a military point of view or otherwise. " Sincerely yours, J. Holt. "To the President.'7 The copy from which the foregoing text is taken bears an endorsement by Mr. Buchanan as follows : " Copy of Mr. Holt's note to me communi cating General Scott's approval of the arrangement in regard to Fort Pickens. Original sealed up & put away." Mr. Holt's note is no doubt a reply to the following undated letter, in the Holt Papers, Library of Congress : " My dear Sir/ I want to see the paper on one particular. Is it said to land provisions if this be necessary for the Fort, or is it generally to land provisions ? " Yr. friend, J. B. " Mr. Holt.'' A previous undated letter on the same subject, also found among the Holt Papers in the Library of Congress, reads : " Sunday. " My dear Sir/ I would wish to see the instructions to be sent with the troops which go to Fort Pickens. From the Virginia Resolutions I expect President Tyler here every hour to propose that the Status quo shall remain whilst Virginia is acting in the line of Conciliation. " Your friend James Buchanan. " Hon : Mr. Holt." 1 General Scott's rejoinder to ex-President Buchanan, National Intelli gencer, Nov. 12, 1862. MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 199 General Scott, also, in his report to PresidentLincoln, com ments severely on the delay of the order for reenforcements to Fort Taylor, Key West, and Fort Jefferson, Tortugas Island, notwithstanding this had been issued so early as the 4th January, and though these reenforcements had arrived in sufficient time to render both forts perfectly secure. This the General admits ; and there the matter ought to have ended. But not so. It was necessary to elicit from this simple transaction reasons for magnifying his own services and censuring President Buchanan. According to the report, he had experienced great difficulty in obtaining permission from the President to send these reenforce ments; "and this," says he, "was only effected_by the aid of Secretary Holt, a strong and loyal man." He then launches forth into the fearful consequences which might have followed but for his own vigilance and foresight. He even goes so far as to say that with the possession of these forts, " the rebels might have purchased an early recognition." In opposition to these fanciful speculations, what is the sim ple statement of the fact ? The administration were well aware of the importance of these forts to the commerce of the Gulf of Mexico. General Scott asked the attention of Secretary Floyd, then about to leave office, to the reenforcement of them by a note of the 28th December. Not receiving any response, he addressed a note on the 30th to the President on the same subject. The rupture with the first South Carolina commission ers occurred on the 2d January, and the time had then arrived when the President, acting on his established policy, deemed it necessary to send reenforcements not only to Fort Sumter, but also to Forts Taylor and Jefferson, and these were accordingly despatched to the two latter on the 4th January. The same course precisely would have been pursued had General Scott remained at his headquarters in New York. But the most remarkable instance of General Scott's want of memory remains to be exposed. This is not contained in his report to President Lincoln, but is to be found in his letter of the 8th November, 1862, to the " National Intelligencer," in reply to that of ex-President Buchanan. Unable to controvert any of the material facts stated in this letter, the General deemed it wise to escape from his awkward position by repeating and indorsing the accusation against Secretary Floyd, in regard to what has been called " the stolen arms," although this had been condemned as unfounded more than eighteen months before, by the report of the 200 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN Committee on Military Affairs of the House of Representatives. This was that the Secretary, in order to furnish aid to the approaching rebellion, had fraudulently sent public arms to the South for the use of the insurgents. This charge chimed in ad mirably with public prejudice at the moment. Although the com mittee, after full investigation, had so long before as January, 1861, proved it to be unfounded, yet it has continued, notwith standing, to be repeated and extensively credited up till the pres ent moment. Numerous respectable citizens still believe that the Confederate States have been fighting us with cannon, rifles, and muskets thus treacherously placed in their possession. This delusion presents a striking illustration of the extent to which public prejudice may credit a falsehood not only without foun dation, but against the clearest official evidence. Although the late President has not been implicated as an accessory to the alleged fraud, yet he has been charged with a want of vigilance in not detecting and defeating it. The pretext on which General Scott seized to introduce this new subject of controversy at so late a period, is far-fetched and awkward. Mr. Buchanan, whilst repelling the charge in the General's report to President Lincoln, that he had acted under the influence of Secretary Floyd in refusing to- garrison the Southern fortifications, declares that " all my Cabinet must bear me witness that I was the President myself, responsible for all the acts of the administration ; and certain it is that during the last six months previous to the 29th December, i860, the day on which he resigned his office, after my request, he exercised less influence in the administration than any other member of the Cabinet." -¦ Whereupon the General, in order to weaken the force and impair the credibility of this declaration, makes the following insidious and sarcastic remarks : " Now, notwithstand ing this broad assumption of responsibility, I should be sorry to believe that Mr. Buchanan specially consented to the removal, by Secretary Floyd, of 115,000 extra muskets and rifles, with all their implements and ammunition, from Northern repositories to Southern arsenals, so that on the breaking out of the maturing rebellion, they might be found without cost, except to the United States, in the most convenient positions for distribution among the insurgents. So, too, of the one hundred and twenty or one hundred and forty pieces of heavy artillery, which the same - Letter to National Intelligencer, 28th Oct., 1862. MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 201 Secretary ordered from Pittsburg to Ship Island, in Lake Borgne, and Galveston, Texas, for forts not yet erected. Accidentally learning, early in March, that under this posthumous order the shipment of these guns had commenced, I communicated the fact to Secretary Holt (acting for Secretary Cameron) just in time to defeat the robbery." Whilst writing this paragraph it would seem impossible that the General had ever read the report of the Cosomittee on Military Affairs, and equally impossible that he, as Commanding General of the army, should have been ignorant of this important document, so essentially connected with his official duties. But to proceed to the report of the committee, which effect ually disproves the General's assertions. At the commencement of the session of i86o-'6i, public rumor gave birth to this charge. It very justly and properly attracted the attention of the House of Representatives, and from its nature demanded a rigorous investigation. Accordingly, on the motion of Mr. Stanton, of Ohio, the chairman of the Committee on Military Affairs, the House adopted a resolution instructing the committee " to inquire and report to the House to whom and at what price the public arms, distributed since the ist January, i860, had been disposed of," etc., etc. The investigation was deemed of such para mount importance that the House authorized the committee not only to send for persons and papers, but also to report at any time in preference to all other business. From the nature of the charge it could not be difficult for the committee to establish either its truth or its falsehood. Arms could not be removed from one armory or arsenal to another by Secretary Floyd, without the knowledge and active participation of the officers and attaches of the Ordnance Bureau. At its head was Colonel Craig, an officer as loyal and faithful as any who belonged to the army. It was through his agency alone that the arms could have been removed, and it is certain that had he known or sus pected treachery on the part of the Secretary, he would instantly have communicated this to the President, in order that it might be defeated. The committee made their first report to the House on the 9th January, 1861.1 With this they presented two tables (Nos. 2 and 3), communicated to them by Mr. Holt, then the Secre tary of War, from the Ordnance Bureau, exhibiting " the num- 1 Cong. Globe, p. 294. House Journal, p. 156. 202 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN ber and description of arms distributed since ist January, i860, to the States and Territories, and at what price." Whoever shall examine table No. 2 will discover that the Southern and Southwestern States received much less in the aggregate instead of more than the quota of arms to which they were justly entitled under the law for arming the militia. Indeed, it is a remarkable fact that neither Arkansas, Delaware, Kentucky, Louisiana, North Carolina, nor Texas received any portion of these arms, though they were army muskets of the very best quality. This arose simply from their own neglect, because the quota to which they were entitled would have been delivered to each of them on a simple application to the Ordnance Bureau. The whole num ber of muskets distributed among all the States, North and South, was just 8,423. Of these the Southern and Southwestern States received only 2,091, or less than one-fourth. Again, the whole number of long range rifles of the army calibre distributed among all the States in the year i860, was 1,728. Of these, six 'of the Southern and Southwestern States, Kentucky, Louisiana, Mississippi, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Virginia received in the aggregate 758, and the remainder of these States did not receive any. Thus it appears that the aggregate of rifles and muskets distributed in i860 was 10,151, of which the Southern and Southwestern States received 2,849, or between one-third and one-fourth of the whole number. Such being the state of the facts, well might Mr. Stanton have observed in making this report, much to his credit for candor and fairness, that " there are a good deal of rumors, and speculations, and misapprehen sion as to the true state of facts in regard to this matter." x The report of the committee and the opinion expressed by its chair man before the House, it might have been supposed, would satisfy General Scott that none of these muskets or rifles had been purloined by Secretary Floyd. But not so. The ex-Presi dent had stated in his letter to the " National Intelligencer," of November 17th, 1862, that " the Southern States received in i860 less instead of more than the quota of anns to which they were entitled by law." This statement was founded on the re port of the committee, which had now been brought fully to his notice. He, notwithstanding, still persisted in his error, and in his letter to the " National Intelligencer " of the 2d December, 1 Cong. Globe, i86o-'6i, p. 294. MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 203 1862, he says: "This is most strange contrasted with infor mation given to me last year, and a telegram just received from Washington and a high officer, not of the Ordnance Department, in these words and figures : ' Rhode Island, Delaware, and Texas had not drawn at the end of eighteen sixty ( i860) their annual quotas of arms for that year, and Massachusetts, Tennessee, and Kentucky only in part. Virginia, South Carolina, Georgia, Flor ida, Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, and Kansas were by the order of the Secretary of War supplied with their quotas for eighteen sixty-one (1861) in advance, and Pennsylvania and Maryland in part.' " It is in vain that the General attempts to set up an anonymous telegram against the report of the commit tee. From what source did he derive the information given to him last year? And who was the author of the telegram? He does not say in either case. Surely before he gave this telegram to the world, under the sanction of his own name, he ought to have ascertained from the Ordnance Bureau whether it was true or false. This he might easily and speedily have done, had he been careful to present an authentic statement. There is a mys terious vagueness about this telegram, calculated if not intended to deceive the casual reader into the belief that a great number of these arms had been distributed among the enumerated States, embracing their quotas not only for i860 but for 1861. From it no person could imagine that these eight States in the aggregate had received fewer muskets and rifles than would be required to arm two full regiments. The next subject investigated by the committee was, had Secretary Floyd sent any cannon to the Southern States ? This was a most important inquiry. Our columbiads and 32-pounders were at the time considered equal, if not superior, to any cannon in the world. It was easy to ascertain whether he had treacher ously, or otherwise, sent any of these formidable weapons to the South. Had he done this, it would have been impossible to con ceal the fact and escape detection. The size and ponderous weight of these cannon rendered it impracticable to remove them from the North to the South without the knowledge of many outside persons, in addition to those connected with the Ordnance Bureau. The committee reported on this subject on the 18th February, 1861. There was no evidence before them that any of these cannon had actually been transmitted to the South. In deed, this was not even pretended. From their report, however, it does appear that Secretary Floyd had attempted to do this 204 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN on one occasion a very short time before he left the department, but that he had failed in this attempt in consequence of a counter mand of his order issued by Mr. Holt, his successor in the War Department. It requires but a few words to explain the whole transaction. Secretary Floyd, on the 20th December, i860, without the knowl edge of the President, ordered Captain (now Colonel) Mayna- dier, of the Ordnance Bureau, to cause the guns necessary for the armament of the forts on Ship Island and at Galveston to- be sent to those places. This order was given verbally and not in the usual form. It was not recorded, and the forts were far from being prepared to receive their armaments. The whole number of guns required for both forts, according to the state ment of the Engineer Department to Captain Maynadier, was one hundred and thirteen columbiads and eleven 32-pounders. When, late in December, i860, these were about to be shipped at Pittsburg for their destination on the steamer Silver Wave, a committee of gentlemen from that city first brought the facts to the notice of President Buchanan. The consequence was, that, in the language of the report of the committee: "Before the order of the late Secretary of War [Floyd] had been fully executed by the actual shipment of said guns from Pittsburg, it was countermanded by the present Secretary." This prompt proceeding elicited a vote of thanks, on the 4th January, 1861, from the Select and Common Councils of that city, " to the President, the Attorney-General [Black], and the acting Secretary of War [Holt]." It is of this transaction, so clearly explained by the commit tee in February, 1861, that General Scott, so long after as the 8th November, 1862, speaks in the language which we again quote : " Accidentally learning, early in March, that under this posthumous order [of Secretary Floyd] the shipment of these guns had commenced, T communicated the fact to Secretary Holt (acting for Secretary Cameron) just in time to defeat the rob bery." This statement is plain and explicit. The period of the General's alleged communication to Secretary Holt is precisely fixed. It was in March, after the close of Mr. Buchanan's ad ministration, and whilst Mr. Holt was acting for Secretary Cam eron, who had not yet taken possession of the department. This was just in time to prevent the " posthumous " order of Secretary Floyd from being carried into execution. Why does the General italicize the word " posthumous "? Perhaps he did not under- MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 205 stand its signification. If this word has any meaning as appli cable to the subject, it is that Mr. Floyd had issued the order to Captain Maynadier after his office had expired. Be this as it may, the object is palpable. It was to show that Mr. Buchanan had suffered his administration to terminate leaving the " posthu mous " order of Governor Floyd in full force until after Mr. Lin coln's accession, and that it would even then have been carried into execution but for the General's lucky interposition. The General, in his letter to the " National Intelligencer " of 2d December, 1862, attempts to excuse this deplorable want of memory to the prejudice of Mr. Buchanan. Whilst acknowledg ing his error in having said that the countermand of Mr. Floyd's order was in March, instead of early in the previous January, he insists that this was an immaterial mistake, and still actually claims the credit of having prevented the shipment of the can non. " An immaterial mistake ! " Why, time was of the very essence of the charge against Mr. Buchanan. It was the alleged delay from January till March in countermanding the order, which afforded any pretext for an assault on his administration. After his glaring mistake had been exposed, simple justice, not to speak of magnanimity, would have required that he should retract his error in a very different spirit and manner from that which he has employed. It is due to Colonel Maynadier to- give his own explanation for having obeyed the order of Secretary Floyd. In his letter to the Potter Committee of the House of Representatives, dated 3d February, 1862, he says: " In truth it never entered my mind at this time (20th December, i860), that there could be any improper motive or object in the order, for on the question of union and secession Mr. Floyd was then regarded throughout the country as a strong advocate of the Union and opponent of secession. He had recently published, over his own signature, in a Richmond paper, a letter on this subject, which gained him high credit at the North for his boldness in rebuking the per nicious views of many in his own State." The committee, then, in the third place, extended back their inquiry into the circumstances under which Secretary Floyd had a year before, in December, 1859, ordered the removal of one-fifth of the old percussion and flint-lock muskets from the Springfield armory, where they had accumulated in inconvenient numbers, to five Southern arsenals. The committee, after exam ining Colonel Craig, Captain Maynadier, and other witnesses, 206 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN merely reported to the House the testimony they had taken, with out in the slightest degree implicating the conduct of Secretary Floyd. Indeed, this testimony is wholly inconsistent with the existence of any improper motive on his part. He issued the order to Colonel Craig (December 29th, 1859) almost a year before Mr. Lincoln's election, several months before his nomina tion at Chicago, and before the Democratic party had destroyed its prospects of success by breaking up the Charleston Convention. Besides, Secretary Floyd was at the time, as he had always been, an open and avowed opponent of secession. Indeed, long after wards, when the question had assumed a more serious aspect, we are informed, as already stated by Captain Maynadier, that he had in a Richmond paper boldly rebuked the advocates of this pernicious doctrine. The order and all the proceedings under it were duly recorded. The arms were not to be removed in haste, but " from time to time as may be most suitable for econ omy and transportation," and they were to be distributed among the arsenals, " in proportion to their respective means of proper storage." All was openly transacted, and the order was carried into execution by the Ordnance Bureau according to the usual course of administration, without any reference to the President. The United States had on hand 499,554, say 500,000 of these muskets. They were in every respect inferior to- the new rifle muskets, with which the army had for some years been sup plied. They were of the old calibre of -^ of an inch, which had been changed in 1855 to that of -fifo in the new rifled mus kets. It was 105,000 of these arms that Secretary Floyd ordered to be sent to the five Southern arsenals ; " 65,000 of them were percussion muskets of the calibre of T%%, and .40,000 of this calibre altered to percussion." By the same order 10,000 of the old percussion rifles of the calibre of T5^ were removed to these arsenals. These constitute the 115,000 extra muskets and rifles, with all their implements and ammunition, which, according to General Scott's allegation nearly three years thereafter, had been sent to the South to furnish arms to the future insurgents. We might suppose from this description, embracing " ammunition," powder and ball, though nowhere to be found except in his own imagination, that the secessionists were just ready to commence the civil war. His sagacity, long after the fact, puts to shame the dullness of the Military Committee. Whilst obliged to admit that the whole proceeding was officially recorded, he covers it MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 207 with an air of suspicion by asserting that the transaction was " very quietly conducted." And yet it was openly conducted according to the prescribed forms, and must have been known at the time to a large number of persons, including the General himself, outside either of the War Department, the Springfield armory, or the Southern arsenals. In truth, there was not then the least motive for concealment, even had this been possible. The General pronounces these muskets and rifles to have been of an " extra " quality. It may, therefore, be proper to state from the testimony what was their true character. In 1857 proceedings had been instituted by the War Depart ment, under the act of 3d March, 1825, " to authorize the sale of unserviceable ordnance, arms, and military stores." 2 The inspecting officers under the act condemned 190,000 of the old muskets, " as unsuitable for the public service," and recom mended that they be sold. In the spring of 1859, 50,000 of them were offered at public sale. " The bids received," says Colonel Craig, " were very unsatisfactory, ranging from io>^ cents to $2.00, except one bid for a small lot for $3.50. In sub mitting them to the Secretary I recommended that none of them be accepted at less than $2.00." An effort was then made to dispose of them at private sale for the fixed price of $2.50. So low was the estimate in which they were held, that this price could not be obtained, except for 31,610 of them in parcels. It is a curious fact, that although the State of Louisiana had pur chased 5,000 of them at $2.50, she refused to take more than 2,500. On the 5th July, 1859, Mr. H. G. Fant purchased a large lot of them at $2.50 each, payable in ninety days; but in the mean time he thought better of it, and like the State of Louisiana failed to comply with his contract. And Mr. Belnap, whose bid at $2.15 for 100,000 of them intended for the Sar dinian Government had been accepted by the Secretary, under the impression it was $2.50, refused to take them at this price after the mistake had been corrected. Colonel Craig, in speak ing of these muskets generally, both those which had and had not been condemned, testified that " It is certainly advisable to get rid of that kind of arms whenever we have a sufficient num ber of others to supply their places, and to have all our small arms of one calibre. The new gun is rifled. A great many of ¦4 Stat, at Large, 127. 208 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN those guns [flint locks], altered to percussion, are not strong enough to rifle, and therefore they are an inferior gun. They are of a different calibre from those now manufactured by the Government." Had the cotton States at the time determined upon rebellion, what an opportunity they lost of supplying themselves with these condemned " extra muskets and rifles " of General Scott! In opposition to the strictures of General Scott upon Mr. Buchanan's administration, it may be pardonable to state the estimate in which it was held by Mr. Holt, the Secretary of War. No man living had better opportunities than himself of forming a just judgment of its conduct, especially in regard to military matters. Besides, in respect to these, he had been in constant official communication with General Scott from the first of January, 1861, until the inauguration of President Lin coln. He had previously been Postmaster-General from the decease of his predecessor, Governor Brown, in March, 1859, until the last day of December, i860, when he was appointed Secretary of War, at this period the most important and respon sible position in the Cabinet. In this he continued until the end of the administration. In his customary letter of resignation addressed to Mr. Buchanan, immediately before the advent of the new administration, and now on file in the State Department, he did not confine himself to the usual routine in such cases, but has voluntarily added an expression of his opinion of the administra tion of which he had been so long a member. He says that — " In thus terminating our official relations, I avail myself of the occasion to express to you my heartfelt gratitude for the confidence with which, in this and other high positions, you have honored me, and for the firm and generous support which you have constantly extended to me, amid the arduous and perplexing duties which I have been called to perform. In the full convic tion that your labors will yet be crowned by the glory that be longs to an enlightened statesmanship and to an unsullied pa triotism, and with sincerest wishes for your personal happiness, I remain most truly " Your friend, J. Holt." It is fair to observe that the policy of President Lincoln toward the seven cotton States which had seceded before his in- MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 209 auguration, was, in the main, as conservative and forbearing as that of Mr. Buchanan. No fault can be justly found with his inaugural address, except that portion of it derogating from the authority of decisions of the Supreme Court. This was doubtless intended to shield the resolution of the Chicago plat form, prohibiting slavery in Territories, from the Dred Scott decision. It cannot be denied that this had at the time an unhappy influence upon the border States, because it impaired the hope of any future compromise of this vital question. President Lincoln specifies and illustrates the character of his inaugural in his subsequent message to Congress of the 4th July, 1861. He says: " The policy chosen looked to the exhaus tion of all peaceable measures, before a resort to any stronger ones. It sought to hold the public places and property, not already wrested from the Government, and to collect the revenue, relying for the rest on time, discussion, and the ballot-box. It promised a continuance of the mails at Government expense to the very people who were resisting the Government, and it gave repeated pledges against any disturbance to any of the people or any of their rights. Of all that a President might consti tutionally and justifiably do in such a case, every thing was for borne without which it was possible to keep the Government on foot." The policy thus announced, whilst like that of Mr. Buchanan, was of a still more forbearing character. Nay, more; the administration of Mr. Lincoln deliberated, and at one time, it is believed, had resolved, on the advice of General Scott, to with draw the troops under Major Anderson from the harbor of Charleston, although this had been repeatedly and peremptorily refused by the preceding administration. If sound policy had not enjoined this forbearing course, it would have been dictated by necessity, because Congress had adjourned after having de liberately refused to provide either men or means for a defensive, much less an aggressive movement. The policy thus announced by Mr. Lincoln, under the cir cumstances, was the true policy. It was the only policy which could present a reasonable hope of preserving and confirming the border States in their allegiance to the Government. It was the only policy which could by possibility enable these States to bring back the seceded cotton States into the Union. It was the only policy which could cordially unite the Northern peqple Vol. XII— 14 210 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN in the suppression of rebellion, should they be compelled to resist force by force for the preservation of the Constitution and the Union. It was, however, rendered impossible to pursue this conservative policy any longer after the Government of the Con federate cotton States, on the 13th April, 1861, had commenced the civil war by the bombardment and capture of Fort Sumter. Its wisdom has been vindicated by the unanimous and enthusiastic uprising of the Northern people, without distinction of party, to suppress the rebellion which had thus been inaugurated. CHAPTER XII. The reduction of the expenses of the Government under Mr. Buchanan's administration — The expedition to Utah — The Covode Committee. The rancorous and persistent opposition to Mr. Buchanan's administration throughout its whole term, did not divert it from devoting its efforts to promote the various and important inter ests intrusted to its charge. Both its domestic and foreign policy proved eminently successful. This appears from the records of the country. We deem it necessary to refer only to a few of , the most important particulars. The administration succeeded by rigid economy in greatly reducing the expenditures of the Government. To this task Mr. Buchanan had pledged himself in his inaugural. It was no easy work. An overflowing treasury had produced habits of prodigality which it was difficult to correct. Over the con tingent expenses of Congress, which had become far more ex travagant than those of any other branch of the Government, the President could exercise no control. For these the two Houses were exclusively responsible, and they had so far trans cended all reasonable limits, that their expenses, though in their nature they ought to have been purely incidental, had far ex ceeded the whole of the regular appropriation for their pay and mileage. Such was the extent of the abuse, that in the two fiscal years ending respectively on the 30th June, 1858 and 1859, whilst the regular pay and mileage of the members were less than $2,350,000, these contingencies amounted to more than three millions and a half. In the fiscal year ending on the 30th June, i860, they were somewhat reduced, but still exceeded $1,000,000. Notwithstanding this extravagance and the large outlay un avoidably incurred for the expedition to Utah, the President succeeded in gradually diminishing the annual expenditures until they were reduced to the sum of $55,402,465.46. We do not mention the cost of the expedition to Paraguay, because, through the careful management of the Secretary of the Navy, this amounted to very little more than the ordinary appropriation for the naval service. This aggregate embraces all the expenses 211 212 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN of the Government, legislative, executive, and judicial, for the year ending 30th June, i860, but not the interest on the public debt. If this, which was $3,177,314, be added, the whole would amount. to $58,579,779.46. If to this we should make a liberal addition for appropriations recommended by the War and Navy Departments, as necessary for the defence of the country, but which were rejected by Congress, we shall be able to appreciate justly the correctness of the President's declara tion in his annual message of December, i860, "that, the sum of $61,000,000, or, at the most, $62,000,000, is amply sufficient to administer the Government and to pay the interest on the public debt, unless contingent events should hereafter render extraordinary expenditures necessary." These statements, though made in the message, were never controverted by any member of either House in this hostile Congress. The expendi ture was reduced to a much lower figure than the friends of the administration deemed possible. The result was the fruit of rigid economy and strict accountability. All public contracts, except in a very few cases where this was impracticable, were awarded, after advertisement, to the lowest bidder. And yet, in the face of all these facts, the administration of Mr. Buchanan has been charged with extravagance. UTAH. In addition to the troubles in Kansas, President Buchanan, at an early period of his administration, was confronted by an open resistance to the execution of the laws in the Territory of Utah. All the officers of the United States, judicial and execu tive, except two Indian agents, had found it necessary for their personal safety to escape from the Territory. There no longer remained in it any Government, except the Mormon despotism of Brigham Young. This being the condition of affairs, the President had no alternative but to adopt vigorous measures for restoring the supremacy of the Constitution and the laws. For this purpose he appointed a new Governor (Cumming) and other Federal officers, to take the place of Governor Young and of those who had been compelled to leave the Territory. To have sent these officers to Utah without a military force to pro tect them whilst performing their duties, would have only invited further aggression. He therefore ordered that a detach ment of the army should accompany them to act as a posse com- MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 213 itatus, when required by the civil authority for the execution of the laws. There was much reason to believe that Governor Young had long desired and intended to render himself independent. " He knows [says the President, in his annual message of December, 1857] that the continuance of his despotic power depends upon the exclusion of all settlers from the Territory, except those who will acknowledge his divine mission and implicitly obey his will; and that an enlightened public opinion would soon pros trate institutions at war with the laws both of God and man. He has, therefore, for several years, in order to maintain his independence, been industriously employed in collecting and fabricating arms and munitions of war, and in disciplining the Mormons for military service. As Superintendent of Indian Affairs, he has had an opportunity of tampering with the Indian tribes, and exciting their hostile feelings against the United States. This, according to our information, he has accomplished in regard to some of these tribes, while others have remained true to their allegiance, and have communicated his intrigues to our Indian agents." " At the date of the President's instructions to Governor Cumming, a hope was indulged that no necessity might exist for employing the military in restoring and maintaining the au thority of the law, but this hope has now vanished. Governor Young has, by proclamation, declared his determination to main tain his power by force, and has already committed acts of hos tility against the United States. Unless he should retrace his steps, the Territory of Utah will be in a state of open rebellion. He has committed these acts of hostility, notwithstanding Major Van Vliet, an officer of the army, sent to Utah by the Com manding General to purchase provisions for the troops, had given him the strongest assurances of the peaceful intentions of the Government, and that the troops would only be employed as a posse comitatus when called on by the civil authority to aid in the execution of the laws." He not only refused to sell, or permit the Mormons to sell, any provisions for the subsistence of the troops, but he informed Major Van Vliet that he had laid in a store of provisions for three years, which in case of necessity he would conceal " and then take to the mountains, and bid defiance to all the powers of the Government." The message proceeds to state that " a great part of all this 214 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN may be idle boasting; but yet no wise government will lightly estimate the efforts which may be inspired by such frenzied fanaticism as exists among the Mormons in Utah. This is the first rebellion which has existed in our Territories ; and humanity itself requires that we should put it down in such a manner that it shall be the last. To trifle with it would be to encourage it and to render it formidable." It was not until the 29th of June, 1857, that the General in Chief (Scott) was enabled to issue orders, from his headquarters at New York, to Brigadier General Harney, for the conduct of the expedition.1 (And here it may be proper to observe that Col. A. S. Johnston, of the 2d United States Cavalry, was soon after substituted in the command for General Harney. This was done on the earnest request of Governor Walker, who be lieved that Harney's services in Kansas were indispensable.) The season was now so far advanced, and Utah was so dis tant, that doubts were entertained whether the expedition ought not to be delayed until the next spring. But the necessity for a prompt movement to put down the resistance of Brigham Young to the execution of the laws, and to prevent the conse quences of leaving him in undisturbed possession of supreme power for another year, were most fortunately sufficient to over come these doubts. General Scott in his orders refers to these difficulties, and makes them the occasion of prescribing to the commander the great care and diligence he ought to employ. He says : " The lateness of the season, the dispersed condition of the troops, and the smallness of the numbers available, have seemed to present elements of difficulty, if not hazard, in this expedition. But it is believed that these may be compensated by unusual care in its outfit and great prudence in its conduct. All disposable recruits have been reserved for it. So well is the nature of this service appreciated, and so deeply are the honor and interests of the United States involved in its success, that I am authorized to say the Government will hesitate at no expense requisite to complete the efficiency of your little army, and to in sure health and comfort to it, as far as attainable." The happy result of this expedition we shall present in the language of the annual message of the 6th of December, 1858, as follows : " The present condition of the Territory of Utah, when contrasted with what it was one year ago, is a subject for con- 1 Senate Documents, 1857-58, vol. iii., p. 21. MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 215 gratulation. It was then in a state of open rebellion, and cost what it might, the character of the Government required that this rebellion should be suppressed, and the Mormons compelled to yield obedience to the Constitution and the laws. In order to accomplish this object, as I informed you in my last annual mes sage, I appointed a new Governor instead of Brigham Young, and other Federal officers to take the place of those who, consult ing their personal safety, had found it necessary to withdraw from the Territory. To protect these civil officers, and to aid them as a posse comitatus in the execution of the laws in case of need, I ordered a detachment of the army to accompany them to Utah. The necessity for adopting these measures is now demonstrated. " On the 15th of September, 1857, Governor Young issued his proclamation, in the style of an independent sovereign, an nouncing his purpose to resist by force of arms the entry of the United States troops into our own Territory of Utah. By this he required all the forces in the Territory "' to hold themselves in readiness to march at a moment's notice to repel any and all such invasion,' and established martial law from its date through out the Territory. These proved to be no idle threats. Forts Bridger and Supply were vacated and burnt down by the Mor mons, to deprive our troops of a shelter after their long and fatiguing march. Orders were issued by Daniel H. Wells, styling himself ' Lieutenant-General, Nauvoo Legion,' to stampede the animals of the United States troops on their march, to set fire to their trains, to burn the grass and the whole country before them and on their flanks, to keep them from sleeping by night surprises, and to blockade the road by felling trees and destroying the fords of rivers, etc., etc., etc. " These orders were promptly and effectually obeyed. On the 4th of October, 1857, the Mormons captured and burned, on Green River, three of our supply trains, consisting of seventy- five wagons loaded with provisions and tents for the army, and carried away several hundred animals. This diminished the supply of provisions so materially that General Johnston was obliged to reduce the ration, and even with this precaution there was only sufficient left to subsist the troops until the first of June. " Our little army behaved admirably in their encampment at Fort Bridger under these trying privations. In the midst of the mountains, in a dreary, unsettled, and inhospitable region, more than a thousand miles from home, they passed the severe and 216 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN inclement winter without a murmur. They looked forward with confidence for relief from their country in due season, and in this they were not disappointed. " The Secretary of War employed all his energies to forward them the necessary supplies, and to muster and send such a mili tary force to Utah as would render resistance on the part of the Mormons hopeless, and thus terminate the war without the effusion of blood. In his efforts he was efficiently sustained by Congress. They granted appropriations sufficient to cover the deficiency thus necessarily created, and also provided for raising two regiments of volunteers ' for the purpose of quelling dis turbances in the Territory of Utah, for the protection of supply and emigrant trains, and the suppression of Indian hostilities on the frontiers.' a Happily, there was no occasion to call these regiments into service. If there had been, I should have felt serious embarrassment in selecting them, so great was the num ber of our brave and patriotic citizens anxious to serve their coun try in this distant and apparently dangerous expedition. Thus it has ever been, and thus may it ever be ! " The wisdom and economy of sending sufficient reenforce ments to Utah are established not only by the event, but- in the opinion of those who, from their position and opportunities, are the most capable of forming a correct judgment. General John ston, the commander of the forces, in addressing the Secretary of War from Fort Bridger, under date of October 18th, 1857, expresses the opinion that ' unless a large force is sent here, from the nature of the country, a protracted war on their [the Mor mons'] part is inevitable.' This he considered necessary, to ter minate the war ' speedily and more economically than if attempted by insufficient means.' " In the mean time it was my anxious desire that the Mor mons should yield obedience to the Constitution and the laws, without rendering it necessary to resort to military force. To aid in accomplishing this object, I deemed it advisable, in April last, to despatch two distinguished citizens of the United States, Messrs. Powell and McCulloch, to Utah. They bore with them a proclamation addressed by myself to the inhabitants of Utah, dated on the 6th day of that month, warning them of their true condition, and how hopeless it was on their part to persist in rebellion against the United States, and offering all those who xAct of 7th April, 1858, 11 Laws, p. 262. MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 217 should submit to the laws a full pardon for their past seditions and treasons. At the same time I assured those who should persist in rebellion against the United States that they must expect no further lenity, but look to be rigorously dealt with, according to their deserts. The instructions to these agents, as well as a copy of the proclamation and their reports, are herewith sub mitted. It will be seen by their report of the 3d of July last, that they have fully confirmed the opinion expressed by General Johnston in the previous October as to the necessity of sending reenforcements to Utah. In this they state that they ' are firmly impressed with the belief that the presence of the army here, and the large additional force that had been ordered to this Territory, were the chief inducements that caused the Mormons to abandon the idea of resisting J:he authority of the United States. A less decisive policy would probably have resulted in a long, bloody, and expensive war.' These gentlemen conducted themselves to my entire satisfaction, and rendered useful services in executing the humane intentions of the Government. " It also affords me great satisfaction to state that Governor Cumming has performed his duty in an able and conciliatory manner, and with the happiest effect. I cannot, in this connec tion, refrain from mentioning the valuable services of Colonel Thomas L. Kane, who, from motives of pure benevolence, and without any official character or pecuniary compensation, visited Utah during the last inclement winter for the purpose of contrib uting to the pacification of the Territory. " I am happy to inform you that the Governor and other civil officers of Utah are now performing their appropriate func tions without resistance. The authority of the Constitution and the laws has been fully restored, and peace prevails throughout the Territory. A portion of the troops sent to Utah are now encamped in Cedar Valley, forty-four miles southwest of Salt Lake City, and the remainder have been ordered to Oregon to suppress Indian hostilities. " The march of the army to Salt Lake City, through the Indian Territory, has had a powerful effect in restraining the hostile feelings against the United States which existed among the Indians in that region, and in securing emigrants to the far west against their depredations. This will also be the means of establishing military posts and promoting settlements along the route. 218 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN " I recommend that the benefits of our land laws and pre emption system be extended to the people of Utah, by the estab lishment of a land office in that Territory." Nearly eight years after these events had passed into history, Mr. Buchanan was no little surprised to discover that General Scott, in his autobiography, published in 1864,1 asserts that he had protested against the Utah expedition, and that it was set on foot by Secretary Floyd, " to open a wide field for frauds and peculation." He does not even intimate that the expedition had been ordered by the President. The censure is cast upon Floyd, and upon Floyd alone. The President had, as a matter of course, left the military details of the movement to the Secre tary of War and the Commanding General of the Army. From a reference to the instructions from the General to General Harney, the President could not have inferred the existence of any such protest. On the contrary, General Scott explicitly states the fact that they had been " prepared in concert with the War Department, and sanctioned by its authority wherever re quired." In these instructions General Scott, so far from inti mating that he had protested against the expedition, states that " the community, and in part the civil Government of Utah Ter ritory, are in a state of substantial rebellion against the laws and authority of the United States. A new civil Governor is about to be designated, and to be charged with the establishment and maintenance of law and order. Your able and energetic aid, with that of the troops to be placed under your command, is relied upon to secure the success of his mission." And the General, as we have already seen, expresses the belief that the honor and in terest of the United States were deeply involved in the result. Most certainly Mr. Buchanan, until he read the autobiography, never learned that General Scott had protested against the Utah expedition. THE COVODE COMMITTEE. We have already more than once referred to the violent and persistent opposition manifested in Congress to President Bu chanan's administration throughout its whole term. This was displayed in a signal manner by the creation and proceedings of the notorious Covode Committee, during the session immediately preceding the Presidential election. It was instituted, beyond 1 Vol. ii., p. 504. MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 219 doubt, to render the existing Democratic administration odious in the eyes of the people, and thereby to promote the election of any Republican candidate who might be nominated. The manner in which this committee was raised, by stifling debate, plainly augured the character of its future action. On the 5th March, i860, Mr. John Covode, a Representa tive from Pennsylvania, moved to suspend the rules of the House so as to enable him to introduce the resolutions creating his com mittee.1 The Speaker decided that this motion was not de batable. Several members endeavored to discuss the character of the resolutions, but they were soon called to order and silenced. Before Mr. Underwood was stopped he had got so far as to say : " I rise to a point of order. It is, that it is not in order, in this House, for any member to propose an investigation upon vague, loose, and indefinite charges, but it is his duty to state the grounds distinctly upon which he predicates his inquiry. If the gentle man who offered these resolutions will state to the House, upon his responsibility as a member, that he knows, or has been in formed and believes, that offers have been made to bribe, as insinuated in that resolution, nobody will object. But I do object to charges against any officer of the Government by in sinuation." Mr. Covode was silent to this appeal, but Mr. Bing ham came to his relief by objecting to the debate as " all out of order." Mr. Winslow afterwards (amidst loud and continued cries of "Order") said: "I feel some hesitation about my vote. These resolutions are very vague and indefinite, large in their terms, and framed like a French indictment, covering a deal of ground and abounding in a multitude of general charges. I have perfect confidence in the integrity of the President and his Cabinet. Let any specific charge be brought against him or them, and I will cheerfully yield the fullest investigation, and accord the promptest action. I will do nothing to hinder but every thing to facilitate it. I cannot, however, vote for a com1- mittee on these sweeping charges." Mr. John Cochrane, of New York, had also got so far as to say : " Because no charges have been made on which an investigation can be founded," when " Mr. Grow and others called the gentleman to order." The motion to suspend the rules was passed, and the resolu tions were then before the House for consideration and discus- 1 House Journal, p. 450 ; Cong. Globe, pp. 907, 220 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN sion, when Mr. Covode instantly rose before any other member could obtain the floor, and called for the previous question on the adoption of the resolutions, which if sustained would cut off all amendment and debate. Mr. Noell. " I desire to offer an amendment, and ask that it may be read for information." Mr. Covode. " I cannot yield for that purpose." Mr. Noell. " I ask to have the amendment read for infor mation." Mr. Bingham. " I object." " The previous question was seconded and the main question ordered to be put, and under the operation thereof the resolu tions were adopted." On the 9th March, i860, Mr. Speaker Pennington appointed Mr. Covode of Pennsylvania, Mr. Olin of New York, Mr. Wins low of North Carolina, Mr. Train of Massachusetts, and Mr. James C. Robinson of Illinois, members of the committee.1 The Covode Committee was thus ushered into existence in ominous silence, its authors having predetermined not to utter a word themselves, nor to suffer its opponents to utter a word, on the occasion of its birth. The President could not remain silent in the face of these high-handed and unexampled proceedings. He felt it to be his imperative duty to protest against them as a dan gerous invasion by the House of the rights and powers of the Presidential office under the Constitution of the United States. Accordingly he transmitted to the House, on the 28th March. i860, the following message: 2 " To the House of Representatives : " After a delay which has afforded me ample time for reflec tion, and after much and careful deliberation, I find myself con strained by an imperious sense of duty, as a coordinate branch of the Federal Government, to protest against the first two clauses of the first resolution adopted by the House of Representatives on the 5th instant, and published in the " Congressional Globe " on the succeeding day. These clauses are in the following words : ' Resolved, That a committee of five members be ap pointed by the Speaker, for the purpose, ist, of investigating whether the President of the United States, or any other officer of the Government, has, by money, patronage, or other improper 1 House Journal, p. 484. " Ibid., p. 618. MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 221 means, sought to influence the action of Congress, or any commit tee thereof, for or against the passage of any law appertaining to the rights of any State or Territory ; and 2d, also to inquire into and investigate whether any officer or officers of the Govern ment have, by combination or otherwise, prevented or defeated, or attempted to prevent or defeat, the execution of any law or laws now upon the statute book, and whether the President has failed or refused to compel the execution of any law thereof.' " I confine myself exclusively to these two branches of the resolution, because the portions of it which follow relate to alleged abuses in post-offices, navy-yards, public buildings, and other public works of the United States. In such cases inquiries are highly proper in themselves, and belong equally to the Senate and the House as incident to their legislative duties, and being neces sary to enable them to discover and to provide the appropriate legislative remedies for any abuses which may be ascertained. Although the terms of the latter portion of the resolution are extremely vague and general, yet my sole purpose in adverting to them at present is to mark the broad line of distinction between the accusatory and the remedial clauses of this resolution. The House of Representatives possess no power under the Constitu tion over the first or accusatory portion of the resolution, except as an impeaching body ; whilst over the last, in common with the Senate, their authority as a legislative body is fully and cheerfully admitted. " It is solely in reference to the first or impeaching power that I propose to make a few observations. Except in this single case, the Constitution has invested the House of Representatives with no power, no jurisdiction, no supremacy whatever over the President. In all other respects he is quite as independent of them as they are of him. As a coordinate branch of the Govern ment he is their equal. Indeed, he is the only direct representa tive on earth of the people of all and each of the sovereign States. To them, and to them alone, is he responsible whilst acting within the sphere of his constitutional duty, and not in any manner to the House of Representatives. The people have thought proper to invest him with the most honorable, responsible, and dignified office in the world, and the individual, however unworthy, now holding this exalted position, will take care, so far as in him lies, that their rights and prerogatives shall never be violated in his person, but shall pass to his successors unimpaired by the adoption of a dangerous precedent. He will defend them to the THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN last extremity against any unconstitutional attempt, come from what quarter it may, to abridge the constitutional rights of the Executive, and render him subservient to any human power except themselves. " The people have not confined the President to the exercise of executive duties. They have also conferred upon him a large measure of legislative discretion. No bill can become a law without his approval, as representing the people of the United States, unless it shall pass after his veto by a majority of two- thirds of both Houses. In his legislative capacity he might, in common with the Senate and the House, institute an inquiry to ascertain any facts which ought to influence his judgment in approving or vetoing any bill. This participation in the perform ance of legislative duties between the coordinate branches of the Government ought to inspire the conduct of all of them, in their relations toward each other, with mutual forbearance and respect. At least each has a right to demand justice from the other. The cause of complaint is, that the constitutional rights and immuni ties of the Executive have been violated in the person of the President. " The trial of an impeachment of the President before the Senate on charges preferred and prosecuted against him by the House of Representatives, would be an imposing spectacle for the world. In the result, not only his removal from the Presi dential office would be involved, but, what is of infinitely greater importance to- himself, his character, both in the eyes of the present and of future generations, might possibly be tarnished. The disgrace cast upon him would in some degree be reflected upon the character of the American people who elected him. Hence the precautions adopted by the Constitution to secure a fair trial. On such a trial it declares that ' the Chief Justice shall preside.' This was doubtless because the framers of the Constitution believed it to be possible that the Vice-President might be biassed by the fact that ' in case of the removal of the President from office ' ' the same shall devolve on the Vice- President.' " The preliminary proceedings in the House in the case of charges which may involve impeachment, have been well and wisely settled by long practice upon principles of equal justice both to the accused and to the people. The precedent estab lished in the case of Judge Peck, of Missouri, in 183 1, after a careful review of all former precedents, will, I venture to pre- MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 223 diet, stand the test of time. In that case, Luke Edward Lawless, the accuser, presented a petition to the House, in which he set forth minutely and specifically his causes of complaint. He prayed ' that the conduct and proceedings in this behalf of said Judge Peck may be inquired into by your honorable body, and such decision made thereon as to your wisdom and justice shall seem proper.' This petition was referred to the Judiciary Com mittee; such has ever been deemed the appropriate committee to make similar investigations. It is a standing committee, sup posed to be appointed without reference to any special case, and at all times is presumed to be composed of the most eminent lawyers in the House from different portions of the Union, whose acquaintance with judicial proceedings, and whose habits of investigation, qualify them peculiarly for the task. No tri bunal, from their position and character, could in the nature of things be more impartial. In the case of Judge Peck the wit nesses were selected by the committee itself, with a view to ascertain the truth of the charge. They were cross-examined by him, and every thing was conducted in such a manner as to afford him no reasonable cause of complaint. In view of this precedent, and, what is of far greater importance, in view of the Constitution and the principles of eternal justice, in what manner has the President of the United States been treated by the House of Representatives? Mr. John Covode, a representative from Pennsylvania, is the accuser of the President. Instead of fol lowing the wise precedents of former times, and especially that in the case of Judge Peck, and referring the accusation to the Committee on the Judiciary, the House have made my accuser one of my judges. " To make the accuser the judge is a violation of the princi ples of universal justice, and is condemned by the practice of all civilized nations. Every freeman must revolt at such a spectacle. I am to appear before Mr. Covode, either personally or by a substitute, to> cross-examine the witnesses which he may pro duce before himself to sustain his own accusations against me, and perhaps even this poor boon may be denied to> the President. " And what is the nature of the investigation which his reso lution proposes to institute? It is as vague and general as the English language affords words in which to make it. The com mittee is to inquire, not into any specific charge or charges, but whether the President has, ' by money, patronage, or other improper means, sought to influence,' not the action of any in- 224 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN dividual member or members of Congress, but ' the action' of the entire body ' of Congress ' itself, ' or any committee thereof.' The President might have had some glimmering of the nature of the offence to be investigated, had his accuser pointed to the act or acts of Congress which he sought to pass or to defeat by the employment of 'money, patronage, or other improper means.' But the accusation is bounded by no such limits. It extends to the whole circle of legislation ; to interference ' for or against the passage of any law appertaining to the rights of any State or Territory.' And what law does not appertain to the rights of some State or Territory? And what law or laws has the President failed to execute? These might easily have been pointed out had any such existed. " Had Mr. Lawless asked an inquiry to be made by the House whether Judge Peck, in general terms, had not violated his judicial duties, without the specification of any particular act, I do not believe there would have been a single vote in that body in favor of the inquiry. Since the time of the Star Cham ber and of general warrants, there has been no such proceeding in England. " The House of Representatives, the high impeaching power of the country, without consenting to hear a word of explanation, have indorsed this accusation against the President, and made it their own act. They even refused to permit a member to in quire of the President's accuser what were the specific charges against him. Thus, in this preliminary accusation of ' high crimes and misdemeanors ' against a coordinate branch of the Government, under the impeaching power, the House refused to hear a single suggestion even in regard to the correct mode of proceeding, but, without a moment's delay, passed the accusatory resolutions under the pressure of the previous question. In the institution of a prosecution for any offence against the most hum ble citizen — and I claim for myself no greater rights than he enjoys — the Constitution of the United States, and of the several States, require that he shall be informed, in the very beginning, of the nature and cause of the accusation against him, in order to enable him to prepare for his defence. There are other prin ciples which I might enumerate, not less sacred, presenting an impenetrable shield to protect every citizen falsely charged with a criminal offence. These have been violated in the prosecution instituted by the House of Representatives against the executive branch of the Government. Shall the President alone be de- MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 225 prived of the protection of these great principles, which prevail in every land where a ray of liberty penetrates the gloom of despotism? Shall the Executive alone be deprived of rights which all his fellow-citizens enjoy? The whole proceeding against him justifies the fears of those wise and great men who, before the Constitution was adopted by the States, apprehended that the tendency of the Government was to the aggrandizement of the legislative at the expense of the executive and judicial departments. " I again declare, emphatically, that I make this protest for no reason personal to myself; and I do it with perfect respect for the House of Representatives, in which I had the honor of serving as a member for five successive terms. I have lived long in this goodly land, and have enjoyed all the offices and honors which my country could bestow. Amid all the political storms through which I have passed, the present is the first attempt which has ever been made, to my knowledge, to assail my personal or official integrity ; and this as the time is approaching when I shall voluntarily retire from the service of my country. I feel proudly conscious that there is no public act of my life which will not bear the strictest scrutiny. I defy all investi gation. Nothing but the basest perjury can sully my good name. I do not fear even this, because I cherish an humble confidence that the Gracious Being who has hitherto defended and protected me against the shafts of falsehood and malice will not desert me now, when I have become ' old and gray-headed.' I can declare, before God and my country, that no human being (with an exception scarcely worthy of notice) has, at any period of my life, dared to approach me with a corrupt or dishonorable proposition; and, until recent developments, it had never entered into my imagination that any person, even in the storm of exasperated political excitement, would charge me, in the most remote degree, with having made such a proposition to any human being. I may now, however, exclaim, in the language of com plaint employed by my first and greatest predecessor, that I have been abused ' in such exaggerated and indecent terms as could scarcely be applied to a Nero, to a notorious defaulter, or even to a common pickpocket.' " I do, therefore, for the reasons stated, and in the name of the people of the several States, solemnly protest against these proceedings of the House of Representatives, because they are in violation of the rights of the coordinate executive branch of Vol. XII— 15 226 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN the Government, and subversive of its constitutional independ ence; because they are calculated to foster a band of interested parasites and informers, ever ready, for their own advantage, to swear before ex parte committees to pretended private con versations between the President and themselves, incapable, from their nature, of being disproved, thus furnishing material for harassing him, degrading him in the eyes of the country, and eventually, should he be a weak or a timid man, rendering him subservient to improper influences, in order to avoid such perse cutions and annoyances; because they tend to destroy that har monious action for the common good which ought to be main tained, and which I sincerely desire to cherish, between coordinate branches of the Government ; and, finally, because, if unresisted, they would establish a precedent dangerous and embarrassing to all my successors, to whatever political party they might be attached. " James Buchanan. " Washington, March 28th, i860." The principles maintained in this message found no favor with the majority in the House. It was referred to the Com mittee on the Judiciary, of which Mr. Hickman, of Pennsylvania, was chairman.1 On the 9th of April, i860, he reported resolu tions from the majority of the committee in opposition to its doctrines, whilst these were sustained by the minority. The majority resolutions were adopted by the House on the 8th of June following.2 Meanwhile the Covode Committee continued to pursue its secret inquisitorial examinations until the 16th of June, i860, when Mr. Train, one of its members, and not Mr. Covode the chairman, made a report from the majority, accompanied by the mass of all sorts of testimony which it had collected.3 The views of the minority were presented by Mr. Winslow of North Carolina, now no more — a man possessing every estimable quality both of head and of heart, and one who had enjoyed the highest honors which his own State could confer. The committee, though it had been engaged for three months with vindictive zeal and perseverance in hunting up all sorts of testimony against the President and members of his Cabinet, yet finally shrunk from the responsibility of reporting a single reso- 1 House Journal, pp. 622, 609. "Ibid., p. 1014. "Ibid., p. 1114. MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 227 lution accusing or censuring any one of them. In the boundless field it had explored, it failed to discover a single point on which it could venture to rest any such resolution. This surely was a triumphant result for the President. We refrain from now portraying the proceedings of the com mittee in their true light, because this has already been suffi ciently done by the message of the President to the House of the 28th June, i860, of which we insert a copy from the Journal.1 " To the House of Representatives : " In my message to the House of Representatives of the 28th March last, I solemnly protested against the creation of a committee, at the head of which was placed my accuser, for the purpose of investigating whether the President had ' by money, patronage, or other improper means, sought to influence the action of Congress, or any committee thereof, for or against the passage of any law appertaining to the rights of any State or Territory.' I protested against this because it was destitute of any specification; because it referred tO' no particular act to enable the President to prepare for his defence; because it de prived him of the constitutional guards which, in common with every citizen of the United States, he possesses for his protec tion; and because it assailed his constitutional independence as a coordinate branch of the Government. There is an enlightened justice, as well as a beautiful symmetry, in every part of the Constitution. This is conspicuously manifested in regard to im peachments. The House of Representatives possesses ' the sole power of impeachment ; ' the Senate ' the sole power to try all impeachments ; ' and the impeachable offences are ' treason, bri bery, or other high crimes or misdemeanors.' The practice of the House, from the earliest times, had been in accordance with its own dignity, the rights of the accused, and the demands of justice. At the commencement of each judicial investigation which might lead to an impeachment, specific charges were always preferred; the accused had an opportunity of cross-examining the witnesses, and he was placed in full possession of the precise nature of the offence which he had to meet. An impartial and elevated standing committee was charged with this investigation, upon which no member inspired with the ancient sense of honor and justice would have served, had he ever expressed an opinion 1 Ibid., p. 1218. 228 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN against the accused. Until the present occasion it was never deemed proper to transform the accuser into the judge, and to confer upon him the selection of his own committee. " The charges made against me, in vague and general terms, were of such a false and atrocious character that I did not enter tain a moment's apprehension for the result. They were abhor rent to every principle instilled into me from my youth, and every practice of my life, and I did not believe it possible that the man existed who would so basely perjure himself as to swear to the truth of any such accusations. In this conviction I am informed I have not been mistaken. In my former protest, therefore, I truly and emphatically declared that it was made for no reason personal to myself, but because the proceedings of the House were in violation of the rights of the coordinate execu tive branch of the Government, subversive of its constitutional independence, and, if unresisted, would establish a precedent dangerous and embarrassing to all my successors. Notwith standing all this, if the committee had not transcended the author ity conferred upon it by the resolution of the House of Represen tatives, broad and general as this was, I should have remained silent upon the subject. What I now charge is, that they have acted as though they possessed unlimited power, and, without any warrant whatever in the resolution under which they were appointed, have pursued a course not merely at war with the constitutional rights of the Executive, but fending to degrade the presidential office itself to such a degree as to render it unworthy of the acceptance of any man of honor or principle. " The resolution of the House, so far as it is accusatory of the President, is confined to an inquiry whether he had used corrupt or improper means to influence the action of Congress or any of its committees on legislative measures pending before them. Nothing more, nothing less. I have not learned through the newspapers, or in any other mode, that the committee have touched the other accusatory branch of the resolution, charging the President with a violation of duty in failing to execute some law or laws. This branch of the resolution is therefore out of the question. By what authority, then, have the committee undertaken to investigate the course of the President in regard to the Convention which framed the Lecompton Constitution? By what authority have they undertaken to pry into our foreign relations, for the purpose of assailing him on account of the in structions given by the Secretary of State to our Minister in MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 229 Mexico, relative to the Tehuantepec route? By what authority have they inquired into the causes of removal from office, and this from the parties themselves removed, with a view to preju dice his character, notwithstanding this power of removal be longs exclusively to the President under the Constitution, was so decided by the first Congress in the year 1 789, and has accord ingly ever since been exercised? There is in the resolution no pretext of authority for the committee to investigate the question of the printing of the post-office blanks, nor is it to be supposed that the House, if asked, would have granted such an authority, because this question had been previously committed to two other committees — one in the Senate and the other in the House. Notwithstanding this absolute want of power, the com mittee rushed into' this investigation in advance of all other subjects. " The committee proceeded for months, from March 22d, i860, to examine ex parte, and without any notice to myself, into every subject which could possibly affect my character. In terested and vindictive witnesses were summoned and examined before them ; and the first and only information of their testimony which, in almost every instance, I received, was obtained from the publication of such portions of it as could injuriously affect myself, in the New York journals. It mattered not that these statements were, so far as I have learned, disproved by the most respectable witnesses who happened to be on the spot. The tele graph was silent respecting these contradictions. It was a secret committee in regard to the testimony in my defence, but it was public in regard to all the testimony which could by possibility reflect on my character. The poison was left to produce its effect upon the public mind, whilst the antidote was carefully withheld. " In their examinations the committee violated the most sacred and honorable confidences existing among men. Private correspondence, which a truly honorable man would never even entertain a distant thought of divulging, was dragged to light. Different persons in official and confidential relations with myself, and with whom it was supposed I might have held conversations, the revelation of which would do me injury, were examined. Even members of the Senate and members of my own Cabinet, both my constitutional advisers, were called upon to testify, for the purpose of discovering something, if possible, to my discredit. " The distribution of the patronage of the Government is 230 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN by far the most disagreeable duty of the President. Applicants are so numerous, and their applications are pressed with such eagerness by their friends both in and out of Congress, that the selection of one for any desirable office gives offence to' many. Disappointed applicants, removed officers, and those who for any cause, real or imaginary, had become hostile to the adminis tration, presented themselves, or were invited by a summons to appear before the committee. These are the most dangerous witnesses. Even with the best intentions, they are so influenced by prejudice and disappointment, that they almost inevitably discolor truth. They swear to their own version of private con versations with the President without the possibility of contra diction. His lips are sealed and he is left at their mercy. He cannot, as a coordinate branch of the Government, appear before a committee of investigation to contradict the oaths of such witnesses. Every coward knows that he can employ insulting language against the President with impunity, and every false or prejudiced witness can attempt to swear away his character before such a committee without the fear of contradiction. " Thus for months, whilst doing my best at one end of the avenue to perform my high and responsible duties to the country, has there been a committee of the House of Representatives in session at the other end of the avenue, spreading a drag-net, without the shadow of authority from the House, over the whole Union, to catch any disappointed man willing to malign my character, and all this in secret conclave. The lion's mouth at Venice, into which secret denunciations were dropped, is an apt illustration of the Covode Committee. The Star Chamber, tyrannical and odious as it was, never proceeded in such a man ner. For centuries there has been nothing like it in any civilized country, except the revolutionary tribunal of France, in the days of Robespierre. Now, I undertake to state and to prove that should the proceedings of the committee be sanctioned by the House, and become a precedent for future times, the balance of the Constitution will be entirely upset, and there will no longer remain the three coordinate and independent branches of the Government — legislative, executive, and judicial. The worst fears of the patriots and statesmen who framed the Constitution in regard to the usurpations of the legislative on the executive and judicial branches will then be realized. In the language of Mr. Madison, speaking on this very subject, in the forty-eighth number of the ' Federalist : ' ' In a representative republic, where MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 231 the executive magistracy is carefully limited both in the extent and duration of its power, and where the legislative power is exercised by an assembly which is inspired, by a supposed in fluence over the people, with an intrepid confidence in its own strength, which is sufficiently numerous to feel all the passions which actuate a multitude, yet not So numerous as to be incapable of pursuing the objects of its passions by means which reason prescribes, it is against the enterprising ambition of this depart ment that the people ought to indulge all their jealousy and exhaust all their precautions.' And in the expressive and pointed language of Mr. Jefferson, when speaking of the tendency of the legislative branch of Government to usurp the rights of the weaker branches : ' The concentrating these in the same hands is precisely the definition of despotic government. It will be no alleviation that these powers will be exercised by a plurality of hands, and not by a single one. One hundred and seventy- three despots would surely be as oppressive as one. Let those who doubt it turn their eyes on the Republic of Venice. As little will it avail us that they are chosen by ourselves. An elec tive despotism was not the government we fought for, but one which should not only be founded on free principles, but in which the powers of government should be so divided and balanced among several bodies of magistracy, as that no one could trans cend their legal limits without being effectually checked and con trolled by the others.' " Should the proceedings of the Covode Committee become a precedent, both the letter and spirit of the Constitution will be violated. One of the three massive columns on which the whole superstructure rests will be broken down. Instead of the executive being a coordinate, it will become a subordinate branch of the Government. The presidential office will be dragged into the dust. The House of Representatives will then have rendered the Executive almost necessarily subservient to its wishes, instead of being independent. How is it possible that two powers in the State can be coordinate and independent of each other, if the one claims and exercises the power to reprove and to censure all the official acts and all the private conver sations of the other, and this upon ex parte testimony before a secret inquisitorial committee — in short, to assume a geheral censorship over the others? The idea is as absurd in public as it would be in private life. Should the President attempt to assert and maintain his own independence, future Covode Com- 232 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN mittees may dragoon him into submission by collecting the hosts of disappointed office-hunters, removed officers, and those who desire to live upon the public treasury, which must follow in the wake of every administration, and they, in secret conclave, will swear away his reputation. Under such circumstances, he must be a very bold man should he not surrender at discretion and consent to exercise his authority according to the will of those invested with this terrific power. The sovereign people of the several States have elected him to the highest and most honorable office in the world. He is their only direct representative in the Government. By their Constitution they have made him com mander-in-chief of their army and navy. He represents them in their intercourse with foreign nations. Clothed with their dignity and authority, he occupies a proud position before all nations, civilized and savage. With the consent of the Senate, he appoints all the important officers of the Government. He exercises the veto power, and to that extent controls the legisla tion of Congress. For the performance of these high duties he is responsible to the people of the several States, and not in any degree to the House of Representatives. " Shall he surrender these high powers, conferred upon him as the representative of the American people, for their benefit, to the House, to be exercised under their overshadowing influence and control? Shall he alone of all the citizens of the United States be denied a fair trial ? Shall he alone not be ' informed of the nature and cause of the accusation ' against him? Shall he alone not ' be confronted with the witnesses ' against him ? Shall the House of Representatives, usurping the powers of the Senate, proceed to try the President, through the agency of a secret committee of the body where it is impossible he can make any defence, and then, without affording him an opportunity of being heard, pronounce a judgment of censure against him? The very same rule might be applied, for the very same reason, to every judge of every court of the United States. From what part of the Constitution is this terrible secret inquisitorial power derived? No such express power exists. From which of the enumerated powers can it be inferred? It is true the House cannot pronounce the formal judgment against him of ' removal from office,' but they can, by their judgment of censure, asperse his reputation, and thus, to the extent of their influence, render the office contemptible. An example is at hand of the reckless manner in which this power of censure can be employed in high MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 233 party times. The Flouse, on a recent occasion, have attempted to degrade the President by adopting the resolution of Mr. John Sherman, declaring that he, in conjunction with the Secretary of the Navy, ' by receiving and considering the party relations of bidders for contracts, and the effect of awarding contracts upon pending elections, have set an example dangerous to the public safety, and deserving the reproof of this House.' " It will scarcely be credited that the sole pretext for this vote of censure was the simple fact that in disposing of the numerous letters of every imaginable character which I daily receive, I had, in the usual course of business, referred a letter from Colonel Patterson, of Philadelphia, in relation to a con tract, to the attention of the Secretary of the Navy, the head of the appropriate department, without expressing or intimating any opinion whatever on the subject; and to make the matter, if pos sible, still plainer, the Secretary had informed the committee that ' the President did not in any manner interfere in this case, nor has he in any other case of contract since I have been in the department.' The absence of all proof to sustain this attempt to degrade the President, whilst it manifests the venom of the shaft aimed at him, has destroyed the vigor of the bow. " To return, after this digression. Should the House, by the institution of Covode committees, votes of censure, and other devices to harass the President, reduce him to subservience to their will, and render him their creature, then the well-balanced Government which our fathers framed will be annihilated. This conflict has already been commenced in earnest by the House against the Executive. A bad precedent rarely if ever dies. It will, I fear, be pursued in the time of my successors, no matter what may be their political character. Should secret committees be appointed with unlimited authority to range over all the words and actions, and, if possible, the very thoughts of the President, with a view to discover something in his past life prejudicial to his character, from parasites and informers, this would be an ordeal which scarcely any mere man since the fall could endure. It would be to subject him to a reign of terror from which the stoutest and purest heart might shrink. I have passed triumph antly through this ordeal. My vindication is complete. The committee have reported no resolution looking to an impeach ment against me ; no resolution of censure ; not even a resolution pointing out any abuses in any of the executive departments of the Government to be corrected by legislation. This is the high- 234 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN est commendation which could be bestowed on the heads of these departments. The sovereign people of the States will, however, I trust, save my successors, whoever they may be, from any such ordeal. They are frank, bold, and honest. They detest delators and informers. I therefore, in the name and as the representa tive of this great people, and standing upon the ramparts of the Constitution which they ' have ordained and established,' do solemnly protest against these unprecedented and unconstitutional proceedings. " There was still another committee raised by the House on the 6th March last, on motion of Mr. Hoard, to which I had not the slightest objection. The resolution creating it was con fined to specific charges, which I have ever since been ready and willing to meet. I have at all times invited and defied fair inves tigation upon constitutional principles. I have received no notice that this committee have ever proceeded to the investigation. " Why should the House of Representatives desire to en croach on the other departments of the Government? Their rightful powers are ample for every legitimate purpose. They are the impeaching body. In their legislative capacity it is their most wise and wholesome prerogative to institute rigid examinations into the manner in which all departments of the Government are conducted, with a view to reform abuses, to promote economy, and to improve every branch of administra tion. Should they find reason to believe, in the course of their examinations, that any grave offence had been committed by the President or any officer of the Government, rendering it proper, in their judgment, to resort to impeachment, their course would be plain. They would then transfer the question from their legislative to their accusatory jurisdiction, and take care that in all the preliminary judicial proceedings, preparatory to the vote of articles of impeachment, the accused should enjoy the benefit of cross-examining the witnesses, and all the other safeguards with which the Constitution surrounds every Ameri can citizen. " If, in a legislative investigation, it should appear that the public interest required the removal of any officer of the Govern ment, no President has ever existed who, after giving him a fair hearing, would hesitate to apply the remedy. This I take to be the ancient and well-established practice. An adherence to it will best promote the harmony and the dignity of the intercourse between the coordinate branches of the Government, and render MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 235 us all more respectable both in the eyes of our own countrymen and of foreign nations. " James Buchanan. " Washington, June 22, i860." On the reading of this message it was, on motion of Mr. Benjamin Stanton, of Ohio, referred to a select committee, con sisting of himself, Mr. Curry, Mr. Charles F. Adams, Mr. Sedg wick, and Mr. Pryor, which was instructed to report to the House at the next session. No report was ever made. Thus ended the Covode Committee. CHAPTER XIII. The successful foreign policy of the administration with Spain, Great Britain, China, and Paraguay— Condition of the Mexican Republic; and the recommendations to Congress thereupon not regarded, and the effect— The origin, history, and nature of the " Monroe Doctrine "—The treaty with Mexico not ratified by the Senate, and the consequences. The administration of Mr. Buchanan, in conducting our foreign affairs, met with great and uncommon success. SPAIN. Our relations with Spain were in a very unsatisfactory con dition on his accession to power. Our flag had been insulted, and numerous injuries had been inflicted on the persons and property of American citizens by Spanish officials acting under the direct control of the Captain General of Cuba. These gave rise to many but unavailing reclamations for redress and in demnity against the Spanish Government. Our successive min isters at Madrid had for years ably presented and enforced these claims, but all without effect. Their efforts were continually baffled on different pretexts. There was a class of these claims called the " Cuban claims," of a nature so plainly just that they could not be gainsaid. In these more than one hundred of our citizens were directly interested. In 1844 duties had been ille gally exacted from their vessels at different custom houses in Cuba, and they appealed to their Government tO' have these duties refunded. Their amount could be easily ascertained by the Cuban officials themselves, who were in possession of all the necessary documents. The validity of these claims was eventually recog nized by Spain, but not until after a delay of ten years. The amount due was fixed, according to her own statement, with which the claimants were satisfied, at the sum of $128,635.54. Just at the moment when the claimants were expecting to receive this amount without further delay, the Spanish Government pro posed to pay, not the whole, but only one-third of it, and this provided we should accept it in full satisfaction of the entire claim. They added that this offer was made, not in strict justice, but as a special favor. 236 MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 237 Under these circumstances, the time had arrived when the President deemed it his duty to employ strong and vigorous remonstrances to bring all our claims against Spain to a satis factory conclusion. In this he succeeded in a manner gratifying to himself, and it is believed to all the claimants, but unfortu nately not to the Senate of the United States. A convention was concluded at Madrid on the 5th March, i860, establishing a joint commission for the final adjudication and payment of all the claims of the respective parties. By this the validity and amount of the Cuban claims were expressly admitted, and their speedy payment was placed beyond question. The convention was transmitted to the Senate for their constitutional action on the 3d May, i860, but on the 27th June they determined, greatly to the surprise of the President, and the disappointment of the claimants, that they would " not advise and consent " to its ratification. The reason for this decision, because made in executive ses sion, cannot be positively known. This, as stated and believed at the time, was because the convention had authorized the Span ish Government to present its Amistad claim, like any other claim, before the Board of Commissioners for decision. This claim, it will be recollected, was for the payment to the Spanish owners of the value of certain slaves, for which the Spanish Gov ernment held the United States to be responsible under the treaty with Spain of the 27th October, 1795. Such was the evidence in its favor, that three Presidents of the United States had recom mended to Congress to make an appropriation for its payment, and a bill for this purpose had passed the Senate. The validity of the claim, it is proper to observe, was not recognized by the convention. In this respect it was placed on the same footing with all the other claims of the parties, with the exception of the Cuban claims. All the Spanish Government obtained for it was simply a hearing before the Board, and this could not be denied with any show of impartiality. Besides, it is quite certain that no convention could have been concluded without such a provision. It was most probably the extreme views of the Senate at the time against slavery, and their reluctance to recognize it even so far as to permit a foreign claimant, although under the sanction of a treaty, to raise a question before the Board which might involve its existence, that caused the rejection of the convention. Under the impulse of such sentiments, the claims of our fellow- 238 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN citizens have been postponed if not finally defeated. Indeed, the Cuban claimants, learning that the objections in the Senate arose from the Amistad claim, made a formal offer to remove the difficulty by deducting its amount from the sum due to them, but this of course could not be accepted. GREAT BRITAIN. With Great Britain our relations were in a most unsatisfac tory condition at the commencement of Mr. Buchanan's adminis tration. Two irritating and dangerous questions were pending between them, either of which might at any moment have involved them in war. The first arose out of her claim to a protectorate over the Mosquito Coast, and her establishment of a colonial government over the Bay Islands, which territories belonged respectively to the feeble Central American Republics of Nica ragua and Honduras. These acts of usurpation on the part of the British Government were in direct violation of the Monroe doctrine, which has been so wisely and strenuously maintained by our Government ever since it was announced. It was be lieved that the Clayton and Bulwer treaty, concluded in April, 1850, under the administration of General Taylor, had settled these questions in favor of the United States, and that Great Britain would withdraw from the territories of Nicaragua and Honduras. But not so. She still persisted in holding them. She even contended that the treaty only prohibited her from mak ing future acquisitions in Central America, and by inference admitted the right to hold all her then existing possessions. The true construction of this treaty was the subject of a prolonged correspondence between Mr. Buchanan while Minister in London and the British Government. This produced no effect at the time. After he became President, however, the question was amicably and honorably settled, under his advice and approbation, by treaties between Great Britain and the two Central American States, in accordance with our construction of the Clayton and Bulwer treaty. Great Britain, both before and after the war of 181 2, had persistently claimed the right of search. Her exercise of this right in the spring of 1858 had nearly involved the two countries in war. The American people have ever been peculiarly sensitive against any attempt, from whatever power, to invade the freedom MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 239 of the seas. This their whole history attests from the days of the Revolution. The question was now brought to direct issue by the British Government, from which there could be no escape. At this period she despatched a number of small armed vessels, which had been employed in the Crimean war, to' the coast of Cuba and the Gulf of Mexico, with instructions to search Ameri can merchantmen whom they might suspect as slave-traders. These waters are traversed by a large portion of our navigation, and their free and uninterrupted use is essential to the security of our coastwise trade between the different States. This was all placed at the mercy of the junior officers in command of these small vessels. They proceeded at once to execute their orders. They forcibly boarded and searched numerous American vessels, and this often, as might have been expected, in a rude and offen sive manner. Day after day reports of these violent proceedings succeeded each other, and produced general indignation through out the country. The call of the people was loud for immediate redress. The President remonstrated to the British Government against these deliberate violations of our national sovereignty, but judging from the experience of the past, this would have proved unavailing. It had become necessary to resist force by force. Without awaiting the action of Congress, he assumed this respon sibility, which he thought the exigency demanded and would justify. He accordingly ordered ever)' ship of war within reach to the Gulf, with instructions from the Secretary of the Navy " to protect all vessels of the United States on the high seas from search or detention by the vessels of war of any other nation." This decisive measure received the unqualified and enthusiastic approbation of the American people, and the Senate, though somewhat tardily", approved it by an unanimous vote.1 Had an attempt been afterwards made to search any of our vessels, this would have been resisted by force ; a collision between the armed vessels of the two powers, acting under the authority of each, would have occurred, and this would have been the commence ment of hostilities. But fortunately no collision took place. The British Gov ernment became sensible they were in the wrong, and at once recalled the orders under which their commanders had acted. They did far more. They abandoned their claim to the right of 1 Cong. Globe, p. 3061. 240 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN search, for which they had so long contended, and recognized the validity of the principle of international law in favor of the freedom of the seas, always maintained by our own Government. Thus have vessels of the United States been forever secured from visitation and search by British cruisers, in time of peace, under any circumstances whatever. In this satisfactory manner was the long controversy be tween the two Governments finally settled. We deem it proper here to insert an extract from the annual report of the Secretary of the Navy (Mr. Toucey), to the President, of the 6th Decem ber, 1858,1 in which he states the action of his Department in carrying into effect the instructions of the President. The Secre tary says : " The force sent into the neighborhood of Cuba to resist the exercise of the right of search by British cruisers, con sisted of the steam frigates Wabash and Colorado; the sloops of war Macedonian, Constellation, Jamestown, Saratoga, and Plymouth; the steamers Water Witch, Arctic, Fulton, and De spatch, and the brig Dolphin comprising the Mediterranean squad ron under Flag Officer Lavallette, the home squadron under Flag Officer Mcintosh, and such other vessels as were sent out specially for the purpose. They were all deemed effective for the object for which they were sent, because in the execution of their mission no one of them would have hesitated to resist a ship of the largest class. They were instructed to protect all vessels of the United States against the exercise of the right of search on the high seas, in time of peace, by the armed vessels of any other power. These instructions have been often repeated, and are now regarded as standing instructions to the navy of the United States wherever employed. They put the deck of an American vessel on the same footing with American soil, the invasion of which under foreign authority is to be as strenuously resisted in the one case as in the other. They regard such invasion as in the highest degree offensive to the United States, incompatible with their sovereignty and with the freedom of the seas, and to be met and resisted by the whole power of the country. It was your policy promptly and decisively to embrace the opportunity to bring this question of right, upon which we had gone through one war and half a century of negotiation, to final issue, by placing all other nations in a posture where they must either fight for it or abandon it. The result has proved the wisdom of the measure." 1 Senate Documents, vol. iv., p. 3. MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 241 CHINA. The same success attended our negotiations with China.1 The treaty of July, 1844, with that empire, had provided for its own revision and amendment at the expiration of twelve years from its date, should experience render this necessary. Changes in its provisions had now become indispensable for the security and extension of our commerce. Besides, our merchants had just claims against the Chinese Government, for injuries sustained in violation of the treaty. To effect these changes, and to obtain indemnity for these injuries, the Hon. William B. Reed was sent as Minister to China. His position proved to be one of great delicacy. England and France were engaged in war against China, and urged the United States to become a party to it. They alleged that it had been undertaken to accomplish objects in which we had a common interest with themselves. This was the fact ; but the President , did not believe that our grievances, although serious, would justify a resort to hostilities. Whilst Mr. Reed was, therefore, directed to preserve a strict neutrality between the belligerents, he was instructed to cooperate cordially with the Ministers of England and France in all peace ful measures to secure by treaty those just concessions to com merce which the civilized nations of the world had a right to expect from China. The Russian Government, also, pursued the same line of policy. The difficulty, then, was to obtain for our country, whilst remaining at peace, the same commercial advantages which Eng land and France might acquire by war. This task our Minister performed with tact, ability, and success, by the conclusion of the treaty of Tientsin of the 18th June, 1858, and the two supplemen tal conventions of Shanghae of the 8th November following.2 These have placed our commercial relations with China on the same satisfactory footing with those of England and France, and have resulted in the actual payment of the full amount of all the just claims of our citizens, leaving a surplus to the credit of the Treasury. This object has been accomplished, whilst our friendly relations with the Chinese Government were never for a moment interrupted, but on the contrary have been greatly strengthened. 1 Message, 8th December, 1857, p. 14. 2 Pamphlet Laws, 1861-62, p. 177, Appendix. Vol. XII— 16 242 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN PARAGUAY. ' The hostile attitude of the Government of Paraguay toward the United States early commanded the attention of the President. That Government had, upon frivolous and even insulting pretexts, refused to ratify the treaty of friendship, commerce, and navi gation, concluded with it on the 4th March, 1853, as amended by the Senate, though this only in mere matters of form.1 It had seized and appropriated the property of t American citizens residing in Paraguay, in a violent and arbitrary manner; and finally, by order of President Lopez, it had fired upon the United, States steamer Water Witch (ist February, 1855), under Com mander Thomas J. Page of the navy, and killed the sailor at the helm, whilst she was peacefully employed in surveying the Parana river, to ascertain its fitness for steam navigation. The honor, as well as the interest of the country, demanded satisfaction. The President brought the subject to the notice of Congress in his first annual message (8th December, 1857). In this he informed them that he would make a demand for redress on the Government of Paraguay, in a firm but conciliatory manner, but at the same time observed, that " this will the more probably be granted, if the Executive shall have authority to use other means in the event of a refusal. This is accordingly recom mended." Congress responded favorably to this recommenda tion. On the 2d June, 1858,2 they passed a joint resolution authorizing the President " to adopt such measures, and use such force as, in his judgment, may be necessary and advisable, in the event of a refusal of just satisfaction by the Government of Paraguay," " in connection with the attack on the United States steamer Water Witch, and with other matters referred to in the annual message." 3 They also made an appropriation to de fray the expenses of a commissioner to Paraguay, should he deem it proper to appoint one, " for the adjustment of difficul ties " with that Republic. Paraguay is situated far in the interior of South America, and its capital, the city of Asuncion, on the left bank of the river Paraguay, is more than a thousand miles from the mouth of the La Plata. 1 Senate Documents, 1857-58, vol. ii., p. 35, etc., etc. 2 U. S. Stat, at Large, vol. xi., p. 370. 8 Ibid., p. 319. MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 243 The stern policy of Dr. Francia, formerly the Dictator of Paraguay, had been to exclude all the rest of the world from his dominions, and in this he had succeeded by the most severe and arbitrary measures. His successor, President Lopez, found it necessary, in some degree, to relax this jealous policy; but, animated by the same spirit, he imposed harsh restrictions in his intercourse with foreigners. Protected by his remote and se cluded position, he but little apprehended that a navy from our far distant country could ascend the La Plata, the Parana, and the Paraguay, and reach his capital. This was doubtless the reason why he had ventured to place us at defiance. Under these circumstances the President deemed it advisable to send with our commissioner to Paraguay, Hon. James B. Bowlin, a naval force sufficient to exact justice should negotiation fail.1 This consisted of nineteen armed vessels, great and small, carrying two hundred guns and twenty-five hundred sailors and marines, all under the command of the veteran and gallant Shubrick. Soon after the arrival of the expedition at Montevideo, Commis sioner Bowlin and Commodore Shubrick proceeded (30th De cember, 1858) to ascend the rivers to Asuncion in the steamer Fulton, accompanied by the Water Witch. Meanwhile the re maining vessels rendezvoused in the Parana, near Rosario, a position from which they could act promptly, in case of need. The commissioner arrived at Asuncion on the 25th Janu ary, 1859, and left it on the 10th February. Within this brief period he had ably and successfully accomplished all the objects of his mission. In addition to ample apologies, he obtained from President Lopez the payment of $10,000 for the family of the seaman (Chaney) who had been killed in the attack on the Water Witch, and also concluded satisfactory treaties, of indemnity and of navigation and commerce with the Paraguayan Government.2 Thus the President was enabled to announce to Congress, in his annual message (December, 1859), that " all our difficulties with Paraguay had been satisfactorily adjusted." Even in this brief summary it would be unjust to withhold from Secretary Toucey a commendation for the economy and efficiency he displayed in fitting out this expedition.3 It is a remarkable fact in our history, that its entire expenses were de- 1 Message igth Dec, 1859. "United States Pamphlet Laws, i8so-'6o, p. 119. Appendix. 'Report of Sec. Toucey, 2d Dec, 1859; Sen. Doc, i8s9-'6o, vol. iii., p. 11 37- 244 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN frayed out of the ordinary appropriations for the naval service. Not a dollar was appropriated by Congress for this purpose, unless we may except the sum of $289,000 for the purchase of seven small steamers of light draft, worth more than their cost, and which were afterwards usefully employed in the ordinary naval service.1 It may be remarked that the President, in his message already referred to, justly observes, " that the appearance of so large a force, fitted out in such a prompt manner, in the far distant waters of the La Plata, and the admirable conduct of the officers and men employed in it, have had a happy effect in favor of our country throughout all that remote portion of the world." THE MEXICAN REPUBLIC AND THE MONROE DOCTRINE. The relations of the United States with Mexico on the accession of Mr. Buchanan to the Presidency in March, 1857, were of an unfriendly and almost hostile character. That Re public had been in a state of constant revolution ever since it achieved its independence from Spain. The various constitu tions adopted from time to time had been set at naught almost as soon as proclaimed; and one military leader after another, in rapid succession, had usurped the government. This fine country, blessed with a benign climate, a fertile soil, and vast mineral resources, was reduced by civil war and brigandage to a condition of almost hopeless anarchy. Meanwhile, our treaties with the Republic were incessantly violated. Our citizens were imprisoned, expelled from the country, and in some instances murdered. Their vessels, merchandise, and other property were seized and confiscated. While the central Government at the capital were acting in this manner, such was the general lawless ness prevailing, that different parties claiming and exercising local authority in several districts were committing similar outrages on our citizens. Our treaties had become a dead letter, and our commerce with the Republic was almost entirely destroyed. The claims of American citizens filed in the State Department, for which they asked the interposition of their own Government with that of Mexico to obtain redress and indemnity, exceeded $10,- 000,000. Although this amount may have been exaggerated 'Letter of Sec. Toucey, May 11, i860, to Committee on Naval Expendi tures, vol. vi., No. 86 Miscellaneous Doc. of H. R. MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 245 by the claimants, still their actual losses must have been very large.1 In all these cases as they occurred our successive ministers demanded redress; but their demands were only followed by new injuries. Their testimony was uniform and emphatic in reference to the only remedy which in their judgments would prove effectual. " Nothing but a manifestation of the power of the Government of the United States," wrote Mr. John For syth, our Minister in 1856, " and of its purpose to punish these wrongs, will avail. I assure you that the universal belief here is, that there is nothing to be apprehended from the Government of the United States, and that local Mexican officials can com mit these outrages upon American citizens with absolute impunity." In the year 1857 a favorable change occurred in the affairs of the Republic, inspiring better hopes for the future. A con stituent Congress, elected by the people of the different States for this purpose, had framed and adopted a republican Consti tution. It adjourned on the 17th February, 1857, having pro vided for a popular election to be held in July for a President and members of Congress. At this election General Comonfort was chosen President almost without opposition. His term of office was to commence on the ist of December, 1857, and to continue for four years. In case his office should become vacant, the Constitution had provided that the Chief Justice of Mexico, then General Juarez, should become President, until the end of the term. On the ist December, 1857, General Comonfort ap peared before the Congress then in session, took the oath to support the Constitution, and was duly inaugurated. But the hopes thus inspired for the establishment of a regu lar constitutional Government soon proved delusive. President Comonfort, within one brief month, was driven from the capital and the Republic by a military rebellion headed by General Zu- loaga ; and General Juarez consequently became the constitutional President of Mexico until the ist day of December, 1861. Gen eral Zuloaga instantly assumed the name of President with in definite powers; and the entire diplomatic corps, including the minister from the United States, made haste to recognize the authority of the usurper without awaiting instructions from their ' List of Claims, Senate Executive Documents, p. 18, 2d session 35th Congress, President's Message. 246 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN respective Governments. But Zuloaga was speedily expelled from power. Having encountered the resistance of the people in many parts of the Republic, and a large portion of the army in the capital having " pronounced " against him, he was in turn compelled to relinquish the Presidency. The field was now cleared for the elevation of General Miramon. He had from the beginning been the favorite of the so-called " Church party," and was ready to become their willing instrument in maintaining the vast estates and prerogatives of the Church, and in suppressing the Liberal Constitution. An assembly of his partisans, called together without even the semblance of authority, elected him President ; but he warily refused to accept the office at their hands. He then resorted to another but scarcely more plausible expedient to place himself in power. This was to identify himself with General Zuloaga, who had just been deposed, and to bring him again upon the stage as President. Zuloaga accordingly reappeared in this character; but his only act was to appoint Miramon " President Substitute," when he again retired. It is under this title that Miramon has since exer cised military authority in the city of Mexico, expecting by this stratagem to appropriate to himself the recognition of the foreign ministers which had been granted to Zuloaga. He succeeded. The ministers continued their relations with him as "President Substitute " in the same manner as if Zuloaga had still remained in power. It was by this farce, for it deserves no better name, that Miramon succeeded in grasping the Presidency. The idea that the chief of a nation at his own discretion may transfer to whomsoever he may please the trust of governing delegated to him for the benefit of the people, is too absurd to receive a mo ment's countenance. But when we reflect that Zuloaga, from whom Miramon derived his title, was himself a military usurper, having expelled the constitutional President (Comonfort) from office, it would have been a lasting disgrace to the Mexican people had they tamely submitted to the yoke. To such an imputation a large majority proved themselves not to be justly exposed. Al though, on former occasions, a seizure of the capital and the usurpation of power by a military chieftain had been generally followed, at least for a brief season, by an acquiescence of the Mexican people, yet they now rose boldly and independently to defend their rights. President Juarez, after having been driven from the city of Mexico by Zuloaga, proceeded to form a constitutional Govern- MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 247 ment at Guanajuato. From thence he removed to Vera Cruz, where he put his administration in successful operation. The people in many portions of the Republic rallied in its support and flew to arms. A civil war thus began between the friends of the Constitution and the partisans of Miramon. In this con flict it was not possible for the American people to remain indifferent spectators. They naturally favored the cause of Pres ident Juarez, and expressed ardent wishes for his success. Mean while Mr. Forsyth, the American Minister, still continued at the city of Mexico in the discharge of his official duties until June, 1858, when he suspended his diplomatic relations with the Mira mon Government, until he should ascertain the decision of the President. Its outrages toward American citizens and its per sonal indignities toward himself, without hope of amendment or redress, rendered his condition no longer tolerable. Our relations, bad as they had been under former governments, had now become still worse under that of Miramon. President Bu chanan approved the step which Mr. Forsyth had taken. He was consequently directed to demand his passports, to deposit the archives of the legation with Mr. Black, our consul at the city of Mexico, and to proceed to Vera Cruz, where an armed steamer would be in readiness to convey himself and family to the United States.1 Thus was all diplomatic intercourse finally terminated with the Government of Miramon; whilst none had been organized with that of Juarez. The President entertained some hope that this rupture of diplomatic relations might cause Miramon to reflect seriously on the danger of war with the United States, and might at least arrest future outrages on our citizens. Instead of this, however, he persisted in his course of violence against the few American citizens who had the courage to remain under his power. The President in his message of December, 1859,2 in forms Congress that " murders of a still more atrocious character have been committed in the very heart of Mexico, under the authority of Miramon's Government, during the present year. Some of these were worthy only of a barbarous age, and if they had not been clearly proven, would have seemed impossible in a country which claims to be civilized." And in that of December, 1 Letter of General Cass to Mr. Forsyth, July 15th, 1858. Senate Docu ments, i858-'59, vol. i., p. 48. 2 House Journal, p. 207. 248 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN i860, he says : " To cap the climax, after the battle of Tacubaya, in April, 1859, General Marquez ordered three citizens of the United States, two of them physicians, to be seized in the hospital at that place, taken out and shot, without crime, and without trial. This was done, notwithstanding our unfortunate countrymen were at the moment engaged in the holy cause of affording relief to the soldiers of both parties who had been wounded in the battle, without making any distinction between them." " Little less shocking was the recent fate of Ormond Chase, who was shot in Tepic on the 7th August by order of the same Mexican general, not only without trial, but without any conjecture by his friends of the cause of his arrest." He was represented to have been a young man of good character and intelligence, who had made numerous friends in Tepic, and his unexpected execution shocked the whole community. " Other outrages," the President states, " might be enumerated ; but these are sufficient to illustrate the wretched state of the country and the unprotected condition of the persons and property of our citizens in Mexico." " The wrongs which we have suffered from Mexico are before the world, and must deeply impress every American citi zen. A Government which is either unable or unwilling to redress such wrongs, is derelict to its highest duties." Meanwhile the civil war between the parties was conducted with various success; but the scale preponderated in favor of the Constitutional cause. Ere long the Government of Juarez extended its authority and was acknowledged in all the important ports and throughout the sea-coasts and external territory of the Republic; whilst the power of Miramon was confined to the city of Mexico and the surrounding States. The final triumph of Juarez became so probable, that Presi dent Buchanan deemed it his duty to inquire and ascertain whether, according to our constant usage in such cases, he might not recognize the Constitutional Government. For the purpose of obtaining reliable information on this point, he sent a confiden tial agent to Mexico to examine and report the actual condition and prospects of the belligerents. In consequence of his report, as well as of intelligence from other sources, he felt justified in appointing a new minister to the Mexican Republic. For this office Mr. Robert M. McLane, a distinguished citizen of Mary land, was selected. He proceeded on his mission on the 8th March, 1859, invested " with discretionary authority to recognize MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 249 the Government of President Juarez, if on his arrival in Mexico he should find it entitled to such recognition, according to the established practice of the United States." In consequence, on the 7th of April Mr. McLane recognized the Constitutional Gov ernment by presenting his credentials to Presidait Juarez, having no hesitation, as he said, " in pronouncing the Government of Juarez to be the only existing Government of the Republic." He was cordially received by the authorities at Vera Cruz, who have ever since manifested the most friendly disposition toward the United States. Unhappily, however, the Constitutional Government, though supported by a large majority both of the people and of the several Mexican States, had not been able to expel Miramon from the capital. In the opinion of the President, it had now become the imperative duty of Congress to act without further delay, and to enforce redress from the Government of Miramon for the wrongs it had committed in violation of the faith of treaties against citizens of the United States. Toward no other Government would we have manifested so long and so patient a forbearance. This arose from our warm sympathies for a neighboring Republic. The territory under the sway of Miramon around the capital was not accessible to our forces without passing through the States under the juris diction of the Constitutional Government. But this from the beginning had always manifested the warmest desire to cultivate the most friendly relations with our country. No doubt was therefore entertained that it would cheerfully grant us the right of passage. Moreover, it well knew that the expulsion of Mira mon would result in the triumph of the Constitutional Govern ment and its establishment over the whole territory of Mexico. What was, also, deemed of great importance by the President, this would remove from us the danger of a foreign war in sup port of the Monroe doctrine against any European nation which might be tempted, by the distracted condition of the Republic, to interfere forcibly in its internal affairs under the pretext of restoring peace and order. Such is the outline of the President's policy. Had it been sanctioned by Congress, it is beyond question that we should not at this day witness the transformation of the Republic into a monarchy. Accordingly, in his message to Congress of the 19th of De cember, 1859, he says: " We may in vain apply to the Constitu- 250 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN tional Government at Vera Cruz, although it is well disposed to do us justice, for adequate redress. Whilst its authority is acknowledged in all the important ports and throughout the sea- coasts of the Republic, its power does not extend to the city of Mexico and the States in its vicinity, where nearly all the recent outrages have been committed on American citizens. We must penetrate into the interior before we can reach the offenders, and this can only be done by passing through the territory in the occupation of the Constitutional Government. The most accept able and least difficult mode of accomplishing the object will be to act in concert with that Government. Their consent and their aid might, I believe, be obtained; but if not, our obligation to protect our own citizens in their just rights secured by treaty would not be the less imperative. For these reasons I recom mend to Congress to pass a law authorizing the President, under such conditions as they may deem expedient, to employ a sufficient military force to enter Mexico for the purpose of obtain ing indemnity for the past and security for the future. I pur posely refrain from any suggestion as to whether this force shall consist of regular troops or volunteers, or both. This question may be most appropriately left to the decision of Congress. I would merely observe that, should volunteers be selected, such a force could be easily raised in this country among those who sympathize with the sufferings of Our unfortunate fellow-citizens in Mexico, and with the unhappy condition of that Republic. Such an accession to the forces of the Constitutional Government would enable it soon to reach the city of Mexico, and extend its power over the whole Republic. In that event, there is no reason to doubt that the just claims of our citizens would be satisfied, and adequate redress obtained for the injuries inflicted upon them. The Constitutional Government have ever evinced a strong desire to do justice, and this might be secured in advance by a preliminary treaty. " It may be said that these measures will, at least indirectly, be inconsistent with our wise and settled policy not to interfere in the domestic concerns of foreign nations. But does not the present case fairly constitute an exception? An adjoining re public is in a state of anarchy and confusion from which she has proved wholly unable to extricate herself. She is entirely desti tute of the power to maintain peace upon her borders, or to pre vent the incursions of banditti into our territory. In her fate and in her fortune — in her power to establish and maintain a MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 251 settled government — we have far deeper interest, socially, com mercially, and politically, than any other nation. She is now a wreck upon the ocean, drifting about as she is impelled by dif ferent factions. As a good neighbor, shall we not extend to her a helping hand to save her? // we do not, it would not be sur prising should some other nation undertake the task, and thus force us to interfere at last, under circumstances of increased difficulty, for the maintenance of our established policy." These recommendations of the President were wholly disre garded by Congress during the session of 1 859-1 860. Indeed, they were not even noticed in any of its proceedings. The members of both parties were too exclusively occupied in dis cussing the slavery question, and in giving their attention to the approaching Presidential election, to devote any portion of their time to the important Mexican question. The President again brought the subject before Congress in his next annual message of December, i860; but with no better effect. In recurring to his recommendations at the previous session for the employment of a military force, and the conse quences which had already resulted and would afterwards follow from the neglect with which it had been treated, he observes : " No' other alternative was left, except the entire abandonment of our fellow-citizens who had gone to Mexico under the faith of treaties, to the systematic injustice, cruelty, and oppression of Miramon's Government. Besides, it is almost certain that the simple authority to employ this force would of itself have accom plished all our objects, without striking a single blow. The Constitutional Government would, then, ere this have been estab lished at the city of Mexico, and would have been ready and willing, to the extent of its ability, to> do us justice. " In addition, and I deem this a most important considero,- tion, European Governments would have been deprived of all pretext to interfere in the territorial and domestic concerns of Mexico. We should thus have been relieved from the obligation of resisting, even by force, should this become necessary, any attempt by these Governments to deprive our neighboring Repub lic of portions of her territory, a duty from which we could not shrink without abandoning the traditional and established policy of the American people." He adds : " I am happy to observe that, firmly relying upon the justice and good faith of these Governments, there is no present danger that such a contingency will happen." 252 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN This was inserted in the message, because Mr. McLane at the time had received informal though only verbal assurances to this effect in his intercourse with European diplomatists in Mexico. And indeed there was no danger of foreign interfer ence SO' long as the question of a military expedition to Mexico had not been decided by Congress. The President did not apprehend interference in Mexico from any European sovereign except the Emperor of the French. It was his known policy to seek new colonies for France ; and his minister exercised great influence over Miramon. Besides, he had previously directed his attention in a special manner to Cen tral America. The President, therefore, watched his proceedings with constant vigilance, under the conviction that should he attempt to colonize the whole or any portion of Mexico, this would almost necessarily involve the United States in a war with France in vindication of the Monroe doctrine. THE ORIGIN, HISTORY, AND NATURE OF THE MONROE DOCTRINE. The allied powers of Europe had triumphed over Napoleon, and had restored the elder branch of the Bourbons, in the per son of Louis XVIII., to the throne of France. Emboldened by this success, Russia, Austria, and Prussia, in 1815, formed the Holy Alliance. To this France, and nearly all the other continental powers, soon afterwards acceded. Great Britain, however, stood aloof and refused to become a party to it. The object of the allies was to abolish liberal Governments on the continent of Europe, and to maintain the divine right of sover eigns to rule according to their own discretion — in short, to roll back the tide of progress toward free institutions, and to restore the old despotisms as they had existed before the French Revolution. Accordingly France was deputed to destroy, by force of arms, the liberal Government of the Cortes in Spain, and to restore the implacable and bigoted Ferdinand VII. to absolute power. In 1823 a French army, commanded by the Duke d'Angouleme, invaded Spain, and in a single campaign accomplished these objects. In the year before the date of this expedition, the Govern ment of the United States had formally acknowledged the inde pendence of the different southern Republics, formerly Spanish colonies; and an appropriation of one hundred thousand dollars MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 253 had been made (May 4, 1822)1 by Congress to defray the ex pense of missions to these " independent nations on the American continent." Whilst the French invasion was in successful progress, the British Government became satisfied that the allies, after crush ing the Spanish liberals, intended to employ their arms in assist ing Ferdinand VII. to resubjugate what they termed his rebellious colonies on this side of the Atlantic. To such an enterprise Great Britain was strenuously opposed, and she resolved to resist it. If successful, this would prove to be a severe blow to her trade in that quarter of the world — an interest to which she has ever been sensitively alive. To avert the impending danger Mr. Canning, then the British Minister for Foreign Affairs, in August, 1823, proposed to Mr. Rush, the American Minister in London, that the two Governments should immediately unite in publishing " a joint declaration before Europe," manifesting their opposition to the policy and purposes of the alliance in regard to this continent. This expressed the opinion that the recovery of the colonies by Spain was hopeless ; that their recognition as independent States was one of time and circumstances; that the two powers were not disposed, however, to interpose obstacles in the way to any arrangements by amicable negotiations between the colonies and Spain; but that whilst they aimed at the acquisition of no portion of these colonies for themselves, they would not see the transfer of any of them to a third power with indifference. Mr. Canning also observed that in his opinion such a joint decla ration by Great Britain and the United States would alone prove sufficient to prevent the allies from any forcible interference against the former Spanish colonies. For these reasons he ear nestly urged Mr. Rush to become a party to it on behalf of his Government. Although Mr. Rush had no direct instructions to warrant him in such an act, and this he had communicated to Mr. Canning, yet he wisely agreed to assume the responsibility, but upon one express condition. This was, that the British Gov ernment should first acknowledge the independence of the new American Republics, as the United States had already done. Mr. Canning, though resolved on defeating the projects of the alliance against these Republics, was not prepared at the time to take this decisive step, and therefore the joint declaration was never made. '3 United States Statutes, 678. 254 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN Mr. Rush, in his despatch of September 19, 1823, to Mr. John Quincy Adams, then Secretary of State,1 communicated to him a lucid statement of these negotiations, with explanatory documents. After these had been considered by President Mon roe, he sent them, with his own views on the subject, to Mr. Jeffer son, and asked his advice as to the course which ought to be pursued by the Government to ward off the threatened danger. Mr. Jefferson's answer is dated at Monticello, on the 24th October, 1823. It is earnest, enthusiastic, and eloquent, display ing in old age the statesmanlike sagacity and ardent patriotism of the author of the Declaration of Independence. It fore shadows and recommends the " Monroe Doctrine " to the fullest extent. From its importance we quote it entire from Randall's Life of Jefferson, vol. iii., p. 491. Mr. Jefferson says: "The question presented by the letters you have sent me is the most momentous which has ever been offered to my contemplation since that of independence. That made us a nation; this sets our compass and points the course which we are to steer through the ocean of time opening on us ; and never could we embark on it under circumstances more auspicious. Our first and funda mental maxim should be, never to entangle ourselves in the broils of Europe. Our second, never to suffer Europe to intermeddle with cis-Atlantic affairs. America, North and South, has a set of interests distinct from those of Europe, and peculiarly her own. She should, therefore, have a system of her own, separate and apart from that of Europe. While the last is laboring to become the domicile of despotism, our endeavor should surely be to make our hemisphere that of freedom. One nation, most of all, could disturb us in this pursuit ; she now offers to lead, aid, and accom pany us in it. By acceding to her proposition, we detach her from the band of despots, bring her mighty weight into the scale of free government, and emancipate a continent at one stroke, which might otherwise linger long in doubt and difficulty. Great Britain is the nation which can do us the most harm of any one, or all on earth ; and with her on our side, we need not fear the whole world. With her, then, we should most sedulously cherish a cordial friendship; and nothing would tend more to knit our affections than to be fighting once more, side by side, in the same cause. Not that I would purchase even her amity at the price of taking part in her wars. But the war in which the pres- 1 Rush's " Residence at the Court of London," p. 429. MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 255 ent proposition might engage us, should that be its consequence, is not her war, but ours. Its object is to introduce and establish the American system of keeping out of our land all foreign powers, of never permitting those of Europe to intermeddle with the affairs of our nations. It is to maintain our own principle, not to depart from it; and if, to facilitate this, we can effect a division in the body of the European powers, and draw over to our side its most powerful member, surely we should do it. But I am clearly of Mr. Canning's opinion, that it will prevent instead of provoking war. With Great Britain withdrawn from their scale and shifted into that of our two continents, all Europe combined would not undertake such a war. For how would they propose to get at either enemy without superior fleets? Nor is the occasion to be slighted which this proposition offers, of declar ing our protest against the atrocious violations of the rights of nations, by the interference of any one in the internal affairs of another, so flagitiously begun by Bonaparte, and now continued by the equally lawless alliance calling itself holy. " But we have first to ask ourselves a question : Do we wish to acquire to our own confederacy any one or more of the Spanish provinces? I candidly confess that I have ever looked on Cuba as the most interesting addition which could ever be made to our system of States. The control which, "with Florida point, this island would give us over the Gulf of Mexico, and the countries and isthmus bordering on it, as well as all those whose waters flow into it, would fill up the measure of our political well-being. Yet as I am sensible that this can never be obtained, even with her own consent, but by war; and its independence, which is our second interest (and especially its independence of England), can be secured Avithout it, I have no hesitation in abandoning my first wish to future chances, and accepting its independence, with peace and the friendship of England, rather than its association at the expense of war and her enmity. " I could honestly, therefore, join in the declaration pro posed, that we aim not at the acquisition of any of those posses sions, that we will not stand in the way of any amicable arrange ment between them and the mother country; but that we will oppose, with all our means, the forcible interposition of any other power, as auxiliary, stipendiary, or under any other form or pretext, and most especially their transfer to any power by con quest, cession, or acquisition in any other way. I should think it, therefore, advisable that the Executive should encourage the 256 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN British Government to a continuance in the dispositions expressed in these letters, by an assurance of his concurrence with them as far as his authority goes; and that, as it may lead to war, the declaration of which requires an act of Congress, the case shall be laid before them for consideration, at their first meeting, and under the reasonable aspect in which it is seen by himself. " I have been so long weaned from political subjects, and have so long ceased to take any interest in them, that I am sensible I am not qualified to offer opinions on them worthy of any atten tion. But the question now proposed involves consequences so lasting, and effects so decisive of our future destinies, as to rekindle all the interest I have heretofore felt on such occasions, and to induce me to the hazard of opinions which will prove only my wish to contribute still my mite toward any thing which may be useful to our country. And praying you to accept it at only what it is worth, I add the assurance of my constant and affectionate friendship and respect." President Monroe, thus fortified by the support of Mr. Jefferson, proceeded to announce, in his seventh annual message to Congress, of December 2, 1823, the now celebrated " Monroe Doctrine." This is summed up in his assertion, " as a principle in which the rights and interests of the United States are in volved, that the American continents, by the free and indepen dent condition they have assumed and maintained, are hence forth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European powers." The word " henceforth " is employed because Great Britain and France, at the date of the message, not to speak of the Por tuguese Empire of Brazil, possessed colonies on this continent, and these are exempted from its terms. It applies to the future and not to the past. This is more specifically stated afterwards in the declaration, that " with the existing colonies or depend encies of any European power we have not interfered and shall not interfere." The reader has perceived that the recommendations of Mr. Jefferson went beyond the " joint declaration " which had been proposed by Mr. Canning. This was confined to the Spanish American colonies, but the Monroe doctrine extends the protec tion of the United States to every other portion of the continent. In a subsequent portion of the message Mr. Monroe pro ceeds to discuss and condemn, in a clear and able manner, the projects of the alliance against the southern Republics, and to MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 257 warn them of the consequences. In this, however, he never loses sight of the more comprehensive doctrine he had first announced against European colonization in any portion of America, employing such language as the following : " We owe it therefore to candor, and to the amicable relations existing be tween the United States and those [European] powers, to declare that we should consider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety." And again, after stating that our established policy was not to interfere in the internal concerns of any Euro pean power, to consider the Government de facto as the legiti mate Government, and to cultivate friendly relations with it, he says : " But in regard to these continents circumstances are emi nently and conspicuously different. It is impossible that the allied powers should extend their political system to any portion of either continent without endangering our peace and happiness, nor can any one believe that our southern brethren, if left to themselves, would adopt it of their own accord. It is equally impossible, therefore, that we should behold such interposition, in any form, with indifference." Such is the Monroe doctrine. It is in opposition to future European colonization on any part of the American continent; it is in opposition to the introduction of European despotic or monarchical institutions in any part of the American continent; and is in opposition to any attempt of European sovereigns to subjugate the North American Republic of Mexico, or any of the South American Republics. In regard to those Republics, he emphatically says : " But with the Governments who have declared their independence and maintained it, and whose inde pendence we have, on great consideration and on just principles, acknowledged, we could not view any interposition for the pur pose of oppressing them, or controlling in any other manner their destiny, by any European power, in any other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition toward the United States." It was eminently wise that the United States, the most ancient and by far the most powerful Republic on this continent, should have interposed such a shield to defend their weaker sisters against the assaults of European despotism. " When President Monroe's message arrived in London [we are informed by Mr. Rush],1 the whole document excited great 'Rush, p. 458- Vol. XII— 17 258 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN attention. It was upon all tongues; the press was full of it; the Spanish American deputies were overjoyed; Spanish Ameri can securities rose in the stock market, and the safety of the new States from all European coercion was considered as no longer doubtful." The allies soon after abandoned their hostile pur poses against the new Republics, and their independence was secured. That portion of the message for the protection of the new Republics, being in accordance with the avowed policy of Great Britain, was received with favor by the British Government; but not so the portion of it against future European colonization. This encountered their decided opposition.1 " The Monroe doc trine," nevertheless, soon became a canon of political faith for the American people, and they placed it side by side with their hostility to the impressment of American seamen, and to the search of American vessels on the high seas. The authors and friends of the Monroe doctrine entertained no doubt of its wisdom and policy. With the established inde pendence of the Republic of Mexico and the Republics south of it, there arose two distinct and opposing forms of government on the opposite sides of the Atlantic; the one republican, the other monarchical ; the one devoted to free institutions, the other to despotic rule. The nations of Europe having deter mined to resist any change in their monarchical forms, it was but just and reasonable that those of America in self-protection should equally resist all attempts from the other side of the Atlan tic to change their free institutions. To repeat the language of Mr. Jefferson, " America, North and South, has a set of interests distinct from those of Europe, and peculiarly her own ; she should, therefore, have a system of her own, separate and apart from that of Europe. While the last is laboring to become the domicile of despotism, our endeavor should surely be to make our hemis phere that of freedom." Governments so radically opposed in principle could not be intermingled in adjoining territories with out dangerous disputes and collisions. The contrast between them would be a perennial source of jealousy. Each would necessarily endeavor to propagate its own principles among the neighboring people of the other. In the interests of peace and friendship between the European monarchies and the American Republics, a wise foresight would forbid the former from estab- 'Rush, pp. 458, 471. MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 259 lishing colonies within the territories or in the vicinity of the lat ter. Should the United States interpose forcibly to establish republican institutions on any part of the European continent, it is certain that all its sovereigns would combine to resist such an interference as dangerous to their monarchical system. Shall we, then, abandoning the Monroe doctrine, patiently suffer any of these sovereigns to extend their dominion, equally dangerous to our free forms of government, on this side of the Atlantic? No human sagacity could, twenty years ago, have foreseen the day when a foreign potentate, not even confining himself to the planting of colonies on American soil, should by invasion and force of arms convert the whole Republic of Mexico into a Euro pean monarchy. The idea, if suggested at that time, would have been treated as absurd, more especially when we reflect that this is the richest and most populous of the Republics which more than fifty years ago had been saved from European domination by our Government, and that its territories extend for a thousand miles along our own frontiers. During the administration of President Polk, it became necessary that he should reaffirm the Monroe doctrine, in view of the designs of Great Britain to establish a protectorate over the Mosquito coast in the Republics of Nicaragua and Honduras. This he did, in decided terms, in his first annual message to Con gress (2d December, 1845.)1 Great Britain, as we have already seen, through the inter position of the Government of the United States, eventually withdrew from the Mosquito protectorate, as well as from the colony of the Bay Islands, which she had afterwards established on the coast of Honduras. At the close of Mr. Buchanan's administration no European colony existed on the American continent, except such as had been established before the Monroe doctrine was announced, or had been formed out of territory then belonging to a European power. The President, having failed in obtaining authority from Congress to employ a military force in Mexico, as a last resort adopted the policy of concluding a treaty with the Constitutional Government. By this means he thought something might be accomplished, both to satisfy the long deferred claims of Ameri can citizens, and to prevent foreign interference with the internal government of Mexico. Accordingly Mr. McLane, on the 14th 1 3 Statesman's Manual, p. 1458. 260 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN day of December, 1859, signed a " Treaty of Transits and Com merce " with the Mexican Republic, and also a " Convention to enforce treaty stipulations, and to maintain order and security in the Territory of the Republics of Mexico and the United States." These treaties secured peculiar and highly valuable advantages to our trade and commerce, especially in articles the production of our agriculture and manufactures. They also guaranteed to us the secure possession and enjoyment of the Tehuantepec route, and of several other transit routes for our commerce, free from duty, across the territories of the Republic, on its way to California, and our other possessions on the North west coast, as well as to the independent Republics on the Pacific and to Eastern Asia. In consideration of these advantages, " and in compensation for the revenue surrendered by Mexico on the goods and mer chandise transported free of duty through the territory of that Republic, the Government of the United States agreed to pay to the Government of Mexico the sum of four millions of dollars." Of this sum two millions were to be paid immediately to Mexico, and the remaining two millions were to be retained by our Gov ernment " for the payment of the claims of citizens of the United States against the Government of the Republic of Mexico for injuries already inflicted, and which may be proven to be just according to the law and usage of nations and the principles of equity." It was believed that these stipulations, whilst providing two millions toward the payment of the claims of our citizens, would enable President Juarez with the remaining two millions to expel the usurping Government of Miramon from the capital, and place the Constitutional Government in possession of the whole territory of the Republic. This, we need not say, would have greatly promoted the interests of the United States. Be sides, what was vastly important, these treaties, by vesting in the United States territorial and commercial rights which we would be bound to defend, might for this reason have prevented any European Government from attempting to acquire dominion over the territories of Mexico, and thus the Monroe doctrine would probably have remained inviolate. With this view Mr. McLane was seriously impressed. In his despatch of December 14th, 1859, to the Secretary of State, communicating the treaties, he expresses the apprehension that should they not be ratified, further anarchy would prevail in Mexico until it should be ter minated by direct interference from some other quarter. MR. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 261 On the 4th January, i860, the President submitted to the Senate the treaty and the convention with a view to their ratifi cation, together with the despatch of Mr. McLane. These, on the same day, were referred to the Committee on Foreign Rela tions. Whether any or what other proceedings were had in relation to them we are unable to state, the injunction of secrecy having never been removed by the Senate. Mr. McLane, who was then in Washington, had a conference with the committee, and received the impression that comparative unanimity existed in favor of the principal provisions of the treaty ; but in regard to the convention the contingency of its possible abuse was re ferred to as constituting an objection to its ratification. Cer tain it is that neither the one nor the other was ever approved by the Senate, and consequently both became a dead letter. The Republic of Mexico was thus left to its fate, and has since become an empire under the dominion of a scion of the House of Haps- burg, protected by the Emperor of the French. The righteous claims of American citizens have therefore been indefinitely postponed. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION ON THE EVE OF THE REBELLION A PAPER READ BEFORE THE CLIOSOPHIC SOCIETY LANCASTER, PA., JANUARY 24, 1908 BY W. U. HENSEL 'It is Easy to be Wise After the Event.-1 LANCASTER, PA. MCMVIII II Buchanan's Administration ON THE Eve of the Rebellion BY THE HON. W. U. HENSEL Buchanan's Administration For many reasons I shall confine my treatment of Mr. Buchanan's public career and his attitude toward public questions to that closing period of his administration and of his official life which intervened the election and inaugu ration of his successor; only contrasting his executive aims and acts with those of Mr. Lincoln at the outset of the latter's term, when the conditions were most nearly corresponding. I shall assume that the main events of his life are familiar to any Lan caster audience — his pre-eminent ability as a lawyer, his long experience and signal services in the many places of public trust he held; his unsullied private character and unquestioned personal integrity; his almost continuous discharge of high official duties through the many years in which he rose from the rank of State legislator, through service as representative, diplomat, senator, secretary of state and ambassador, to the highest office under our government — advancing to the place by those gradations of experience, once familiar and common, but known no longer in our political system ; since now — for better or for worse — canned statesmanship, like condensed food and preserved music, are furnished to order, on short notice and ready for imme diate use — accepted generally for the gaudiness of the label rather than on the merits of the contents. Herbert Spencer, in " Man versus The State/' observes that " unques tionably among monstrous beliefs one of the most monstrous is that while for a simple handicraft such as shoemaking a long apprenticeship is needful, the sole thing which needs no apprenticeship is making a nation's laws." Mr. Buchanan was not made president by reason of any such popular or party delusion. In reaching that place he only came to his own. Moreover, had he realized his sincere belief that the notable decision of the Supreme Court upon the slavery question, which was almost contem poraneous with his inauguration, would have been accepted by people and politicians as the decisive judgment of the supreme federal tribunal, upon the question of then greatest federal and popular concern, it may easily be conceived his administration and himself would have gone down to history as identified with one of the most notable executive terms since the beginning of the government. Mr. Bryce, the most far-sighted and fair-minded foreign critic of our institutions, and Mr. Rhodes, probably the most accurate his torian of the period he treats, agree that our material progress during 1850-60 was greater than that of any preceding decade; and the American gives many illustrations of the tremendous advances in the intellectual, social and moral state of the people of that time. Again, had success attended the earnest efforts of those who so strenu ously sought to avert war in 1861 ; had the vigorously pressed Crittenden measures of compromise been adopted and accepted; or had Virginia's effort 267 268 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN to save the Union — accepted by twenty-one states who composed the Peace Congress, presided over by one who had been President of the Republic- had this or any like movement prevailed, the Buchanan administration would have been signalized as marking at once the most awful crisis and the safest deliverance in all our internal history; and the sunset of his political life would have been irradiated with the " gold and glory of a perfect day." THE VERDICT OF HISTORY. As it happened, I only record what is the overwhelming and apparently fixed conclusion of by far the greater number of the historic writers of this period, that his administration was inglorious and feeble, that it failed where it ought to have succeeded, and that this was largely due to the weakness of the executive head, if not to his actual lack of patriotism. I believe it is the sincere belief of a great majority of even the intelli gent people of this country who have honestly tried to study its history, that Mr. Buchanan, as president, at the outbreak of the secession movement, was a weak, timid, old man, who had gained his place by the favor of, if not through the bargain with, an arrogant, unscrupulous, slaveholding oligarchy of the South; that he was an accessory after, if not before, the fact, to the plot of a partisan majority of the Supreme Court to withhold the Dred Scott decision until after his election and then make it cover a point not vital to it, for unscrupulous political purposes; that he was the tool of crafty Southern leaders, who used him and his cabinet to bring to successful issue long pre determined plans to break up the Union; that in the development of these, he permitted, if he did not connive at, the weakening, scattering and disin tegrating of the armed forces of federal power on land and sea, the distri bution throughout the Southern States of great and disproportionate quan tities of muskets, rifles and cannon, so that the impending Confederacy might have a long start of the Union forces in physical preparation for armed conflict; that he obstructed Congress in its efforts to avert rebellion and war, or to properly, promptly and effectively meet it when declared ; that he drooped the colors of presidential dignity when he treated the envoys of defiant rebellion with a consideration due only to foreign ambassadors ; that he parleyed over the reinforcement of federal forces in government forts until the Confederates could rally enough troops to capture them ; that he repudiated the right to assert some existing constitutional executive power to levy war against a rebellious state government or the people of a rebellious commonwealth; and that when he quit the office, March 4, 1861, he was succeeded by a firm, resolute, patriotic successor, whose policies, methods and executive acts, in striking contrast with and immediate reversal of Mr. Buchanan's, asserted the proper presidential prerogative, antagonized rebels, roused patriotism, reinforced forts, inspired Congress, raised armies, estab lished national credit, waged war; and, with a combination of Jefferson's statesmanship, Jackson's courage, Washington's patriotism, Hamilton's skill and Webster's enthusiasm, after four years of civil war, the expenditure of ten billions of treasure and the loss of a half million human lives, accom plished what Mr. Buchanan could have done bloodlessly and economically had he not been a dotard or a traitor ! I cannot reasonably quarrel with the young student who, off-hand, accepts these conclusions ; nor with a younger generation, who find it more con- BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 269 venient — even though more unjust — to adopt than to dispute or dislodge them. Although nowadays we pay only one or two cents for a morning or evening newspaper, we are unreasonable enough to expect that what is printed therein, so far as it purports to be news and a narration of facts, has been gathered at the expense of its readers and patrons, with some regard for truth and accuracy. None of us has the time or the money to verify the same. Nevertheless, as we so often find that what is published regarding the things of which we have some knowledge is grossly inaccurate, unreliable and untruthful, we would also find, had we the means to test it, a vast deal of what passes for " a brief abstract and chronicle of the time " to be merely the " baseless fabric of a vision." So if the touchstone of historical truth be applied to much that the history makers have set down as established fact or invincible opinion, it will be found to be unsupported by testimony and unsustainable by fair argument.MR. BUCHANAN'S CRITICS. Thus in the elaborate and voluminous Albert Bushnell Hart series, " The American Nation," Prof. Smith, in the volume on " Parties and Slavery," dismisses Buchanan with the curt criticism : " No president has a record of more hopeless ill success." Chadwick, in his " Causes of the Civil War," in the same series, speaks of him as a weak " old man," surrounded by traitorous counsellors and afraid to do the duty which was plain before him. Schouler, in his five-volume history of the United States of America, " Under the Constitution," which period he seems to think begins with the Revolution and ends with the Civil War, complains that in 1860-1 the country lacked an executive who made " a bold and manly stand," " a free avowal that the Union must be preserved and the laws of the land obeyed." This he blithely declares " would have relieved the gloom and despondency which was already gathering in business circles," etc. ; and he dismisses the subject by re-echoing what he calls "the spontaneous cry of conscience Democrats " : " Oh ! for an hour of Jackson." In the language of the street, however, he " gives himself away " by confessing that the weak point in our system is that which kept the government's resources sequestered for four months " after the people had declared their will, in control of an adminis tration and Congress defeated at the polls." As a historian, he makes nothing by trying to shift the blame for the forwardness of the Confederate cause from Buchanan to Congress ; for he should have known, if he is a true his torian, that the Congress which met one month after Lincoln's election was a Republican Congress, organized and controlled by the political opposition to Mr. Buchanan, and from December 3, i860, when it met, until March 4, 1861, when it expired, it never passed an act nor did a deed in support of Buchanan's efforts to avert war or to suppress the incipient rebellion. And though the next Congress, elected in i860, and overwhelmingly Republican, could have been called into extra session March 5, 1861, no effort was made by the incoming Republican administration to assemble it until July 4, 1861 — nearly three months after the flag had been fired upon. Mr. Rhodes, who makes a resolute and in the main as successful an effort to be fair as anyone with his strong bias can be, clings to the view 270 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN that Buchanan was " lame and apologetic " and by his executive headship so far dominated Dix, Black, Stanton and Holt, of his Cabinet, as to prevent a policy of " vigorous defense prompted by strong patriotic and national sentiments." John A. Logan, who of course is entitled to no rank as a historian or political philosopher, but whose opinion is significant because (Saul-of-Tarsus-like) he was converted over night from a pro-slavery Democrat to a red-mouthed Republican, and was seriously considered— by himself at least — as a presidential possibility, speaks of the Buchanan outfit, in his " Great Conspiracy," as " an imbecile administration, which stood with dejected mien and folded hands helplessly awaiting the coming catastrophe." Gen. Benj. F. Butler, who had voted fifty-seven times for Jefferson Davis as the fit Democratic nominee for president of the United States, has recalled in " his book " how the question of secession could have been settled and " life and treasure incalculable " saved had Buchanan accepted his advice and arrested the Secession Commissioners for treason. As Mr. Buchanan's successor had the benefit of Gen. Butler's services, civil and military, and as all political parties had his help at one time, and his opposition at another, it probably may not be quite fair to quote him as authority on any side of any question. Mr. Blaine, who possesses some of the consistent qualities of a genuine historical critic, even of politics, considers that Mr. Buchanan lacked will, fortitude and moral courage ; and professes to believe that if he had pos sessed " the unconquerable will of Jackson or the stubborn courage of Taylor he could have changed the history of the revolt against the Union." John Sherman recalls in his " Recollections " with manifest self-satisfaction that he wrote, in December, i860, " Treason sits in the councils and timidity controls the executive power ; " and, commenting in 1895, on Mr. Buchanan's attitude, he characterizes it as " feebleness, vacillation and dishonor." Schurz denounces him as " the most miserable presidential figure in American history." Mr. Elson, whose work is probably the best of all the single- volume histories, calls him " a weak and vacillating president." Noah Brooks, in his life of Lincoln, stigmatizes his predecessor as cowardly, senile and vacillating, because he did not stamp out secession and reinforce Fort Sumter. John T. Morse, who has carefully excluded Buchanan from his " American Statesmen Series," though it comprises many men of much inferior rank, arraigns him bitterly in the life of Lincoln, which he himself wrote ; and yet page after page of it discredits his own estimate. I could multiply these citations almost without limit. Let it suffice to recall that Horace Greeley, the very rankest of disunionists, in his " Recollec tions," finds it impossible to reconcile Mr. Buchanan's conduct at the initial stages of the rebellion with any other hypothesis than that of " secret pledges made by him, or for him, to the Southern leaders, when he was an aspirant to the presidency, that fettered and paralyzed him when they perverted the power enjoyed by them, as members of his cabinet, to the disruption and overthrow of the Union." AN UNJUST JUDGMENT. I recall these opinions and I cite this very general judgment of con temporary history for the purpose of demonstrating that they are unhistorical, unjudicial, untrue, unjust and cruel. The subject affords fresh illustration of BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 271 how easily Error and Falsehood can outrun Justice and Truth in a short race. A very brief examination into the facts of the case will, on the other hand, demonstrate how simple it is for those who earnestly desire and honestly strive to get at the truth to ascertain and grasp it. From the same authorities whose opinions I have quoted I reach and undertake to sustain certain conclusions of fact which utterly subvert, under mine and reverse these false and mistaken judgments. From their own admissions it is manifest that Mr. Buchanan was no more of a disunionist than Mr. Lincoln, and not nearly so much of one as Seward, Greeley, Beecher or Wendell Phillips ; that the doctrine of secession, the right of a State to withdraw from the Federal Union, was not solely indigenous to the South; that the views of the Buchanan administration on the constitutional right of the executive to coerce a seceding state, or to make war on its people, were exactly those then held by substantially all the great lawyers, judges and statesmen of the country, including Abraham Lincoln; that there was no spoliation of the public treasury, no apportionment of the federal military equipment, nor dispersion of the navy in the interest of any particular section ; that in his efforts to maintain peace and prevent dismemberment of the Union, Mr. Buchanan was more aggressive, positive and definite than was Mr. Lincoln at the time ; that his Secretary of State, during the time the secession movement was organizing, was more courageous and determined than Mr. Lincoln's premier, even after rebellion became far more defiant and threaten ing; that the attitude of Lincoln's administration toward the Confederate agents of peace was more conciliatory than Buchanan's; that in his efforts to preserve peace and effect a compromise, Mr. Buchanan had the encourage ment and support of an overwhelming majority of the Northern people, and was hearkening to the almost unanimous voice of those who represented their great moral and material interests ; that no act of his hastened or encouraged the outbreak of hostilities, and that nothing he might have done, and left undone, could have checked, prevented or suppressed the rebellion and the ensuing war ; that Mr. Lincoln's utterances against force, invasion of Southern territory and resort to arms, from the time of his election until his inauguration, were much more emphatic for peace and conciliation than Mr. Buchanan's ; that a Republican House of Representatives and Congress, as a whole, during that period, did nothing, and did not offer to do anything, to justify or support the president in assuming any other attitude toward the South or its rebellion than he assumed — in short, that Mr. Buchanan did no less than Mr. Lincoln would or could have done in his place during those four months, and Mr. Lincoln did, dared and said nothing before, at and immediately after his inauguration to show he was not in full accord and sympathy with the policies of the Buchanan administration. As to the general proposition of acknowledging the right of secession or the policy of disunion, there is not to be found a line or letter in any docu ment Mr. Buchanan ever wrote, or in any speech he ever uttered, to justify such an aspersion. While extremists North and South concurred in this view, he never entertained nor countenanced it. He was a Jackson Democrat from start to finish, and went the whole length of that warrior-statesman in antagonism to Calhoun's doctrine of nullification — which must not be con founded with secession. Some of the most eminent representatives of Southern sentiment, like Jefferson Davis, who believed in the right of seces sion, disputed nullification; and others — like Alexander H. Stephens and 272 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN John B. Floyd — who conceded the right of secession, had consistently demon strated the political and economic folly of its exercise. Howell Cobb, in his canvass for Governor of Georgia, had made an able and powerful argument against the right of secession; and Mr. Buchanan himself records that this was the principal reason he selected Cobb for a seat in his cabinet. On the other hand, there can be no mistake about the strong sentiment of the Abolitionists and the New Englanders generally, of such advanced leaders as Josiah Quincy, and John Quincy Adams, in their time, and of Horace Greeley, William H. Seward, Henry Ward Beecher, William Lloyd Garrison and Wendell Phillips, of a later day, that secession was right and disunion was desirable. It was in Massachusetts, not in Alabama; by the Abolitionists, not the Democrats; led by Garrison, not by Davis, Toombs or Yancey — that the Constitution of the United States was publicly burned; the few hisses and wrathful exclamations that the deed drew forth were overborne by a thousand shouts of " Amen." It is an indisputable historical fact that when the extreme anti-slavery Northerners felt the constitutional contract and the final judicial construction of it warranted not only the existence of human slavery, but its extension into the territories ; that the enforcement of the Fugitive Slave Law was a duty imposed upon the States and on their people, and that there was no legal escape from these logical conclusions, they were quite ready to declare the Federal Constitution a "league with death, and a covenant with hell ; " to " half mast the starry flag, tear down the flaunting lie ; " and to submit to a dissolution of the compact of the States. It is reasonable to suppose that had the law been, or had it been construed to be, otherwise, the Southern extremists would have been just as disloyal and refractory, for it is as true of the righteous as of the rogues that they ne'er feel the halter draw, " with good opinion of the law." It is quite true, the Virginia and Kentucky resolutions of 1798 and 1799 declared the rights of States to nullify Federal statutes ; but the Federalists, in opposing the annexation of Louisiana and the war of 1812, and the Hart ford Convention of 1814, proclaimed the right of secession in even more defiant terms ; and down until the thunder of hostile cannon shook the land, the great body of Northern Abolitionists believed in the political preaching of Jedidiah Morse, that New England should get out of the Union to get rid of slavery. On the other hand, John C. Ropes, whose " Story of the Civil War " is probably the fairest and keenest of like dimensions yet written, says not a word dropped from Buchanan's lips to encourage the Southern hope "that the North would consent to a peaceable dissolution of the Union ; " " nor did he ever yield an iota on the point of the abstract right of the Federal Govern ment to maintain its hold on all the Southern forts." ALL SECTIONS OPPOSED TO WAR. None the less, the great mass of the people, North and South, were neither for disunion nor for war. They were favorable to almost any com promise on the slavery question that would preserve peace and union; and Mr. Lincoln, long after the war began, expressed the popular notion when he said that if he could save the Union by destroying slavery he would destroy it, but that if he could save the Union by continuing slavery he was BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 273 for its continuance. His inaugural pledged him to enforce the fugitive slave law. I am not now concerned to inquire whether this view was sagacious or ethical, humane or even statesmanlike. My proposition is that in the winter of i860 and 1861 it was the view of the great majority of the Northern people ; that Mr. Lincoln reflected and espoused it as fully and sincerely, and ex pressed it as freely and unmistakably, as Mr. Buchanan ; and that it is a shallow, false and wicked judgment which reprobates the one as cowardly and senile and praises the other as brave and sensible for cherishing the same notions, even though they were erroneous. I hasten to the support of my second proposition, that they concurred in their views as to what was then discussed as the right and policy of " coercion." The expiring Thirty-sixth Congress met less than a month after Lincoln's election. That House was in full control of the Republicans, and they had elected the next Congress. Within three months they would be in complete power. Mr. Buchanan has been chiefly denounced for the tone of his annual message to that Congress. Not a blow had been struck ; no State had passed an ordinance of secession; the North did not believe the South would secede; the South did not believe the North would fight The dis cussion was as yet only academic. Nevertheless, the New York " Tribune," whose editor was the most potential force in nominating and electing Mr. Lincoln, and which newspaper was " the most powerful organ of its party," declared three days after his election : " If the cotton States shall decide that they can do better out of the Union than in it, we insist on letting them go in peace. The right to secede may be a revolutionary one, but it exists nevertheless. * * * We shall resist all coercive measures." These views were reiterated from day to day. They were re-echoed by the Albany " Evening Journal," edited by Thurlow Weed, the nearest friend of Mr. Seward. Henry Ward Beecher, in his famous Boston speech, declared, about the same time, " I hold it will be an advantage for the South to go off." Gen. Scott, who had been a Whig candidate for president, who was the Commanding General of the Army, and who later became one of Mr. Buchanan's severest critics, in his famous " Views," of October, i860, had said : " To save time, the right of secession may be conceded." In March, 1861, when he was most intimate with Secre tary Seward, and was discouraging the relief of Sumter, he urged the North to say to the seceding States, " Wayward sisters, go in peace." If Mr. Lincoln antagonized these notions, he at least made no serious sound nor sign. He was the rising sun ; Buchanan was an evening star ; and any views a retiring president might have had to express would have been cold and feeble rays by contrast with the bursting effulgence of the great orb of day. If the clarion call to battle was to be then sounded, it ought to have emanated from Springfield; if there was a demand for a Jackson, he should have ridden, like " Young Lochinvar," " out of the West." Nevertheless, while the leaders of Mr. Lincoln's party, and the chief tains of his campaign, were thus proclaiming the right of disunion and encouraging the South to secede, Mr. Buchanan declared in his message that grave danger threatened the country, against which he had long sounded warnings ; he prayed God to preserve the Constitution and the Union through out all generations; with courteous regard for his successor, he proclaimed that he had been fairly and constitutionally elected, and that his success Vol. XII— 18 274 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN justified no revolution; he recognized guarantees that Mr. Lincoln "would not attempt violation of any clear .constitutional right." He stated the doctrine of secession and. denounced it as "wholly inconsistent with the history as well as the character of the Constitution," and cited Jackson and Madison, Southern statesmen, to contravene it. With fine touches of elo quence, he said: "This government, therefore, is a great and powerful government, invested with all the attributes of sovereignty over the special subjects to which its authority extends. Its framers never intended to implant in its bosom the seeds of its own destruction, nor were they at its creation guilty of the absurdity of providing for its own dissolution. It was not intended by its framers to be ' the baseless fabric of a vision,' which, at the touch of the enchanter, would vanish into thin air, but a substantial and mighty fabric, capable of resisting the slow decay of time, and of defying the storms of ages." Again he said : " The fact is, that our Union rests upon public opinion, and can never be cemented by the blood of its citizens shed in civil war. If it cannot live in the affections of the people, it must one day perish. Congress possesses many means of preserving it by conciliation; but the sword was not placed in their hand to preserve it by force. " But may I be permitted solemnly to invoke my countrymen to pause and deliberate, before they determine to destroy this, the grandest temple which has ever been dedicated to human freedom since the world began. It has been consecrated by the blood of our fathers, by the glories of the past and by the hopes of the future. The Union has already made us the most prosperous, and ere long will, if preserved, render us the most powerful nation on the face of the earth. In every foreign region of the globe the title of American citizen is held in the highest respect, and when pronounced in a foreign land, it causes the hearts of our countrymen to swell with honest pride. Surely, when we reach the brink of the yawning abyss, we shall recoil with horror from the last fatal plunge. " By such a dread catastrophe, the hopes of the friends of freedom throughout the world would be destroyed, and a long night of leaden despot ism would enshroud the nations. Our example for more than eighty years would not only be lost, but it would be quoted as conclusive proof that man is unfit for self-government." I might quote many like passages throbbing with the loftiest patriotism. Certainly no man can recall them without feeling that the touching and oft- quoted sentiments of Mr. Lincoln's inaugural reached no higher plane of patriotic sentiment and touched no deeper chord of popular feeling. George Ticknor Curtis, a Yankee of Yankees, who had argued the Dred Scott case for the slave, declares : " After a long familiarity with our constitutional literature, I know of no document which, within the same compass, states so clearly and accurately what I regard as the true theory of our Constitution as this message of President Buchanan. Had I the power to change it, I would not alter a word." It may be said that Mr. Curtis was the paid biographer of Mr. Buchanan ; but he was also the biographer of Mr. Webster, and he had a reputation as a constitutional lawyer that he would not risk for any paltry reward of political literature. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 275 NEITHER TIMID NOR WEAK. Meantime, as conditions changed, the situation became more alarming. States seceded, Congressmen withdrew and cabinet ministers who sym pathized with secession quit or were forced out of his cabinet, but Mr. Buchanan only persisted and became correspondingly more emphatic in his acts and utterances. There was, however, no reversion nor inconsistency in the executive position — neither timidity nor show of weakness. In his special message of January 8, 1861, he repeated his conviction that " no State has a right by its own act to secede from the Union or throw off its Federal obli gations at pleasure." While he declared, in almost the same terms that Mr. Lincoln adopted — months later and when the rebellion was far more advanced — that he " had no right to make aggressive war upon any State," he declared, on the other hand, in words that his successor, sixty days later, almost iden tically appropriated, " The right and duty to use military force defensively against those who resist the Federal officers in the execution of their legal functions, and against those who assail the property of the Federal Govern ment, is clear and undeniable." Lawyer and statesman as he was, he knew the limitations upon the executive, and what were the constitutional preroga tives of the legislative branch of government. He had taken a solemn oath to regard both these, and he was liable to impeachment and subject to dis grace if he did not. He declared Congress, which was in session, to be " the only tribunal under Providence possessing the power to meet the exist ing emergency." He said : " To them, exclusively, belongs the power to declare war, or to authorize the employment of military force in all cases contemplated by the Constitution; and they alone possess the power to remove grievances which might lead to war, and to secure peace and union to this distracted country. On them, and on them alone, rests the respon sibility." In his views and in his manner of expressing them, the president not only had the advice and cordial approval of his Attorney-General, Jeremiah S. Black — to whom Rhodes gives unstinted praise for purity, patriotism, statesmanship and legal learning — but what is far more to our present pur pose, all that Buchanan then said and all he did had the legal, cordial and unqualified support of three other members of his cabinet, who subsequently became most illustrious leaders of the Republican party, Edwin M. Stanton, the great War Secretary — the erection of a statue to him has just been recommended by Secretary Taft ; Joseph Holt, to whom, after eminent service, Lincoln offered the Attorney Generalship ; John A. Dix, later a Major Gen eral, Republican Governor of New York and Ambassador to France — and yet best remembered because, as a Democrat, and from his seat in Buchanan's cabinet, he sent out that thrilling message, " If any man hauls down the American flag, shoot him on the spot;" Judge Holt is on record as testifying that Mr. Buchanan's official labors ought to be crowned by the glory that belongs " to an enlightened statesmanship and unsullied patriotism." Not only did they all accept, approve and stand by their chief's public declarations, but they remained in his confidence and trusting him until he took his seat beside Mr. Lincoln in the carriage which bore them to the ceremony of transferring the presidency. It is inconceivable that these eminent loyalists and high-minded gentlemen could have stayed in his political household if he was the base and timid creature whom partisan historians 276 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN have pictured and pilloried. Whether he dominated them or subjected himself to their guidance, it is an indecent judgment that stigmatizes the adminis tration of which they were all members as " weak " or " disloyal." Meantime, what answer was Congress, with a Republican House of Representatives, making to the executive alarms and appeals? For three months, to the last day of his administration, that body remained in session; and Buchanan exhausted all power he had over its successor by calling an extra session of the Senate, to meet March 5, 1861. While the outgoing Congress repudiated all proposals of compromise to prevent civil war, it took no measures whatever to retain the cotton or the border States within the Union. It heard of one State seceding after another, and witnessed the withdrawal of member after member of Congress. The senators who had listened with " cold neutrality " to Jefferson Davis's vindictive attacks upon Mr. Buchanan, for denying the right of secession, sobbed with personal sympathy when Mr. Davis delivered his famous and pathetic speech of withdrawal from association with his colleagues. That even then this most conspicuous of Southern leaders was not without hope of a peaceful recon ciliation is attested by a touching domestic annal, recorded by Mrs. Davis: " Inexpressibly sad he left the Senate chamber with faint hope ; and that night I heard the oft-reiterated prayer : ' May God have us in His holy keep ing, and grant that before it is too late peaceful counsels may prevail.' " AN INACTIVE CONGRESS. It makes nothing against Mr. Buchanan's policy to undertake to justify the inaction of Congress by the tremendous political and popular efforts then making in every quarter to effect a compromise and avert war; or by the very general belief that any aggression by Congress would fan into con flagration a flame otherwise soon to flicker out. Certainly, if the only branch of government to which are entrusted the raising of money, the equipment of armies and the declaration and carrying on of war remained inert, after repeated warnings, no right nor power existed in the president to supplant or even supplement it. All the more was this the case in view of the fact that a new executive was so soon to be inaugurated and a new Congress qualified. It must also be remembered that although the Federal statutes then gave the executive power to call forth the militia to suppress insurrections against a State Government, no such power existed to suppress insurrections against the Federal Government. This omission was permitted to exist until after the end of Mr. Buchanan's term ; its grant to Lincoln, by the Act of July 29, 1861, was evidence of the necessity for it. Every request for like power to President Buchanan was ignored; and even after forts and mints had been seized, and the aggressions begun which he always declared would justify defensive warfare, a bill to give the president power to call out militia or accept volunteers to protect and recover military forts, magazines, arsenals and other property belonging to the United States was withdrawn the same day it was reported — killed as soon as it saw light. Four bills in all to fur nish the president with military means to provide for the collection of duties at Southern ports of entry were introduced and not one of them was passed. Nor let it be forgotten that when President Jackson grappled with nulli fication, a patriotic Congress gave him the " Compromise Act " and " Force BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 277 Bill," which enabled him to act with vigor and success. These powers expired by limitation in 1834, and what had been given to Jackson then was persistently denied to his loyal follower in the executive chair in 1861. A striking contrast of legislative support to the executive is afforded by the alacrity with which Congress strengthened Madison's hands, in 1812 ; likewise the wild rush with which a later Congress led, if it did not drive, McKinley to war with Spain. In the face of these historical facts, what a pitiful subterfuge to lay the blame of the war or the earlier successes of the Confederacy to the deliberate dispersion of the army and navy, the surrender of forts and stores and the plunder of the arsenals — with connivance of the Federal administration ! I pause with little patience to refute these well-worn lies. Any student or inquirer who really wants to get at the truth can easily reach the head-waters ; though it is certainly discouraging to see how recklessly the falsehood per sists. Mr. Buchanan effectually refuted it in his book, published in 1865; Judge Black apparently stamped the life out of it in his unanswerable letters to Henry Wilson; as early as 1861, a Republican committee of a Republican House, organized to convict ex-Secretary Floyd, the very head and front of this offending, reported the case not made out, its chairman expressed the opinion that the charges were founded in " rumor, speculation and misap prehension." The facts were that of the useful muskets distributed by the Government in i860, the Northern States received three times as many as the Southern; of the rifles, there were divided in all between six Southern States scarcely enough in the aggregate for half a regiment. Two years before Lincoln was elected the Government had condemned as worthless and unserviceable 500,000 muskets — and after nobody could be induced to buy them at any price, less than one-third of these condemned weapons were shipped to Southern arsenals, in order to make room in Northern storehouses for useful and effective arms. As their recoil was worse than their dis charge, the North would have been lucky had the Confederates got the whole of them. The story of the cannon surreptitiously shipped from Pittsburg to Galveston is best answered by a resolution of the Northern City's Councils, officially thanking Buchanan, Black and Holt for preventing any such ship ment. Mr. Rhodes, after careful investigation of the whole story, unhesi tatingly accepts the refutation of these long-lived canards. Gen. Samuel W. Crawford, one of the few who were in Fort Sumter when the flag went down, and again when it was hauled up, in his " Genesis of the Civil War," also demonstrates their falsity. The idea that the naval arm of the government's power was disarranged to favor secession has not the slightest historic foundation. The head of that department was a New England Unionist, Isaac Toucey. He was a man of utmost loyalty and highest integrity. Every attempt by official investigation failed to discredit him. He fully satisfied a hostile Senate Committee that at the outbreak of Secession our squadrons at foreign stations were feeble; they had not been augmented in proportion to the increase of our commerce ; none of them could have been diminished without sacrificing its safety and the interests and safety of those engaged in it. While the nation was pray ing and protesting that war might be averted, to have recalled our foreign squadrons certainly would have been " lunatic rashness ; " and it would only have helped to " make trouble," without contributing to its suppression or relief. 278 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN One of the most frequent of the reckless accusations against Mr. Buchanan is that when the Federal office-holders in the seceding States abandoned their places, he did not promptly fill them. He repeatedly demon strated to Congress that he could get no other citizens of these States to take the offices and discharge their duties ; but, as Mr. Rhodes frankly points out, when he named for Collector of Charleston, Peter Mclntire, of Pennsyl vania, an eminently fit man, of high courage and decision of character, the Senate never acted on the nomination; and, in brief, no Congressional aid whatever was extended to the president in any effort to avert war, effect compromise, defend the government property, re-take military stations or fill the abandoned posts of civil duty. THE VOICE OF THE PEOPLE. But if the action— or rather, the non-action— of Congress justified, the attitude and conduct of the administration in those days of doubt, how immeasurably more was it the reflection of and backed by the overwhelming voice of the people, all over the North, and manifested in so many and various forms ? While the venerable Crittenden was so strenuously urging upon Congress the adoption of his compromise measures, the country waited patiently to see if Mr. Seward — destined to sit at Mr. Lincoln's right hand — was to unite the genius of Clay for compromise with the enthusiasm of Webster for the Union. The radical Republicans of the North, and the fire-eating Secession ists of the South, were alike disappointed, and no authoritative voice from the new administration commanded attention or following. John Sherman says : " At this time the public mind in the North was decidedly in favor of concessions to the South. The Democrats of the North would have agreed to any proposition to secure peace and the Union, and the Republicans would have acquiesced in the Crittenden compromise or in any measure approved by Lincoln and Seward." Had the incoming Lincoln administration then declared for compromise, there would have been no war. Had it declared for effective and aggres sive measures of coercion, it would only have hastened the outbreak of hostilities at a time when the country was even less prepared for and more averse to it than when Sumter was fired upon. However, the oracle was dumb — and nothing that can be said in denunciation of Buchanan's vacillation and uncertainty cannot be said with far more truth and more force of Mr. Lincoln, of those who had been his chief supporters and of those who were about to become his Cabinet Council. Another illustration of the preponderating public desire — North and South — to avert war is found in the response which answered Virginia's call for a Peace Congress. Twenty-one States sent commissioners to assemble on the same day that only six of the Cotton States met to form the Southern Confederacy. The Peace Congress was made up of men of " character, ability and distinction." One of the Pennsylvania delegates was our own late townsman, Hon. Thomas E. Franklin. An eminent lawyer, a man of property, lineage and high social position, a church man and a Republican in politics, he was a fine type of the best citizenship of that day. The "plan of adjustment" this conference agreed upon was not accepted with favor by Congress. I do not refer to it in approval, but BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 279 only to further illustrate the earnest, organized, official efforts making for peace. For a president to have arrested or disturbed them by precipitate call to arms would have been met with overwhelming rebuke and indignation; it could only have weakened the Union cause and invigorated the aggressions of the Disunionists. Absolute proof of this contention is afforded by the contemporary expressions of popular opinion, and by the utterances not only of Mr. Lincoln, on his way from his Illinois home to the White House, but from the lips of men who already were, or were to become, pillars of his administration and party. Gen. Daniel E. Sickles, who is the only living member of that memorable House of 1860-1, and who became a Union hero and a Republican martyr — threatened that the secession of the Southern States would be followed by New York City; Gen. Dix concurred; Senator Simon Cameron — Lincoln's first Secretary of War — was desirous of saving the Union and preserving peace " at the sacrifice not only of feeling, but of principle." All reliable authorities agree that up to, and for a considerable time after, the end of Mr. Buchanan's term, a large majority of the people of the North, and a very considerable portion of the South, were earnestly for peace — at almost any price. Tumultuous popular assemblies all over the North loudly voiced this demand. In the Republican city of Philadelphia, in Independence Hall, where American freedom was born, Bishop Potter blessing the gathering and the cause, and Mayor Henry presiding, eloquent orators of all parties were cheered to the echo when they pleaded and declared in town meeting for a policy of forbearance and protection to the slaveholders in their constitutional rights. In the city of Boston, head and heart of New England, Faneuil Hall, " the cradle of liberty," rocked with the surging oratory of like appeals. In the very recently published life — almost an autobiography — of William Pitt Fessenden, it is recorded that " in all the great cities, especially among public men, it was hoped that a compromise would be effected. * * * Republicans who favored a vigorous policy seemed temporarily out of favor. Conciliation was the popular term. Mr. Lincoln believed that gentleness and a conciliatory attitude would pre vent secession." It is true that the voice of Senator " Zach " Chandler sounded discordant above the prevailing placidity ; but his sanguinary expressions that " without a little blood-letting this Union will not be worth a rush " — like the gory demand of a Southern bravado that " we must sprinkle blood in their faces " — was generally regarded as incendiary and fratricidal — if not impious. Even the fierce and fiery John A. Logan testifies that he " believed in exhausting all peaceable means before a resort to arms." FOR PEACE AT ANY PRICE. Appleton's Annual Encyclopaedia for 1861 estimates that of four million voters for president, over three million would have approved such a peace able settlement of the difficulties as might have been satisfactory to all the Southern States whose complaints were founded upon questions connected with slavery. " The voice of the people of the country at that time," this authority says, " was overwhelmingly in favor of conciliation, forbearance and compromise." Thurlow Weed, the confidential adviser of Seward, urged concession and 280 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN a constitutional convention. The New York " Herald " deprecated coercion and declared each State had the right to break the tie of the Confederacy and to repel coercion as a nation might repel invasion. Nor did this prevailing condition of popular sentiment terminate with Mr. Buchanan's retirement. Mr. Morse admits that during all the three months in which his conduct has been so savagely criticised, one-half the people of the South were opposed to division ; in the North everywhere words of compromise with secession were spoken; coercion was mentioned only to be denounced. Had the executive, he concedes, " asserted the right and duty of forcible coercion, he would not have found at his back the indis pensable force, moral and physical, of the people." For over a month of the Lincoln administration this state of popular feeling continued, and up to the very time of firing on Fort Sumter, he says " the almost universal feeling of the people at the North, so far as it could be discerned, was compromising, conciliatory and strongly opposed to any act of war." As late as April 5, 1861, Gen. Robert Anderson wrote, in a private letter, that he must take upon himself all the blame for the government not sending him relief. Had he demanded reinforcements, he says he knows President Buchanan's Secretary of War would have despatched them at all hazards; but he says he knew the coming of additional troops would inaugurate civil war; and his policy, he declares, was to keep still and preserve peace. Because, then, " a little fire " ultimately kindled " a great matter," shall one be denounced as " timid " or " traitorous " because he strove to quench the spark, or refused to blow it into ravaging flame? Surely it is not necessary to show that during all this period, and even later, Mr. Lincoln was in full accord with the policy of his predecessor and his own party; that he was alike submissive to and controlled by the manifest popular will of the Union-loving and peace-seeking part of the country. Neither one moved more slowly toward war than the other ; and no faster in accelerating the outbreak of hostilities. But to clinch a proposition which I earnestly maintain has been nailed fast, let us swiftly follow Mr. Lincoln's tour eastward. He said at one place — and I challenge you to find it more strongly stated in any of Mr. Buchanan's utterances — " The marching of an army into South Carolina without the consent of her people, and with hostile intent toward them, would be invasion; and it would be coercion, also, if the South Carolinians were forced to submit." Remembering the declarations of himself and his party's platform against the lawless " invasion " of any State, what less or more could these words mean to the South than its people inferred from any declaration Mr. Buchanan had made? At Columbus, Mr. Lincoln expressed much less solicitude about the future than President Buchanan was exhibiting. He said : " Nobody is suffer ing anything * * * all we want is time, patience and a reliance on that God who has never forsaken His people." At Pittsburg he declared there was "no crisis but an artificial one," and predicted that if people only kept cool, the trouble would come to an end. In Philadelphia he assumed a decidedly anti-war tone: "There need be no bloodshed or war. There is no necessity for it. I am not in favor of such a course ; * * * there will be no bloodshed unless it be forced upon the government, and then it will be compelled to act in self-defense." " The crisis, the panic, the anxiety of BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 281 the country at this time is artificial." At Harrisburg, when the speaker of welcome tendered him military support from Pennsylvania, Lincoln rebuked him, and said : " It is not with any pleasure that I contemplate the possi bility that a necessity may arise in this country for the use of the military arm." In none of these is heard the voice of the " Son of Thunder " — at no time the iron ring of the " Rough Rider's " hoofs. It is true, he said, " the right of a State to secede is not an open or debatable question," but Mr. Buchanan had said exactly this to Congress and the country two months earlier. The concluding words of the Lincoln inaugural are classic in the literature of eloquence; but in parallel passages with extracts already quoted from Mr. Buchanan's message, these latter may challenge comparison for sound law, lofty patriotism and even for rich rhetoric. MR. LINCOLN'S EARLY ATTITUDE. The incoming president reiterated the pledge of his platform that each separate state had a right to control its own domestic institutions ; he denounced the lawless invasion of the soil of any State or Territory by armed force as the gravest of crimes. He gave his full adherence to the fugitive slave law and its enforcement, as guaranteed by. the constitution. Strictly in accord with the policy and declarations of Mr. Buchanan, he promised there should be no bloodshed or violence unless forced upon the National authority; that Federal property would be protected and the Federal revenues collected, but, beyond what might be necessary for this, he declared there would be "no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere." To the criticism that Mr. Buchanan had not filled the vacant Federal offices in the South, Mr. Lincoln then made an answer, that ought to be conclusive now : " While the strict legal right may exist in the Gov ernment to enforce the exercise of these offices, the attempt to do so would be so irritating, and so nearly impracticable withal, I deem it better for the time to forego for the time the uses of such offices." Mr. Elson admits that this was a plain avowal that he would follow Buchanan's policy for the time in his attitude toward Secession. The only significant act of the Congress just deceased had been to adopt a constitutional amendment practically making it impossible to ever abolish or interfere with slavery. Mr. Lincoln went out of his way to say not only that that was already implied constitutional law, but he set his personal stamp of approval upon it by saying, " I have no objections to its being made express and irrevocable." And yet for signing the measure which the noble Lincoln thus approved, the despised Buchanan is denounced by many so-called historians of the present day as a dough-faced dotard and a double-dyed dastard ! Surely when Thersites plays the role of Herodotus and Plutarch, Clio must hide her face in shame. Old Richard W. Thompson, as garrulous as most men must be who boast and write " Recollections of Sixteen Presidents," sees in Buchanan's peace policy an imitation of Nero fiddling while Rome burned ; but Mr. Lincoln's similar temporizing is to the same dim eyes due only to "the promptings of his own generous nature " and the hope that his appeal to the reason and patriotism of the Secessionists would not be unavailing. 282 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN Is it any wonder Sir Robert Walpole said : " Anything but history for history must be false ! " It is often said that when Mr. Lincoln raised the flag over Independence Hall a new star glittered in the field; but the act admitting the thirty-fourth State was approved by Mr. Buchanan ; and " bleeding Kansas '' — so long the spoil of contending foes — quietly glided into the sisterhood of States at the pen stroke of a Democratic executive. But if Mr. Lincoln was no advance upon Mr. Buchanan in aggressive ness and indicated no departure from his policy in the inaugural, how much more bloodthirsty and belligerent was his attitude during the month or more that passed before rebel guns boomed across the placid waters of Charleston harbor ? For the sake of too tardy justice to a man long dead, I beg you hear briefly the story of those five weeks ; and remember how much further and with what long leaps Rebellion had advanced. The most notable cabinet appointments were, of course, the Secretaries of State and of War. We have already seen how much further Seward was willing to go in surrender of the Union than Buchanan; and surely it was not so serious a strain upon Cameron to " sacrifice principle " for policy — for in this respect he and Buchanan furnished life-long illustrations of opposing ideas of public duty and political propriety. Nicolay and Hay give their subject credit for " infinite tact " in dealing with Mr. Seward ; but is it permissible to find treason, cowardice and timidity in Mr. Buchanan's dalliance with incipient secession in the closet and yet praise the attitude of Seward and Lincoln in temporizing with full-armed Rebellion in the open? John Sherman admits that the first forty days of the Lincoln adminis tration was the darkest hour in the history of the United States. He declares that it was " a time of humiliation, timidity and feebleness." Sumner depre cated Lincoln's " deplorable hesitancy." Six weeks after his inauguration, Stanton wrote to Buchanan that there was a strong feeling of distrust in the candor and sincerity of Lincoln personally and of his cabinet. Emerson, with rare literary skill, condones the president's perplexities because " the new pilot was hurried to the helm in a tornado." It is to the discredit of our political system — no particular reproach to Mr. Lincoln — that for months the chief concern of his administration was the distribution of the offices to clamorous partisans, rather than the distri bution of troops to suppress the rebellion. The demands upon his time and the solicitation of his supporters were not to avert war, save the Union or suppress the rebels, but to lavishly ladle out patronage. Not only do Stanton, Schurz and Seward testify to this, but Mr. Lincoln himself said: " I seem like one sitting in a palace, assigning apartments to importunate applicants, while the structure is on fire and likely soon to perish." With this disaster in prospect, we find, as late as March 12th, five of his cabinet ministers voting against provisioning Fort Sumter— and only one for it. Mr. Lincoln let them determine his course. And yet Buchanan was " weak " and his cabinet a " nest of traitors," because they had not relieved and supported Major Anderson! As late as July 16, 1861, Stanton wrote to Buchanan : " Your administration's policy, in reference to both Sumter and Pickens, is fully vindicated by the course of the present administration for forty days after the inauguration of Lincoln." BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 283 Mr. Buchanan has been hounded from Dan to Beersheba, because three months earlier he had, with courtesy and dignity, accorded a single inter view to the Commissioners from South Carolina. Before the year i860 closed, he had peremptorily rejected their demands for the withdrawal of Federal troops from Charleston harbor ; he had firmly declared to them his purpose to defend Fort Sumter by all the means in his power against hostile attacks from whatever quarter they might proceed; and a few days later, when they replied disrespectfully, he declined to receive their communication 6r to ever again see or negotiate with them. Later, through his Secretary of War, he warned South Carolina of the fearful responsibility it took if its authorities assaulted Sumter, and by periling the lives of " the handful of brave and loyal men shut up within its walls," " plunged our common country into the horrors of civil war." And yet long after Jefferson Davis had been elected president of the Confederacy; and while its Congress was formulating plans to organize an army and navy; when State after State had wheeled into the secession column, Confederate Commissioners to the Lincoln administration came with confidence to Washington; though they were not formally received, they were in close touch with Seward; they remained long enough to get his assurances that the evacuation of Fort Sumter was the arranged policy of the new administration. Mr. Morse is forced to admit that even later Mr. Lincoln gave the Confederates assurances that " no provisioning or re inforcement should be attempted without warning " — and it will be remembered that the assault only began after he gave such notice. Secretary Seward was even then writing to Mr. Charles Francis Adams, our minister to England, the hopelessness of carrying on a civil war ; and so distant seemed the danger of it, that Massachusetts, under the lead of her great war governor, John A. Andrew, as late as April 11, after having made military preparations for three months, practically disarmed the Commonwealth. About the same time, Wendell Phillips declared the Gulf States had a right to a separate government and defiantly said : " You cannot go through Massachusetts and recruit men to bombard Charleston or New Orleans." Even when Montgomery Blair — the only Jackson Democrat in Mr. Lincoln's Cabinet — urged that Fort Sumter be relieved, without reference to Pickens or any other Federal possession — and warned his chief that South Carolina would strike a blow at National authority from which it would take " years of bloody strife " to recover — Mr. Lincoln, with at least as great " timidity " and " indecision " as ever Mr. Buchanan had shown, sided with and acted upon the contrary advice of Seward, Chase and Cameron. On April 13, the most Mr. Lincoln would say to the Virginia Commis sioners was that he might repossess himself of the public property and suspend the mail service in the States then in defiant rebellion against the nation. He substantially repeated this in his subsequent message to Congress, which, be it noted, he did not assemble for four months. And yet Mr. Blaine, who at times tries to be fair, thinks if Buchanan had had Jackson's hickory will and Taylor's stubborn courage, history would have been changed. It is a little difficult to see why Lincoln could not have called these martial " spirits from the vasty deep " as easily as Buchanan ; they would just as likely have come at one summons as the other — as readily in the balmy April spring days, when rebellion's crop was high in the stalk, as in the cheerless December time, when its roots were yet locked in winter's clutch. 284 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN JUDGE BLACK ON MR. BUCHANAN. Not to prolong my share in the argument — which we shall soon see has another side — nor to multiply illustrations from a copious, if not inexhaust ible, fountain of authorities, I quote and adopt a summary of Mr. Buchanan's character and conduct from a source so much more authoritative and by a pen so much more skillful than mine, that no paraphrase could fail to mar it : " The proofs of his great ability and his eminent public services are found on every page of his country's history, from 1830 to 1861. During all that long period he steadily, faithfully and powerfully sustained the principles of free constitutional government. This nation never had a truer friend, nor its laws a defender who would more cheerfully have given his life to save them from violation. No man was ever slandered so brutally. His life was literally lied away. In the last months of his administration he devoted all the energies of his mind and body to the great duty of saving the Union, if possible, from dissolution and civil war. He knew all the dangers to which it was exposed, and it would, therefore, be vain to say that he was not alarmed for his country; but he showed no sign of unmanly fear on his own account. He met all his vast responsibilities as fairly as any chief magistrate we ever had. In no case did he shrink from or attempt to evade them. The accusation of timidity and indecision is most preposterous. His faults were all of another kind; his resolutions once formed were generally immovable to a degree that bordered on obstinacy. On every matter of great importance he deliberated cautiously, and sometimes tried the patience of his friends by refusing to act until he had made up an opinion which he could live and die by. These characteristics explain the fact that his whole political life, from the time he entered Congress until he retired from the presidency — all his acts, speeches and papers — have a consistency which belongs to those of no other American statesman. He never found it necessary to cross his own path or go back upon his pledges." I have little faith in reported death-bed experiences. Dr. Osier has said that hundreds of recorded and reported cases, studied particularly with ref erence to modes of death and the sensation of dying, have satisfied medical science that the educated man at least dies usually " wondering, but uncertain, generally unconscious and unconcerned ; " and that the Preacher was right : " As the one dieth so dieth the other." And yet, somehow, fan ciful as it may be, I like to think that the righteous man will realize the confidence of the Psalmist, " I will lay me down in peace." From the time he left the presidency, Mr. Buchanan lived here among us. Many of the people of this town were no kinder to him than the his torians have been, and quite as unjust. He outlived the storm of war, but while it raged, no unpatriotic sentiment ever fell from his lips or pen. In the fall of 1861, he wrote a public letter, appealing to a " loyal and powerful people " to sustain " a war made inevitable by the Confederate assault," call ing for "brave and patriotic volunteers," and declaring that it was no time for peace propositions, but only for " prompt, energetic and united action " to support the president " with all the men and the means at the command of the country in a vigorous and successful prosecution of the war." He maintained that attitude until it ended. During its continuance, lest the BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION 285 publication might embarrass his successors, he withheld the defense and vindication which he was eager to print in 1861. The progress of events and the revolutionary changes they wrought in our governmental system, if they inspired no public regrets, certainly sug gested to him no private remorse. October 21, 1865, he writes : " I pursued a settled, consistent line of policy from the beginning to the end, and, on reviewing my past conduct, I do not recollect a single important measure which I should desire to recall, even if this were in my power. Under this conviction, I have enjoyed a tranquil and cheerful mind, notwith standing the abuse I have received, in full confidence that my countrymen would eventually do justice." For this he may long wait; the judgment of his own conscience, I am sure, never tarried nor faltered. Ill Autobiographical Sketch 1791-1828 Autobiographical Sketch 1791-18281 My father, James Buchanan, was a native of the county of Donegal, in the kingdom of Ireland. His family was respectable ; but their pecuniary circumstances were limited. He emigrated to the United States before the date of the Definitive Treaty of Peace with Great Britain; having sailed from [illegi ble] in the Brig Providence, bound for Philadelphia, on the 4th [illegible] 1783. He was then in the twenty-second year of his age. Immediately after his arrival in Philadelphia, he proceeded to the house of his maternal uncle, Mr. Joshua Russel, then in York now in Adams county. After spending a short time there, he became an assistant in the store of Mr. John Tom, at Stony Batter, a country place at the foot of the North Mountain, then in Cumberland now in Franklin county, Pa. He commenced business for himself at the same place about the beginning of the year 1788; and on the 16th April, in the same year, was married to Elizabeth Speer, the daughter of a [illegible] farmer, then of York now of Adams county. My father was a man of practical judgment, and of great industry and perseverance. He had received a good English education, and had that kind of knowledge of mankind which prevented him from being ever deceived in his business. With these qualifications, with the facility of obtaining goods on credit at Baltimore at that early period, and with the advantages of his position, it being one of a very few spots where the people of the western counties came with pack horses loaded with wheat to pur^ chase and carry home salt and other necessaries, his circumstances soon improved. He bought the Dunwoodie farm for £1500 in 1 Buchanan Papers, Historical Society of Pennsylvania. Parts of this sketch are printed, sometimes with much textual inaccuracy, at various places in Curtis's Buchanan. Vol. XII— 19 289 290 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN 1794, and had previously purchased the property on which he resided at the Cove Gap. I was born at this place on the 23d April, 1791, being my father's second child. My father moved from the Cove Gap to Mercersburg, a distance of between three and four miles, in the fall of 1796, and began business in Mercersburg in the autumn of 1798. For some years before his death, which occurred on the 11 June, 1821, he had quit the mercantile business, and de voted his time and attention to superintending his farm, of which he was very fond. He was a man of singular native [illegible] of character. He was not only respected; but was [illegible] by everybody who approached him. In his earlier years, he held the commission of a Justice of the Peace; but finding himself so overrun with the business of this office as to interfere with his private affairs, he resigned his commis sion. A short time before his death, he again received a commis sion of the peace from Governor Hiester. He was a kind father, a sincere friend, and an honest and religious man. My mother, considering her limited opportunities in early life, was a very remarkable woman. The daughter of a country farmer, engaged in household employment from early life until after my father's death, she yet found time to read much, and to reflect deeply on what she read. She had a great fondness for poetry, and could repeat with ease all the passages in her favorite authors which struck her fancy. These were Milton, Pope, Young, Cowper, and Thomson. I do not think, at least until a late period of her life, she had ever read a criticism on any one of these authors, and yet such was the correctness of her natural taste that she had selected for herself and could repeat every passage in them which has been admired. She was a sincere and devout Christian, from the time of my earliest recollection, and had read much on the subject of theology; and what she read once, she remembered forever. For her sons, as they successively grew up, she was a delight ful and instructive companion. She would argue with them, and often gain the victory; ridicule them in any folly or eccentricity; excite their ambition, by presenting to them in glowing colors men who had been useful to their country or their kind, as objects of imitation, and enter into all their joys and sorrows. Her early habits of laborious industry, she could not be induced to forego — whilst she had anything to do. My father did every thing he could to prevent her from laboring in her domestic AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 291 concerns, but it was all in vain. I have often myself, during the vacations at school and college, sat down in the kitchen and whilst she was at the wash tub, entirely from choice, have spent hours pleasantly and instructively in conversing with her. She was a woman of great firmness of character and bore the afflictions of her later life with Christian philosophy. After my father's death, she lost her two sons, William and George Washington, two young men of great promise, and a favorite daughter. These afflictions withdrew her affections gradually more and more from the things of this world; and she died on the 14 May, 1833, at Greensburg, in the house of her son-in-law, the Rev. Mr. Henry, in the calm but firm assurance that she was going home to her Father and her God. It was chiefly to her influence that all her sons were indebted for a liberal education. Under Providence, I attribute any little distinction which I may have acquired in the world to the blessing which He conferred upon me in granting me such a mother. After having received a tolerably good English education, I studied the Latin and Greek languages at a school in Mercers burg. This was first kept by the Rev. James R. Sharon, then a student of divinity with the Rev. Dr. John King, and afterwards by a Mr. McConnell and Dr. Jesse Magaw, then a student of medicine and afterwards my brother-in-law. I was sent to Dickinson College in the fall of 1807, where I entered the junior class. The college was, at that time, in a wretched condition ; and I have often since regretted that I had not been sent to some other institution. There was no efficient discipline, and the young men did pretty much as they pleased. To be a sober, plodding, industrious youth was to incur the ridicule of the mass of the students. Without much natural tendency to become dissipated, and chiefly from the example of others, and in order to be con sidered a clever and a spirited youth, I engaged in every sort of extravagance and mischief in which the greatest [illegi ble] of the college indulged. Unlike the rest of this class, how ever, I was always a tolerably hard student, and never was deficient in my college exercises. A circumstance occurred, after I had been a year at college, which made a strong and lasting impression upon me. During the September vacation, in the year 1808, on a Sabbath morning, whilst I was sitting in the room with my father, a letter was brought to him. He opened it, and read it, and I observed that 292 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN his countenance fell. He then handed it to me and left the room, and I do not recollect that he ever afterwards spoke to me on the subject of it. This shewed his perfect knowledge of my charac ter. It was from Dr. Davidson, the principal of Dickinson Col lege. He stated that, but for the respect which the faculty enter tained for my father, I would have been expelled from college on account of disorderly conduct. That they had borne with me as best they could until that period; but that they would not re ceive me again, and that the letter was written to save him the mortification of sending me back and having me rejected. Mortified to the soul, I at once determined upon my course. Dr. John King was at that time pastor of the congregation to which my parents belonged. My memory loves to dwell upon this great and good man. He came to that congregation shortly after the Revolution, and continued to be its pastor until his death. Before his death he had either married or baptized all its mem bers. He participated in their joys as well as their sorrows, and had none of that gloomy bigotry which too often passes in these days for superior sanctity. He was, I believe, a trustee of the college, and enjoyed great and extensive influence wherever he was known. To him I applied with the greatest confidence in my extremity. He gave me a gentle lecture — the more efficient on that account. He then proposed to me, that if I would pledge my honor to him to behave better at college than I had done, he felt such confidence in me that he would pledge himself to Dr. David son on my behalf, and he did not doubt that I would be permitted to return. I cheerfully complied with this condition; Dr. King arranged the matter, and I returned to college, without any ques tions being asked; and afterwards conducted myself in such a manner as, at least, to prevent any formal complaint. At the public examination, previous to the commencement, I answered every question without difficulty which was pro pounded to me. At that time there were two honors conferred by the college. It was the custom for each of the two societies to present a candidate, and the faculty decided which of them should have the first honor, and the second was conferred upon the other candidate as a matter of course. I had set my heart upon obtaining the highest honor, and the society to which I be longed unanimously presented me as their candidate. As I be lieved that this society, from the superior scholarship of its members, was entitled to both the honors, on my motion we presented two candidates to the faculty. The consequence was, AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 293 that they rejected me altogether, gave the first honor to the can didate of the opposite society, and the second to Mr. Robert Laverty, now of Chester county, assigning as a reason for reject ing my claims that it would have a bad tendency to confer an honor of the college upon a student who had shewn so little respect as I had done for the rules of the college and for the professors. I have scarcely ever been so much mortified at any occur rence of my life as at this disappointment, nor has friendship ever been manifested towards me in a more striking manner than by all the members of the society to which I belonged. Mr. Laverty, at once, in the most kind manner, offered to yield me the second honor, which, however, I promptly declined to accept. The other members of the society belonging to the senior class would have united with me in refusing to speak at the approaching commence ment, but I was unwilling to place them in this situation on my account, and more especially as several of them were designed for the ministry. I held out myself for some time, but at last yielded on receiving a kind communication from the professors. I left college, however, feeling but little attachment towards the Alma Mater. I came to Lancaster to study law with the late Mr. Hopkins, in the month of December, 1809, and was admitted to practice in November, 1812. I determined that if severe application would make me a good lawyer, I should not fail in this particular ; and I can say, with truth, that I have never known a harder student than I was at that period of my life. I studied law, and nothing but law, or what was essentially connected with it. I took pains to understand thoroughly, as far as I was capable, everything which I read ; and in order to fix it upon my memory and give myself the habit of extempore speaking, I almost every evening took a lonely walk, and embodied the ideas which I had acquired during the day in my own language. This gave me a habit of extempore speaking, and that not merely words but things. I derived great improvement from this practice. The first public address I ever made before the people was in the month of 1814, a short time after the capture of Washington by the British. In common with the Federalists, generally, of the Middle and Southern States, whilst I disap proved of the declaration of war under the existing circumstances in which it was made, yet I thought it was the duty of every patriot to defend the country, whilst the war was raging, against 294 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN a foreign enemy. The capture of Washington lighted up a flame of patriotism which pervaded the whole of Pennsylvania. A public meeting was called in Lancaster for the purpose of adopt ing measures to obtain volunteers to march for the defence of Baltimore. On that occasion I addressed the people, and was among the first to register my name as a volunteer. We immedi ately formed a company of dragoons, and elected the late Judge Henry Shippen our captain. We marched to Baltimore, and served under the command of Major Charles Sterret Ridgely, until we were honorably discharged. This company of dragoons was the avant courier of the large force which rushed from Pennsylvania to the defence of Baltimore. In October, 1814, I was elected a member of the House of Representatives in the Legislature of Pennsylvania, from the county of Lancaster. The same principles which guided my con duct in sustaining tlie war, notwithstanding my opposition to its declaration, governed my course after I became a member of the Legislature. An attack was threatened against the city of Phila delphia. The General Government was nearly reduced to a state of bankruptcy, and could scarcely raise sufficient money to main tain the regular troops on the remote frontiers of the country. Pennsylvania was obliged to rely upon her own energies for her defence, and the people generally, of all parties, were ready to do their utmost in the cause. Two plans were proposed. The one was what was called the Conscription Bill, and similar to that which had been rejected by Congress, reported in the [State] Senate by Mr. Nicholas Biddle, by which it was proposed to divide the white male in habitants of the State above the age of eighteen into classes of twenty-two men each, and to designate one man by lot from the members between the ages of eighteen and forty-five of each class, who should serve one year, each class being compelled to raise a sum not exceeding two hundred dollars, as a bounty to the conscript. This army was to be paid and maintained at the expense of the State, and its estimated cost would have been between three and three and one-half millions of dollars per annum. The officers were to be appointed by the Governor, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate. The other plan was to raise six regiments under the authority of the State, to serve for three years, or during the war, and to pass efficient volunteer and militia laws. On the 1 February, 181 5, Mr. Buchanan delivered his senti- AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 295 ments in regard to the most proper mode of defending the Com monwealth, on the bill entitled " An act for the encouragement of volunteers for the defence of this Commonwealth." He said: " Since, then, the Congress have deserted us in our time of need, there is no alternative but either to protect ourselves by some efficient measures, or surrender up that independence which has been purchased by the blood of our forefathers. No American can hesitate which of these alternatives ought to be adopted. The invading enemy must be expelled from our shores ; he must be taught to respect the rights of freemen." Again, speaking of the Conscription Bill, he said : " This law is calculated to be very unjust and very unequal in its effects. Whilst it will operate as a conscription law upon the poor man in the western parts of the State, where property is not in danger, it will be but a militia law with the rich man in the eastern part of the State, whose property it contemplates defending. The in dividuals in each class are, to be sure, to pay the two hundred dollars in proportion to their comparative wealth, as a bounty to the substitute or conscript. It will, therefore, be just in its operation among the individuals composing each class. But how will it be with respect to entire classes? Twenty-two men in the city of Philadelphia, whose united fortunes would be worth two million dollars, would be compelled to pay no more than twenty-two men in the western country, who may not be worth the one-thousandth part of that sum." After Mr. Buchanan had stated that he would have voted for the Enlistment Bill, had he not been necessarily absent when it passed the House, he said : " After all, I must confess, that in my opinion an efficient volunteer and militia bill, together with the troops which can be raised under the Voluntary Enlistment Bill, will be amply sufficient for the defence of the city of Phila delphia. We need not be afraid to trust to the patriotism or courage of the people of this country when they are invaded. Let them have good militia officers, and they will soon be equal to any troops of the world. Have not the volunteers and militia on the Niagara frontier fought in such a manner as to merit the gratitude of the nation? Is it to be supposed that the same spirit of patriotism would animate the man who is dragged out by a conscription law to defend his country, that the volunteer or militiaman would feel ? Let us, then, pass an efficient militia law, and the Volunteer Bill which is now before us. Let us hold out sufficient inducements to our citizens to turn out as volunteers. 296 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN Let their patriotism be stimulated by self-interest, and I have no doubt that in the day of trial there will be armies of freemen in the field sufficiently large for our protection. Your State will then be defended at a trifling comparative expense, the liberties of the people will be preserved, and their willingness to bear new burdens be continued." The bill, having passed the Senate, was negatived in the House, on the 3d of February, 181 5, by the decisive vote of 51 to 36. It was entitled " An act to raise a military force for the defence of this Commonwealth." The Senate and the House thus differed in regard to the best mode of defending the Com monwealth; the one being friendly to the Conscription Bill, and the other to the voluntary enlistment and Volunteer Bill. All were agreed upon the necessity of adopting efficient means for this purpose. Before any final action was had upon the subject, the news of peace arrived, and was officially communicated by Gover nor Snyder to the Legislature on the 17th February, 181 5. So open and decided was I in my course in favor of defend ing the country, notwithstanding my disapproval of the declara tion of war, that I distinctly recollect that the late William Beale, Esquire, the shrewd, strong-minded, and influential Democratic Senator from Mifflin county, called upon me, and urged me strongly during this session to change my party name, and be called a Democrat, stating that I would have no occasion to change my principles. In that event, he said he would venture to predict that, should I live, I would become President of the United States. He was mistaken, for although I was friendly to a vigorous prosecution of the war, I was far from being a Democrat in principle. On the 4 July, 181 5, I delivered the oration1 before the Washington Association of Lancaster, which has been the subject of much criticism. There are many sentiments in this oration which I regret; at the same time it cannot be denied that the country was wholly unprepared for war, at the period of its declaration, and the attempt to carry it on by means of loans, without any resort to taxation, had well nigh made the Govern ment bankrupt. There is, however, a vein of feeling running 1 Ante, vol. L, p. 2, there is printed the concluding part, which was all that had then been found, of the oration of July 4, 1815, here referred to. The opening part has since been discovered, and is herewith printed, at p. 316, infra, as an appendix to this autobiographical sketch. AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 297 throughout the whole oration — of which, as I look back to it, I may be excused for being proud — which always distinguishes between the conduct of the administration and the necessity for defending the country. Besides, it will be recollected that this oration was not delivered until after the close of the war. In speaking of the war, I said : " Glorious it has been, in the highest degree, to the American character, but disgraceful in the extreme to the administration. When the individual States discovered that they were abandoned by the General Government, whose duty it was to protect them, the fortitude of their citizens arose with their misfortunes. The moment we were invaded, the genius of freedom inspired their souls. They rushed upon their enemies with a hallowed fury which the hireling soldiers of Britain could never feel. They taught our foe that the soil of freedom would always be the grave of its invaders." I spoke, also, with pride and exultation of the exploits of the Navy, and also of the regular army during the last year of the war. The former " has risen triumphant above its enemies at home, and has made the proud mistress of the ocean tremble. The people are now convinced that a navy is their best defence." * In the conclusion there is a passage concerning foreign in fluence which must be approved by all. " Foreign influence has been, in every age, the curse of Republics. Her jaundiced eye sees all things in false colors. The thick atmosphere of preju dice, by which she is forever surrounded, excludes from her sight the light of reason. Whilst she worships the nation which she favors for its very crimes, she curses the enemy of that nation even for .its virtues. In every age she has marched before the enemies of her country, proclaiming peace, when there was no peace, and lulling its defenders into fatal security, whilst the iron hand of despotism has been aiming a death-blow at their lib erties." And again, " We are separated from the nations of Europe by an immense ocean. We are still more disconnected from them by a different form of government, and by the enjoy- -" There is extant, according to the best of my recollection, in the National Intelligencer, though not in Everett's edition of his works, a speech of Mr. Webster in 1814, in the House of Representatives, on the ' Conduct of the War.' It is very severe on the military operations, especially in Canada (which no doubt, as a general thing, deserved all that was said of them), but he dwells with pride on our naval exploits. ' However,' says he, ' we may differ as to what has been done or attempted on land, our differences cease at the water's edge.'" (Note by Mr. Buchanan.) 298 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN ment of true liberty. Why, then, should we injure ourselves by taking part in the ambitious contests of foreign despots and kings?" I was again elected a member of the H. R. in the State Legislature in October 1816 [1815]. The currency at that period was in great disorder throughout the Middle, Western, and Southern States, in consequence of the suspension of specie payments occasioned by the war. On the 20 December, 181 5, a resolution was adopted by the H. R. instructing the Committee on Banks " to< inquire into the causes of the suspension of specie payments by the banks within this Commonwealth; and also whether any or what measures ought to be adopted by the Legis lature on this subject." This Committee was composed of Mr. McEuen of the City, Milliken of Mifflin, Stewart of Fayette, Dy sart of Huntington, Sutherland of the county, Coon from Alle gheny & Butler, and Martin from Crawford. On the 12 January, 1816, Mr. McEuen made a report which concluded with a recom mendation that a law should be passed, obliging the banks to pay interest on balances to each other monthly, at the rate of six per cent, per annum, after the 1 March ; also obliging the banks refusing to pay specie for their notes after the 1 January, 1817, to pay interest at the rate of eighteen per cent, per annum from the time of demand ; and forfeiting the charters of such banks as should refuse to redeem their notes in specie after the 1 Jan: 1818. A bare majority of the committee had concurred in the re port. The minority had requested me to prepare a substitute for it, and offer it as soon as the report was read. This substi tute concluded with a resolution, " that it is inexpedient at this time for the Legislature to adopt any compulsory measures rela tive to the banks." The original report and the substitute were postponed, and no action was ever had afterwards upon either. The substitute states the following to have been the causes of the suspension of specie payments in Pennsylvania : 1. The blockade by the enemy of the Middle and Southern seaports, the impossibility of getting their productions to market, and the consequent necessity imposed upon them to pay in specie to New England the price of the foreign merchandise imported into that portion of the Union. 2. The large loans made by banks and individuals of this and the adjacent States to the Government to sustain the war, and the small comparative loans made in New England, which AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 299 were paid by an extravagant issue of bank notes. These latter bore but a small proportion to the money expended there. To make up this deficiency, the specie of the Middle and Southern States was drawn from the vaults of these banks, and was used by the New England people in commerce, or smuggled to the enemy. 3. The great demand for specie in England. 4. The recent establishment of a number of new banks throughout the interior of Pennsylvania, which drew their specie capitals chiefly from the banks in Philadelphia and thereby weak ened them and compelled them first to suspend specie payments. These new banks, in self-defence, were therefore obliged to suspend. 5. The immense importation of foreign goods at the close of the war, and the necessity of paying for them in specie, have continued the suspension. During this session of the Legislature, and whilst the de bates on the subject were proceeding in Congress, I changed my impression on the subject of a Bank of the United States, and became decidedly hostile to such an institution. In this opinion I have never since wavered, and although I have invested much of the profits of my profession in stocks, and my broker Mr. Bell of Philadelphia and others often advised to buy stock in this bank, I always declined becoming a stockholder. Whilst the bill was pending in Congress, I urged Mr. Holgate and other influential Democrats in the House to offer instructions against the measure, but could not prevail upon them. I recollect Mr. H. told me that it was unnecessary, as our Democratic Senators in Congress would certainly vote against the measure without any instructions. After my second session in the Legislature, I applied myself with unremitting application to the practice of the law. My prac tice in Lancaster and some of the adjoining counties was exten sive, laborious, and lucrative. It increased rapidly in value from the time I ceased to be a member of the Legislature. During the year ending on the 1 April, 1819, I received in cash for profes sional services $7,915.92, which was, down to that time, the best year I ever experienced. During the session of the Legislature of 1816-17 I alone defended the Hon. Walter Franklin and his associates on articles of impeachment against them before the Senate ; and during the session of 1817-18 I defended the same judges on articles of impeachment, and had for associates Mr. Condy and Mr. Hop- 300 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN kins. I never felt the responsibility of my position more sensibly than, when a young man between 25 and 26 years of age, I under took alone to defend Judge Franklin; and although he was anxious I should, again the next year, undertake his cause without assistance, yet I insisted upon the employment of older and more experienced counsel.1 In October, 1820, I was elected to Congress from the District composed of the Counties of Lancaster, Dauphin, & Lebanon; and first took my seat in the House of Representatives on the first Monday, 5th, of December, 1821. I was a member of the House during the 17th, 18th, 19th, 20th, & 21st Congresses — embracing the last four years of Mr. Monroe, the four years of Mr. Adams, & the two first years of General Jackson. A short time after my last election, in October, 1828, I announced my intention pub- lickly to my constituents not again to be a candidate. When I first entered the House of Representatives, there was a party in it which was called the Radical party, in favor of cutting down the expenses of the Government to the lowest pos sible standard, without as I supposed sufficiently consulting the real necessities of the country. Its leaders were the late Gover nor Floyd of Virginia, Mr. Williams of North Carolina, General Cocke of Tennessee, and others. These gentlemen were all the friends of Mr. Crawford, and were peculiarly hostile to Mr. Calhoun, whose alleged extravagance as Secretary of War they denounced in no measured terms. I did not perceive in the House the slightest trace of the old distinction between Federal and Democrat. So far from it, that several of those elected as federalists held to a considerable extent Democratic principles; whilst many of those who had been called Democrats held high toned federal principles. The names still continued; but the things signified by those names no longer existed. Mr. Monroe's 1 A memorandum, in Mr. Buchanan's handwriting, of his professional gains during his years of active practice reads as follows: 1813 $938 1821-2 $11,297 1814 $1,096 1823 $7,243 1815 $2,246 1825 $4,521 1816 $3,174 1826 $2,419 1817 $5,379 1827 $2,570 1818 $7,915 1828 $2,008 1810 $7,092 1829 $3,362 1820 $5,665 AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 301 administration, whilst it was Democratic in name, generally pur sued the federal policy. My first speech, except some few remarks on unimportant subjects, was made on the 9th Jan: 1822, in favor of Mr. Cal houn's Indian policy, as Secretary of War, & was reported at length in the National Intelligencer of January 16th, 1822. It was so well received, that although a sketch of it, similar to that of other speakers, had been reported in the Intelligencer of Janu ary 9th, yet many of the members of the House urged the Editors to have it reported at length. This was accordingly done; & the Editors state, in the preface to my extended remarks, that they " had been prepared for publication, at the request of several gentlemen." On the 3 March, 1821, Congress had appropriated $100,000 " for the current expenses of the Indian Department." This was but the one half of the sum which had been appropriated for the same purpose the preceding year, & considerably less than half of the sum appropriated for the years 1818 & 181 9. A system of expenditure in the Indian Department had been established by the Government, under Acts of Congress, requiring an appropriation of at least $200,000. The money was to be expended at the extremities of the Union, with which the Depart ment could not communicate more than twice, & with several places not more than once, in the course of the year. The Secre tary had no notice of any intention to change this settled policy & reduce the expenditure one half until the 3 March, 1821. Previous to that time the impulse had been given & the expendi tures had been ordered under the old system, & the momentum could not be -withdrawn from it in a shorter period than one year. Mr. Calhoun had done his best after the passage of the Bill to curtail the expenses ; but still they had exceeded the appropriation $70,000. For this excess, the Secretary applied to Congress for an appropriation; and on this question he was denounced as extravagant & as a contemner of the law. The appropriation, however, was granted by Congress ; & Mr. Buchanan's speech is a justification of his conduct. The Bankrupt Bill, which had been reported by Mr. Ser geant, as Chairman of the Judiciary Committee, was the great subject of debate during my first session. I boarded in the same house with this gentleman, & then entertained for him a sincere friendship & respect. It was my desire if possible, con sistently with my duty, to support this his favorite measure; & 302 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN I listened with attention to the whole debate, desirous of being convinced of the propriety of the measure. At the last, however, I felt a deeply settled conviction that its passage would be highly injurious to the Country. On the 12 March, 1822, the Committee of the Whole rose & reported the Bill to the House. I did not entertain any doubt as to its passage. When the question was propounded, " Shall this Bill be engrossed for a third reading? " my convictions of duty became so strong that I rose & addressed the House in opposition to the Bill. I had previously prepared myself; but such was then my deference for Mr. Sergeant that I felt great difficulty in doing more than giving a silent vote against the passage of the Bill. This was one of the best speeches I ever delivered in Con gress. Although the hour was late, it was listened to with marked attention. It gave me such a standing in the House, that ever after whilst I continued a member of that Body I always commanded its attention. I was replied to by Mr. Wright of Maryland, when the question was taken by ayes & noes & decided against the Bill by a vote of 99 to 72. My speech is reported in the National Intelligencer of 23 March, 1822. At this session, a Bill passed the House of Representatives for the erection of toll gates & collection of toll, under the author ity of Congress, upon the Cumberland Road, by a vote of 87 to 68. I voted in the affirmative. The Bill, having passed both Houses, was returned by President Monroe with his objections, on the 4th May, 1822. On the 6 May these objections were con sidered by the House, & on the reconsideration of the Bill required by the Constitution it was rejected by a vote of 68 ayes to< 72 noes. The session closed on the 8th May ; & I had gone home to attend Court before the objections of the President were received. I had voted for this Bill, without having ever seriously con sidered the constitutional objections to its passage. It was just in itself that this road should be kept in repair by tolls collected from the individuals who used it ; and it was the policy of Penn sylvania that a rival road to her Eastern & Western Turnpike should not be travelled toll free. After seriously considering the Constitutional objections urged by the President against the passage of this Bill, I became convinced that Congress did not possess the power to enact it into a law. I confessed & as far as I could repaired my error at the next session of Congress. On AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 303 the 19 February, 1823, the Bill from the Senate appropriating money to repair the Cumberland Road being under consideration, I moved an amendment to it, ceding this road to the three States, Maryland, Peimsylvania, & Virginia, respectively, through which it passed, on condition that they would accept it & keep it in repair, collecting no more toll upon it than might be necessary for this purpose. I supported this amendment with as much abil ity as I could. On the 21 Feb: this amendment was negatived by a vote of 65 ayes to 85 noes. I never abandoned this amend ment until I had the pleasure finally of seeing it adopted in sub stance. On the 2 March, 1831, Congress assented to the Act of the Legislature of Ohio taking this road under the jurisdiction of that State, so far as it passed within its limits ; on the 3 July, 1832, a similar assent was given to similar Acts of the Legis latures of Pennsylvania & Maryland; and on the 2 March, 1833, the like assent was given to the Act of the Legislature of Vir ginia. By these proceedings, this important question has been placed at rest. During this session ('22-23), Mr. Tod, the Chairman of the Committee on Manufactures, reported a Bill for the more effectual protection & encouragement of certain Domestic Manu factures, which was debated at considerable length by a commit tee of the whole of the House of Representatives, but was not passed. I made a speech on this subject on the 7th day of Feb ruary, 1823. Vide Lancaster Journal of March 7, 1823. This speech is moderate. It advocates the passage of the Bill as a revenue measure to discharge the National Debt, — as mere incidental protection, disclaiming every idea of prohibition or doing more for Domestic Manufactures than to enable our in fant establishments to compete with foreign manufactures. It peculiarly advocates an additional duty on iron & hemp. This Bill never got out of the Committee of the Whole. On the 14 Feb: 1823, Mr. Tod moved to discharge the Commit tee of the Whole from it, for the purpose of considering it in the House ; but the motion was lost by a vote of ayes 67, noes . So near the close of a short session, this was considered decisive of its fate; and no attempt was again made to bring it before the House. Its discussion commenced on the 29 Jan : '23. I was not on any Standing Committee during this session, not having reached Washington until after they were appointed. At the first session of this Congress, the Speaker, P. P. Barbour, had appointed a Committee on Manufactures adverse to their 304 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN protection, & Mr. Baldwin, the chairman, was thus prevented from reporting a Bill. The Eighteenth Congress under the new census commenced its first session on the first Monday, December ist, 1823, & elected Mr. Clay Speaker. I was placed on the Judiciary Committee & also on the Committee for the amendment of the Constitution in regard to the election for President & Vice President & Mem bers of Congress. Jan : 15, 1824, I made an effort to redeem the pledged faith of the nation under the resolution of Dec: 24, 1799, "that a marble monument be erected by the U. S. in the Capitol, at the City of Washington, & that the family of Gen : Washington be requested to permit his body to be deposited under it," &c. After debate, it was laid on the table by a vote of 97 to 67. Vide National Intelligencer of January 17, 1824. Monday, Feb: 16, 1824, my moderation on the subject of the Tariff will be seen at the debate on the article of cotton Bagging, Nat. Int. Feb: 17, 1824, 6 cents per square yard. Tuesday, Feb: 17. Nat. Int. Feb: 19. Moves to reduce the duty on cotton bagging from 6 to 4^ cents per square yard. " We should advance with cautious steps & not injure the kindred interests of agriculture & commerce." — " He was equally opposed to both extremes proposed. One party said, Strike out the duty altogether ; — to this he could not consent ; he would in deed rejoice to see trade perfectly unshackled, but whilst other Countries surrounded it with protecting restrictions, we must do so too, in self defence," &c. &c. Mr. Buchanan withdrew his amendment, " in compliance with the request of his friends, rather than the dictates of his own judgment." Feb : 26, 1824. Nat. Int. 27. Mr. Buchanan renewed his motion & it was carried, ayes 119, in Committee. Nat. Int. March 2, 1824. Feb: 28. Mr. Fuller of Massa chusetts moves to strike out the duty of $i.i2j4 per cwt. on iron, — in bars or bolts — not manufactured by rolling. Formerly duty $15.00 per ton or 75 cents per hundred. Mr. B. opposed the motion in a speech. March 3 decided in the negative, ayes 54, noes 85. It was afterwards reduced to 90 cents on the ayes & noes. Nat. Int. March 9, 1824. I advocated the reduction of the woollen minimum from 80 to 40 cents per square yard. On the AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL" SKETCH 305 ayes & noes I voted for this reduction. April 8, 1824, the Com mittee rose & reported the Bill with the amendments. Nat. Int. April 8, '24, contains my remarks in favor of the duty on hemp. My speech on the ship building & navigating interests of the U. S. N. In. May 4, 1824. Bill for the improvement of the Ohio & Mississippi Rivers. My amendment prevails — May 10, 1824. N. I. May 11. Dec: 21, '24, page 86. I declare myself in favor of the Bill " for occupying the mouth of Columbia River." Jan: 21, '25, 331. I advocate the subscription of Stock to the Delaware & Chesapeake Canal Company. Page 361. Jan : 26, '25. A part of the third rule reported to the House for regulating the Presidential election was — " And the Galleries shall be cleared on the request of the Delegation of any one State." Mr. Ingham moved to strike out. Page 422. I supported the motion in a good speech. Feb: 9. President elected; page 526. Page 699. Mr. Benton's speech on our right to the Oregon Territory. The session of 1825-6 was the first session of Congress after the election of Mr. Adams. It commenced with a decided ma jority in his favor in the House of Representatives ; but the oppo^ sition were strong in numbers, & still stronger in vigorous, active, & efficient talents. It was completely organised, & acted as one man. It was constantly denounced as the factious opposition. Commodore Porter had been appointed commander of [illegible] for the purpose of suppressing piracy, which existed to an alarming extent in those seas. He had devoted himself to accomplish the object of his command with great energy, perseverance, & success. His ardor in the pursuit of these pirates had led him to land at Fosardo & to pursue them on a Spanish Island. He was recalled, tried by a Court Martial, & sentenced to be suspended for 6 months. He was not recalled, however, until he had nearly suppressed piracy in the West In dies. Mr. Adams, in his first message, did the Commodore great injustice by not alluding to his services, whilst he says that " the active, persevering, & unremitted energy of Captain Warrington, (who had been appointed his successor) & of the officers & men under his command, on that trying & perilous service, have been crowned with signal success, & are entitled to the approbation of this Country." Vol. XII— 20 306 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN On the 15 Dec: 1825, page 806, I offered a resolution direct ing the Secretary of the Navy to lay before the House the pro ceedings of the late Court Martial in relation to the case of Commodore Porter. After some resistance on the part of the friends of the administration, this resolution, on the motion of Mr. Reed of Massachusetts, was laid upon the table by a vote of 95 to 73. On my motion on the 16 Dec: the House took up the Resolution, & after some remarks by myself passed it without a division. The injustice of the administration towards Commo dore Porter did it great injur)' in the estimation of the people. On the 22 Dec: '25, Mr. Webster, chairman of the Com mittee on the Judiciary, of which I was a member, reported a Bill adding three new Judges to the Supreme Court of the U. S. On the 9 & 10 Jan: 1826, pages 916 to 932, I made one of the best speeches I ever delivered in Congress, in support of this Bill. On the 25 Jan: '26, it was ordered to be engrossed; ayes 132, noes 59. An invitation had been given by Mexico, Colombia, & Cen tral America to attend the Congress of Panama, which was accepted on the 30 November, 1825, but six days before the meet ing of Congress, should the Senate advise & consent to send Ministers there. On the 26 Dec: 1825, the President sent a message to the Senate, in which he states his reasons for accepting the invitation & nominates Mr. Anderson & Mr. Sergeant as Ministers, Mr. Rochester as Secretary. It was in this message that Mr. Adams asserts the extraordinary claim of Executive power, that it was within his constitutional competency to accept the invitation ; but says, he had not thought proper to do so before consulting both branches of the Legislature. On the 16 January, 1826, the Com mittee on Foreign Relations in the Senate made a long & able report against the expediency of the mission to Panama, conclud ing by a resolution to that effect. On the 14 March, 1826, this Resolution was negatived by a vote of 19 to 24, & the nominations were confirmed. On the 25 March, 1826, Mr. McLane, from the Committee of Ways & Means, reported a Bill making appropriation for carrying into effect the appointment of a mission at the Congress of Panama. On the same day, Mr. Crowninshield, from the Committee on Foreign Relations, made a report on the message of the President of the 15th Inst., concluding with the following Resolution — Resolved, That, in the opinion of this House, it is AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 307 expedient to appropriate the funds necessary to enable the Presi dent of the United States to send ministers to the Congress of Panama. [And here vide my remarks in page 1808 relative to the pledge given by Mr. Poinsett as minister to Mexico, &c. &c.J April 4, 1826, Mr. McLane proposed an amendment to the above resolution, — vide page 2009, — expressing the opinion of the House against every sort of entangling alliance, &c. &c. Same day Mr. Buchanan, 2029, offered the following: Resolved that whilst this House [left blank in the original]. April 11, 1826, page 2168, I made a speech at length on the subject. In this speech I first express my opinion on Slavery in the South. Page 2366, Mr. Ingham's attack on Webster. April 18, 1826. 2369, I offered a modification which was accepted by Mr. McLane. Page 2412, another speech of mine. April 20, '26, page 2453, the question taken in Committee & negatived — 93 to 94. Same day, in the House, Mr. McLane moved the same amendment, as modified. Motion carried on ayes & noes, April 20, page 2457, 99 to 95. The first victory over the administration ! The Resolution as amended was negatived, April 21, '26, by a vote of 54 to 143. Many in opposition voted against it because it approved the mission to Panama, & many of the admin. party because of the amendment.1 1827-8. Dec: 31, 1827. 862. Mr. Mallary from the Committee of Manufactures offered a resolution that the Com mittee be vested with the power to send for persons & papers. This resolution was opposed by the mover & by the ultra tariff party in the House generally. It prevailed, Dec: 31, by a vote of 102 to 88, after a long & animated debate. I took a part in favor of the Resolution ; page 875. In these remarks I reiterated the principle which I had uniformly asserted that the protection of Domestic Manufactures ought never to extend beyond the point of enabling them to enter into fair competition with foreign manufacturers ; & that " if yon go beyond this point, you reach 'A page is here omitted which contains a mere catalogue of certain motions and speeches. The full chronological index to Mr. Buchanan's career in Congress, given in the beginning of this work, renders it undesirable to print the catalogue in question. 308 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN prohibition; and thus afford an unnecessary & unjust protection to the Manufacturer, at the expense of the Consumer." The celebrated party debate which occupied so much of the time of the House during the present Session & so much interested the whole country was got up accidentally. On the 22 Jan : 1828, (page 1064) Mr. Chilton of Kentucky, without any previous consultation with any person excqDt [blank] offered reso lutions in favor of retrenchment & of referring the subject to the Committee of Ways & Means. This movement, without consul tation, was embarrassing to the opposition in the House. None of us doubted the necessity of retrenchment & reform; but we desired the subject to be brought forward in such a manner as to insure a regular & systematic examination of the existing abuses & an application of the proper remedy, which we thought could not be done until we turned out our present rulers. The conse quence was that we held back. Vide McDuffie's, Randolph's, & my remarks, page 1088. Besides the Departments would throw insurmountable obstacles in the way of a rigid examination. Jan : 24, '28. Motion to lay on the table decided in the nega tive, 47 to 149. Page 1 128. I favor the reduction of our own pay. Mr. Chilton of Kentucky, a friend of Gen : Jackson, a young man & a new member, who had been a baptist or methodist preacher, who could talk louder & longer & less to the purpose than any other member of the House, without any consultation with any person, sprung these retrenchment resolutions upon us. None of us doubted the necessity of retrenchment & reform to some extent; but we all believed that whilst the Government was in the hands of our political opponents, we could never discover the abuses which existed in the Departments. The current & public opinion had been running strongly in our favor, & we then had a majority in both branches of Congress against the administration; hence we deemed it to be our policy to let well enough alone & to make no new experiments. We thought that an attempt to discover & expose abuses in which we might fail would do us injury & do Mr. Adams good. Hence at the first we endeavored to get clear of Chilton's resolutions in the best manner we could ; but in proportion as we manifested reluctance to discuss or to pass them, in the same proportion did the adminis tration party press upon us & make elaborate speeches in justifi cation of the administration. At length discovering that we could not retreat with honor, & that no alternative was left for us but AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 309 to face about & make strong battle, we did so effectually. On the 2 Feb: 1828 (page 1335) Mr. Hamilton of S. C. offered reso lutions carefully drawn, as a substitute for the crude resolutions of Chilton, which were afterwards, with some modifications, adopted unanimously on the 7 Feb: 1828. A party debate fol lowed of great zeal & ability; in which, however, I cannot be mistaken in believing that we gained the advantage. On the 4 Feb: 1828, I made a speech which was considered among the best delivered. (Page 1360.) - I entered the House of Representatives with George Mc Duffie and Joel R. Poinsett of South Carolina, Andrew Stevenson of Virginia, John Tod of Pennsylvania, John Nelson of Mary land, Reuben H. Walworth and Churchill C. Cambreleng of New York, and Benjamin Gorham of Massachusetts. These were all able and promising men, having already attained high distinction in their respective States. Among those who had served in former Congresses, Mr. William Lowndes of South Carolina was the foremost in ability and influence. Next to him stood Mr. Sergeant of Pennsylvania, Mr. McLane of Delaware, Mr. Philip P. Barbour of Virginia, Mr. Baldwin of Pennsylvania, Mr. Tracy of New York, and John Randolph of Roanoke. Neither Mr. Clay nor Mr. Webster was a member of Con gress at this period. Mr. Lowndes did not take his seat until 21 December, nearly three weeks after the beginning of the session. In the meantime, the new members of the House awaited his arrival in Washington with much interest. He, with Mr. Calhoun and Mr. Cheves, had constituted what was then termed the " Galaxy " of young men which South Carolina sent to the House to sustain the war of 1 812 with Great Britain, and ranked the first among them. Mr. Lowndes had been unanimously nominated in December, 1821, by the Legislature of South Carolina, as a candidate for the Presidency to succeed Mr. Monroe. To this he made no direct response. In a letter to a friend in Charleston, after stat ing that he had not taken and never would take a step to draw the public eye upon him for this high place, he uttered the mem- 1 What follows is not a continuous part of the autobiographical sketch, but consists of separate sheets which are pieced together. They were evi dently prepared with reference to the extended memoirs to which Mr. Buchanan devoted a part of the year 1867. 310 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN orable sentiment : " The Presidency of the United States is not, in my opinion, an office to be either solicited or declined." And such was the general conviction of his candor and sincerity that no man doubted this to be the genuine sentiment of his heart. Fortunate would it have been for the country had all future aspirants for this exalted station acted in accordance with this noble sentiment. At the time, as Mr. Benton truly observes, " he was strongly indicated for an early elevation to the Presi dency — indicated by the public will and judgment, and not by any machinery of individual or party management, from the approach of which he shrank as from the touch of con tamination." - When Mr. Lowndes took his seat in the House, it was apparent to all that his frail and diseased frame betokened an early death, though he was then only in the forty-first year of his age. He was considerably above six feet in height, and was much stooped in person. There was nothing striking in his counte nance to indicate his great and varied intellectual powers. As a speaker he was persuasive and convincing. Though earnest and decided in the discussion of great questions, he never uttered a word which could give personal offence to his opponents or leave a sting behind. His eloquence partook of his own gentle and un pretending nature. His voice had become feeble and husky, and when he rose to speak, the members of the House, without dis tinction of party, clustered around him so that they might hear every word which fell from his lips. Towards his antagonists he was the fairest debater ever known in Congress. It was his custom to state their arguments so strongly and clearly that the eccentric John Randolph, on one occasion, exclaimed : " He will never be able to answer himself." He possessed all the varied information necessary to the character of a great American statesman; and this, not merely in regard to general principles, but to minute practical details. On one occasion it became his duty, as Chairman of the Com mittee on Commerce, in the House, to present a history of the origin, progress and character of our trade with the East Indies. This he did in such perfection that Mr. Silsbee, a well-informed and much-respected member of the House, and afterwards a Senator from Massachusetts, declared in his place, that although he had been engaged in that trade for many years, the gentleman 1 Benton's Thirty Years in the Senate, I. 19. AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 311 from South Carolina had communicated to the House important information and shed new light on the subject which had never been known to him. On another occasion, two young members made a wager that Mr. Lowndes could not promptly state the process of manu facturing a common pin. On propounding the question to him, he at once stated the whole process in minute detail. Mr. Lowndes' great influence, — for he was the undisputed leader in the House — arose in no small degree from the conviction of its members that he never had a sinister or selfish purpose in view, but always uttered the genuine sentiments of his heart. Mr. Lowndes had not the least jealousy in his nature. In his social intercourse with his fellow-members he was ever ready and willing to impart his stores of information on any subject, without feeling the least apprehension that these might be used to anticipate what he himself intended to say, or in debate against himself. The health of Mr. Lowndes continued to decline, and he resigned his seat in the House, and by the advice of his physicians embarked in October, 1822, from Philadelphia in the ship Moss, with his wife and daughter, for London. He died on the pas sage, on the 27th of that month, and was buried at sea. His death was announced in the House of Representatives on the 21 January, 1823, by Mr. James Hamilton, his successor. This was the first occasion on which similar honors had been paid to the memory of any individual not a member of the House at the time of his decease. Among the eulogies pronounced was one from Mr. John W. Taylor, of New York, who had been the Speaker of the House during the session immediately preceding. He had been an active and able opponent of Mr. Lowndes throughout the debates and proceedings on the Missouri question, which had for two years convulsed the House and the country, until its settlement at the close of the last session. Proceeding from a political antagonist, it so graphically presents the true character of Mr. Lowndes, that I am tempted to copy a portion of it. After referring to his death as " the greatest misfortune which had befallen the Union " since he had held a seat in its councils, he proceeds : " The highest and best hopes of this coun try looked to William Lowndes for their fulfilment. The most honorable office in the civilized world — the Chief Magistracy of this free people — would have been illustrated by his virtues and talents. During nine years' service in this House, it was my hap- 312 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN piness to be associated with him on many of its most important committees. He never failed to shed new light on all subjects to which he applied his vigorous and discriminating/ mind. His industry in discharging the arduous and responsible duties con stantly assigned him was persevering and efficient. To manners the most unassuming, to patriotism the most disinterested, to morals the most pure, to attainments of the first rank in literature and science, he added the virtues of decision and prudence, so happily combined, so harmoniously united, that we knew not which most to admire, the firmness with which he pursued his purpose or the gentleness with which he disarmed opposition. His arguments were made not to enjoy the triumph of victory, but to convince the judgment of his hearers; and when the success of his efforts was most signal, his humility was most conspicuous. You, Mr. Speaker, will remember his zeal in sustaining the cause of our country in the darkest days of the late war." The whole House, with one accord, responded to the truth fulness of these sentiments so happily expressed by Mr. Taylor. And yet, strange to say, the published debates of Congress contain but a meagre and imperfect sketch, and offer no report at all of the speeches of this great and good man. His fame as a parliamentary speaker, like that of the great commoner, Charles James Fox, must mainly rest upon tradition now fast fading away. The editors of the National Intelligencer truly remark that, " of all the distinguished men who have passed periods of their lives in either Flouse of Congress, there is cer tainly no one of anything like equal ability who has left fewer traces on the page of history or on the records of Congress than William Lowndes, the eminent Representative in Congress for several years of the State of South Carolina." The reason which they assign why so few of his eloquent speeches are to be found on record is attributable, in part, to his unfeigned diffidence, which placed less than their true value upon his own exertions, and in part to an objection which he had, on principle, to the practice then general of writing out speeches for publication, either before or after the delivery. Little or no reliance could be placed on the reporters of that day. The art even of shorthand writing was almost unknown in this country, and the published sketches pre pared by the so-called reporters were calculated to injure rather than to elevate the character of the speaker. How much has been lost to the country by the scruples of Mr. Lowndes may be imagined from the " little gem " of a speech AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 313 written out by Mr. Lowndes himself, on the personal request of Mr. Silsbee, then a member of the House, on the bill for the relief of the family of Commodore Perry, but never published until more than twenty years after his death. It does not appear in the Annals (January 23, 1821, page 937) that he made any speech on this occasion. It may be added, to show the incapacity of the reporters of that day, that in the Annals there is no mention of his speech against the bankrupt bill, commenced on February 21 and concluded on March 5, 1822, though listened to with rapt attention by the House, except that he did speak on these two days. From physical exhaustion he was unable to say all he had intended on this important subject. His name does not even appear in the index as a speaker on this bill. I have written much more than I should otherwise have done, to repair injustice done to the character of the ablest, purest, and most unselfish statesman of his day.1 John Randolph of Roanoke was the most conspicuous, though far from the most influential member of the House, when I first took my seat. He had entered the House in 1 799, and had continued there, with the exception of two terms, from that early period. His style of debate was in perfect contrast to that of Mr. Lowndes. He was severe and sarcastic, sparing neither friend nor foe, when the one or the other laid himself open to the shafts of his ridicule. He was a fine belles-lettres scholar, and his classical allusions were abundant and happy. He had a shrill and penetrating voice, and could be heard distinctly in every portion of the House. He spoke with great deliberation, and often paused for an instant as if to select the most appropriate word. His manner was confident, proud, and imposing, and pointing, as he always did, his long forefinger at the object of attack, this gave peculiar emphasis to the severity of his language. He always attracted a crowded gallery when it was known he 1 In the debate on Chilton's Resolutions, in 1825, Mr. Sergeant said : " At the head of the Committee of Ways and Means in 1816, was one who could not be remembered without feelings of deep regret at the public loss occasioned by his early death. He possessed, in an uncommon degree, the confidence of this House, and he well deserved it. With so much accurate knowledge, and with powers which enabled him to delight and instruct the House, there was united so much gentleness and kindness, and such real, unaffected modesty, that you were prepared to be subdued before he exerted his commanding powers of argument. I mean William Lowndes of South Carolina."— Benton's Debates, IX. 730. 314 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN would address the House, and he always commanded the undi vided attention of his whole audience, whether he spoke the words of wisdom, or, as he often did, of folly. For these reasons he was more feared than beloved, and his influence in the House bore no proportion to the brilliancy of his talents. He was powerful in pulling down an administration, but had no skill in building one up. Hence he was almost always in the opposition, and never what is called a business member. To me he was always respect ful and sometimes complimentary in debate. I well remember Mr. Sergeant putting me on my guard against Mr. Randolph's friendship. Mr. Sergeant entered the House in December, 1815, and had continued to be a member since that day. As a lawyer, he stood in the front rank among the eminent members of the bar of Phila delphia, at a period when its members were greatly distinguished throughout the country for ability and learning. His personal character was above reproach. From his first appearance he maintained a high rank in the estimation of the House. As a debater, he was clear and logical, and never failed to impart information. His fault was that of almost every member of Congress who had become a member after a long and successful training, at the bar. He was too exhaustive in his arguments, touching every point in the question before the House without discriminating between those which were vital and those which were subordinate. His manner was cold and didactic, and his prolixity sometimes fatigued the House. In his social intercourse with the members, he was cold but not repulsive. The high esti mation in which he was held, arose from the just appreciation of his great abilities, and from his pure and spotless private char acter. There was nothing ad captandum about him. He was regarded by his constituents in Philadelphia with pride and affec tion, who generally spoke of him as " our John Sergeant." Governor Robert Wright of Maryland replied to Mr. Bu chanan. His speech was of the most patronising but friendly character. It was chiefly addressed to Mr. Buchanan personally, and instead of repeating at length his former arguments in favor of the Bankrupt Bill, he referred with a triumphant air his " re spectable young friend " to a speech of his own on a former occa sion which he would find in the National Intelligencer of such a date. This he said would convince him of the fallacy of his argu ments and of the necessity of passing a Bankrupt Bill, &c. The vote was immediately after taken, and resulted &c. &c. AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 315 Gov. Wright was a man sui generis. He had been Governor of Maryland and had served either as a Senator or Representative in Congress, with brief intermissions, from the commencement of Mr. Jefferson's administration until the period of which we now speak. He had been the devoted personal and political friend and supporter of Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe and their respective administrations, and was the violent and outspoken enemy of the New England federalists throughout the war with Great Britain, during the whole of which he had been a member of the House of Representatives. He was passionate and desperate, and feared no responsibility personal or political. In an age in which duel ling was not proscribed, he was ever ready and willing to fight upon any occasion. Still at bottom he had a good kind heart, and loved his friends and hated his enemies with equal intensity. His gestures were violent, and so confident was he of the power of his own arguments, which was respectable, that he could ill brook contradiction. One striking illustration of the violence of his gesticulation I can never forget. Married in his old age to a highly respectable lady, he was persuaded to cover his venerable grey hairs with a most unseemly wig. The art of manufacturing wigs was not then well understood in Washington and Alexan dria ; and the one in question was of a dirty brick color and was too large for his head. A short time after he rose to speak and in the midst of his harangue, with one fell swoop of his arm he knocked the wig from his head, and it fell at a considerable dis tance from him, exciting roars of laughter. I think, but am not certain, that he never put it on afterwards. One of his striking peculiarities was an extreme aversion to smoking. He could not endure it in his presence, and had no hesitation in ordering any young gentleman to lay aside his cigar. If this command were resisted, which did not often occur, he had no hesitation in denouncing him as an ill bred upstart and no gentleman. APPENDIX TO THE FOREGOING AUTOBIO GRAPHICAL SKETCH THE OPENING PART OF THE FOURTH OF JULY ORATION, 1815.1 Thirty-nine years ago, upon this day, we were declared an independent people. At that time, the continental Congress burst asunder the chains which bound than to Great Britain, and re solved to be free, or to perish in the attempt. Upon that day, they presented to the world a spectacle of wisdom and firmness which has never been excelled. To make a proper estimate of their conduct, we must take into view the then situation of this country, compared with that of our enemy. On the one side the armies of Great Britain were numerous and veteran : they were led by commanders who had acquired military reputation in every clime : they were supported and furnished with ever)- instrument of war by a nation whose wealth has, upon different occasions, purchased the services of all the crowned heads in Europe. On the other side, our armies 1 The concluding part of this oration is given in vol. I., p. 2, of the present publication. When that volume was printed, the opening part had not, after a long and diligent search, been found. The circumstances of its subsequent accidental discovery are narrated in a letter addressed to me by the Hon. W. U. Hensel, June 27, 1908, as follows : " I am just in receipt of the first two volumes of the Works of James Buchanan. ... By a singular coincidence I have been enabled to furnish you with the beginning of the Fourth of July Oration, 1815. . . . The very day I received from the Messrs. Lippincott a notice that they had for warded to me the two volumes, a friend of mine, who had had his attention called to my paper on Buchanan, told me that he had a little pamphlet which he desired to present to me, and behold, when it came, it proved to be a printed copy of the complete oration. . . . It is a small pamphlet of nine teen pages, and the part which is included in your first volume begins on page 9." The title-page of the pamphlet is as follows : " An | Oration. | Delivered before the | Washington Association of | Lancaster, | on the | Fourth of July, 1815. | By James Buchanan, Esq., | Published at the request of the standing | committee. | Lancaster. | Printed by William Hamilton." 316 AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 317 were small and unacquainted with military discipline : our officers were destitute of experience : and we were so miserably poor, that our brave soldiers were not more than half clothed, and their winter marches, over the frosty ground which they were defend ing, could be traced by the blood that flowed from their naked feet. But even these were not the only disadvantages under which we labored. Whilst our enemy invaded us from without, the torch of discord and of treason was lighted within. When inde pendence was declared, the mother country had a powerful party throughout all the middle states, and many adherents in every other part of the union. Dreadful, therefore, was the responsibility of that Congress. Had victory not carried their banners, their names would have been cursed by the people of this country as the promoters of a destructive civil war, whilst their blood would have flowed on a scaffold as a sacrifice to appease the spirit of British vengeance. In this awful situation, whilst the dark cloud of destruction appeared ready to burst upon them, they declared to the world our independence. They thought that " One day, one hour of virtuous liberty, Was worth a whole eternity of bondage.'' Everlasting honor to their names ! The gratitude of a free people will forever hallow their memory. It is not my intention, at this time, to give you a narrative of those glorious events of the revolutionary war, which led to the recognition of our independence, by Great Britain and the world. They have been the subject of so many orations, and of such general interest, that they are familiar to every mind. The pres ent oration shall contain a short historical sketch of the most prominent actions of the party now in power in this country, and their consequences; and also an inquiry concerning the course which sound policy dictates that the government of the United States should pursue in future. The importance of these sub jects, although not strictly connected with the celebration of this day, will, I trust, be their apology to every mind. There was a powerful faction in the United States opposed to the adoption of the federal constitution. The individuals of which it was composed were called anti-federalists, and were the founders of the democratic party. They glorified in setting themselves in array against our present admirable form of gov- 318 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN ernment. The authors of this opposition were chiefly dema gogues, who might have risen to the head of a state faction, but who felt conscious that their talents would be eclipsed, when the luminaries of the United States would be collected around the General Government. To gratify their ambition, they wished that this country should continue divided into* a number of petty state sovereignties, without any efficient government for their control. This they desired, although they had the example of ancient Greece before their eyes, and well knew that the clashing interests of the states and their mutual jealousies, kept alive by alliances with different foreign nations, would have made this country a perpetual theatre of contention and of civil war, until it had fled for refuge into the arms of despotism. They therefore sounded the alarm throughout the union against the federal con stitution. They predicted ruin to the state governments and to the liberties of the people, from the powers given to the general government. By these means they succeeded in alarming the fears of many good men, and inducing them to believe, that that government, which is now the palladium of their safety, would be the instrument of their destruction. Notwithstanding their des perate efforts, the constitution was adopted, and Washington was elected President. It might have been supposed that these factionaries would have been awed into silence by his wisdom and virtue. This was not the case. The opposition which they had given to the federal government, was now transferred to its administration. At first, indeed, the voice of calumny dared only to whisper against Washington and his measures, but ere long it was heard in thunder. When the French revolution commenced, it was hailed by the people of this country generally as the dawn of rational liberty in Europe. But when, in its progress, it had become the destruction of religion and morality — when thousands of citizens were daily sentenced to death and butchered, without trial and without crimen — when all the powers of anarchy were poured out upon that devoted country at home — and when Attila-like it had become the scourge of God to foreign nations, the Washington- ian party began to entertain fears for its result, and thought it necessary to stem the torrent of French influence which was rapidly overwhelming our country. To this duty they were imperiously called, as it was not only in theory one of the avowed objects of that government to spread revolutionary principles AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 319 over the whole world, but they had actually attempted to sow the seeds of rebellion throughout the United States. True to their original principles and their first love, the demo cratic party of that day became more the friends of the French, as they became more the enemies of social order. When the proclamation of neutrality was issued by Washington — that proc lamation which is now almost universally admitted to have been the salvation of our country — that proclamation which impartially placed England and France upon the same footing, and laid open the commerce of the world to America, they were enraged that we had not entered into an alliance with the French Republic, and waged war, under their banners, against the human race. But when the treaty of peace with England, commonly called Jay's treaty, was ratified by Washington, torrents of personal abuse were poured out by the democratic party upon his head. They openly charged the father of his country with an intention of destroying his own beloved offspring. To such a pitch of ingratitude were they carried, by their diabolic passions, that they dared publicly, and without the slightest foundation, to accuse him of secretly putting his hand into the Treasury like a felon, and appropriating, without authority, the money of the nation to his own individual use. That man, the vigor of whose youth had been worn out in those splendid military achievements which made our country independent, and whose age and experience had been devoted to the creation and organization of the federal gov ernment — that man, who had never received one farthing more of the public money than what he had expended in the public ser vice, was accused of being a base peculator of the public treasure. During this cruel persecution his noble mind felt sensibly the stings of his countrymen's ingratitude. In the bitterness of his soul he complained, that he had been abused, to use his own emphatical language, in " such exaggerated and indecent terms, as could scarcely be applied to a Nero — a notorious defaulter — or even to a common pickpocket." What must be our opinion of an opposition whose passions were so dark and malignant as to be gratified in endeavoring to blast the character and embitter the old age of Washington? After thus persecuting the saviour of his country, how can the democratic party dare to call themselves his disciples? But no opposition could divert the steady soul of Washington from its purpose. He had digested a system of policy, which he steadily pursued amid the storms of faction. His successor 320 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN in office, for the most part, walked in his footsteps. To continue at peace, a nation must be ready for war, was a maxim by which the federal administrations were constantly directed. Under their auspices, therefore, public credit was well established, as the best means of public defence. The debt of the revolutionary war was funded, and moderate taxes were imposed. A navy was built for the protection of commerce. We considered all nations, equally, in war as enemies, in peace as friends; and therefore a strict neutrality towards all nations was preserved. It would be impossible to enumerate every wise measure of the Washingtonian administrations : suffice it to say, that during their continuance, the prosperity of this country was unexampled in the annals of time. The dreams of fancy were almost realized. Cities rose up as if by magic throughout our country, and wealth flowed in upon us from all nations. The wilderness yielded to the hand of agriculture, and fields loaded with the richest harvests covered these gloomy forests, where wild beasts, but a few years before, had used to roam. Happy, indeed, were this people, had they but known their own happiness. Notwithstanding their prosperity, faction still continued to> rage and increase. The pos session of power was the end of the opposition ; about the means they were regardless. Their leaders pretended a tender solici tude for the welfare of the people. Their voices were loud in favor of public economy, and against a navy, an army, and taxes. Although France had wantonly captured a great number of our vessels without cause, had actually demanded tribute from us, and had threatened our country with invasion, and with the dreadful fate of Venice, if it were not paid; although she had twice refused to recognize our ministers, who went supplicating for peace, they were opposed to raising an army or navy for our defence. After an army had been raised, notwithstanding it was commanded by Washington, and destined to act against a foreign enemy, they loudly expressed their apprehensions, that it was intended to destroy our republican form of government, and sub stitute monarchy in its stead. The taxes necessary for its sup port afforded them a fresh theme of declamation. By means such as these, they succeeded so well in their endeavors, that they at length became the majority of the nation, and got its destinies placed in their hands. How they have used their power, it will now be my endeavor to show. IV Biographical Sketch by JAMES BUCHANAN HENRY, ESQUIRE Biographical Sketch1 In consequence of the death, in 1840, of my surviving parent, the young est sister of Mr. Buchanan, I became a member of his immediate family. He was executor of my mother's will, and by it he was appointed my guardian. I was then seven years old. Mr. Buchanan at that time lived in a spacious brick house in the quiet inland city of Lancaster, on the principal street, called East King Street. This ancient town — one of the oldest in Pennsyl vania, still retained the loyal names of colonial times, its best streets being named King, Queen, Duke, Orange, etc. At that date, Mr. Buchanan was in the Senate, and of course much of his time was passed in Washington ; but during the recess of Congress he resided in Lancaster, where he was much honored and beloved by its citizens ; and this personal attachment continued in a marked degree until his death. At the time of which I speak, his family consisted of a housekeeper, Miss Parker, always called " Miss Hetty," myself and his servants. At a little later period, my cousin, Harriet Lane, after the death of her parents, also became a member of our uncle's household. This little family circle continued unbroken, excepting during the temporary absences of my uncle in Washington, or on other public duty, or when my cousin and I were at boarding school or college, until my marriage in i860, and until my cousin's departure for her new home in Baltimore, after her marriage. No father could have bestowed a more faithful and judicious care upon his own children, than this somewhat stern but devoted bachelor uncle of ours bestowed upon us. While I was at school, in the little Moravian town of Lititz near by, when I was eleven years old, he required me to write to him once every month with great exactitude, and to each boyish letter he would write a prompt reply, carefully but kindly criticising every part of it; and if I had been careless in either penmanship or spelling, he would give me sharp reproof, which, coming from the hero of my youthful worship, made an impression which I remember to this day. Miss Hetty Parker, now a venerable lady of seventy-eight, residing in Lancaster in a comfortable house provided for her by my uncle's will, be longed to a respectable and quite " well-to-do " family in Philadelphia. She became his housekeeper, I think, in 1834, or soon 'after, and was, by him and all of us, treated as a valued member of the family, and as a friend. She was always present at the table, and dispensed the hospitalities of my uncle's house until my cousin had grown to womanhood, and assumed a part of such 1 This sketch was prepared by Mr. Henry for Mr. George Ticknor Curtis, who printed it, not as a whole, but in parts, in his Life of Buchanan. I now give it by permission of Mr. Henry, together with a letter commenting upon the erroneous interpretation by Von Hoist of a particular phrase. 323 324 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN duties. " Miss Hetty " continued to be one of the family circle, and to per form her duties most acceptably to Mr. Buchanan through the remainder of his life. I do not hesitate to say that it was largely owing to her vigilant care of his interests, and her wise economy, that his moderate private fortune, mainly earned by him in the practice of the law, and before he entered public life, not only proved sufficient for his wants, but slowly increased, amounting, at his death, to about $300,ooo.1 Miss Hetty was for nearly forty years his faithful attendant in health and nurse in sickness; and he was so much attached to her, that I have often heard him say that nothing should ever part her from him while he lived. He would let her do what she pleased, and say to him what she pleased, and even scold him, without rebuke ; — a privilege I never knew him to accord to any one else. No biography of Mr. Buchanan would be complete that did not mention this humble, unselfish and most faithful companion, who was so well known to the frequenters of Wheatland, and to the whole circle of Mr. Buchanan's friends. Soon after Mr. Buchanan's election to the Presidency, he sent for me — I was in Philadelphia, where I had begun the practice of the law — to come to Wheatland. He then told me that he had selected me to be his private secre tary, and spoke to me gravely of the temptations by which I should prob ably be assailed in that position. Soon afterwards prominent men and poli ticians began to make their way to Wheatland in great numbers, and the stream increased steadily until the departure of Mr. Buchanan for Wash ington. In addition to personal attendance upon the President-elect, I soon had my hands full of work in examining and briefing the daily mails, which were burdened with letters of recommendation from individuals, committees and delegations of various States, in regard to the cabinet appointments and a few of the more important offices. Mr. Buchanan was also preparing his inaugural address with his usual care and painstaking, and I copied his drafts and recopied them until he had it prepared to his satisfaction. It underwent no alteration after he went to the National Hotel in Washington, except that he there inserted a clause in regard to the question then pending in the Supreme Court, as one that would dispose of a vexed and dangerous topic by the highest judicial authority of the land. When the time came to leave Wheatland for the capital, preliminary to his inauguration, Mr. Buchanan, Miss Lane, Miss Hetty and I drove into Lancaster in his carriage, escorted all the way to the railway station by a great and enthusiastic crowd of Lancaster citizens and personal friends, with a band of music, although it was very early on a bleak winter morning. I remember his modestly remark ing upon the vast crowd thus doing reverence to a mortal man. At the station he was met by an ardent personal and political friend, Robert Magraw, then president of the Northern Central Railroad, and received into a special 1 " In these days of millions, such a fortune, accumulated by a man who had been in public life for about forty years, seems moderate indeed. It will appear, as we draw near the end of Mr. Buchanan's life, that he did not enrich himself out of the public, and that such fortune as he did accumulate must have been, as Mr. Henry says, the slow increase of means honorably acquired and carefully husbanded. Yet he was not a parsimonious, but, on the contrary, he was a generous man." (Note in Curtis's Buchanan.) BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 325 car, built for the occasion, and the windows of which were in colors and represented familiar scenes of and about Wheatland. After receiving ova tions all along the way, especially at Baltimore, the President-elect and party- arrived safely in Washington. We were somewhat fearful that Mr. Buchanari might be seriously embarrassed during the inaugural ceremonies from the effects of what was then known as the National Hotel disease, a disorder which, from no cause that we could then discover, had attacked nearly every guest at the house, and from the dire effects of which many never wholly recovered. Dr. Foltz, a naval surgeon, whose appointment in the service) many years Before, Mr. Buchanan had assisted, was in constant attendance upon him, and I remember that he and I went together to the Capitol in a carriage just behind the one that conveyed the retiring President and the President-elect, and that he had occasion to administer remedies. The inauguration ceremonies, the ball, and the first reception at the White House by the new President, were very largely attended and successful. It hap pened that they took place during a short era of good feeling among all shades of politics and party, but unhappily an era of peace destined soon to terminate in bitter discord over the Lecompton Constitution or Kansas ques tion, and by the more disastrous following appeal to the passions of the two great political sections of the North and the South, which so nearly ended the administration in blood. The dinners at the White House, during the first year, were attended by Republicans as well as Democrats, with great seeming friendship and good-will. As private secretary, I had to be in my office, a room on the southwest corner of the second story adjoining that of the President, whenever he was there, which was from eight in the morning until luncheon at one o'clock, and from that time until five, when, with rare exceptions, he took an hour's walk. I doubt whether Mr. Buchanan used his coach and horses a dozen times a year, except during the summer when he was at the " Soldier's Home ; " then he drove in to the executive mansion in the morning and out in the evening. He greatly preferred the exercise of walking, with its exchange of kindly personal greetings with friends. On returning from this daily exercise he dined with the members of his household. It was not then etiquette for the President to accept dinner or other invitations, for the wise reason, I believe, that any discrimination would have been impossible without giving offence, and universal acceptance would have been impossible. Once a week Mr. Buchanan caused some of the Cabinet members and their wives to be invited to dinner " en famille " and as there was but little ceremony and all were agreeable guests, with common and identical interests for the most part, I remember that these were most pleasant little entertainments. During the winter, or properly during the session of Congress, there was what might be called a State dinner, once a week, an entertainment of a much more formal and formidable character, in the large dining-room, capable of seating about forty persons. The first of these dinners was, I think, given to the Justices of the Supreme Court, the next to the Diplomatic Corps, then to the members of the Senate, and the House of Representatives, including each member in his turn, according to official seniority, except in a very few cases where individuals had by discourtesy or offence rendered such an invitation improper. Miss Lane and I attended to the details of these social matters, including dinner and party attending, making visits, etc., for the President. Among the most troublesome of these duties was the proper assigning of 326 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN precedence to the guests at these so-called state dinners; a delicate task in these Washington entertainments, as any neglect would pretty surely give offence. Miss Lane, from natural aptitude and tact and the experience she had in London whilst her uncle was minister there, managed these details very cleverly. I had the difficult and worrying task at these dinners, in the short time between the arrival of the forty odd guests in the drawing-room and the procession into the great dining-room, of ascertaining the name of each gentleman and telling him what lady he was to take in, and probably introducing the parties to each other. It was sometimes a very mauvaise quart d'heure of expectation for me ; as I was pretty sure to find at the last moment, when the President was leading the procession to the table, that some male guest, perhaps not accustomed to such matters, had strayed away from his intended partner, leaving the lady standing alone and much embarrassed. I had then to give them a fresh start. As private secretary I was charged with the expenditure of the library fund, the payment of the steward, messengers, and also of the expenditures of the household which were paid out of the President's private purse. I might here mention that these latter expenditures generally exceeded the President's salary in the winter months, because President Buchanan enjoyed entertaining and entertained liberally from inclination. In summer the social entertaining being much less, and the President being at the Soldier's Home, a modest but pretty stone cottage on the hills near Washington, the expenses were much less. Taking the year through, the salary of $25,000 was nearly sufficient to pay the actual expenses of the executive mansion, but nothing beyond that, or to allow the President to save any part of it ; but on the contrary, I think he had to draw upon his private means to a considerable extent. My first duty was to organize the private secretary's office. I had a set of books or records carefully prepared, in which could be briefly entered the date of receipt of any letter or communication addressed to the President, the name of the writer — subject-matter condensed to the utmost — dates and substance of answer, if any, to what department referred, and date of such reference. If the letter contained a recommendation for appointment to office, these records indicated the office, the name of the applicant and by whom recommended. Such communications as the President ought to see I folded and briefed and took them to him every morning at eight o'clock and received his instructions as to the answer I should make, and in some instances he would answer them himself, if of a purely personal nature. Either he or I would then endorse upon all letters " Respectfully referred to the Secretary of State," War, or otherwise, according as the communication in subject-matter related to the business of that department; and once a day I would enclose them, as they accumulated, in large envelopes, with printed addresses, and despatch them by the messenger to the several departments. By this system I could recall any letter or communication of any kind by reference to the entries on my books, whenever the President desired them for action. This was the routine of the Executive Office. It will hardly be credited that this simple and natural course of business gave the pretext at a later day, and I can scarcely suppress my indignation as I think of it, for that infamous " mare's nest," discovered by Covode of Pennsylvania, a member of the House of Representatives, and for the inves tigation of which he obtained a committee with full powers. The letters of BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 327 General Patterson and others to which it related, were simply referred to the Secretary of the Navy according to the ordinary and proper routine of business in the Executive Office, as I have above described, and were endorsed exactly as thousands of others had been either by the President or by me, and such endorsement had therefore no signification whatever. It was a cruel and malicious pretence to infer that the Secretary of the Navy would attach any importance whatever to the mere act of reference by the President himself because a multitude of such papers were similarly endorsed either by him or by me every day. There would have been no room to keep such a mass of papers in the White House, and they would have been out of place there, as they related to the business of the several cabinet officers, and yet .upon this miserable basis was the " Covode investigation " erected, and the first attempt ever made to soil a spotless public life, extending over more than forty years in every exalted station of our Government, as member of the legislature of Pennsylvania, many years member of the House of Representatives, Senator of the United States, twice diplomatic representative of the nation at the two principal courts of Europe, Secretary of State of the United States, and finally President of the Republic. The meagre partisan fruits of the inves tigation when made, and the refusal, to its credit be it said, of a bitterly hostile opposition in the House to propose even a censure, clearly showed its baseless character. The committee, with well simulated delicacy, never summoned me to appear and testify, but sent for my clerk, and after examining him were glad, it seems, to drop it. I dwell upon this matter, because in a long career of public service it is the only attempt ever made to impeach Mr. Buchanan's public or private integrity. He himself felt it very bitterly, and I think it will be admitted that he administered a wholesome and deserved rebuke to the House in his special message of protest. Although the result demon strated that there was not the most gossamer pretext for the charge made by Covode, I think Mr. Buchanan's friends can be well pleased at its having been made, and its futility exposed, as it leads to the fair conclusion for history, that Mr. Buchanan was invulnerable to any assaults upon the honor of his public or private life. Surely this is much to be able to say of a public servant, and a nation capable of breeding many such public men can justly congratulate itself. Another feature of Mr. Buchanan's public life I will refer to, which possibly may not now be esteemed a great virtue. I mean his dislike of nepotism. Not unnaturally, there were members of our family who would have been very glad to have obtained civil or other appointments during his administration. But such was Mr. Buchanan's freely expressed repugnance to using his public authority for the advantage of his relatives, that I am not aware that any of them even made application to him for office of any kind. Public policy clearly indicates the propriety and desirability of the President's private secretary being, if possible, a blood relation, upon the ground that the honor and interests of the President and his high office can be most safely entrusted to one having an interest in his good name and fame, and therefore more guarded against temptation of any kind. I therefore do not consider the selection of myself, or my cousin Mr. James Buchanan, who followed me, as any exception to what I have stated. To such an extent did I know that my uncle disliked the appointing of relatives to office, that I 328 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN never dared to tell him of my desire to be appointed to the paymaster corps of the navy, a position which from my nomadic tastes I had long coveted, and I concluded to save myself the mortification of a refusal. I could exer cise no influence with him for myself. As an instance of this, I will mention that when the Hon. John Cadwalader, late Judge of United States Circuit Court of Eastern Pennsylvania, was appointed to that judgeship by Mr. Buchanan, he tendered me the clerkship of his court, a permanent and hon orable position, and one that I should have been willing to accept. Judge Cadwalader had been my legal preceptor, and for years my warm personal friend, so that the proffered position would have been in every way agreeable and proper. Although I was then residing in New York as a private citizen, I consulted Mr. Buchanan as to its acceptance by me, and on finding that he entertained serious reasonable objections to my doing so, I declined the compliment. The President said the public might justly infer that there had been some previous understanding between him and the new judge, and that however erroneous such a conclusion would be, it would be natural. Inas much, therefore, as my acceptance might work injury, both to the President and his excellent appointee, I quickly made my decision. These little events, unknown to the public, will serve to illustrate the delicate sense of right and the very appearance of right, which so strongly marked his public service. Among the minor but interesting incidents of the administration, I may mention the receipt of the first message by the new ocean telegraph from the British sovereign, and the President's reply to it. As the cable became silent almost immediately after, the public were for a long time in doubt whether any message had really been transmitted over the wonderful wire under the sea. I well remember the reception of the message, and I had it and the draft of the President's reply in my possession for years afterwards as a curiosity. You doubtless know all about the visit of the Prince of Wales to Presi dent Buchanan, and the pleasant social incidents following in its train. The Duke of Newcastle, Lord St. Germains and Sir Henry Holland — the latter an old friend of the President's — in the Prince's suite, were also guests at the White House. I was then residing in New York, and was sent for by my uncle to my old quarters in Washington, to assist in entertaining these distinguished persons, who, although entertained at the private expense of Mr. Buchanan, were nevertheless looked upon, and properly so, as the guests of the nation. Probably among the most interesting, and I may say touching, incidents of this visit, was a trip made by the royal guest and suite, in company with the President, to Mount Vernon. I well remember the whole party — the tall, venerable form of the President, the youthful Prince, and the other guests representing the highest social order in Great Britain, standing bare headed in front of the tomb of Washington. It was a most impressive and singular spectacle, and I have often thought it would make a very striking subject for a large historical painting. The Prince planted a small tree near the tomb in commemoration of his visit, but I have never learned whether it grew. Many interesting incidents occurred in this visit, but I shall not repeat them. I will only say that I never saw a more agreeable or unrestrained intercourse of a social character — for the visit had no political significance whatever, and the Queen and the Prince subsequently expressed their appreciation of the President's hospitality, the former in an autograph BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 329 letter, and the latter both by letter and the presentation of a three-quarter length portrait, painted by one of Britain's greatest artists. The value of this was enhanced by the delicacy which marked its presentation after Mr. Buchanan had retired to private life as a simple citizen. These letters and portrait are now in the possession of my cousin, and also the autograph letter of the Prince Consort to Mr. Buchanan on the occasion of the marriage of the Princess Royal, in which he uses some pleasant expressions of a personal character, and referring back to Mr. Buchanan's residence in London as minister. I think the era of good feeling between America and England, and especially the enduring friendship of the Queen herself for the United States, so decidedly shown by her during our terrible war, may be traced as one of the happy results of the visit of the Prince of Wales to the Presi dent. The kindly feelings of these two great nations towards each other, a rapprochement, now so marked, had, I think, its beginning at that period. Another trait of Mr. Buchanan I must not omit alluding to. He made it an invariable rule, as President, to accept no gifts or presents of any value, even from the most intimate friends, and it was part of my duty to return them at once, with a kind but emphatic declination, telling the donor that the President had made it a rule, not to be broken, that he could accept no gifts; and I was directed, at the same time, to express his thanks for the friendly intentions in all cases where it seemed probable that it was not a bold effort to purchase favor, and from purely selfish motives. A number of costly gifts were thus returned. After a personal intercourse with Mr. Buchanan from my boyhood, more or less intimate, and therefore having had an opportunity to judge, I can conscientiously say that I never knew a man of purer private life, or one actuated by nobler or more upright motives. He was, to us around him, an object of unbroken respect and reverence. I can truly aver that I never heard him express an ignoble sentiment, or do an act that could diminish that respect and reverence. He was strong willed, rather austere, and somewhat exacting to those around him, but always and in all things the Christian gen tleman. This was the impression made upon me as a youth, and now, as I look back from later life, I see no cause to change or modify my estimate of his character. His only fault, if fault it be, was a too great readiness to forgive and conciliate those who had been his enemies, regarding it as a triumph for his principles and a vindication of his motives. And yet this has been at times attributed to him as a weakness. Mr. Buchanan had an extraordinary memory, and could repeat verbatim much of the classic authors of his college days, and I remember he often put me to shame, when I was yet in the midst of my books, by questions that I failed to answer to my satisfaction. He was also a remarkably fluent and agreeable conversationalist — a rare and valuable gift — and it was one of my greatest pleasures to listen to him, when in congenial company, relating anecdotes of his great contemporaries in public life at home, and incidents occurring during his missions in St. Petersburg and later in London. This quality made him a most agreeable companion among men, and an especial favorite with the fair sex, whose friendship in turn he appreciated and enjoyed to the end of his life. The correctness of his own private life, and his association with only the nobler of the other sex, resulted in his never entertaining or expressing cynical views of them, so common in men's later years. 330 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN I do not know if you have any account of Mr. Buchanan's personal appearance or dress. The best likeness of him is a miniature portrait on ivory, by Brown of Philadelphia, now in the possession of his brother, the Rev. Dr. Buchanan. I have an oil photograph painted in 1857, which is excellent; also a bust in marble by a Boston sculptor, which is good. My cousin has a half-length portrait, painted by Eicholtz about the year 1833. His figure and general appearance whilst President is very accurately repre sented in a full-length engraving by Buttre of New York. On the whole, I think it is the best average representation of him extant. Healy executed a portrait of Mr. Buchanan at the White House, but he was an impatient sitter, and I do not think it was very successful. Mr. Buchanan, in his sketch of the four last months of his administration, gives a short account of a remarkable naval expedition ordered by him to Paraguay, to settle certain difficulties with that republic. This naval demon stration on a considerable scale was entirely successful, and resulted in a permanent peace with that country ever since. It had, however, this most uncommon feature to distinguish it, that it cost the United States not one dollar beyond the usual small annual appropriation for the navy. I some times wonder whether any other such expedition of its size and importance, in this or any other country, can show such an example of economy, honesty, and efficiency and success combined, as did this. In personal appearance Mr. Buchanan was tall — over six feet, broad shouldered, and had a portly and dignified bearing. He wore no beard; his complexion was clear and very fair ; his forehead was massive, white and smooth, his features strong and well marked, and his white hair was abun dant and silky in texture; his eyes were blue, intelligent and kindly, with the peculiarity that one was far and the other near sighted, which resulted in a slight habitual inclination of the head to one side — a peculiarity that will be remembered by those who knew him well. He dressed with great care, in black, wearing always a full white cravat, which did not, however, impart to him anything of a clerical aspect. He was, on the whole, a distinguished looking and handsome man, and his size and fine proportions gave a dignity and commanding air to his personal presence. His manner and bearing had much of the old-fashioned courtly school about it. I do not think he was a very easy or fluent public speaker, but what he had to say always commanded attention, even among his great compeers in the Senate. Mr. Buchanan's parents were Presbyterians, and he always evinced a preference for that form of worship. He was a regular attendant upon church services, both at Washington and in Lancaster, being a pew holder and an always generous contributor to both the building and maintenance of Christian worship. I have known him to give a thousand dollars at a time in aid of building funds for churches of all denominations, and many of his most faithful friends were members of the Roman Catholic communion. He was, to my knowledge, always a sincere believer in all the cardinal doc trines of Christianity, had no eccentricities of religious belief, but accepted Christianity as a divine revelation and a simple rule for the conduct of human life, and relied upon it for the guidance of his own life. He certainly always pressed their force upon my cousin and myself, in our family inter course under his roof, as his wards. I remember that she and I always hid away our secular newspaper or novel on Sunday if we heard him approaching, BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 331 as we were otherwise pretty sure to get a mild rebuke for not better employ ing our time on Sunday, either in good works, or at least in better reading. The candid student of history, intent only on getting at the very truth without fear, favor or prejudice, after the perusal of President Buchanan's plain exposition of the threatenings of the impending rebellion, as set forth in his message of December, i860, and the message of January 8, 1861, must ask the question, why did not the Congress, sole constitutional depository of the power to raise armies or to call out the militia, then and there, by proper legislation, authorize the President to stamp out the incipient revolt by voting the money for and the authority to employ any necessary military force to accomplish the legitimate end? I have reason to know that the President would not have hesitated to faithfully execute any law which Congress might then have enacted. Why, then, did Congress, from Decem ber to March, with the plain facts fully brought to their attention by Presi dent Buchanan, and in the face of such imminent public peril, neglect to perform its constitutional function, or to vote either supplies or men? What more could President Buchanan have legally done? Should he have become an usurper, and declared himself Dictator, after the fashion of South America? The conclusion must be, that Congress, from some inexplicable reason, saw fit to abdicate its functions, leaving its powers dormant at the most critical period. Can it have been from any unworthy partisan motive? It could not have been from doubt of its possessing the authority. Whilst President Buchanan held, and rightly held, that he could find no authority in the Constitution to coerce the States, as States, or mere legal entities, he clearly enunciated the true doctrine of the constitutional power of the National Government to fully enforce its laws, by acting coercively upon the persons of all citizens when in revolt or resistance to its authority, wherever they might be, and whether as individuals or massed together in armies. That doctrine then set forth by Mr. Buchanan was unpopular, but it stands to-day confessed to be the only true construction of the Constitution. After the flames of a four years' civil conflagration had beaten against the text, no important writer on the organic law held any other construction to be tenable. Its present universal acceptance proves the sagacity and correctness of Mr. Buchanan's views at that early date. If there was any more marked political bias of Mr. Buchanan's mind than any other it was that of an almost idolatrous respect and reverence for the Constitution. He had been educated and lived in the old constitutional school of statesmanship, and wholly believed in the wisdom and perfection of that great organic law devised by the founders and builders of our Govern ment. He fully and ardently believed in its sufficiency for all .purposes, whether of peace or war. Perhaps such a faith as was entertained by that race of statesmen would be considered by the present lax school as savoring of political fetichism. Certainly there were many who so regarded it, and who rather contemptuously avowed in Congress that their views and measures were, in many instances, extra-constitutional. To me, at least, this knowledge of Mr. Buchanan's political religion, so to speak, explains why he did not for an instant contemplate the usurpation — for usurpation it would have been, pure and simple — of the constitutional prerogatives of Congress to declare war, or, at least, to precipitate war, or by seizing the persons of the Southern members of Congress and of the State authorities who were working to secure the secession of their several States. Congress was in session, and it 332 THE WORKS OF JAMES BUCHANAN was, that being the case, only for the President to lay the facts before that body and obey their behest, whether for peace or war. No belief that the American people would have condoned his usurpation, if made, or have upheld his extra-constitutional act, such as calling for volunteers, or declaring war, or making an aggressive war, would have justified him in assuming the prerogatives of Congress, then actually in session. Although such an act might have made him the most popular idol in American history, I do not think he could have been tempted to break his solemn oath to support the Constitution, by ignoring its plainest provisions. " Nothing succeeds like success." I am sometimes asked why Mr. Buchanan did not "take the responsibility." Such a course would have remained impossible to him, with his views of his duty, and I think that in time he will be applauded, not blamed, for his self-sacrificing devotion to what he regarded as the right, rather than seeking his own personal popularity by illegal means. I cannot close without a few words upon my uncle's views upon slavery. He simply tolerated it as a legal fact under our Constitution. He had no admiration for it whatever. I know of a number of instances in which he purchased the freedom of slaves in Washington, and brought them to Penn sylvania with him, leaving it to them to repay him if they could out of their wages. His constant recognition of the legal existence of slavery in the South, and its right to protection so long as it legally existed there, rendered him liable to misrepresentation at the North and to misconception at the South ; the one regarding him as an apologist of slavery, and the other as its open friend, whereas he was neither. He was only desirous to see the Con stitution and laws obeyed, and did, emphatically; not believe in the so-called " Higher Law." ~ In fact I cannot but regard Mr. Buchanan as having been 1 Von Hoist, in the first edition of his Constitutional History of the United States, VII. 368, says: "He [Buchanan], indeed, conceded that he might have made mistakes, but to the end of his days he took good care that no one should believe he knew he had ever made any. To the very last he could not obtain that knowledge, because to the very last the one thing which was the cause of all his mistakes was unintelligible to him. As .his nephew, J. Buchanan Henry, says, ' he emphatically did not believe in the " higher law," ' that is, he left the moral side of the question entirely out of consideration." With reference to this statement of Von Hoist's, I give the following letter addressed to me by Mr. Henry : New York, 29th October, 1904. My dear Mr. Moore: I was both amazed and amused to some extent when the enclosed extract from Von Hoist's work was first called to my attention. It is only one more illustration of the difficulty that besets foreign writers in dealing with ques tions in which local peculiarities and popular political phraseology enter largely. All men and writers of the times of i860 will well remember how such phrases as " irrepressible conflict," " higher law," meaning rather extra- constitutional views of law than moral law proper, were in almost every political speaker's mouth. I regret that I used an expression which might at a later date be misunderstood, as in the case of Prof. Von Hoist before us, and be converted into an entirely different meaning than the one I intended BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 333 cruelly misrepresented at the North and betrayed by the South, which began its unjustifiable secession when quite safe from any invasion of its Constitu tional rights. The Southern leaders did not hesitate to precipitate what they knew would be disastrous to his benign administration, if it did not actually terminate it in blood. It was, too, the grossest ingratitude to the Democratic party, which had always stood like a wall of fire between the South and its assailants in the North. Mr. Buchanan, to the day of his death, expressed to me his abiding con viction that the American people would, in due time, come to regard his course as the only one which at that time promised any hope of saving the nation from a bloody and devastating war, and would recognize the integrity and wisdom of his course in administering the Government for the good of the whole people, whether North or South. His conviction on this point was so genuine that he looked forward serenely to the future, and never seemed to entertain a misgiving or a doubt. The day is now not very far off when the American people will appre ciate his faithful services to the Republic, his stainless character and his exalted patriotism. to convey. President Buchanan was a deeply and sincerely religious man, as well as an ardent believer in the sufficiency of the great work of the fathers of the Republic — the Constitution. He was a conscientious Christian, as well as a steadfast believer in the moral law of the Holy Scriptures and all its precepts. I think I should therefore ask you in your forthcoming great work, Buchanan's State Papers, to make this correction of the almost ludicrous error into which Von Hoist has fallen, from the difficulties a foreign writer on American politics is so apt to encounter and misunderstand. Believe me, dear Sir, Yours very faithfully, J. Buchanan Henry, Sometime Secretary to President Buchanan. INDEX1 [Roman numerals refer to volume.] Abbott and Baldwin, letter to, as to Abbott's "Lives of the Presi dents," xi, 430-431. Abell, A. G., vii, 349. Abell, Alexander S., consul, claim for misconduct of, vii, 108-109. Abell, Rollin, letter to, case of Warrior, viii, 161. Aberdeen, Earl op: Oregon ques tion, v, 490, 491, 496, vi, 378, 382, 385. 44o, 472, vii, 3, 11, 16, 35, 179, x, 331—332; on Texan annexation, vi, 43, 44, 128; duty claims against Great Britain, vi, 272, 320, 384; the Mexican War, vi, 484, vii, 41- 42; case of the Jones, vii, 81, 107- 108; the Central American ques tion, ix, 297, 299—302, 307, 320, 339-342, x, 53, 60, 87, 103; the Crimean war, ix, 335-336; Cramp- ton's complicity in British re cruitments in the United States, x, 53 ; his friendship for the United States, ix, 250 (see also Great Britain) . Abolition of slavery (see Slavery question) . Abon-Selhan Ben Ali, Moroccan agent, viii, 247. Abre'o, Limpo d', Porpoise affair, vi, 267. Abreu, Senhor de, Brazilian min. of for. aff., Brazilian slave trade, vii, 408. Accessory Transit Co., interoceanic communication, x, 258. Acevedo, Mr., Venezuelan min. for for. aff., complaint against Mr. Shields, viii, 157, 158; letter to, same subject, viii, 159-160; his mission to the United States, viii, 263-264. Acosta, Joaquin, New Granadian charg6 d'affaires, case of Leoni, vii, 186; New Granadian min. of for. aff., claims against New Grana da, vi, 175, 180, 181. Adams, Charles F., M. C, Covode investigation, xii, 235; Seward's letter to, in regard to Civil War, xi, 53 ; minister to England, recog nition of the Confederacy, xi, 245, 246; the Civil War, xii, 283. Adams, James H., South Carolina commissioner to Federal govern ment, xii, 159 ; et al. (see Barn well, R. W.). Adams, John, his reception by George III., v, 492 ; treaty of peace with Great Britain, v, 379; Presi dent, removal of executive officers, ii, 434; naturalization law, iv, 292, 293, viii, 482— 483 ; the public loan of 1798, v, 181; mentioned, i, 10. Adams, John Quincy, senator, slav ery question, iii, 17; minister to Russia, ii, 375; minister to Great Britain, i, 294-301, vi, 198-199; secretary of state, effort to pur chase Texas, vi, 38, 39, Oregon question, vi, 186, 187, 188, 253, on British proposal as to Holy Al liance, xii, 254; elected President, i, 120— 121, 132, 260—271, 290-291, iii, 249-250, xii, 305; the "bargain and corruption" charge, i, 217, 218- 220, 260-262, vi, 59-60, 63-64; his administration as President, i, 216, 292-293, iv, 74, xii, 300, 308; op position to his re-election, i, 174; message on controversy with Geor gia, i, 244-245 ; his anti-masonic letter, ii, 177; reciprocity act, xi, 488; his executive influence, ii, 424, vi, 142-143 ; General Jackson's fine, v, 406; his quarrel with Gen. Scott, viii, 468; on right of seces sion, xi, 72, xii, 74-75, 81, 272; M. C, vi, 454-455, 459; tariff bill 1 This index has been prepared by Jacob H. Goetz, Esquire, of the New York bar, to whom the editor's acknowledgments are due for the intelligent interest which he has shown in his useful and important task and the labor and care which he has bestowed upon it. — J. B. M. 335 336 INDEX of, 1 831-183 2, ii, 221, 222, 224- 227, 233; his funeral, vii, 505; mentioned, xi, 325, 327, (see also "Bargain and corruption" charge; Intercourse of States). Addington, Henry Unwin, British charge^ Oregon question, vi, 188, 232-233. viii> 30°-3°2. Address; June, 1828, establishment of common schools, i, 370-380; Dec. 14, 1843, withdrawing as a Presidential candidate, v, 437; Jan. 11. 1 85 1, establishment of steamship line between Philadel phia and Liverpool, viii, 405—411; (see also Remarks; Resolutions; Speeches) . Adeline, case of the, viii, 225-226. Adjournment of Congress, day of (see Congress). Admission of States (see Arkansas; California ; Illinois ; Kansas ; Louisi ana; Michigan; Mississippi; Mis souri; Nebraska; Ohio; Tennessee; Texas; and other States; Constitu tion; Sovereignty). Adrianople, treaty of between Russia and Turkey (see Russia; Turkey). Adver iser, Morning, on relations be tween United States and England, x, 21, 34, 40. Africa, Portuguese territorial claims in, ix, 472; trade with, x, 16-17. African siave trade; squadron, mes sages on, x, 309-310, 421 (see also Slave Trade). Agnes, case of the, vi, 125. Agricultural college bill (see Colleges of Agriculture) . Alabama, in election of 1824-5, i, 121; public lands in, i, 128; elec toral system, v, 283; negro immi gration, viii, 3 1 ; presidential elec tion, 1856, x, 23; secession of, x, 225, xii, 120, 127, 138. Albania, Turkish blockade of, vii, 434, 437- Alberdi, Juan B., Argentine charged to France and England, American attitude towards Argentine and Buenos Ayres, ix, 336, 384; Ameri can, British, and French attitude towards these governments, ix, 401-402, 473-474; letter from, same subject, x, 60, 62. Albert, Prince, ii, 369, ix, 152, x, 74, xi, 242; correspondence with, on presentation to Buchanan of medal commemorating marriage of Princess royal, x, 198. Albert, case of the, vi, 259—260, 389- 393- Albini, viii, 460. Alcedo, Col. Antonio de, cited, viii, 124, 323. Alexander, Emperor, of Russia, reign of, i, 61, ii, 197, 264, 288, 303, 354, 356; death of, ii, 232,370, 381- 382. Alexander institution, ii, 357-358. Alfonskoi, Dr., ii, 351, 352, 356. Alien and sedition laws (see Sedition laws, alien and). Aliens, right to hold real property, iii, 39. iv, 293-294, 329-340, viii, 187, 206; treason by, cases in Ire land, viii, 230-232, 264-266, 270, 319—321, 337-338; amenability to local jurisdiction, seamen, viii, 275; tax on legacy of Sardinian dying in Louisiana, vi, 280 (see National Jurisdiction; Naturalization; Pub lic Lands; also, particular coun tries) . Allegiance (see Nationality). Allen, Gilbert, claims against Spain, vi, 472-473. Allen, Philip, senator, Missouri compromise, xii, 17. Allen, Samuel C, M. C, western boundary, i, 55. Allen, William, senator, iii, 357, 371, 372, 408-409, 425, 460, 464, 507, iv, no, 131, 228, 246, 252-253, 257, 260, 261, 265—266, 454, 455, 510, v, 156, 157, 162, 335, 446, 506, 514, vi, 2, 56, 85, 165, 386; letter to, slave trade law violations, vi, 408-409. Allhausen, Christian, recom mends a consulate at Newcastle, ix, 171. Almon, Lord Mansfield's action in case of, ii, 145. Almonte, J. N., Mexican min., cor respondence with, Texan annexa tion, vi, 118-119, 120, 124, 133, 135, 260; privateering in Mexican war, vii, 336; mentioned, vii, 288. Alricks, Herman, letter to, — Har risburg Fourth of July celebration — Bank of U. S. and its recharter by Pennsylvania, iii, 1 14-124, 426. Alston (Robert F. W.), Mr. and Mrs., ix, 427. Alvarez, Manuel, commercial agent at Santa F6, letter to, his appointment, vi, 423-424. Alvarez, Mr., treaty with Central America, July 14, 1838, viii, 82, 84. Alvear, General Carlos Maria de, Argentine min., letters to: seizure by Capt. Voorhees of Argentine blockading squadron, vi, 164, 283- 284; honor in Argentine to Jack son's memory, vi, 388; improper INDEX 337 conduct of Mr. Hopkins, vii, 58-59; appointment with, vii, 487 ; case of abduction of Argentine deserter, vii, 497-498; question of recogni tion of Paraguay, vi, 444. Amendment of constitution (see Constitution) . America, assistance rendered the, x, 16. Amistad, Spanish claim of the, vi, 426, 453, vii, 232-233, 242, 423- 424, 482, viii, 128, x, 141, 252, 349— 350, xi, 28, xii, 237-238 (see also Spain) . Ampudia, General Pedro de, Mexi can commander, vi, 481. Ancona, M., xi, 269. Anderson, A. J., letter to, consul ship to Port of Hamilton, viii, 198. Anderson, Lars, xi, no. Anderson, H. J., Gov. of Maine, letter to, "Disputed Territory Fund" account, vii, 62, 65. Anderson, John, M. C, i, 353, 354, 359; mentioned, viii, 440. Anderson, Joseph, senator, iii, 17. Anderson, Richard C, envoy to Panama Congress, i, 186. Anderson, Maj. Robert, at Fort Moultrie and Fort Sumter, xi, 82, 83. 99. 1°9> IIQ. I27, i3x> !33. J35> r36, 137. i4°> 156, 157-158, 163- 164, 166, 168, 171-173, 175, 178, 180, 181, 185, 189, 192, 195, 196, 202, 208, 248, 252, 253, 266, 284, 289, 290, 291, 295, 296, 298, xii, 115. i45-I58. 159-188. 189-193, 209, 280, 282. Anderson, Samuel, M. C, i, 406, 407. Anderson, General, x, 229. Anderson, Lt., ii, 303. Anderson vs. Dunn, case of, ii, 98, 99. i°5- Anderson's extradition, xi, 152. Andre, Major John, capture of, iv, 422. Andrew Jackson, case of the, vi, 179- 180. Andrew, John A., Gov. of Mass., Massachusetts "liberty bills," xi, 48-49; the Civil War, xii, 283. Andrews, Israel D., consul general for British North American prov inces, ix, 384. Andrews, Joshua, et al., correspond ence with, invitation of Demo cratic friends in Philadelphia to public entertainment, v, 404—406. Angeline, loss of the, viii, 243. Angouleme, Duke d', commands French army invading Spain, xii, 252. Anne, Empress, op Russia, ii, 362. Annexation, policy of, viii, 99 (see also California; Cuba; Florida; Louisiana; New Mexico; Oregon; San Salvador; Texas; Yucatan). Anthony, Henry B., senator, Crit tenden compromise, xii, 125. Anti-federalist party, Buchanan con demns the, xii, 317-320. Anti-masonry, Gen. Harrison's posi tion as to, iv, 297-299, 301; Bu chanan's attitude toward, iv, 325; mentioned, viii, 479-481. Anti-slavery agitation (see Slavery question) . Anti-slavery society, xi, 339. Antoine, Rev. Father, abbot of Troitza monastery, ii, 3 6 1 , 3 63 , 3 64. Antonelli, Cardinal Giacomo, Pa pal secretary of state, reciprocity with the United States, x, 195. Appeals and writs of error, i, 426. Apollon, case of the, vi, 390. Appleton, John, act. secretary of navy, war vessel in Mediterranean, vii, 326; his mission as charg6 to Bolivia, viii, 50-51, 74-78; declines appointment as secretary of lega tion at London, ix, 2, 16, 30; ser vices as secretary of legation at London, ix, 361, 373, 381, 387, 393, 394, 419, 424, 425. 436, 447, 457, 46o, 461, 465, 468, 477, 488, x, 5, 21, 61, 326, 337, xi, 502, 506; Virginia elections, 1855, ix, 359; on Cass's services as secretary of state, xi, 8, 59; mentioned, xi, 230, 512. Appleton, D., & Co., printers of Bu chanan's Defense, xi, 395-396, 397, 399- Apportionment bill (see Congress). Appropriations, speech on a defici ency in the Indian, i, 11-20; for fortifications, remarks on, i, 167- 171, 171— 172; salaries of Custom House officers, ii, 413-414; for 1840, iv, 240-245, 267-268; post ponement by President Van Buren of expenditures for Army, iv, 283- 286; charge of extravagance in ex penditures in Van Buren's adminis tration, iv, 346-347, 349-35°, 354, 355-380; for 1842: remarks on, v, 193—204, proviso as to appoint ment of special agents abroad, v, 201—204; for Navy, v, 287-289, 289-291; remarks on meteorologi cal appropriation in Army Bill, v, 419-420; remarks on legislating persons out of office, in connection with Navy bill, 1843, v, 424-425; for negotiation of Louisiana and Florida cessions, vii, 49-50, 53, 55; for peace negotiations with Mex- 338 INDEX ico, vii, 49-50, 52-53, 54-55; Ior department of State, vii, 189-190; for appointment of navy agents, vii, 196; failure of Congress to make post-office appropriations for year ending June 30, i860, x, 362-364; proviso in Washington aqueduct appropriation as to ap pointee, x, 452-455 (see also Con stitution; and particular subjects of appropriations). Arab, H.B.M.S., ix, 448. Arago, M., in provisional govern ment of France, viii, 4. Arana, Mr., vii, 114. Arbitration, Northeastern boundary dispute, before King William of Netherlands, iii, 482, 491, iv, 15- 16, 94, 101, 103, 108, v, 375; finality of awards, decisions of commissions under Mexican claims convention of 1839, v, 148-152; of Oregon question proposed by Great Britain, vi, 349, 350-353, 353-354, 355-356, 357-359, 366- 368, 370-373, 377-383, 440-442; claims commission under treaty with Great Britain, Feb. 8, 1853, and payment of its awards, ix, 3 1 1- 3", 336, 347-348, 349-35°, 35i, 352; suggestion of, of Central American question, ix, 445, 456, x, 13, 31, 35-38, 39-4o, 61, 72; of claims against and by Spain, xi, 28-29; proposal by Great Britain as to San Juan water boundary, xi, 148-149; (see also Joint Com missions) . Arce, Manuel I., commissioner of Salvador, viii, 82. Archer, William S., M. C, i, 316; in senate, viii, 471; senator, v, 38, 44, 45, 46, 48, 49, 51, 54, 55, 65, 7°, 183, 184, 293, 300-301, 302, 303- 3°4, 335, 337, 4i5, 484, 485, 506, vi, 56, 79, 85, 108: member of Whig convention, 1852, viii, 489; letter to, memorials of J. F. Mul- lowney and W. M. Blackford, vii, 219. Archibald, Chas., mentioned, ii, 183. Archibald, Mr., Tal. P. Shaffner incident, ix, 410, 430. Ardisson, Antoine, acting consul at Rome, communication through, of address to Pope on Italian independence, vii, 483. Argentine Confederation, its block ade of Monte Video, vi, 160-161, 164; Capt. Voorhees's seizure of blockading squadron, vi, 164, 283- 284; Buenos Ayrean claim to em brace Paraguay within, vi, 167; its decree in honor of Jackson, vi, 388, 446; proposed commercial treaty with, vi, 442-447; Hopkins' offer of mediation between Argen tine and Paraguay, vi, 448-449; Mr. Hopkins' improper conduct, vii, 58-59; Mr. Brent's similar offer, vii, 113-114; expedition of American vessels to, vii, 67; Brit ish and French blockade, vi, 444- 446, 448-449, vii, 424, viii, 217; mediation between Argentine and Paraguay, vii, 499-500; its war with Paraguay, x, 226; claims against, viii, 217—218; case of the Hope, viii, 218; American attitude towards, ix, 366, 384; American, British, and French attitude tow ards, ix, 401-402, 473—474; its rela tions with France, x, 60, 62. Argument, Jan. 28-29, I83i, in senate, for conviction of Judge Peck, ii, 81-162. Argus, H.B.M.S., ix, 448. Argyle, Duchess of, x, 65. Arica, port of, cession from Peru to Bolivia, viii, 75. Arista, General Mariano, Mexi can commander, vi, 224, 481, viii, 377- Arizona, territorial government for, recommended by Buchanan, x,i54, 359; condition of, x, 257. Arkansas, admission of, iii, 50-51, 55-56, 143. iv> 28, vi, 19, viii, 17, x, 90. Armed Neutrality, ii, 196, ix, 141. Armenian institution, in Moscow, ii, 359-36o. Armistice (see War). Armstrong, Commander James, xi, 299. Armstrong, Gen. Robert, consul at Liverpool, appointed bearer of ratification of treaty for adjust ment of Oregon question, vii, 14, 16. Army, policy as to, i, 2-3 ; increase of, iii, 364-365; extra allowances to army officers, iv> 253-255; ap propriation bill, 1840, iv, 283-286; Poinsett's plan as to standing army, iv, 304-307, 308; remarks on reorganization bill, v, 302-305, 305- 309 ; remarks on meteorological ap propriation in army appropriation bill, 1843, v, 419-420; Buchanan opposed to standing armies, viii, 117; employment of army beyond the U. S., viii, 156-157; attitude of Republicans toward Army bill of 1856, x, 90; (see also Fortifica tions bill; Militia). INDEX 339 Arnold, Benedict, capture of Major Andr6, iv, 422. Arnold, Maj. Lewis G., occupies Fort Jefferson, Tortugas I., xi, 297. Arrangoiz, Sr., his mission to ob tain for Mexico American military against Yucatan Indians, viii, 155, 156. Arrott, James, consul at Dublin, _ ^ 35i- Arthur, Benjamin F., secession of South Carolina, xi, 77, 78. Artists' and Amateurs' Assn. of Philadelphia, v, 43. Artists' Fund Society of Philadel phia, v, 43. Ash, Michael W. et al., correspond ence with, invitation of Democratic friends in Philadelphia to public entertainment, v, 404, 406. Ashburton, Lord Alexander Bar ing, British envoy, his special mission to the United States, and treaty of Aug. 9, 1842, v, 176, ix, 300; the Oregon question, v, 456, 458, 459 (see also Webster- Ash burton treaty). Ashe, W. S., claims against Texas, viii, 111. Ashley, Chester, chairman, senate judiciary committee, letter to, charge as to emigration to United States of convicts from Wtirtem- burg, vi, 395. ¦ Ashmead, John W., letter to, native American party, xi, 473. Assereto, Se. Fortunato, case of in heritance tax in Louisiana, vi, 280. Astor, John Jacob, settlement in" Oregon, iii, 377, vi, 201, 250; men tioned, v, 328, 332. Astoria, restoration of, under treaty of Ghent, v, 464. Asylum, Hungarian and Polish ref ugees in Turkey, ix, 294, 304. Asylums for deaf and dumb, pro posed grant of land to, i, 220-221. Atalanta, case of, cited, xi, 234. Atchison, David R., senator, v, 514. Atherton, Charles G., on banks in the District of Columbia, v, 514, vi, 2, 56; letter to, claims of Dr. Parker and Mr. Hogan, vii, 216-217. Atkinson, Edward, vii, 349. Atkinson and Pilgrim, solicitors, xi, 493- Atlantic Ocean (see Northeastern boundary dispute, iii, 481-502, iv, 2-23).' Atocha,Alexander,vu, 223,287-288. Atrato route, proposal for survey of, for interoceanic canal, x, 58 (see also Interoceaniccommunications) . Attorney-General, Van Buren's offer of office of, to Buchanan, iv, 124- 125. Auboyneau, F. M., consul at La Rochelle, extradition of French military deserter, vii, 314-315. Aumale, French fort, vii, 99. Austria, member of Holy Alliance, xii, 252; relations with Russia, ii, 200, 279, 280; union with Prussia and Russia, ii, 389, 392, 395, 471; desire to establish diplomatic rela tions with U. S., ii, 392, 395; treaty of commerce and navigation, with U. S., Aug. 27, 1829, ii, 208, 209, 251, 259, 268, 272, 273, 275, 278, vi, 3°7, 490-491, vii, 76, 83, 370- 371; viii, 346, 347; Turkish-Egyp tian conflict, ii, 326; quintuple treaty with Great Britain and other powers concerning African slave trade, v, 343, 360, 459; remarks on reduction of mission to, vi, 113-116, 146-147; its claim for refund of duty, vi, 468-469; proposed extradition treaty with, vii, 76, 83, convention for abolition of droit d'aubaine, etc., May 8, 1848, vii, 370-371, viii, 61, 237; events in, 1848, viii, 113; peace with Sardinia, viii, 162 ; good offices between Hungary and Austria, viii, 302-303; Kossuth's memorial as to Hungary, ix, 185-187; abdi cation of Emperor Ferdinand I, viii, 303-304; partition of Poland, ix, 178—179; its intervention for peace in Crimean War, ix, 141, 177, 321, 35°, 475-477, 478, x, 10, 14, xi, 496-497, 504, 507; Austrian al liance, 1854, ix, 285-286; annual message, i860, as to relations with, x, 29; its attitude upon the Italian question, 1859, x, 317, 334; the Koszta case, xi, 45, 67-69 (see also Hungary) . Autobiographical sketch, 1791-1828, xii, 289—320. Autobiography (see also biography ; diary) . Averett, Thomas H., viii, 437. Avery, William W., report on slav ery question at Democratic national convention, i860, xii, 54-55; at Breckinridge convention, xii, 68. Aves Island, xi, 122-123, 150. Avinopf, Admiral, ii, 198. Avala, Juan Bautiste de, explora tion of western American coast by, vi, 244. Ayres, William, correspondence with Gen. Harrison on Anti- masonry, iv, 298. '340 INDEX B B., G. R., Mosquito grant to, ix, ¦ 71-72- ¦Babbitt, E., letter to, Pennsylvania politics, vi, 136-138. Babcock, Maj., case of his court- martial, i, 142, 144. .Babcock, Mr., of Yeates Institute, xi, 345- Babcock, James F., et al., letter to (see Taylor, Nathaniel W.) Bachman, B. C, et al., letter to, de clines invitation to public dinner, ix, 26—27. Bache, Prof. A. D., ix, 67. Bache, Miss, vii, 371. -Bache, Mrs., vii, 371, viii, 151, 180. Backofen, J. G., et al., letter to (see Errett, Russell). Backhouse, Mr., ii, 395. Bacon, Leonard, et al., letter to (see Taylor, Nathaniel W.). Bacon, Richard, iii, 385; et al., cor respondence with, invitation of Democratic friends in Philadel phia to public entertainment, v, 404-405, 405-406. Bacourt, Mr., ii, 395. Badger, George E., National bank, iv, 464-465, 501-502, viii, 473. Badger, Samuel, iii, 397. Badger, Mr., his defeat in Penn sylvania election of 1852, xi, 491- 492. Baer, Mr., viii, 389, ix, 74, 114. Bagby, Arthur P., senator, v, 482, 514, vi, 56; minister to Russia, viii, 88. Bagioli, Mrs. Antonio, ix, 291. Bailey, Godard, clerk in interior department, charge against, xii, 164. Bailey, John, his election to Con gress contested, vii, 197. Bailey, Joseph, candidate in Penn sylvania for Congress, xi, 278. Bailey, Joshua, issue of papers to unregistered vessel of, refused, vi, 346-347- Baird, Rev. R., letter to, missionary work in Sardinia, vi, 278-279. Baird, William, extradition case of, vi, 424-426. Baker, Alvin, claim of brig Doug lass, viii, 62-63. Baker, Miss Emily, xi, 445, 447, 457, 459, 4-6i; letter to, ritualism to Romanism, xi, 462. Baker, George W., ix, 259. Baker, Mrs. George W., letter to, retirement from public service, ix, 258-259. Baker, Joseph B., mentioned, viii, 122, ix, 427, xi, 345; letters to: Kansas question, Col. Forney's separation from Buchanan, x, 176-177; Gov. Bigler as delegate to national convention, question of second term, x, 3 93 ; Gen. Foster's speech on Judge Douglas, xi, 1 ; abusive letters, attack on Fort Sumter, xi, 186; personals, xi, 342-343, 366, 447; Miss Lane's wedding, xi, 409-410; an invita tion, xi, 413; negro suffrage, xi, 445; Buchanan's biography, xi, 45i- Baker, Mrs. Joseph B., letter to: his letter to her grandfather, xi, 1-2; mentioned, xi, 343, 344, 345, 445, 447, 451- Baker, J. L., letter to, intention as to second Presidential term, x, 327-328. Baker, Lafayette C, x, 176. Baker, Mrs. Mary Lane, men tioned, viii, 422, 439, 440, 460, x, 176; death of, ix, 480-481, 487-488, x, 2-3, 7-8, 29, xi, 506. Balance of trade (see Trade; and par ticular countries). Balandon, Mr., bondsman for Joseph Wilson, vii, 177, 178. Balch, Mr., Tennessee politics, viii, 449- Baldwin, Abraham, M. C, iii, 17. Baldwin, Henry, M. C, xii, 309; justice of Supreme Court, case of Holmes vs. Jennison, v, 237, 238. Baldwin, John, claim of, vi, 162- 163. Baldwin, Roger Sherman, member of Virginia peace convention, xii, 129, 130. Baldwin, Mr., xi, 258. Baldwin (see Abbott and Baldwin). Balf, Father, xi, 228. Baltimore national convention, 1843, vi, 6-7 ; Democratic convention, 1852, ix, 486 (see also Presidential election). Bancroft, George, secretary of the navy; Capt. Voorhees's seizure of Argentine blockading squadron, vi, 164; relations with Buchanan, vi, 223 ; letter from, military move ments in Mexico, vi, 224-225; minister to England; correspond ence with; his mission, vii, 92-93; Jones claim, vii, 107-108; cases of Director and Pallas, vii, 153; New Guiana tariff, vii, 174-175; straits of Haro, vii, 178-179; tobacco INDEX 341: trade, vii, 179-180; Franklin MSS., vii, 201; accounts — Bancroft at Sir Robert Peel's — feeling towards America, vii, 309; export duty on coal, vii, 311— 312; appointment of Towner and Hempstead, con suls, vii, 313-314, viii, 4; postal conventions, Dec. 15, 1849, vii, 375"376, viii, 274-275, 277, 279, ix, 277; extradition of absconder from Saxony, vii, 410; Gen. Pare- des' landing, in Mexico, vii, 411— 413; indirect trade with Great Britain, vii, 421—422; French revo lution, viii, 38; British navigation- laws, viii, 140-141; case of R. F. Ryan, viii, 203—204, 227, 230-231, 319-321, 337-338; British pro tectorate over Costa Rica, viii, 226-227; case of James Berger, viii, 244; imprisonment of Ameri cans in Ireland, viii, 264-266, 319- 321, 337-338; reciprocity with Great Britain, viii, 316; accounts, Irish discriminations against Amer icans, viii, 337-338; British pro tectorate over Mosquitos, viii, 380; private letters to: Calhoun, Mexi can war, Brazil, xi, 473—475; Ban croft's report on British naviga tion and colonial laws, Presidential question, Missouri Compromise, Mexican War, xi, 475-477; Mr. Osma, Peruvian minister, xi, 479- 480; Democratic defeat at Presi dential election, xi, 480— 481 ; native and naturalized citizens, Gen. Tay lor, Gen. Cass, xi, 481-482; Postal negotiations, Bancroft's resigna tion as minister to England, Tay lor's cabinet, Clay, democracy, xi, 482-483 ; native and naturalized citizens, Cass and Clay, Bancroft's resignation, Mexican protocol, xi, 483-485 ; Clayton as Secretary of State, Taylor's policy, Mexican protocol, xi, 485-486; Taylor's cab inet, xi, 486; reciprocity and Brit ish navigation laws, xi, 487-489. Bancroft, Mrs. George, vi, 209, vii, 25, 92, 93, viii, 389, xi, 475, 477, 480, 481, 483, 484, 486, 489. Bank, of Amsterdam, iv, 136; of Eng land, iii, 274-276, 285-286, 291, 405, 426, 443, 447, 468, iv, 161-163, 165, 216, 489, 497, 498; of France, iv, 499; of Hamburg, iv, 136; of the Metropolis, iv, 261, v, 161, 162- 163; of Pennsylvania, iv, 494; of Potomac, iv, 261; of Washington, iv, 261, 277, 278. Bank of the United States, i, 4, 175, ii, 241, 328, 397, 398, iii, 126, 168- 195, 248, 256-257, 266, 272-273,' 316, 425-458, 465-471, iv, 91, 147- 148, 156-164, 314, 315-316, 346,1 380, 399, 462, 464, 469-472, 481, 485, v, 4, 47, 54, 86, 88, 103, 109, j6o, 322, viii, 463, 472, 478—479, xii, 299; of Pennsylvania, iii, 115- 124, 147-154, 166-167, 3°6, 325/ 425-458, 469, iv, 78-81, 158-160, 275-276, 277, 278, 283, 405, 454— 455, 481, 482, 484, 485, 486, 490, 49i, 495, 499, v, 17, 76-77; Fiscal Bank of the United States, iv, 408, 427, 461—643, speech, iv, 463—500, remarks, iv, 500-512, v, 14-20, referred to, v, 20-21, 25, 36, 40, 44, 51, 52, 53, 56, 57, 58, 59, 61, 62-67, 68, 70, 81, 85, 100, 127, 140, 143, 146, 224; Fiscal Corporation of the United States: speech, v, 44-72, referred to, v, 38, 71, 72, 75-76, 81, 85, 88, 100, 126, 127, 143, 146, 186- 187, 190-191, 224, 295, viii, 471,' 472, 479; Exchequer, Board of; speech, v, 80-95, referred to, v, 126, 224; national bank, generally, v, 421, viii, 433, xi, 412; (see also Independent Treasury). Bank notes (see Currency). Banks, generally, iii, 257-258, iv, 80- 81, 117, 118, 122—123, 247, 263— 265, 309-316, 405-407, v, 12, 84, 89, xii, 298-299; in District of Columbia, iii, 462-465, iv, 255-263, 269-283, 313-314, 454-455, v, 156- 163, 512-514; as public deposito ries: remarks, ii, 437-438, iii, 73—83, 95-96, 98-106, 130-132, 237-246, 259-264, 264-314, 314-321, 337, 373-377, 507-513, references to, iii, 125-126, 258, 324-325, 337-338, 381-383, iv, 79, 121-123, 134-175,: iv, 507 (see, also, Public officers, as depositories) . Bankhead, Charles, Maine bound ary dispute, iv, 94. Bankruptcy, speeches and remarks on, i, 24-43, ii, 54, 167, i79-l8i, iv, 183-184, 249-253, v, 1-13, 37- 38, 58, 79-80, 96-97, 425-431, xii, 301—302, 314; term, i, 26; system, i, 24—43, iv, 247—248;' power of Congress, i, 2 5-3 1 ; power. of States, i, 29-33; act °f April, 1800, v, 3, 80; Pennsylvania bank rupt act of 1812, v, 4; law of, as applied to banks, iv, 495; in Eu rope, i, 25, iv, 184, v, 3, 7, 9, 10, 12, 429— 430; legislation in 1842, v, 122, 133, 187, 225— 226; statistics, vii, 50-51, 221; referred to, i, 11, viii,: 463, 471, 478. Banks, Ephraim, iii, 388. INDEX Banks, Nathaniel Prentiss, Gov ernor of Mass., xi, 49. Barbarat (see Bay Islands, Colony of). Barbary Powers, present to rulers of, viii, 205, 349-350; piracies of, viii, 316-318. Barb at, Louis, claim of, vii, 316. Barbour, John S., M. C, i, 314. Barbour, John S., contests election of John Bailey, vii, 197; president of Va. convention, viii, 448. Barbour, Philip Pendleton, M. C, i, 89, 363, 418, v, 287, xii, 303, 309; Justice U. S. Supreme Court, v, 237- Barco, Manuel del, case of, i, 427- 428. "Bargain and corruption" charge 'of Adams- Jackson campaign, i, 120, 217, 218-220, 260-271 ; revived, vi, 59-60, 63-64; refuted, x, 85-86, 91. Baring Brothers & Co., bankers, vi, 139, 140, vii, 57, 192, 361, 452, 455, viii, 497, ix, 51, 153, 205, 350, 35i, 352, 381, 387, xi, 492- Bar iron (see Duties). Barker, L. D., fiscal corporation of United States, v, 50. Barlow, S. L. M., Buchanan's atti tude towards the Presidential nomination, 1856, ix, 485-487. Barlow, Mr. and Mrs., ii, 371. Barney, John, M. C, i, 222, 258, 277, 279, 281, 283, 286, 361. Barnwell, ~R.W.,etal.,S. C. commis sioners, correspondence with, seces sion of South Carolina, their mis sion to Federal government, xi, 76-78, 79-84, 84-93, 98, xii, 159. Barr, James P., et al., letter to (see Errett, Russell). Barr, Mr., recommended to Gov. Shunk for appointment, vi, 77. Barradas, Isidro, Spanish expedi tion against Mexico, under, vi, 38. Barrett, Mr., editor of State Jour nal, iii, 128; Editor of Keystone, viii, 499; referred to, viii, 498. Barrow, Alexander, senator, v, 514, vi, 56. Barry, John A., claim of, vii, 211. Barry, Lt. John W., Buchanan's secretary, ii, 183, 184, 189, 190, 192, 197, 198, 200, 204, 218, 241, 253, 262, 267, 329, 334, 338. Barry, William T., ii, 183, 241, 308, 332, 34i, 393- Barry, Mr., claims for refunding woolen duties, ix, 387. Bartlett, Edwin, case of Caroline, viii, 69. Bartlett, Ichabod, M. C, i, 314. Bartlett, James, case of, ix, 187. Bartlett, Lt., commander of Star of the West, xi, 100. Bartlett, Mr., at Democratic na tional convention, i860, xii, 56,64. Barton, Michael H., iv, 178. Barton, Seth, solicitor of treasury, letters to : counterfeiting American coins in Canada, vii, 120, register of Effort, vii, 248. Barton, Thomas P., charge at Paris, Rives' treaty of July 4, 1831, ii, 459, 5IQ, 512, 5 13; recall of, ii, 511. Bassett, Burwell, M. C, i, 382. Bastide, M., French min. of for. aff., viii, 172. Bates, Edward, district attorney, case of Judge Peck, ii, 26, 142, 146, 147, 150; attorney general, xi, 163, 170, 176. Bates, Isaac C, M. C, i, 322, 326; senator, iv, 471, v, 338, 339, 431, 433, 5*4, vi, 56. Bates, Joshua, on American and English navigation, ii, 395-396; umpire under British claims con vention of 1853, services of, ix, 312, 348; letter to, the presidential campaign of 1856, relations with Great Britain, x, 98-99; member of Baring Brothers & Co., xi, 492; referred to, x, 68, 102; Mrs. Bates, x, 51, 68, 99. Bauman, Mr., ix, 114. Bavaria, convention of Jan. 21, 1845, vi, 129-130, 467, vii, 60-61; extra dition treaty, Sept. 12, 1853, ix, 40, 41, 43, 52—54, 168, 208, 274, 281. Bay of Islands, insurrection at, vii, 283 (see Great Britain, Central American question, Honduras). Bayard, James A., commissioner to treat with England, i, 300; min ister to Russia, ii, 386; M. C, iii, 17. Bayard, Richard H., senator, iii, 109, no, 111, 113, 114, 200, 326— 327, 357, 37i, 372, 507, iv, 82, 395, 400, 401, 490, v, 156, 157, 160— 161, 253,406, 503, 514, vi, 56. Bayley, Thomas, M. C, i, 49. Baylies, Francis, M. C, i, 67. Beach, Moses Y., letter to, appointed confidential agent to Mexico, vii, 119— 120. Beale, Edward F., superintendent of Indian affairs in Columbia, x, 213. Beale, William, Pennsylvania state senator, xii, 296. Beale, Lieutenant, ix, 480, 481. Beale, Mr., viii, 437, ix, 259; Mrs. Beale, viii, 413, 425, ix. 259. Beamish, Mr., M. P., ix 156. INDEX 343 Bearer of despatches (see Intercourse of States). Beasley, Mr., ii, 309, 322. Bbaulieu, Baron, Belgian minister, letter from, stopping of steam packets at Antwerp, vii, 12; pro jected postal arrangement, vii, 86. Beaumont, Mr. de, French minister to England, viii, 162. Beauregard, Maj. Pierre G. T., removed from West Point, xi, 122, 221; Fort Sumter, xi, 188, 203. Beckley, John, clerk of house of representatives, iii, 194, 195. Becour, Lefebvre de, French min ister to Argentine Confederation, x, 62. Bedford, Andrew, iii, 388. Beecher, Henry Ward, his seces sion views, xii, 271, 272, 273. Bedinger, Henry, minister to Den mark, ix, 458; mentioned, ix, 285. Belgian Colonization Co., viii, 185. Belgium, Belgian question, 1832, ii, 236, 237—238, 282, 395; duties on vessels and cargoes of, iii, 2 1 1-2 13 ; recognition of Texas, vi, 28; com mercial treaty, Nov. 10, 1845, vi, 262-263, 369, viii, 258; proposed extradition treaty with, vi, 263- 264; stopping of steam packets at Antwerp, vii, 12; proposed postal arrangement with, vii, 86; com mercial treaty with, July 17, 1858, x, 281. Belize (see Great Britain, Central American question). Bell, Capt. Charles H., failure to salute French fort, vii, 99. Bell, John, M. C, ii, 20; senator, xii, 17; candidate for President, xi, 303, xii, 87. Bell, Samuel, candidate for senate, iii, 338. Bell, Thos. S., iii, 388. Bell, Judge, viii, 419. Bell, Mr., Buchanan's broker, xii, 299. Belly, Mr., project for interoceanic canal, x, 317. Belmont, August, charg6 to Nether lands, ix, 147, 148, 201 ; minister to Netherlands, ix, 251, 253, 290, 291, 294, x, 76. Belnap, Mr., xii, 207. Belsham, cited, vi, 252. Ben Alan, claim of the, vi, 177. Benali, Cid Bonsselman, Moroccan agent, viii, 246. Benjamin, Judah Philip, supports Buchanan in 1856, ix, 486; sena tor, xii, 125; letter to (see Wigfall, Louis T.). * Bennett, Charles Edward, letter to, Buchanan Reading Club, xi, 3°7-3°8. Bennett, James Gordon, on main tenance of Monroe Doctrine during Polk's administration, viii, 377; letters to : restoration of friendship, x, 95, the Covode investigation, x, 434, Missouri Compromise, xi, 69- 70, letter to, his support, Buchan an's administration, xi, 165—166; libels Buchanan, xi, 192-193, 210; referred to in connection with Lin coln's cabinet, xi, 213 ; and General Dix, xi, 444-445; Mrs. Bennett, x, 415, 434, xi, 166. Benson, John, case of, ix, 187. Bent, Governor of New Mexico, vii, __ 3i4- Bentinck, Lord, viii, 92, 93, ix, 148, x, 7. Benton, Thomas Hart, senator, ii, 444, 445, 466, 498, iii, 27, 29, 51, 109, no, in, 114, 168, 170, 184, 241, 246, 255, 267, 302, 321, 341, 357, 364, 371, 372, 378, 425, 460, 464-465, 474, 5°3, 505-506, iv, 32, 34, 37, 49, 52, 87, ni-112, 140, r77, 253, 254, 255, 256, 257, 271, 272, 276, 337, 342, 347, 358, 374, 400, 440, 480, 493, 512, V, 2, 22, 36, 37, 5°, 57, 64, 91, I29, 158, 159, 161, 244, 266, 285, 305, 307, 308, 357, 381, 400, 420, 425-426, 428, 44i, 448, 454, 468, 499, 513, 514, vi, 7, 9, 21, 56, 386, viii, 365, 366, x, 336, xi, 278, 439, 475, xii, 305; in senate, viii, 471; Buchanan supports his re-election to the senate, vi, 65 ; his opposition to con tinuance of Calhoun as secretary of state under Polk, vi, 7 8 ; candidate for presidential nomination, v, 254, viii, 428; Buchanan's inter view with, on Benton's death-bed, xi, 405-406, 416-417; his book, "Thirty Years in the Senate," xi, 449, xii, 310. Berdot, Leopold F. J., claim of, vi, 460—461. Bergen, James, viii, 243-244, 264- 266, 270, 319—321, 337—338. Berghmans, Mr., secretary of Bel gian legation, engaged to Miss Macalester, xi, 4. Berghmans, Mrs., xi, 335, 380. Berkeley, Admiral, despatch of British fleet to North America, ix, 451- Berkeley, Captain, discovery of Straits of Fuca, vi, 217, 243, 245. Berks County letter (see Kessler, Charles, et al., letter to). 344 INDEX Berlin and Milan decrees, ii, 406, ix, 213* Bernard, Gen., i, 130. Bernsdorfp, Countess, ix, 478. Bernstorff, Count, x, 7. Beroldinger, Count, minister of foreign relations of Wurtemburg, vi, 395- Berrett, James G., mayor of Wash ington, letter to, ordinance for market-house, x, 330-331. Berrien, John Macpherson, sena tor, v, 12, 38, 46, 73, 74, 84, 96, 126, 207, 232, 233, 234, 238, 245, 246, 247-248, 249, 250, 251, 252, 253, 269, 296, 312, 318, 406, 425, 514, vi, 47, 56, 117; in Senate, viii, 471. Berry, Capt. Jas. Owens, xi, in. Berzolese, Mr., case of Jeni Dunia, vii, 293-296. Berzolese, Messrs., Oscanyan claim, vi, 504. Bethell, Sir Richard, proposed consular convention with Great Britain, ix, 328. Bethune, Dr., ix, 73. Betts, Judge Samuel K., letter to, question of legislation to give effect to extradition provision in treaty with Prussia, vi, 284—285; letter to, Metzger case, vii, 233; Metzger case, vii, 115, 204, 229, 246, 453, 454- Beust, Baron, Saxon minister at London, vii, 4 10-41 1. Bevan & Humphreys, et al., letter to (see Shaw et al.). Beverly, Mr., "bargain and cor ruption" charge, i, 260, 261, 262; Jackson's letter to, on election of 1825, i, 263, 266. Beverly, Carter, affair, viii, 444. Bewe's Journal, cited, v, 488. Bibb, George M., senator, ii, 413; appointment of Dr. Parker as charge^ to China, vii, 201-202, 217. Biddle, Commodore James, com missioner to China, vi, 334-335, vii, 217. Biddle, Nicholas, iii, 34, 306; Pennsylvania state senator, xii, 294; president, Bank of U. S., iii, 405, 406, 450, 452, 453, 454, 465. Bidlack, Benjamin, charg6 to New Granada, letters to : claims against Colombia and New Granada, vi, 175-181; Yankee case, vii, 4-5, 83-85; Josephine case, vii, 83-85; commercial treaty, leave of ab sence, claims, vii, 183-186; treaty with, Flores expedition, Protes tant cemetery, Morris claim, vii, 252-254; Danels claim, viii, 170, 171; referred to, vii, 69, viii, 129; case of Morris, vii, 167-168; treaty of Dec. 12, 1846, vii, 212. Bigelow, Lebbeus L.j iii, 388. , Bigham, T. J., et al., letter to (see Errett, Russell). Bigler, William, candidate for Penn sylvania governorship, viii, 129; elected to the senate, ix, 465, x, 41 ; letter to, renewal of friendship — the presidency — relations between United States and Great Britain, x, 45-46, 50; suggested as delegate to Charleston national convention, x, 393J on Virginia peace resolu tions, xi, 113, 114; on southern forts, xi, 256, 285-286, xii, 194- 196; delegate from Pennsylvania, at Democratic national conven tion, i860, xii, 54; letter to, approaching presidential election 1868, xi, 463-465; on Buchanan's recommendation for constitutional amendment, xii, 116; mentioned, x, 114, xi, 465. Bignon, Mr., French deputy, ii, 503- 5°4- Bille, Steen, Danish charg6 d'af faires, letters to: Danish tariff of sound and belt dues, vii, 24-25; Danish blockade of Baltic ports, viii, 84—85; case of Adeline, viii, 225-226; conflict between Den mark and Prussia, viii, 181; latter subject referred to, viii, 207. Bille, Torben, Danish consul gen eral, vii, 24. Billings, Mrs., x, 29. Binder, P., iii, 385, 386. Bingham, John A., M. C, xii, 140, 219, 220. Bingham, Kinsley S., senator, xii, 125. Binney, Horace, senator, iii, 74, 118. Binney, Mr., Pea Patch island, v, 441. Binns, John, i, 139; letter to, presi dential nominations, 1852, viii,458. Biography, presidential campaign biography, x, 88-89; preparation of Buchanan's biography, xi, 449- 450, 451, 458; biographical sketch of Buchanan, by James Buchanan Henry, xii, 323—333 (see also auto biography). Bishop, Charles R., letter to, his application for a passport, vi, 356. Black, James Robert, attitude of Times toward United States, x, 12. Black, Jeremiah S., his probable attitude on a Bank of the United States, viii, 420; letter to, ap- INDEX 345 pointed attorney-general, x, 114, xi, 511, 512; letter to, requests opinion as to course in event of conflict between federal and state authorities, xi, 20—21; opinion ren dered, xi, 21—23; Cass's resignation as secretary of state, xi, 59, 61-65; Buchanan's reply to South Caro lina commissioners, xi, 84-93 1 letter from, Buchanan's defense, xi, 198-200; letter from, Buchan an's letter to a union meeting, xi, 224; letter from, state of coun try, Buchanan's defense, Cass, xi, 258-259; letter to, Buchanan's policy toward South, Cass, Bu chanan's defense, xi, 260-261; let ter from, Thurlow Weed's story, xi, 263; letter to, same subject, xi, 348-349; appointed secretary of state, xii, 94, 95 ; on president's power with reference to secession, xii, 135; on reenforcement of southern forts, xii, 204; his esti mate of Buchanan, xii, 284; men tioned, x, 229, 467, xi, 164, 170, 171, 176, 186, 190, 204, 210, 211, 212, 213, 215, 226, 228, 229, 233, 242, 247, 256, 265, 266, 271, 272, 275, 3l8, 321, 324, 334, 347, 36l> 362, 364, 365, 370, 378, 388, 390, 391, 39I~392, 396, 424, 426, 448, 45°, 457, xii, 93, 270, 275, 277. Black, Mrs. J. S., xi, 261. Black, John, senator, ii, 445, 446, iii, 5, 6, 109, no, in, 113, 114,357. Black, John, consul at Mexico, letters to: proposed mission of an envoy to Mexico to adjust questions in dispute, vi, 260-261; events in Mexico, vi, 282; pending questions with Mexico, vi, 294; his claim for compensation, vii, 488— 489; mentioned, vii, 119, xii, 247. Black, Samuel W., at Cincinnati national convention of 1856, xi, 388-390, 391, 391-392. Black, Mr., vi, 69; mentioned as a candidate for Pennsylvania gov ernorship, viii, 129. Black Warrior, case of the, ix, 199, 201, 202, 212, 266, x, 249—250. Blackford, William M., charge^ to New Granada, claims against New Granada, vi, 175, 176, 179, 180, 181, 319, viii, 67; commercial treaty with New Granada, vii, 172, 184; his claim, vii, 219. Blackshear, Brig. Gen., appointed commissioner by governor of Geor gia to ascertain head of St. Mary's river, ii, 4. Blagden, Rev. Mr., xi, 443. Blaine, James G., his criticism of Buchanan, xi, 84-93, xii, 270, 283. Blair, F. P., letter to, misrepresen tation in the. Globe, iii, 249-250; letter from, reports in Globe of Buchanan's speeches, vi, 42-43 ; other correspondence with: Presi dent Polk's conduct in reference to Mexican war, viii, 365-367, 367- 368; invited to dinner by, v, 449; Texan annexation, viii, 208, 241; his support of presidential candi dates, 1852, viii, 426, 428; Bu chanan's speech on independent treasury, viii, 445 ; his revival of "Bargain and corruption" charge, x, 91; on Benton's interview with Buchanan, xi, 406, 416-417; on Cameron's bank, xi, 420-421 ; men tioned, xi, 395, 400. Blair and Rives, dismissal of, as public printers, iv, 391—404, 502; letter to, reports in Globe of Bu chanan's speeches, v, 42. Blair, Montgomery, postmaster- general, xi, 170; on Confederate States, xi, 350; his political status, xi, 413-415; on southern secession, xii, 283; mentioned, xi, 246, 400- 401. Blake, John A., et al., letter to (see Taylor, Nathaniel W.) . Blake, Eli W., et al., letter to (see Taylor, Nathaniel W.). Blake, Mrs. George G., xi, 459. Blake, John B., correspondence with: Floyd's order, the Civil War, Twiggs, xi, 219-220; pictures of English royalty presented to Miss Lane, xi, 237-238, 239, 240; slander as to pictures, Trent case, xi, 243-244; White House furnish ings, Thurlow Weed's story, Floyd's order, xi, 251-253; White House furnishings, Stanton, Floyd's order, Bright's expulsion, xi, 257- 258, 418-419; Weed's story, the war, Calhoun, xi, 265-266; Weed's story, xi, 271-272; McClellan, Judge Black, xi, 274-275; Forney's conduct, xi, 276-277; enlistments, Lincoln, Forney, xi, 277-278; an swer to Gen. Scott, xi, 279; Scott's "rejoinder," xi, 309-310; Scott, Forney, xi, 318; Davis's resolution, xi, 324; Cuba, Thompson, Genl. Scott, xi, 326-327; personals, xi, 333-334; Buchanan's defense, Car lisle, Black, xi, 334-335; Sullivan, franking, draft, xi, 340-341; slav ery, Democracy, Secretary Chase, Greenbacks, xi, 350-351; former 346 INDEX republics, democracy, Lincoln, xi, 352-353; politics, xi, 359; McClel- lan's defeat, peace, Stanton, Holt, Toucey, J. M. Carlisle, xi, 377-378; Lincoln's assassination, xi, 386; vindication, President Johnson, xi, 394-395; Miss Lane at Mrs. Lincoln's reception, xi, 403 ; Miss Lane's marriage, the vindication, national banks, xi, 41 1-4 13; per sonals, xi, 459; mentioned, x, 214, xi, 241, 263, 267, 332. Blake, Philos, et al., letter to (see Taylor, Nathaniel W.). Blake, Sally, vi, 424-426. Blake, Mr., ii, 322. Blanc, Louis, ix, 289. Blanco, Mr., Mexican consul at Barcelona, vii, 338, 339. Bligh, Mr., British minister to Russia, ii, 239, 259, 282, 319, 383. Blockades (see War). Blodget, Orlin, case of, vi, 272. Bloodgood, Thomas T., case of Warrior, viii, 161. Bloudoff, Mr. de, Russian min ister of interior, ii, 254. Blount, Willie, governor of Ten nessee, i, 276, iii, 43-44. Blount, William, case of impeach ment of, ii, 51. Blum, Col., claim of the, viii, 297, 3°4-3°5- ' Blythe, Judge, iv, 247. Board of Exchequer (see Exchequer, Board of). Bocanegra, Mr. de, Mexican secre tary of state for foreign affairs, signed claims convention, vii, 298; Texas, vi, 30, vii, 139. Bocock, Mr., viii, 437; candidate for presidential nomination at democratic national convention, i860, xii, 67. Bogart & Kneeland, letter to, claim against Venezuela, vii, 266. Bolivar, Simon, president of Colom bia, viii, 66. Bolivia, appropriation for mission to, vii, 482; cession of Arica by Peru, to, viii, 75; commercial treaty, May 13, 1858, x, 389. Bolton, Lieutenant Colonel, ix, 376. Bonacca (see Bay Islands, Colony of). Bonaparte, Jerome, Sanders' let ters, ix, 287, 289, 296. BonHam, M. L., et al., letter from, affairs in Charleston harbor, xi, 56, 8 1 ; South Carolina delegate to demand surrender of Fort Pickens, xi, 70, 7i- Bonham, Samuel C, iii, 388. Bonnycastle, Sir Richard Henry, on Spanish America, ix, 124, 126, 127, 129. Bonsall, William, et al., corre spondence with, invitation of Dem ocratic friends in Philadelphia to public entertainment, v, 404-405. Bonsall, Mr., marshal, iii, 258. Bonsselman, Cid Benali, Moroccan agent, viii, 246. Borg, Mr., French vice-consul, case of Metzger, vii, 447, 449, 451, 453. Borie & Co., claim of, vii, 299. Borussia, the, case of, vi, 207, 284- 285, 287-288, 332-333, 394-395, 490-491. Boscawen, H.B.M.S., ix, 448. Bosdet, Captain, present of silver trumpet from President, ix, 347, 353, 482. Boston harbor, routes for canal to, i, 13°- Boston and Fitchburg Railway Co., vi, 54- Botts, John Minor, viii, 489. Boulware, William, charge to Two Sicilies, commercial relations with Two Sicilies, vi, 149. Boundaries, effect of change of sovereignty on, i, 55; southern boundary of the United States, ii, 1 , 2 ; northern boundary, under treaty with Russia, vi, 466; rivers as, ii, 7 ; between Georgia and Florida, ii, 1-10, vi, 310; of Ohio, iii, 7, 30-36, also, 132-136, 136- 154, 154-165; of Indiana, iii, 32, 33, 138; of Illinois, iii, 138; between Missouri and Iowa territory, iv, 126; of Texas, vii, 140 et seq., 215, viii, 134-136; of Louisiana, vii, 140; between Vermont and Lower Canada, vii, 181-182; of New Mexico, viii, 123-125, 134-135; of California, viii, 123-125, 132 (see also Great Britain, Maine or northeastern boundary, Oregon or northwestern boundary, and other boundary questions ; Mexico ; Russia; Spain). Bounties, on fish, iv, 49. Bourboulon, A. de, French charg6 ad. int., case of Sultan, viii, 70; let ter to, French revolution, viii, 127. Bousquet, Peter, claim of the Economy, vi, 177-178. Bowie, Mr., xi, 360. Bowlin, James 33., vii, 121; commis sioner to Paraguay, x, 321, xii, 243. Bowman, Mrs., ix, 48. Boyce, W. W., et al., letter from, affairs in Charleston harbor, xi, 2, 56, 81. INDEX 347 Boyd, John, et al., letter to (see Taylor, Nathaniel W.). Boyd, Linn, claim of Stringer, vii, 182. Boyd, Mrs. Linn, letter to, question of recognition of confederacy, xi, 255- Boyd, McHenry, acting charg6 at London, case of Capt. Frisbie, vii, 116, 187. Boyd, Mr., his election, viii, 427. Boyle, John, et al., letter to, viii, 355-3 57- Boyle vs. Zacharie, V, 10. Bradford, Charles A., iv, 1 19-120. Bradford, Lt. Joseph M., x, 274. Bradley, John, case of, vi, 272. Bradley, Stephen R., senator, iii, 17. Bradley, W. A., continuance of banks in D. C, iv, 273. Brady, J. E., letter to, Pennsylvania politics, vi, 136-138. Brandreth, George A., consul at Plymouth, ix, 251, 259. Brandy, remarks on importation of, i, 221-227 (see also Duties). Brauns, F. L., consul of Wurtem berg, vi, 395. Brawley, Mr., ix, 107, 108. Brazil, commercial treaty of Dec. 28, 1828, ii, 202, 345, vii, 330-331; dis criminating tonnage duties against, vii, 430-431, 432, 440—441; duties suspended, vii, 451-452, viii, 347; cultivation of cotton in, promoted by England, vi, 14, 10 1; remarks on reduction of mission to, iv, 1 13- 116; slave trade in, vi, 22 0-2 2 1 , 267-271, 338,408, 474, vii, 406-409, 508, viii, 349; Porpoise affair, vi, 267—271; claims against, vii, 127— 128, 332, 463, viii, 60, x, 262; case of Lt. Davis, vii, 207, 209, 260-265, 328-330, 338—404, 458—460, 462, 463-464, viii, 25-26, 60, 359, 361, xi, 475 ; recall of Mr. Wise, vii, 260- 265, 328, 388-404, 404-407; nego tiation of new commercial treaty, vii, 330-331; Polk's third annual message on relations with, vii, 480- 481; extradition case of da Costa Florim, viii, 45-46; case of Caro line, viii, 69; relations with, 1857, x, 142, i860, xi, 31. Breadalbane, Marquis of, letter from, Court dress, ix, 194. Breckinridge, J. C, vice-president, letter to, Indian affairs in Cali fornia, x, 213; candidate for presi dential nomination at Douglas convention, xii, 67; nominated at Breckinridge convention, x, 457- 464, xii, 68-69. Breedlove, James W., letter to' case of Sarah Wilson, viii, 304. Breese, Sidney, senator, v, 454, 501, 5°2, 5J4- Bremen (see German states). Brenner, John G., et al., corre spondence with, invitation of dem ocratic friends in Philadelphia to public entertainment, v, 404-405, 405-406. Brenner, Mr. and MRS.,ix, 74, 114, x, 229. Brent, Daniel, ii, 10, 256, 257, 262, 299, 302,' 3°4, 320, 321-326, 345, 372-373- Brent, George Lee, special agent to Paraguay, vii, 113; his mediation between Argentina and Paraguay, vii, 499-500. Brent, Miss, xi, 367. Brent, William, Jr., charge^ to Argentine, letter to, Buenos Ay- rean blockade of Monte Video, vi, 160— 161; his mediation between Paraguay and Buenos Ayres, vii, 113 -114, 499 — 500;' relations of U. S. with Paraguay, vi, 169; his offer of mediation between France and Great Britain and Argentine, vi, 445-446; mentioned, vi, 442. Brent, William L., i, 196. Brewer, Judge, opinion in Great Falls land condemnation case, x, 312. Brewster, Benjamin H., et al., letter to, Buchanan's candidacy for presidential nomination, vi, 4; correspondence on invitation of Democratic friends in Philadelphia to public entertainment, v, 404- 405, 405-406. Brewster, James, et al., letter to, (see Taylor, Nathaniel W.). Brewster, Mr., recommended to Governor Shunk for appointment, vi, 77. Bridges, Mrs., viii, 388. Bright, Jesse D., et al., letter to, views on national issues, 1843, v, 421-422; senator, ix, 14, x, 317, xii, 116; expelled from senate^ xi, 250-251, 253, 254, 258, 261. Bright, John, M. P., letter to, court dress question, ix, 146 ; on relations between United States and Great Britain, x, 31; mentioned, ix, 275, xi, 219, 235. Brilliante, the, xi, 335. Brinsmade, Peter A., viii, 188, 189. Brinton, Mr. and Mrs., xi, 410. British Anti-Slavery Society, slavery in Cuba, ix, 215. 348 INDEX British Columbia, message on, x, 293, 3»- Brockenbrough, John, iii, 451, 456- Brockenbrough, John W., Virginia peace commissioner, xi, 119, xii, 132. Brockway, J. H., et al., letter to (see Taylor, Nathaniel W.). Brodhead, Richard, vii, 492; the Brodhead family, viii, 498. Broer, Capt., Gen. Read's order, iv, 368. Broglie, Duke de, French minister of foreign relations, Buchanan's meeting with, ii, 388-389; on Rives' treaty of July 4, 183 1, ii, 459, 474-475, 478, 4S7, 503, 5°4, 5°6, 5°7, 5°8, 5°9, 5io, 511, 512, Si3- Bronson, Greene C, New York member of Virginia peace com mission, xii, 131. Bronson, Mr., Guthrie's letter to, ix, 112. Brooke's General Gazetteer, ix, 222. Brooklyn, the expedition of, xi, 104, 113, 256, 284, 288, 397-398, 400, xii, 147-158, 168-177, 189-199. Brooks, Noah, his criticism of Bu chanan, xii, 270. Brown, A. G., et al., letter to (see Committee of notification). Brown, Aaron V., viii, 426; post master general, xii, 93 ; tragic death of, x, 314, xii, 208. Brown, Bedford, senator, iii, 51, 109, no, in, 113, 357, 371, 372, 460, iv, 180; letter to, veto by Tyler of Bank bill, v, 20-21; letter to, Democratic prospects in Penn sylvania, x, 94. Brown, C, iii, 388. Brown, Charles, et al., corre spondence with, invitation of Dem ocratic friends in Philadelphia to public entertainment, v, 404-406; mentioned, x, 22. Brown, Ethan A., et al., letter to, views on national issues, 1843, v, 421—422. Brown, George, commissioner to Hawaii, his recall, vi, 256, 257, vii, 346; case of James Gray, viii, 184- 185; his negotiations for commer cial treaty, viii, 333. Brown, Commander George, viii, in. Brown, John, M. C, i, 32, 98. Brown, John, senator, iii, 17. Brown, John, inventor, viii, 225. Brown, John, raid into Virginia, xii, 49. Brown, John P., dragoman of lega tion and charg6 to Turkey, cotton culture in Turkey, vi, 400, 401, vii, 21, 63; letters to, same subject, vi, 433-434, 487. Brown, Nicholas, consul at Rome, vii, 483 ; letter from, diplomatic relations with Papal States, viii, 44-45- Brown, W., claims for refunding woolen duties, ix, 387. Brown, William, memorial in favor of Sub-Treasury, iii, 388. Brown, William, M. P., letter to, invitation to banquet, ix, 45-46. Brown, Sir William, ii, 184. Brown, William M., Buchanan's opposition to secession, xi, 75. Brown, Dr., ix, 489. Brown, Gen., bill for relief of widow of, i, 360. Brown, Gov., viii, 430. Brown, Mr., mentioned, iii, 126. Brown, Mr., collector of customs, ix, 14. Brown's portrait of Buchanan, xii, 330- Brown vs. U. S., vii, 9. Brown, Shipley & Co., ix, 410. Browne, Peter A., his treatise on the Oregon boundary dispute, v, 454- Brougham, Lord, northeastern boundary, v, 460-461, 483-484, 484-498. Broughton, Lieutenant, explora tion by, vi, 219. Brunnow, Baron de, Buchanan's treaty negotiations with Russia, ii, 255-258, 273, 275, 283; men tioned, ii, 321, vii, 309, xi, 474. Bryan, Miss, v, 436. Bryant, William C, on interna tional copyright, vii, 78. Bryce, James, on American progress during 1850-1860, xii, 267. " Buchanan's Administration on the Eve of the Rebellion," preparation of, xi, 194-195, 195—196, 198-200, 210— 211, 211— 213, 226, 246, 247, 259, 261, 262, 317, 330-331, 334, 355, 357, 361, 365, 373, 393, 395, 397, 398, 399, 401, 406; published, xi, 407—408, 411, 412, 414, 416, 417, 431-432, 434, 4431 text, xii, pp. xi-xiii, 1— 261. " Buchanan's Administration on the Eve of the Rebellion," by W. U. Hensel, xii, 263-285. Buchanan, Annie, xi, 342, 343, 378. Buchanan, Rev. Edward Y., Bu chanan's brother, letters to : travel ing through England, English poli- INDEX 349 tics, the church, ii, 185-187, life in Russia, religious observances, his domestic arrangements, ii, 2 1 7-2 1 9 , cholera in Russia, service at church of St. Alexander Nevsky, monument to Alexander, ii, 230- 232, death of George Buchanan, social experiences, Princess Tcher- batoff, Russian climate, ii, 241- 243, religious convictions, commer cial treaty with Russia, Buchan an's return from Russia, ii, 311- 312, death of Buchanan's mother, his return, Moscow and Troitza, iii, 370-371, accident aboard the Princeton, religious views, v, 448- 449, English climate, society and officials, ix, 46-48, visit to church of Worth Parish, ix, 72-73. Buchanan, Edward, mentioned, ix, 34, 393, x, 314, xi, 338, 378, xii, 330. Buchanan, Mrs. Elizabeth Speer, Buchanan's mother, letter from, his mission to Russia, ii, 181; her death, ii, 370-371, 373, 378; her home life, xii, 289, 290—291; men tioned, xi, 345 (see, also, Speer, Elizabeth) . Buchanan, George W., letter from, Buchanan's proposed nomination for vice-presidency, ii, 172-173; mentioned, ii, 241—242, 307, 331; death of, i, 237, ii, 373, xii, 291. Buchanan, Harriet, xi, 235, 326, 328, 357. Buchanan, H. Jane, letter to, per sonals, xi, 424, 454, 457. Buchanan, James, father of Bu chanan, xii, 289. Buchanan, James, nephew of Bu chanan, xii, 327. Buchanan, Maria, viii, 179. Buchanan, William, death of, xii, 291. Buchanan party, ix, 17. Buchanan Reading Club, xi, 307-308. Bucknell, case of, British recruit ments in the United States, ix, 374. Buckner, Richard A., M. C, i, 403, 408, 410. Buell, Gen. D. C, his mission to Maj. Anderson, xi, 82, 284, xii, 145, 146. Buenos Ayres (see Argentine Con federation) . Buffalo, burning of, by British forces, i, 122. Buffalo platform, i860, x, 462-463. Buffalo and New Orleans Road bill, ii, 23- Buguet, Rev. John, passport to Mexico, vii, 121. Buisson, Capt., case of Sultan, viii, 70. Bullitt, Mr. , his dinner to Buchanan, xi, 448. Bulow, Baron von, ii, 394, 395. Bulwer, Sir Henry Lytton, Brit ish minister to Spain, dismissal of, viii, 93, 101'; British minister, Central American question, x, 53 (see Clayton-Bulwer treaty, Clay ton, Henry M.). Bundel, Mr., assessor of taxes in Washington, D. C, viii, 445. Bundy, Henry, ix, 187. Burch, S., letter to Col. Franklin, iii, 194-195. Burden, J. R., iii, 381. Burden, Joseph, iii, 397. Burges, Tristam, M. O, i, 243, ii, 15. Burke, Edmund, impeachment of Warren Hastings, ii, 18; appeal to House of Lords, iii, 179; paper currency, iv, 186. Burke, Edmund, recommended for preparation of Democratic hand book, 1868, xi, 463. Burke, Mr., commissioner on use of the Delaware waters, ii, 400, 401. BuRLINGAME, AnSON, M. O, On slavery question, x, 98. Burn, Col., of the British Royal Artillery, ix, 158. Burnett, Henry C, M. C, resolu tion of, in regard to troops in Washington City, xi, 154. Burns, Mr., meets Buchanan in Paris in 1833, ii, 386. Burnsides, the, viii, 498. Burr, Mr., ii, 394. Burr, Aaron, reference to, v, 87. Burrowes, Mr., flight from Penn sylvania senate chamber, iv, 317. Burrowes, Thos. H., Secretary of Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, iii, 381. Burton, Hutchins G., M. C, i, 117. Bush, William Henry, case of, viii, 344- Bush, William S., case of, vin, 236- 237, 259—260, 263, 299. Bushnell, Horace, et al., letter to (see Taylor, Nathaniel W.). Bustamente, Manuel, Ecuadorean min. for for. aff., Gen. Flores' expedition, viii, 65. Butler, Andrew Pickens, senator, viii, 368. Butler, Benjamin F., U. S. district attorney, letters to, Metzger case, vii, 106-107, 115, 124-125, 204, 234, 245-246, 447, 449, 453; letter to, case of Catherine, vii, 320; his candidacy for a nomination, 1852, 350 INDEX viii, 426, 428, 430, 443; delegate from Massachusetts to Democratic national convention, i860, xii, 66, 67; at Breckinridge convention, xii, 6q; his criticism of Buchanan, xii, 270; his appointment by Lin coln, xi, 203; mentioned, xi, 47. Butler, John B., vii, 353, 354. Butler, Pierce, iii, 190, 338. Butler, Gen. William O., his con nection with peace negotiations with Mexico, vii, 504-505, 507, viii, 12-13, I2°; candidate for Vice- President, 1848, xi, 479. Butler, Major, ix, 376. Butt, Mr. and Mrs., x, 41, 50. Buttre's engraving of Buchanan, xii, 330. Buzzard's Bay, routes for canal to, i, i3°- Buzzard, H. B. M. S., ix, 448. Buxton, Wm., claim of, vii, 185. Cabinet, resignation of members of Buchanan's, xii, 94-95; Cobb, xi, 6; Cass, xi, 57-65, 67, 68; Thomp son, xi, 100, 102—103, I04; Thomas, xi, 105, 106; Floyd, xi, 106-109; Thurlow Weed's story as to a meeting of Buchanan's cabinet, xi, 252—253, 263, 265, 269, 270—272, 325,327,348-349; secrecy of Polk's cabinet meetings, xi, 349. Caduc, P. J., letter to, case of Mor ris, vii, 247, 254. Cadwalader, John, U. S. Circuit Judge, xii, 328. Calderon de la Barca, Angel, Spanish minister, letters to : ac knowledgment of his letters, vi, 147 ; ceremonies in Jackson's mem ory, vi, 181-182; duties on Spanish vessels, vi, 182-183; duties on wines, vi, 225; on Cuban sugar, vi, 228-229; legation attache's, vi, 308; proposed extradition treaty, vi, 422-423; Amistad case, vi, 453, vii, 242; seizure of Spanish vessels during Mexican war, vi, 498-499; refunding discriminating tonnage duties on Spanish vessels, vii, 54, 7 5 ; Americans naturalized in Pu erto Rico, vii, 103-104; Spanish consular corps, vii, 173; Spanish indemnity of 1834, vii, 237, 317, 324, 447-448, 489; blockade of Mexican ports, vii, 240-241, 290- 292; claim of Duke of Satomayor, vii, 376-379; case of Bush, vice- consul at Savannah, Spanish claims based on Mexican war, viii, 299; mentioned : Spanish indemnity payments, vii, 122; execution of treaty of 1795, vii, 99-100; Flores expedition, vii, 251-252, 253-254; appointed senator of Spain, vii, 292; Amistad case, vii, 423; Cuba, viii, 97: Spanish claims, viii, 210; claims based on Mexican war, viii, 282-283, 288-289, 298, 299; case of the Black Warrior, ix, 212. Caldwell, David L., requested dis charge of, from British service, ix, 384, 429- Caldwell, James A., letter to, Pennsylvania politics — criticism of Gen. Porter, iv, 31. Calhoun, Fort, name changed to Fort Wool, xi, 264, 265-266. Calhoun, G. A., et al., letter to (see Taylor, Nathaniel W.). Calhoun, Hugh, case of, vi, 272. Calhoun, J., president of Kansas constitutional convention, x, 179, xii, 30. Calhoun, John C, as a member of the house, xii, 309; secretary of war, xii, 300-301; candidate for President, 1824-1825, i, 120-121; political attack upon, i, 216; effect of publication of correspond ence between President and Vice President upon, ii, 166-167; his union with Clay, ii, 328; senator, ii, 430, 443, 448, 449, 454, 455, 460-465, iii, 6, 8, 11, 16, 24, 25, 50, 51, 56, 66, 67, 68, 69, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 79, 81, 82, 83, 85, 86, 90, 91, 92, 93, 111, 113, 114, 130, 131, x36, 139, 140, 144, iS4, 158, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 206, 208, 223, 233, 239, 241, 242, 245, 27r, 299, 300, 314, 315, 319-320, 328, iii, 341-347, 348-357, 371, 372> 425, 460, 464, 477, 507, 509, 518- 521, 522, 523, 524, 525, iv, 33, 118, 187, 191, 192, 204, 464, 465, v, 30, 35, 45, 64, 86, 147, 203, 264, 315, 325, 337, 338, 339, 39°>. 393, 420, viii, 370, 384; career in senate, viii, 471 ; secretary of state, vi, 36, 118, 120, 133, 162, 163, 190, 194, 201, 203, 231, 233, 350, vii, 169, viii, 186-187, 241, 368; his retire ment as secretary of state, vi, 78; letter from, Dominican independ ence, the Oregon question, return to senate, vi, 230-231; his support of Gen. Taylor for Presidency, vii, INDEX 351 346; candidate for presidentia nomination, 1844, xi, 472; his de fection from Polk's administration, xi, 474; led South Carolina nulli fication party, xii, 76-77, 78, 271; espoused the South, xii, 79-80; mentioned, ii, 178, xi, 439. Calhoun, W. R., charg6 to France, x, 392- California, question of acquiring, vi, 275-278, 294-306; status of, Mr. Larkin continued as consul, vii, 195-196; government in, vii, 332; friction between American author ities and French subjects in, vii, 372—373 ; claims arising out of mili tary operations in, viii, 2 ; bound aries and population, viii, 123- 125, 134-137; territorial govern ment and condition of, viii, 211- 215; admission of, viii, 369-370, 371-372, 382, 383-385, 385-388, 402 ; supports Buchanan's policy toward Kansas, x, 202; land claims in, x, 430-431, xi, 43; mail service to, 451-452, 456; Lower California, vii, 272, 273, 287; Upper California, vii, 272, 273, 287; ces sion of Upper California, vii, 425, 442-443, 444, 47i. et seq., viii, 115, 309-312. Cain quarterly meeting of Religious Society of Friends (see Religious Society) . Cambreleng, Churchill C, M. C, i, 43, 44, 57, 65, 83, 89, 98, 419, ii, 49, 491; as a member of Con gress, xii, 309; minister to Russia, v, 26—27. Cambridge, Duke op, v, 490. Cambuston, M., charge against Com modore Sloat, vii, 366, 367. Cameron, Gen. Simon, recom mended for governor of Michigan territory, ii, 399; letter to, Harris burg Fourth of July celebration, Bank of U. S. and its recharter by Pennsylvania, iii, 114-124, 426; his connection with Pennsylvania politics, vi, 68-69; elected to senate, vi, 136-138; publication of peace treaty with Mexico, viii, 29; Buchanan's slavery views, viii, 371-372, 373, 374, 375, 376; Mr. Kidder's proffered interposi tion for friendship with, viii, 416- 417; his support of candidates for presidential nomination, 1852, viii, 430, 446, 448; secretary of war, xi, 166, 167, 170, 203, 204, 226, 254, 262, 306; his bank at Middletown, xi, 420-421; on secession, xii, 279, 282, 283; on Crittenden Com promise, xii, 125; mentioned, xii, 201, 204; the Cameron family, viii, 498. Cameron & Brand, blockade of Russian ports, ix, 209, 213. Camidge, Rev. Matthew, a sermon by him, ii, 356; Buchanan's opin ion of, ii, 363. Caminero, Dr., Dominican minister, Dominican independence, vi, 230. Campbell, G. W., chairman of Nash ville bar, i, 150, 435. Campbell, Judge James, ix, 14, 16. Campbell, James, postmaster gen eral, ix, 112, 317, 318. Campbell, John Archibald, viii, 448, 498, 499, xi, 469, 496; recom mended for cabinet appointment, viii, 508; U. S. supreme court justice, Dred Scott case, x, 107; his negotiations with Seward, xi, 190, 193-194. Campbell, John W., M. C, on Cumberland Road bill, i, 53. Campbell, R. B., consul at Havana, mentioned, vi, 154, vii, 24;' letters to: possible Cuban privateering during Mexican War, vi, 488-489, instructions on privateering from Cuba and Porto Rico, vii, 154, establishment of steam packet be tween Charleston and Havana, vii, 438-439, 446, case of American held as slave in Cuba, viii, 61-62, 139, 142, status of naturalized American citizens in Cuba, viii, 138—139, case of Wm. S. Bush, viii, 230—237, 259—260, 263; consul at London, ix, 356, 410, x, 21, 76, xi, 508. Campbell, Lord William, governor of Nova Scotia, iv, 9. Campbell, W. W., M. O, letters to: consular officers and their fees, vi, 430—431; claims against Spain, vi, 472-473; mentioned, vii, 204. Campbell, Col., ii, 326. Campbell, Lord, ix, 104. Canada, referred to in connection with war of 1812, i, 5, 8; revolt in, iii, 482 ; Lord Durham's views on, iv, 179; its acquisition by Great Britain from France, v, 361, 364; its admission provided for by the articles of confederation, vi, 96; revolution of 1838, imprisonment of Americans for participation in, vi, 157, 271-272-274-275; extra dition case of Jas. W. Grogan, vi, 359"36o, 397-398; counterfeiting American coins in, vii, 120; regu lations as to Richelieu and St. Lawrence, vii, 309; navigation of 352 INDEX waters connecting Missisquoi Bay and Richelieu, viii, 47; military defense in, ix, 279 (see, also, Great Britain) . Canals (see Internal improvements; Interoceanic communications) . Cancrene, Count, Russian minister of finance, opposition to commer cial treaty between U. S. and Russia, ii, 240, 253, 254, 255, 256, 259, 275, 282, 285, 286, 288. Canitz, Baron, proposed new com mercial treaty with Prussia, v, 43 1-43 2 ; his refusal to grant Charles Graebe exequatur as con sul, vii, 168-172. Canning, George, British secretary for foreign affairs, his proposal as to Holy Alliance, xii, 253-256. Canning, Sir Stratford, Russia's refusal to receive him as ambas sador, ii, 382; minister to U. S., Oregon question, vi, 188; British postmaster general, postal rela tions between United States and Great Britain, ix, 245, 275-277; correspondence, same subject, ix, 305-306, 315-317, 3J8. Canrobert, General, war of Tur key and the allies with Russia, ix, 366. Capen, Nahum, letter from Geo. W. Randolph to, xii, 3 ; letter to, fail ure of Buchanan's candidacy for presidential nomination, viii, 456; biographical note on, viii, 456; letter to, Buchanan's plans on termination of his mission to England, x, 1 1-1 2 ; letter to, issues of Buchanan's presidential campaign, campaign biography, x, 88-89; letter to, Floyd's order, xi, 229-230; letter to, Scott's attack, xi, 308-309; letter to, Buchanan's defense, xi, 330-331; letter to, the Democracy, xi, 336-337; letter to, personals, xi, 337-339; letter to, Confederate army, anti-slavery society, xi, 338-339; letter to, Democracy, politics in churches, xi, 3 53_3 54; letter to, Lincoln, Floyd, xi, 355-356; letter to, poli tics, xi, 357-358; letter to, ap proaching democratic convention at Chicago, xi, 370-371; letter to, Gen. McClellan, Buchanan's de fense, xi, 372-373 ; letter to, refutes allegation as to secession, xi, 396; letter to, vindication published, xi, 407-408; letter to, politics, xi, 423-424; letter to, political preach ers, xi, 428; letter to, prohibition laws, xi, 443-444; letter to, the South, Massachusetts, supreme court, xi, 446; letter to, negro suffrage, xi, 450-451; letter to, false teachings to negro, xi, 452; letter to, Democratic hand-book, xi, 462-463 ; letter to, Gen. Scott, xii, 319. Capital punishment, for burning of public buildings, iii, 209-210. Capitol extension, message on the, x, 397- Capitulation between Col. Chapin and Gen. Rial, violation of, i, 123. Capture of enemy's property (see War). Carey, George, M. C, on erection of monument to Washington, in cap itol, i, 80. Carlisle, J. M., xi, 251, 253, 257, 263, 265, 269, 275, 276, 279, 310, 324, 32~7, 335, 378, 412. Carlos, Don, ii, 238. Carlton, Guy, gov. of Quebec, iv, 8. Carmelita, the, capture of by the Unico, vii, 325-326, 334-342, 355- 356; case of, vii, 423. Carmick & Ramsey, claim of, x, 116— 117, 287, 289. Carnegy, Chas. H., mentioned, ii, 19 2. Carnes, Mr., mentioned, ii, 185. Carolina, the, case of, viii, 321. Caroline, the, affair of the, iii, 360, 362, 408—409, iv, 390; remarks on, iv, 409-427; speech, iv, 428-451; references to, in remarks on United States courts, v, 208, 210, 219-223, 226, 231-240; discussion of, in speech on Webster-Ashburton treaty, v, 343, 347-350, 355-3,56, 375, 384, 467; question pending with Great Britain, in 1842, v, 175— 176. Carpenter, Benjamin E., et al., cor respondence with: Van Buren's election, iii, 129-130, invitation of Democratic friends in Philadelphia to public entertainment, v, 404- 406; mentioned, iii, 385. Carpenter, Mary, ii, 267. Carpenter, Miles N., et al., corre spondence with: declines invita tion of Democrats in Pa. legislature iv, 1 21-123; invitation of Demo cratic friends in Philadelphia to public entertainment, v, 404-406. Carpenter, Samuel, et al., letter to, declines invitation of Democrats in Pa. legislature, iv, 121-123. Carpenter, Dr., xi, 366. Carpenter, Mr., xi, 345. Carr, Dabney S., minister to Turkey, letter to, cultivation of cotton in Turkey, vii, 62-63; letter to INDEX 353 Lieut. Lynch's exploration of Dead Sea, book present for Sultan, cotton-culture in Turkey, Turkish blockade of Albanian coast, vii, 433-434, 437; case of Jeni Dunia, vii, 296. Carr, Thomas N., consul at Tangier, letters to: Marion, sloop of war ordered to Mediterranean, delay in answer of Emperor of Tangier, vii, 321; Mexican privateers in Morocco, vii, 355-356; his resig nation, viii, 245-251; mentioned in connection with Barbary pira cies, viii, 317. Carrol, William, consul at Port Louis, letter to, commercial agent's duties, viii, 256. Carroll, Goughey, xi, 422, 423. Carrolls, the, xi, 433. Carson, Lt., vii, 333. Carson, Samuel P., M. C.,i, 292, 301. Carvallo, Manuel, Chilean min., letters to : case of Macedonian, viii, 48, 51, 137-138; treaty of May 16, 1832, viii, 347. Casa Yrujo, Marquis de, vii, 377. Caskee, Mr., viii, 437. Cass (Lewis)-Irisarri treaty with Nicaragua, x, 258—259, 316-317. Cass, Lewis, secretary of war, ii, 176; minister to France, v, 198, xi, 59-60; senator, vi, 386, vii, 287, viii, 37o, 372, 375, 376, 384, 448, ix, 166, xi, 484; defeated for presidency, 1848, viii, 358, xi, 479; candidate for presidential nomina tion, 1852, viii, 416, 430, 437, 442, 443, 447, 448, 449, 45°, 455, 498; Pennsylvania politics, viii, 498, 499; Cass party, ix, 17; votes cast for him at Cincinnati conven tion of 1856, xi, 389; secretary of state in Buchanan's cabinet, x, 103, 115, 182, 223, 226, 311, 326, 336, 337, 372, xi, 57-58, xii, 28; memo randum on his resignation as sec retary of state, xi, 57; letter from, same subject, xi, 57-58; memo randum on same subject, xi, 59- 60; letter to, same subject, xi, 60- 6 1 ; draft of a reply by Judge Black to Cass's letter of resignation, xi, 61-63; letter from Judge Black to G. T. Curtis, same subject, xi, 63— 65; memorandum on Cass's desire to withdraw resignation, xi, 67; same subject, xi, 68, 218, 260, 261, 320, 362, 364, 460, xii, 93, 94; mentioned, xi, 482. Cass, Lewis, Jr., letters to, ap pointed charge^ to Papal States, viii, 272, 332-333. 23 Cassatt, Mrs. A. J., niece of Buchanan, x, 314. Cassidy, Denis, ix, 281. Cassidy, Joseph, discharge from British naval service, ix, 319, 320. Castellon, Mr., Central American question, ix, 90, 97. Castilla, Ramon, president of Peru, vi, 502, viii, 77; Flores expedition, vii, 251, viii, 65; civil war in Peru, x, 217. Castilo y Lanzas, Joaquin M. de, Mexican charg6, viii, 329. Castlereagh, Lord, Oregon ques tion, vi, 250. Castro, Sr.,Gov. of Costa Rica, offer for British protectorate, viii, 226- 227. Cates, John William, messenger of legation at London, ix, 103; his statement in regard to Sickles' resignation as legation secretary in London, ix, 290. Catharine Ii., Empress of Russia, ii, 263-264, 360, 362, 367, 371, ix, 330- Cathcart, Earl, case of Joseph Wilson, vii, 176. Catherwood, Hugh, iii, 397. Catholic emancipation question, ii, 384, v, 112. Catholic church, provision in treaties as to, viii, 10. Catlin, Mr., law governing Wiscon sin territory, viii, 127. Caton, Betsy (see Lady Stafford), ix, 50. Catron, Judge John, letter from, appointments by Polk, vi, 82 ; letter from, Dred Scott case, x, 106; case of Holmes vs. Jennison, v, 237; mentioned, viii, 241, xi, 169, 190. Catron, Mrs. M., correspondence with, lease of house in Washington with Catron family, vi, 60-61. Caucus, party, v, 286, vi, 137. Causten, James H., claim of the Mary Elizabeth, viii, 176; letter to, his request for copy of unpub lished claims convention, vii, 498- 499- Cavaignac , Gen., President of French Republic, viii, 172. Cavenaugh, Mr., Buchanan's dinner with, ii, 363. Caycedo, Mr., claims convention with Colombia, Nov. 25, 1829, viii, 66. Cayley, Mr., acts as special courier for Buchanan while minister to Russia, ii, 259. 354 INDEX Cayru, Baron, case of Lt. Davis, vii, 389 et seq. Cazenove, Ant. Chs., Swiss consul at Alexandria, letter to, proposed commercial treaty with Switzer land, vi, 2 1 0-2 n , 293; extradi tion convention, vii, 419; treaty of May 18, 1847, with Swiss Confederation, viii, 52. Central America, commercial treaty, Dec. 5, 1825, ii, 202, 345, viii, 82; treaty of July 14, 1838, not ratified, viii, 82 ; Republic of, relations with, viii, 78, 81-83. Central American questions (see Clayton-Bulwer treaty; Great Britain ; Greytown) . Centralization (see States). Central railroad, viii, 406, 410. Central Southern Rights Association, letter to, state rights, viii, 414—415. Centre county, declines invitation of Democrats of, iv, 263-265. Cessna, John, delegate from Penn sylvania to Democratic national convention of i860, xii, 63, 65, 66. Cetto, Baron de, Bavarian min. at London, letter to, extradition treaty with Bavaria of Sept. 12, 1853, ix, 40, 168; same subject, ix, 41, 43, 52-54, 208, 274; men tioned, vii, 310. Cevallos, Pedro, Spanish minister of foreign relations, negotiations with Pinckney and Monroe, vi, 300. Chadwick, Alexander S., vii, 68. Chadwick, John White, his criti cism of Buchanan, xii, 269. Chaleurs, Bay of (see Great Britain, Northeastern boundary dispute). Chambers, Rev. John, xi, 423. Champley, George, letter to, decis ion of state department as to his claim against Mexico, vi, 335-336. Champneys, Benjamin, Cameron's election to senate, vi, 138. Chandler, Zachariah, senator, xii, 125, 279. Chantrey, Lady, ix, 425, 436, 466, 471, x, 101. Chapin, Colonel, capitulation with Gen. Rial, i, 123. Chapman, Judge, ix, 420. Chapman, Miss, ix, 50, 62, 86, 109. Charles II., iii, 12, vi, 242. Charleston harbor (see South Caro lina). Charters, repeal of, iii, 147-154. Chase, Franklin, consul at Tam- pico, events in Mexico, vi, 282. Chase, Isaac, consul at Cape Town, Capt. M. H. Cooper, vii, 93, 95. Chase, James A., viii, 436. Chase, N. D. (see McManus, case of). Chase, Ormond, murdered in Mex ico, x, 356, xii, 248. Chase, Salmon P., secretary of the treasury, xi, 168, 170, 175, 176, 350-351; chief justice, xi, 381; mentioned, xii, 283. Chase, Judge Samuel, impeach ment of, ii, 16, 20, 51, 85. Chase, Col. Wm. H., Florida rebel lion under command of, xii, 194- J97- Cheffik Bey, cultivation of cotton in Turkey, vii, 21. Cherokees (see Indians). Chesapeake and Delaware canal, remarks on, i, 129-132, 175, 177, xii, 305. Chesapeake and Ohio canal, notes of, iv, 257. Cheves, Langdon, M. C, xii, 309, i, 217, 218, iii, 402, 441; author of "Jay" articles, Bank of U. S., iv, 495,498; mentioned, xi, 489. Chew, Beverly, vii, 377. Chew, Robert S., xi, 178. Chew, Mr., iii, 259, viii, 358. Chicago platform, i860, on slavery question, xii, 209. Chickasaws (see Indians). Childe Harold, the case of Wm. S. Bush, viii, 236—237, 259-260, 263, 299. Chile, case of the Leader, vii, 85-86; case of the Macedonian, viii, 48, 51, 52-53, 137-138; claims against, viii, 137-138; case of the Warrior, viii, 161; termination of treaty of May 16, 1832, viii, 347; seizure of American property in Peru by authorities of, x, 209, 286. Chilton, Thomas, M. C., i, 277, 287, 288, 315, vi, 59, xii, 308-309. China, commerce with, i, 95, 96, 97; Alexander H. Everett appointed commissioner to, vi, 139-140; ex traterritorial jurisdiction in, vi 141-143, vii, 203-204, 315-316, vii' 481-482, viii, 176-177, 190, 201, x' 278, 282; relations with, vi, 143-,' 144, 339, vii, 201-204; commercia treaty, July 3, 1844, vi, 145, vii> 202—204, 501—502, viii, 112; revi sion of treaty, x, 141-142, 224, 246, xii, 241; Everett's and Biddle's missions to, vi, 334-335 ; protection of missionaries in, viii, 112, 119, 341 ; foreign reservations at Shang hai, viii, 341; attack by American frigate upon piratical fleet in Chi nese waters, x, 18-19; its war with England and France, x, 142, 246, 346, xi, 30, xii, 24; messages relat- INDEX 355 ing to, x, 164, 208, 279, 395, 422; commercial treaty, June 18, 1858, and Nov. 8, 1858, x, 277, 300, 338, 348, xi, 29—30, xii, 241 ; message on consular regulations, x, 387; mes sage on coolie trade, x, 43 1 ; its relations with Russia, xii, 241; relations with, during Buchanan's administration, xii, 241. China-ware (see Duties)'. Chipman, Ward, British agent, iv, 12, v, 364-365. Chippewa Indians (see Indians). Chirac vs. Chirac, viii, 206. Chiriqui, Isthmus of, xi, 112. Chiti, Mr., case of inheritance tax in Louisiana, vi, 280. Choate, Rufus, senator, iv, 428, 431, 434, 436, 439, 440, 443, V, 196, 215, 337, 454, 455, 456-457, 461, 462, 463, 468, 473, 475, 476, 478, 484, 485-486, 514, vi, 23, 56. Choctaws (see Indians). Chouteau, Merle & Sanford, com plaint of, vii, 32. Chrisman, Mr., acting consul at Taganrog, ii, 347. Christian Indians (see Indians). Christina, Queen, Cuba, ix, 212-213. Christie, William Dougal, British charge^ and consul-general to Ar gentine Confederation, ix, 401. Christy, Robert F., et al. (see Andrews, Joshua). Chronicle, the, on Buchanan's presi dential, candidacy, x, 98. Church, in England, ii, 186; politics in, during Civil War, xi, 354. Church, Mr., complainant against Joseph Wilson, vii, 178. Churchwell, Mr., agent to Mexico, x, 396- Cincinnati convention, 1856, ix, 485- 487, x, 50, xi, 388-390, 503, 505, 510; platform on slavery, x, 325, xii, 43, 55, 57; Buchanan's deter mination as to renomination, x, 416—417 (see, also, Democratic na tional convention; Presidency). Cincinnati Journal, on Jackson's ad dress as to election of 1825, i, 263. Circuit courts (see Courts). Citizenship (see Nationality). Civil War, Buchanan's administra tion, narrative of events preceding Civil War, xii, pp. xi-xiii, 1-261; bombardment of Fort Sumter or dered by President Jefferson Davis, xii, 186, 210; conduct of the, xi, 180, 181-185, 186, 187, 188, 190- 191, 197, 204—205, 209—210, 213— 214, 216, 217, 218, 222, 224, 277, 338, 338-339, 34o, 341-342, 346- 347, 356, 358, 363, 367, 368, 373, 377, 380, 383, xii, 277; peace, xi, 393-394 (see also Military and naval forces, disposition of, prior to Civil War; Southern forts). Claims, mode of presentation against United States, vii, 211; province of department of state as to, vii, 182, 194, 380-381; good offices, vii, 266; conditions of intervention: citizenship, Champley's claim against Mexico, vi, 335-336; na tionality of original claimants against Mexico, vii, 455-456; grounds of intervention: denial of justice, case of Leader against Chile, vii, 85-86; Norris case against Peru, vii, 494-495; claim of British subjects to lands in Maine, vii, 434-437 ; case of Danish brig Adeline, viii, 225-226; claim of Peytona against Great Britain, ix, 62—64, 160-162, 171; exhaustion of local remedies: claim of Shaw, et al., against merchants in Vene zuela, vi, 222-223; Grogan claim against Great Britain, vi, 397-398; claim of Joseph Wilson, vii, 176- 177; British land claims in Maine, vii, 434-437; contract claims: Walter claim against Venezuela, vi, 185, other claims against Vene zuela, vii, 266, 280; claims against Hawaii, viii, 183-188, Mrs. Keefe's claim against Spain, vii, 104-105; claims against Mexico, vii, 455— 456; liability for acts of officers, viii, 122; claims due to tariff changes, vii, 299-301; claims for mob violence, vii, 202-203; claims for military operations in Califor nia, viii, 2 ; claims for blockade, vii, 183; place of payment, Spanish indemnity, vii, 122-123; payment of claim, currency, vii, 83-85, 167- 168; effect of treaty of peace on, vii, 469 ; effect of transfer of sover eignty upon debts, claim of Com modore Danels against Venezuela, vi, 273-274; messages giving list of claims against foreign govern ments, x, 290, 292; informal con vention for settlement of, with Venezuela submitted to senate, x, 388-389 (see particular cases and countries) . Clapham, Mr., mentioned, ii, 183. Clarendon, Lord, British sec. for for. aff., Buchanan's presentation as minister to England, ix, 34, 35, 37; mentioned, ix, 47, 139, 446, 448, 477, 479, 483, x, 16, 19, 74; Buchanan's relations with, ix, 87, 356 INDEX 107; Central American question, ix, 28-29, 64, 65, 70, 80-82, 102, 117, 139, 140, 148, air, 249-250, 273, 278—279, 289, 297, 299, 300, 307, 338-343. 364-365, 394-395, 419, 44o, 445, 45°, 453, 456, x, 12, 27, 28, 30-31, 35-38, 39-40, 99, 124, 125, 127, 128, xi, 493; corre spondence on same subject, ix, 189— 190, 215—241, 242, 251, 298—299, 303, 403-405, 406, 415-416, 421- 423, x, 114-115, 115-116; Cramp- ton's complicity in British recruit ments in the United States, ix, 362- 363, 417-418, 437-438, 440-442, 442-445, 45o, 452, 453, 454, 461- 462, 466-467, 483-484, x, 5, 13-14, 23-27, 31-33, 35-39, 40, 42-44,46- 47, 48-49, 52-54,411-412,413,414, x, 5i-52, 54-55, 55-56, 65-66, 68- 69; correspondence on same sub ject, ix, 367-371, 373-375, 378; cor respondence and conferences with, as to the despatch of naval arma ment to North America, ix, 433, 43 5, 438-440, 445-446, 449-454, 456, 459-464, 466, 479, x, 2, 43; postal relations, between the United States and England, ix, 36- 37, 78, 79, 276, 315, 317, 318; cor respondence on same subject, ix, 41, 42, 98, 99; interview as to Russo-Turkisn difficulties, Central American question, slavery ques tion, ix, 55-61; reciprocity and fisheries question, ix, 70, 82-83, 177; interview on Russo-Turkish question, conveyance of British mails, Central American question, fishery and reciprocity treaty, Cuba, ix, 77-86; interview on Cuba and Central American ques tion, ix, 88-97; letter to, extradi tion of seamen, ix, 140; court dress question, ix, 146; neutral rights during Crimean War, ix, 147-148, 162-164, 165-167, 169- 170, 172, 259, 281, 297, 307-310, 33i, 347, 352, 353, 362, 378, 387, 472, x, 4, 89-90; interview with, on Central American question and neutral rights, ix, 153-156; pro posed treaty on privateering, ix, 162-164; interview with, neutral rights in Crimean War, Cuba, Sandwich Islands, Central Ameri can and Fishery questions, ix, 165- 168, 169; Hawaii, ix, 167-168; Union articles on England, ix, 176; interview on Central American and Fishery questions, British- French action in South America, and neutrality in Crimean War, ix, 180-185 ; correspondence as to case of mutineers on American vessel, ix, 187-188, 188-189, T92'< corre spondence as to neutral rights during blockade of Russian ports, ix, 194—197, 206—207, 208, 209—211, 213, 214; interviews on same sub ject, ix, 197-199, 205, 206; Cuba, ix, 200, 201; commission under claims convention, Feb. 8, 1853, ix, 207-208; correspondence on awards of the commission, ix, 347-348, 349, 350,351; letter to, Colson claim, ix, 243—244; interview on postal rela tions, contraband, Central Ameri can question, fishery treaty, block ade of Russian ports, ix, 244-248; question of consular convention with England, ix, 257, 271, 303, 306, 328-329, 344-345, 363-364, 455; correspondence on same sub ject, ix, 322-327, 376-378, 382- 383, 385—386; interview on Ostend conference, Greytown affair, Ha waiian Islands, Dominican Repub lic, Soule's exclusion from France, ix, 267—273; claims of Hudson and Washington, ix, 280; correspond ence as to conduct of Mr. Finn, British consul at Jerusalem, ix, 312-313, 314, 317; interview with, on Crimean War, awards under claims convention of 1853, con sular convention and Central Amer ican questions, ix, 335-338; policy of the allies in Crimean War as to Western Hemisphere, ix, 354, 358; correspondence as to extra dition case of Johnson, ix, 386-387, 388-389; British customs regula tions interfering with Buchanan's exemptions while minister to Eng land, ix, 390—391; letter to, projet of convention embracing principle of "free ships, free goods," ix, 396- 401 ; neutrality of the United States in war of Russia against Turkey and allies, ix, 417-418, 438-439, 445, 449-454, 456; relations be tween U. S. and England, ix, 469, 474, 482, 489; his disposition to wards United States, ix, 279; Port uguese territorial claims in Africa, ix, 472; letter to, peace negotia tions in Crimean War, ix, 382-383, 385-386, x, 23, 28; Buenos Ayres and Argentine Republic, ix, 401- 402, 473-474, x, 62; "Saltpetre claims" against Great Britain, x, 15-16; conversation with, as to proposal for survey of Atrato route for interoceanic canal, x, 58; letter to, case of an American bark INDEX 357 detained by British authorities, x, 69-70; letter to, Buchanan's recall, x, 70-71; letter to, Buchan an's presidential candidacy, rela tions with Great Britain, Cass as secretary of state, x, 102-103; letter to, Central American ques tion, East Indian insurrection, interoceanic canal routes, x, 122- 124; letter to, fall of Palmerston ministry, Ouseley's mission to Central America, x, 199—200; letter from, ministerial change in Eng land, relations with United States, Ouseley's mission, x, 207-208; letter to, the presidency, Sir Wil liam Ouseley, interoceanic canal, British diplomats in the U. S., Napoleon's war against Austria, the Mormons, x, 3 1 5-3 1 8 ; letter to, disputed questions between the U. S. and England, x, 333-334; letter from, relations between U. S. and England, retirement from office, Miss Lane, x, 333-334. Clarendon, Lady, x, 103, 115, 116, 200, 208, 318, 334. Clarendon, Countess of, ix, 152. Clark, Daniel, mentioned, vii, 377; senator, xii, 124, 125. Clark, Henry J., et al., letter to (see Henry, JohnT.). Clark, James, M. C, i, 347. Clark, William, expedition of (see Lewis and Clark). Clarke and Force, claim of, iv, 239- 240. Clarke, James, iii, 388. Clarke, Lot, M. C, i, 79. Clay, Cassius M., x, 204. Clay, Clement C, senator, iii, 357, 371, 372, 425, 460, 461, 462, 464, 507, iv, 54, 192-193, 257, 267, 350, 385, 507, v, 22, 23, xi, 109— 111 (see also Wigfall, Louis T.). Clay, Henry, M. C, i, 89, 352; speaker of house, xii, 304 ; secretary of state, i, 181, 197, 200, vi, 16-17, 38, 90, 188; the presidential nomi nation, 1825, i, 120-121, 132, 290- 291; his political course, i, 2 1 7 ; elec tion of 1825, i, 260-271; the "bar gain and corruption charge, ' ' i, 2 1 7 , 218—220, 260—263, vi, 59-60, 63-64, x, 85-86,91 ; union of his supporters with anti-masons, ii, 241 ; his union with Calhoun, ii, 328; senator, ii, 240, 408, 410, 411, 421, 422, 438, 458, iii, 24, 25, 26, 51, 105, 109-110, in, 113, 114, 125, 131, 168, 170, J73, !75> r78, l8°, l85, I98, 202, 203—204, 205, 211, 212, 221, 226, 237, 240, 242, 268, 276, 289, 305, 322, 323-324, 330-331, 332-334, 335-336, 348, 349, 350, 351, 353, 354, 357, 368, 370, 371, 372, 374- 376, 377-378, 393, 400, 401, 402, 403, 405, 406, 413, 414-415, 416, 417, 418, 425, 441, 451, 452, 453, 454, 455, 458, 460, 465-471, 473, 475, 476, 5°7, iv, 41, 43, 45, 47, 56, 82, 87, 94, 103, 132, 134-175, 210, 223, 225, 244, 251, 261—262, 287, 296, 299, 308, 330-331, 338, 344, 345, 348-352, 353, 354, 357, 359, 362, 364, 368, 370, 372, 373, 382, 39°, 395, 404, 407, 452, 453, 458, 459, 461-462, 462-463, 472, 474, 475, 476, 478, 481, 482, 483, 485, 486, 487, 48S, 489, 499, 500, 502- 503, 505, 5°7, 509, 5JO, 511, v, 14, iS, x7, l8, 19, 20, 30-31, 32, 33, 34, 38, 39, 40, 46, 48, 51, 52, 53, 61, 62- 67, 68, 70, 85, 86, 93, 98-139, 140, 141, 143-144, i45-I47 153, 155, 156, 173, 184, 187-188, 313, 314, 360-361, viii, 384, 445, 465, 477, ix, 91, xi, 245, 438, 439, 483, 484, xii, 12, 278, 309; his visit to Mr. Lether, ii, 442 ; anti-Masonic sup port of, iv, 120; fails of nomination by Whigs, 1840, iv, 296, 318; Whig presidential candidate, 1844, vi, 2, 3, 73, spoken of in connection with the presidency, 1847, vii, 286; Gen. Scott's rivalry of , viii, 471, 479, 480. Clay, Mrs. Henry, xi, 412. Clay, John Randolph, secretary of legation at St. Petersburg, ii, 182, 193, 194, 198, 200, 201, 204, 205, 218, 251, 253, 258, 259, 262, 267, 268, 271, 278, 286, 289, 302, 306— 307, 3°8, 3°9, 3io, 323, 328, 329, 33°, 334, 335, 336, 338^339, 34i, 348,366,375,383; charge d'affaires at St. Petersburg, ii, 375, 382; letter to, adjustment of Oregon question, vii, 10; charge d'affaires to Peru, appointed, vii, 242, 244- 245, 255; letter to, payments due under claims convention, vii, 417- 418. Clay vs. Smith, v, ii. Clayton, John M., senator, ii, 447, 450, 492, i«, 7, 34, 51, io9, no, 113, IJ4, i37, viii, 471, xii, 17; secretary of state, viii, 331, 497, xi, 481, 483, 485, 486, 487, 488; letter to, state department em ployees, viii, 357-359; letter from, Buchanan's conduct of foreign affairs, viii, 359-360; letter to, same subject, viii, 360-361; letter to, his support of Buchanan's course as to Clayton-Bulwer treaty, x, 79. 358 INDEX Clayton, Thomas, senator, iii, 210, 357, 371, 372, 425, 460, 464, 507, v, 514, Clayton-Bulwer treaty (see Great Britain) . Cleavinger, Samuel, iii, 388. Clemens, Jeremiah, senator, viii, 385- Clemson, Thomas G., charge^ to Belgium, letters to: commercial treaty with Belgium, vi, 262-263, extradition treaty with Belgium, vi, 263-264, refusal of Belgian consul to certify to consignment for transshipment, vii, 32-33. Cleopatra, the, British frigate, slave case of the Lucy Penniman, vii, 94— „ 95, 257- Clifford, Nathan, attorney-gen eral, vii, 416, xi, 476; commissioner to Mexico, viii, 7, 21; letter to, on his appointment, viii, 7 ; letter to, treaty with Mexico, viii, 24; payments to Mexico, viii, 148; letter to, his appointment, Mexico's request for troops, viii, 154-156; letter to, Mexican customs dues, 163-167; boundary commission under treaty with Mexico, viii, 172-173; letter to, Mexican rela tions, viii, 216-217; letter to execution of peace treaty, viii, 268-270, 284; instructions to, viii, 145, 306-307; treaty of peace with Mexico, viii, 305, 306, 307; letter to, protocol to Mexican peace treaty, viii, 340; same subject, viii, 362-363, xi, 484. Clinton, DeWitt, quarrel with Gen. Scott, viii, 468. Clinton, Sir Henry, capture of Major Andre, iv, 422. Clymer, candidate for governor of Pennsylvania, xi, 422, 423, 426, 427, 428. Coahuila, union with Texas, vii, I37-I38- Coal (see Duties), iii, 223-231. Cobb, secretary of the treasury, x, 321, xi, 59, xii, 93 ; his resignation, xi, 6, xii, 95; Buchanan's candi dacy for the presidential nomina tion, x, 8, 23 ; his views on secession, xii, 80, 94, 272, mentioned, xi, 243, 260. Cobb, Jonathan H., iv, 235. Cobb, Samuel, iv, 235. Cobb, Thomas W., M. C, i, 82, 96. Cobbett, case of, Commonwealth vs. ii, 66. Cobden, Richard, letter from, the Civil War, relations with England, xi, 218-219; letter to, ptiblic feel ing, Mason and Slidell, blockade, xi, 233-235; on relations between United States and Great Britain, x, 31, 41, 44; mentioned, ix, 275. Cochran, T. D., letter to, Penn sylvania politics, vi, 136-138. Cochrane, John, delegate from New York to democratic national con ventions, 1 860, xii, 64; M.C, xii, 219. Cocke, Gen. John, M. C, xii, 300. Cocke, William, senator, iii, 17. Coercion of states (see States). Coffin, George W., agent for Mass., "disputed territory fund" ac count, vii, 61, 62, 64-65, 109-110, 239—240, 282. Coggs vs. Bernard, ix, 104. Cohen, John J. W., iii, 388. Cohens vs. Virginia, ii, 75, 78—80, v, 207, 216. Coinage (see Currency). Colby, H. G. 0., viii, 146. Colby, Mr., vii, 182. Colcock, William F., collector at Charleston, xii, 139. Colden, Cadwallader David, i, 10. Colebrooke, Sir William, Gov. of N. B., "disputed territory fund" account, vii, 61, 62, 64, 109-110, 239-240. Coleman, Mr., marriage to Miss Sturgis, x, 59, 68. Coleman, Mrs., ix, 396. Coles, Willett, case of Hope, viii, 218. Colfax, Schuyler, M. C, xii, 46. Collamer, Jacob, senator, xii, 116, 125. College, Buchanan at, xii, 291-293. Colleges of agriculture and mechanic arts, veto of bill donating public lands to states providing, x, 300- 3°9, 444- Colloredo, Count, x, 7. Collins, Ephraim M, extradition proceedings against, ix, 140. Collins, Mrs., viii, 423, 428. Colombia, question of transfer of Cuba to, i, 200, 202, 203; com mercial treaty of Oct. 3, 1824, ii, 202, 345; cases of Josephine and Ranger, vi, 452, vii, 69, 83-85, 355, viii, 66 ; claims against, vi, 175-181 ; Commodore Danels claim for Erie and Diligence, vi, 179, 273, vii, 79- 8°, 3 55, viii, 170-171; dismember ment of, viii, 66 ; claims convention, Nov. 25, 1829, viii, 66; claim of Sarah Wilson, viii, 304 (see, also, Ecuador; New Granada; Venezu ela). Colonial monopoly (see Commercial restrictions) . INDEX 359 Colonial policy of the U. S., rejection of proffered sale of St. Bartholo mew by Sweden, vi, 212. Colonization, of Oregon territory, v, 468-476 (see, also, Monroe doc trine) . Colonization society of D. C, re marks on incorporation of, iii, 202-204; establishment of negro colony in Siberia by, x, 227-228, 273—276, 426-428. Colquitt, Walter T., senator, v, 514, vi, 56, Colson, George W., claim of, ix, 243-244, 297. Colton, Calvin, "bargain and cor ruption" charge against Buch anan, x, 85-86. Columbia, the, Mexican attack upon, iii, 411, 414, 416; Columbia, the, H. B. M. S., ix, 448. Columbia river, navigation of, treaty of June 15, 1846, viii, 300-302; Buchanan favors occupation of mouth of, xii, 305. Commerce, effect of, early demo cratic policy upon, i, 3 ; protec tion of, i, 2, 3, 8; revival of, after War of 181 2, i, 8; with China, i, 95, 96, 97; with France, i, 95, 96, 97; of Mexico, v, 149-150; Oriental trade, vii, 218; with Great Britain, ix, 302 (see, also, particular countries for commer cial relations and treaties; Duties; Reciprocity; Tariff). Commercial agent, duties of, viii, 256 (see, also, Consuls; Inter course of states). Commercial restrictions, i, 98-113, 336-351; Spanish, as to Cuba and Porto Rico, vii, 54; British colo nial monopolies, i, 106-108, 340- 341, vii, 421; of Great Britain, viii, 258; British navigation laws, viii, 140-141, 314; repeal of British navigation and colonial laws, xi, 487—488; law affecting admission of French vessels from colonial ports, vi, 126—127; French, on tobacco, viii, 162. Commissions, joint (see particular - countries). Commissioners of the navy, letter of, on hemp, i, 92. Committee on manufactures, senate (see Manufactures, committee on). Committee of notification, letter to, Buchanan accepts Democratic nomination for the presidency, x, 81-85. Common Law crimes, Federal juris diction over, i, 70-71, ii, 97—98. Commonwealth bank at Boston, public deposits in, iii, 373-377. Commonwealth's bank of Kentucky, iv, 494- Commonwealth vs. Cobbett, ii, 66. Comonfort, General Ygnacio, president of Mexico, x, 353, xii, 245-246. Compromise of 1850 (see Slavery question) . Comstock, C, letter to, Democratic national conventions, i860, x, 456- 457 ; his removal from office, x, 466. Comyn, Chev., Spanish charg6 at London, ix, 212, Mr. and Mrs., x, 7. Conard, John, case of, ii, 15-16. Condict, John, senator, iii, 17. Condict, Lewis, M.C, i, 319, 419. Condy, Mr., associated with Buch anan in Judge Franklin's defense, xii, 299—300. Cone, Capt. William, on southern boundary of United States, ii, 4. Confederate states, question of their recognition, xi, 255; apprehended recognition of, by France, xi, 175; British support given to, xi, 204; recognition of, by Great Britain, xi, 245; Lincoln's negotiations with confederate commissioners, xi, 50-51, declaration on right of secession, xii, 82 ; (see, also, States secession; and particular states). Confederation, the, defects in, v, 272-273. Conference, July 16, 1845, with British minister on Oregon ques tion, minutes of, vi, 206-207. Congress, remarks on day of adjourn ment, i, 118-119, 364-365, iii, 493- 497, ix, 227-228; subpoena power of congressional committees, i, 272 ; bill for fixing day for annual meet ing of, vetoed by President Jack son, v, 135; veto of apportion ment bill by President Washington, v, 106, 253; remarks and speech on apportionment bill, v, 251—253, 255-263, 264-268, 268-284, 284- 286; functions of, v, 98-139; legislative spheres of the two branches of, v, 264-265; power of judging qualifications of members, v, 277; question of New Jersey con gressional election, v, 281, 284; debates on foreign relations, viii, 329-330; offensive remarks in, against Great Britain, ix, 59; failure of Congress to ' enable President Buchanan to prepare against Civil War, xii, 116, 134- 141, 269, 271, 276-278, 331- (see, also, House of Representa tives ; Senate) . 360 INDEX Congress, Buchanan's career in, synop sis of, in House of Representatives, 1821-1831, i, pp. xv-xxxv, in Sen ate, 1834-1845, i, pp. xxxv-cxxiii. Conkling, Aurelian, vii, 205. Conkling, Judge Alfred, proposed impeachment of, ii, 125-126. Connecticut, Democratic ascendancy in, v, 185; Democratic politics, 1849, .viii, 363. Connecticut river (see Great Britain) , northeastern boundary dispute, iii, 481-502, iv, 2-23. Conner, Lieut., case of, i, 142. Conner, Commodore David, letters to, peace negotiations with Mex ico, vii, 38-39, 40, 50, 90; block ade of Mexican ports, vii, 240- 241, 290-292; viii, 286; Spanish complaint against, vii, 100. Conrad, Charles M., senator, v, 245, 304, 336- Conrad, Mrs., x, 319. Conscription law, Civil war, xi, 340, 341-342, 346-347; in Pennsyl vania legislature, xii, 294-296. Constantia, La, vii, 80. Constantine, Paulovitch, Russian grand duke, peace negotiation in Crimean war, ix, 484. Constitution, advises adherence to, xi, 441 ; Buchanan's strict heed of, xii, 33I_333; admission, case of Louisiana, xii, 74; alien and sedi tion laws, ii, 118, iii, 13, 85-86, 90, 471, iv, 65, 68, 69, 70-71; remarks on memorials for amendment em bodying certain religious views, v, 481-482; slavery, ii, 451—452, iii, 21-22, 26, 342, 345-347, 351, 356, iv, 24, v, 119-121, 351, vi, 109, viii, 398-399, xii, 1-261, 332-333; amendment covering slavery ques tion, proposed by Virginia peace convention, xii, 127— 141, 195; Crit tenden compromise, amendment, xii, 117-126, 127, 128, 131, 133, 135- 136, 143, 152, 268-269, 278; Bu chanan's proposed amendment as to slavery, xi, 22-25, 66,69, 1]c9, 125, 283— 284, xii, 98, 112— 114, 116— 117; amendment to cover slavery ad vocated by Calhoun, xii, 80; bill for review by United States courts of criminal proceedings in State courts, v, 210, 214—219, 227—239, 350; judiciary act of 1789, pro viding for writ of error to supreme court, v, 206-210; apportionment of members of the house of repre sentatives, v, 268-284, 284-286; failure of Congress to pass post office appropriations for year end ing June 30, i860, x, 362-364; pro vision as to necessity of appropria tion, iv, 363 ; obligation of house of representatives to pass appropri ations to carry treaties into effect, i, 186-188, ii, 163-166; power of senate to amend appropriation bills, iv, 35, 176-177; requirement as to specific object of appropri ations, ii, 441, 492-496; power of house to insert proviso in Washing ton aqueduct appropriation as to army appointee, x, 452-455; spe cific appropriations of money, ii, 492-496; prohibition against draw ing money from treasury but in consequence of appropriations, i, 1 1-20 ; President to inform Congress of state of union, ii, 505; Bank of the U. S., iii, 276-278,455,469-472, iv, 47, 91, viii, 472 ; repeal of U. S. Bank charter by Pennsylvania, iii, 147-154; a national bank, v, 421; Board of Exchequer, v, 93 ; Fiscal Corporation of U. S., v, 45-48; right to repeal charter of Fiscal Bank of U. S., iv, 466—472, 500- 505, 506-507; bill to prohibit issue and circulation of notes of late Bank of U. S., iii, 435-440; federal and state powers as to bankruptcies, i, 25-31, v, n-13, 425-431; congressmen, inhabitants of state of election, vii, 197; each house of congress judge of quali fications of members, v, 277; conscription law, xi, 341-342, 346-347 ; provision for trial by jury, v, 215; provision for trial by jury, case of Judge Peck, ii, 114- 115; provision as to indictments, case of Judge Peck, ii, 115; pro vision as to compelling defend ant's evidence in criminal cases, case of Judge Peck, ii, n 5-1 16; provision as to double jeopardy, case of Judge Peck, ii, 117; pro vision against cruel and unusual punishments, ii, 159; power as to regulation of currency and coin age, iii, 279-285, 315-319, 436, 438, 454, 47°,. !V, 91, 184-193, v, 93, 94—95; xi, 245; eminent domain, remarks on Pea Patch Island, v, 439-442; executive and legislative branches, the Covode investiga tion, x, 399-405, 435-443, xii, 218- 235; power of senate to elect public printer, Blair and Rives, iv, 394, 502; power of removal of executive officers, ii, 421-434, iv, 144-145; case of Mr. Duane under last-mentioned power, iii, 173-174; INDEX 361 resolution condemning President Jackson, iii, 174-184; expunging resolution, iii, 184-194; Buchanan member of committee for consti tutional amendment as to elec tions, xii, 304; provisions as to choice of presidential electors, vi, 57; the elective franchise, iii, 49; bill to prevent interference with elections, iv, 56-71; pro posed amendment on presidential terms, i, 397-398, 400—401; pro posed amendment as to election of president and vice-president, i, 172-173; acceptance by U. S. official of office from foreign state, viii, 191; provision as to legisla tion in execution of constitution, iii, 278; Cumberland road bills, i, 386—396, 405-408, 409—410, 411- 412, 416—417, 420—421, ii, 414—415, xii, 302-303 ; war-making power, internal improvements, x, 386- 387; veto of St. Clair Flats bill, power to improve harbors, regula tion of commerce, x, 380-387; veto of bill for improvement of Mis sissippi river, x, 388; veto of bill donating public lands for state educational purposes, x, 305-309, 443-451; governmental construc tion of Pacific railroad under war power, x, 93—94, in— 112, 154—156, 272-273, 364-365, xi, 39; power of Congress to appropriate for con struction of roads and canals, ii, 420-421, iii, 51-52; power to sub scribe to stock for internal im provement, i, 175; interstate com merce clause, iii, 279-285, 315-319, 346, iv, 491, v, 46-47; interstate commerce clause, bank of U. S.,iii, 470; interstate commerce clause, paper currency, iii, 438, 454, 470; judicial power of the United States, ii, 56—58, v, 205—210, 230; judicial interpretation, iii, 2 7 6-2 7 8 ; right of petition, slavery, ii, 454-455, iii, 1, 10-19,24-25,205,328-330,342,343, iv, 1 7 8-1 80 ; Federal power over post offices and post roads, iii, 85-87, 90- 93 ; provision as to levy and collec tion of taxes, etc., iii, 278, 279—280, iv, 91, v, 47; power to levy and collect taxes, bank of U. S., iii, 455, 470; power of federal gov ernment to compel execution of land laws by states, x, 303-304; state laws on authentication of documents of federal government office, vii, 127; full faith and credit clause, vii, 126; equal privileges of citizens of several ¦ states, iii, 48-49; assumption of state debts, iv, 182-183; state rights, viii, 414-415, 431-432; Virginia resolutions, 1798, 1799, v, 93, 227, viii, 415, 431-432, x, 24; Kentucky state rights resolu tions, viii, 431-432; secession, xi, 405; question of secession and coercion of states, annual message, i860, xi, 7-25, 55; also discussed by George Ticknor Curtis, xi, 43- 54; speech on veto power, v, 98- 139; opposed to amendment to, limiting veto power, v, 422; veto power of President, St. Clair Flats bill, x, 377-378; power to declare martial law, Gen. Jackson's fine, v, 406—409; power of impeachment, the Covode investigation, x, 399- 405, 435-443, xii, 218-235; pro vision as to account of receipts and expenditures, ii, 494; com munication to House of diplomatic correspondence, refused by Presi dent Washington and President Polk, vii, 490-492 ; treaty-making power, i, 186-188, ii, 163—166; territorial cession or acquisition under treaty-making power, Texan annexation, vi, 9, 17—20, 40, 85, 91-107, 116-117; treaty-making power, Maine's position as to northeastern boundary, iii, 491- 500, iv, 105-107, 115; treaty-mak ing power, Oregon question, v, 443-446; freedom of speech and press, iv, 56-71 (see, also, Execu tive; Kansas; Kansas-Nebraska Act; Slavery question; South Car olina, Nullification; States, seces sion; Treaties). Consular system (see Intercourse of States) . Consuls (see Intercourse of States). Contempt of court, during martial law, General Jackson's fine, v, 248, 406-409 (see, also, Peck, Judge James H., impeachment of). Contingent fund for foreign inter course, i, 292-294. Conto, Mr., connected with negotia tion of Mexican peace treaty, viii, 3°7- Contract claims (see Claims; Inter vention) . Contraband of war, treaty between Russia and Great Britain, ii, 344; definition of, by proposed maritime treaty with Russia, ii, 210, 214, 262, 342, 344; restriction of neutral trade, iii, 358-362, 390-396, 406; military persons, vii, 411-413 ; coal, ix, 245 (see also, Neutrality; War). 362 INDEX Convention system, national, x, 457- 464. Conyngham, Redmond, v, 449, ix, 150. Cook, Captain, discovery of Cape Flattery, vi, 217, 241-242, 244, 245, 247- Cook, Isaac, charge against, x, 328- 329- Coolie trade, Chinese, x, 431. Coolv, Horace, case of, vi, 272. Coombe, Rev. P., letter to, Dickin son college, xi, 387. Coon, Mr., member of Pennsylvania legislature, xii, 298. Cooper, George D., letter to, appli cation for passport for person of color, vii, iio-iii. Cooper, James, et al., letter to, Penn sylvania politics, vi, 136-138; sen ator, viii, 375. Cooper, Peter, xi, 230. Cooper, Gen. Samuel, resignation of , xi, 164. Cooperationist party in South Caro lina, xii, 79. Copyright, remarks on extending, to foreign authors, iii, 204-205; inter national, with Great Britain, vii, 77-78. . ' . Corboli, Monsignore, diplomatic relations with Papal States, viii, 45. Corcoran, Dennis, special messen ger, viii, 72. Corcoran, Mr., xi, 412-413. Core, Captain, British minister to Argentine confederation, ix, 401. Corrientes, league against Argentine Republic, vi, 448-449. Corning, Erastus, New York mem ber of Virginia peace convention, xii, 131. Cornwallis, H. B. M. S., ix, 434, 449, 454- Corporations, political activities of bank of United States, iii, 172 (see, also, iii, 114 et seq.); right to repeal charter of Fiscal bank of U. S., iv, 466—472, 500—505, 506—507. Corsica, efforts towards liberation of, ii, 386. Coryell, Lewis C, letter to, ap proaching elections, x, 2. Corwin, Thomas, M. C, defeats bill to give Buchanan military aid, xii, 138. Costa Rica, offer of British protec torate, viii, 226-227; British pro-. tectorate over Mosquitos, viii, 380,' 382; Central American question, ix, ng, 216, 217, 229, 230, 231, 232, x, 126; conduct with reference to interoceanic route, x, 123-124; claims against, x, 260-261, 360; claims convention, July 2, i860, xi, 31-32; message on the conven tion, xi, 55 ; (see also Great Britain, Central American question). Costs in patent cases, i, 72-78. Cotheal, H. & D., claim of the Ben Alan, vi, 177. Cotter, C B., letter to, on presi dency, vii, 409. Cotton, cultivation of, promoted by England, vi, 14, 101; British pro tective tariff on cotton goods, i, 226; culture of, in Turkey, vi, 400- 402, 433-434, 487, vii, 21, 62-63, 236, 434 (see also Duties). Cotton bagging (see Duties). Cotton interests, affected by pro posed extension of drawback sys tem as to silk and nankeens, i, 96- 97- Cotton manufacture, industrial im portance in England, vi, 13-14, 101. Counterfeiting, of American coins in Canada, vii, 120. Courrier des Etats Unis, on relations with France, ii, 509-510. Court dress question (see Intercourse of states). Court martial held at Mobile, Dec- 5, 1814, i, 275-276, 312-313. Court, terms of, report on, ii, 22-23; courts judiciary act of Sept. 4, 1789, report and remarks on, ii, 55-56, 56-66, 67-80, 162, v, 206- 210; remarks and speeches on ju diciary system, i, 146-147, 147- 167, 429-449, ii, 435-436, 445-447, v, 205—240, 296, 350, xii, 306; cir cuit courts, i, 146-147, 147-167, 429-449, ii, 435-436, 445-447, iv, 385-388; district courts, i, 146-147, 147—167, 429-449; supreme court, i, I47-. 67, 429-449, ", 56-80, 435- 436, xii, 306; exclusive jurisdiction of federal courts over patent cases, i, 73, 74, 75 ; costs in patent cases, i, 72-78; federal judicial powers, ii, 56-80; jurisdiction of supreme court over matters arising in state courts, v, 205-240, 350; judiciary, appropriation, .1842, v, 193-194; judges' salaries, ii, 22-23, v, 310- 313 ; allowances to jurors, i, 425 ; de sire of Buchanan for position on supreme court, vi, 386-387; su preme court in 1867, xi, 446 (see also particular countries and states) . Courtine, Marie, case of, viii, 262. Cova, Victor de la, et al., letter to (see Shaw et al.) . Covenanters, religious memorial of the, v, 481-482. INDEX 363 Covode (John, M.C), investigation, x, 399-405, 433, 434, 435-443, xii, 2i8-235, 326-327. Cowan, Edgar, senator, xi, 324. Cowperthwaite, J., iii, 432. Cox, J. F., charge against Buchanan, viii, 442, 443. Coxe, Mr., iii, 250, 251. Coxe, Mr., navigation of the Colum bia, viii, 300. Crabbe, Col., execution of, in or near Mexico, x, 194, 355-356. Crabbe, cited, vi, 92-93. Craig, Col. Henry Knox, shipment of armament to southern forts, xi, 314, 315, xii, 201, 205, 206, 207; mentioned, xi, 230. Craig, Robert, M. C, ii, 14. Craig and Rightor, contract for Mississippi river improvement, x, 219. Crain, R. M., iii, 388. Crampton, John F. T., secretary of British legation, letters to: "Dis puted Territory Fund " account, vii, 64, Capt. Montgomery's con- siderateness towards British sub jects in blockade of Mazatlan, vii, 375 ; slave trade in Brazil, vii, 407- 409; claims of British subjects to lands in Maine, vii, 434-437; pro ceedings of joint boundary com mission, vii, 461; execution of ex tradition treaties, viii, iio-iii; passage of vessels from ocean to Great Lakes, viii, 174-175, bound ary provision in treaty with Mexico, viii, 175; extraterritori ality in China and Turkey, viii, 190; extradition act, viii, 192; Hudson Bay Co. in Oregon Ter ritory, viii, 280-281; reciprocity with Great Britain, viii, 314-316; legislation on capacity of passenger vessels, viii, 338-339; navigation of international waters, viii, 345; referred to Wilson case, vii, 176; Catherine case, vii, 320; letter to Mr. Trist communicated through, vii, 444; negro immigration to Alabama, viii, 3 1 ; Central Ameri can question, viii, 80; complaint against Mr. Shields, viii, 157; Columbia river, navigation, viii, 300-302; his negotiations with Mr. Everett, ix, 6, 7-8, 19; his negotiations with Mr. Marcy, viii, 510-512, ix, 1—2, 3, 10, 19, 23, 82, 102, 130, 181; British minister, referred to, Central American ques tion, ix, 28-29, 43, 89, 90, 91, 129, I36, 137, 342, 364, question of American acquisition of Hawaii, ix, 167, his attitude towards United States, ix, 177; commission under claims convention, Feb. 8, 1853, ix, 207-208, 348; Greytown affair, ix, 247 ; question of consular conven tion, ix, 257; Cuba, ix, 279, x, 289; Oregon, x, 350-352; claims of Hudson and Washington, ix, 280; neutral rights in Crimean war, ix, 198; observance of neutrality by the United States in war of Russia against Turkey and allies, ix, 445 ; his complicity in British recruit ments in the United States and his recall, ix, 362, 367, 374, 378, 411, 413, 4i4, 417-418, 437-438, 440- 442, 442-445, 450, 452, 453. 454, 461-462, 466-467, 483—484, x, 5,11, 13-14, 23-27, 31-33, 35-39, 40, 41, 42-44, 46-47, 48-49, 52-54, 54-58, 65-67, 68-69, 71, 72, 74-75, 87, xi, 508; Irish agitation from the United States, ix, 439; despatch of British fleet to North Amer ica, ix, 451, 452; mentioned, ix, 380. Crane Iron-works, v, 447. Crary, John S., ii, 185, 217. Craven, Lt. Augustus M., U. S. S. Mohawk, captured African slaves, x, 426. Crawford, George T., iii, 388. Crawford, George W, secretary of war, xi, 486. Crawford, Gen. Samuel W., refutes charge of removal of arms to South, xii, 277. Crawford, William H., secretary of treasury, i, 118; candidate for President, 1824-1825, i, 120-12 1, 133; mentioned, xii, 300. Crawford, Mr., ii, 166-167, I74- Crawford, Miss, v, 153, 435. Creeks (see Indians). Cremieux, Isaac Adolphe, in pro visional government of France, viii, 4. Creole, case of the (see Great Brit ain). Creptowitch, Count, Russian min. to Belgium, relations between United States and 'Great Britain, x, 47- Crimean war (see Austria, Denmark; France; Great Britain; Nether lands; Russia; Sweden and Nor way; Turkey). Crimes against United States, re marks and resolution on punish ment of, i, 70-71, 124-125; arson, iii, 209-210; neutrality laws, iii, 348, 358-362, 390-396, 406 (see also Neutrality) . 364 INDEX Crispin, B., et al., letter to, third election to senate, candidacy for presidential nomination, v, 415- 417, 438 (see also Andrews, Joshua) . Critics, Buchanan's, xii, 269-270. Crittenden, John J., senator, iii, 2, 109, no, 114, 305, 320, 357, 371, 372, 373, 425, 460, 464, 507, iv, 55, 56, 61, 63, 64, 73, 140, 193, 194, 249,332, 334, 336, 34o, 345, 346, 355, 356, 357, 359, 360, 373, 375, 376, 378, 419, 425, 426, 429, 442, 445, 450, v, 22, 183, 185, 187, 188, 189, 190, 196, 197, 253, 256, 257, 260, 266, 278, 289, 290, 293, 294, 33i, 332, 361, 417, 5°3, 5J4, vi, 9, viii, 368; Crittenden Compromise, xi, 49, 73, 119, 125, 284, 300, xii, 116, 117— 126, 127, 128, 131, 132, *33, ^-^e, 143, x52, 268-269, 278; spoken for supreme court, xi, 163, 169; spoken for attorneyship- general, xi, 481, 483; on Ken tucky's attitude toward Civil War, xi, 175- Crofton, S. S. L., commander H. B. M. S. Rosamond, ix, 434. Crompton, Mr., Brit, vice consul at Islay, vii, 289-290. Cromwell, Oliver, v, 265. Cronstadt, Buchanan's visit to, ii, 348. Crosby, Matthew, claim of Wash ington, viii, 107-108. Croskey, J. Rodney, consul at Southampton, ix, 478, x, 46, 76. Croswell, Mr., xi, 325, 327. Crowell, Capt. Higgins, ix, 150, „ 151- Crowley, Lord, Crimean war, ix, 321- . , Crowe's "Gospel in Central America," cited, ix, 222, 223, 237. Crump, William, charg6 d'affaires to Chile, letter to, case of Leader, vii, 85-S6. Cuba, question of transfer of, i, 181, 192, 200; apprehended invasion of, by Colombia, France and Mexico, i, 191— 192, 200, 202, 203; im portance of, to United States, i, 200—202; consuls in, limited to certain ports, vi, 126; Spanish re strictions upon trade with, vi, 183, vii, 54; duties imposed by, vi, 155- 156, 228-229, 286-287, vii, 78-79, viii, 89-90; privateering from, dur ing Mexican war, vi, 488-489; establishment of steam packet be tween Charleston and Havana, vii, 438-439, 445-446; proposal of purchase of, viii, 90-102, 120, 359, 360; Buchanan favors cession of, viii, 497 ; question of acquisition of, ix, 26; American neutrality in revolution of 1848, viii, 95-96; case of Wm. S. Bush, viii, 236-237, 259- 260, 263, 299, 344; slavery in, ix, 60, 83-86, 88-89, 166-167, 2i5, 265—266, x, 251, 346, 426-429, 430; attitude of Great Britain and France towards, ix, 166-167, 176- 177, 200—201, 212, 271, 279, x, 289; question of acquisition of, ix, 200- 201, 212-213, 271, 279, x, 251-253, 289, 290-291; Ostend conference, ix, 251-253, 259, 260-266, 267, 267-268, 285, 289, 332, xi, 497-498; insurrection impending, 1854, ix, 214-215; filibustering expeditions against prevented, ix, 362; Cuban claims against Spain, x, 28-29, 249-251, 349-350, ¦ xii, 236-238; overture for purchase of, x, 165; purchase of, recommended in Buchanan's third annual message, x, 350, again in fourth annual mes sage, xi, 29; message on imprison ment of an American citizen in, x, 406. Cueto, Chevalier de, ix, 379. Cuevas, Mr., Mexican peace treaty, viii, 307. Cullen, Mrs., claim of, vii, 228-229. Culling, Mr., viii, 429. Culpeper, John, M. C, i, 281,282. Cumberland road (see Internal im provements) . Cuming, Robert, claim of the Patriota, vi, 179. Cummin, John, iii, 388. Cumming, Alfred, Governor of Utah, x, 153, 217, xii/212, 213. Cummings, appointed Brig. Gen., xi, 205. Cummins, Dr., sermon preached by, ix, 48. Cunningham Brothers, case of Sherwood, ix, 198, 205. Curll, William, iii, 388. Curnillon, Anselme, claim of, viii, 348. Currency, bank notes, iii, 479-481, S°8, 5", 512, 5*3, ST4, 5I5. 5l6, iv, 80-81, 151, 184-193, 194-207, 207—226, 255-263, 264-265, 269- 283, 312-313, 380-381, 405-407, 454, 493-495, v, 81, 84, 88-95; paper currency, i, 4, iii, 27-29, 252- 255, 257—258, 270-271, 273-276, 279-285, 286-289, 293-297, 299- 300, 302-303, 304-305, 307^312, 315-321, 330-336, 398-406, 427- 428, 432-435, 436, 440-458, 460- 462, 462-465, 467-471, 473-478, INDEX 365 479-481, 508, 511, 512, 513, 514, 515, 516, iv, 80, 91, 122-123, 137- 141, 151, 156-173, 184-193, i94- 207, 207-226, 255—263, 264-265, 269-283, 310-316, 380-381, 405- 407, 493-495, v, 46, 81, 84, 86-87, 88-93, 94-95, 156-163, x, 131-135, 263-265; specie currency, iii, 266- 270, 286—289, 293—297, 299—300, 302-303, 304-305, 307-312, 315- 321, 330-336, 398-406, 427-428, 432-435, 440-458, 460-462, 462- 465, 467-471, 473-478, 511-512, 5I3, 5J4, 5X5, 5J6, iv, 80, 117, 122- 123, i35, 146-148, 152-153, 154- 155, I56-i73, 184-193, 194-207, 210, 224, 226, 255—263, 264—265, 269-283, 310-316, 454, 488-489, 493-495, 505-506, 507, xii, 298- 299; paper currency during Civil War, xi, 232-233, 245, 351; treas ury notes, v, 97-98; Portuguese currency standard, iii, 267; Span ish standard, iii, 267; coin reserve in England, x, 131; currency dis criminations, iii, 458—460, 473—478. Curry, Jabez L. M., M. C, on Covode investigation, xii, 235. Curtin, Andrew G., governor of Pennsylvania, xi, 339, 367, 368. Curtis, George Ticknor, on Bu chanan's views on secession and co ercion, xii, 274. Curtis, Commander, H. M. S. S. Brisk, aid given by, to North Caro lina, ix, 371, 378. Curtis, Mr., collector of customs at New York, v, 143. Cushing, Caleb, M. C, vi, 454-455-, 459; minister to China, vii, 217; attorney general, ix, 437, 452, 453, 462, x, 26, 38; presidential nomi nations, 1852, viii, 457; his mission to South Carolina, xi, 68, 73 ; presi dent of Democratic national con vention of i860, xii, 53, 61, 65, 67; president of Breckinridge conven tion, i860, xii, 68; mentioned, ix, 15, 17, 18. Cust, Sir Edward, master of cere monies, x, 74; Buchanan's court dress question at London, ix, 75- 77, 87, 142, 157, 194, 361. Customs, losses in the collection of, i, 145 ; remarks on salaries of cus tom house officers, ii, 413-414; New York custom house investiga tion, v, 141-148; appropriation for custom house at Boston, 1842, v,. 195-197; exemption of diplomatic agents from customs duties, vii, 188-189. Cuthbert, Alfred, senator, ii, 465, iii, 51, 109, no-in, 112, 113, 114, 213, 357, 371, 425, 46o, 464, 507, v, 41, 64, 337. Cuthbert, John, consul at Ham burg, ii, 191, 327. Cutler, Mr., involved in an Oregon . boundary treaty dispute at Vic toria, x, 351. Cutts, Mr., x, 466. DABELSfEEN, O. L., Mexican vice- consul, letter to, exequatur, viii, 2 t 8. Dacotah Indians (see Sioux Indians) . Dade Institute, iv, 238-239. Dague, Theophile, complaint against American officers in Cali fornia, vii, 372. Dallas, George M., counsel in case of Passmore, ii, 89, 94; candidacy for vice-presidential nomination, ii, 178; repeal of U. S. Bank charter iii, 147-148, 166-167; letter from and to, Dallas' letter to Bradford committee, iii, 166-167; declines appointment as attorney general, iv, 125; in presidential campaign of 1840, iv, 319; toasts for Buchan an at Dallas dinner, iv, 321; cor respondence with him on invita tion of Democratic friends in Phila delphia to public entertainment, vi, 404-406; vice-president, vi, 78; Cameron's election to senate, vi, 138; letter to, French spoliation claims, vi, 465; letter to, Lizardi claim against Mexico, vii, 455—456, viii, 183 ; candidate for presidential nomination several times, vi, 69, 71, viii, 448, ix, 465; minister to Great Britain, ix, 23, x, 46, 48, 50, 51, 59, 61, 64, 65, 67, 71, 72, 74, 75, xi, 5°7, 5°8, 509; Dallas-Clarendon treaty, x, 87, 102-103, 114-116, 126, 127-218, 136-139, xi, 26; Orer gon boundary treaty dispute, x, 351; mentioned, iii, 129, 259, viii, 498, 501, ix, 488. Dallas, Philip N., secretary of legation at London, x, 74. Dallett Bros., letter to, claim against Venezuela, vii, 111-112. Danels, Commodore John D., claim for Erie and Diligence (see Colom bia). Daniels, Judge, Dred Scott case, x, 107. 366 INDEX D'Anville, M., map of northeastern boundaries, v, 363-364, 488. Darby, disbarment case of, ii, 127. Daring, H. B. M. S., ix, 448. Darlington, William M., et al., let ter to (see Errett, Russell). Darrah, Mark, iii, 388. Dart, Anson, supermtendent of In dian affairs in Oregon, x, 210, 211. Dartmouth College case, iii, 149-150, 151, iv, 467-469, 504. Daschkaw, Count, ii, 368. Davenport, J. A., et al., letter to (see Taylor, Nathaniel W.) . Davenport, William, case of Lt. Davis, vii, 390 et seq. Davenport, Mr., ix, 67. Davezac, Auguste, charg6 to Neth erlands, vi, 407; letter to, claims, viii, 219. Davidson, Dr. Robert, principal of Dickinson college, xii, 292. Davidson, George, case of, ix, 187. Davies, Henry E., presented at court in London, ix, 361. Davis, Lt. Alonzo B., case of (see Brazil). Davis, Garrett, senator, his resolu tion on Buchanan, xi, 323, 324, 325. Davis, Isaac, iv, 326. Davis, Dr. James Belton, engaged to cultivate cotton in Turkey, vii, 62-63, 236, 434. Davis, Jefferson, letter from, slav ery resolutions of 1820, viii, 371- 372; on slavery question, viii, 371, 374, 375, 376; letter to, same sub ject, viii, 372-3 74 ; secretary of war, ix, 112; senator, attitude on slavery question, xi, 49; on Kansas ques tion, x, 225; his proposed nomina tion for president at Democratic national convention, i860, xii, 60, 270; Buchanan's recommendation for constitutional amendment, xii, 116; on Crittenden compromise, xii, 119, 120, 121; on Buchanan's views against secession, xii, 115; his view on secession and nullifica tion, xii, 271, 272, 276; presents to senate, South Carolina commis sioners' letter to Buchanan, xii, 162-163; Floyd's resignation, xii, 168; letter to him and other sena tors, Col. Hayne, reenforcement of Southern forts, xii, 178-179; presi dent of Confederacy, xii, 283 ; order to Beauregard to bombard Ft. Sumter, xi, 51, 141-143, 186; the Civil War, xi, 180, 190, 203, 213, 214, 221, 254, 258, 287, 395; men tioned, ix, 15, 17, 18 (see also Wig- fall, Louis T.). Davis, John, senator, ii, 106-107, 108—109, no, in, 113, 197, 212— 213, 357, 372, 425, 457, 460, 464, 5°7, iv, 133, l65, J93, 194-207, 265, 286-288, 308-309, 327, 328, xii, 5; letter to, state extradition ex penses, vi, 424-426. Davis, John W., speaker of house, letters to: state department or ganization, vi, 411; consular sys tem, vii, 154, state department expenses, vii, 189—190; claim of British subject, vii, 211; bank ruptcies, vii, 50-51, 221; commis sioner to China, letters to: extra territorial jurisdiction, viii, 176- 177, 201; claim of Rev. Mr. Roberts, flag over consulate, viii, 341-342. Davis, N. H., letter to, passports for persons of color, vii, 236—237. Davis, Scott, vii, 236. Davis, Warren R., M. C, ii, 55, 56- 66. Davis, Brooks & Co., letter to, Buchanan declines to requisition from Texas a fugitive criminal, vi, 221—222. Davydoff, Prof., ii, 359, 360. Dayton, William Lewis, senator, v, 440, vi, 56. D'Azeglio, x, 41. Dead Sea, exploration of, by Lieut. Lynch, vii, 433, 437. Dean, Joseph A., iii, 385; corre spondence on invitation of Demo cratic friends in Philadelphia to public entertainment, v, 404-406. Deane, Youle & Co., ix, 99. Dearborn, Henry, senator, iii, 32. Debts (see Public debts). Declaration of Independence, refer ence to veto of colonial laws, v, H5- Declaration of Paris, xi, 218-219, 234-235- Dedal, Mr., ii, 394. De facto governments (see Sover eignty).. Defense, against invasion, iv, 111- 112; President Polk's message on increase of, vi, 428-430; troops available for, i860, x, 372. Deffebach, Lewis, deputy marshal, militia fines collected by, i, 22. Degraff, John L, M. C, i, 362. De Kalb, Maj. Gen. Baron, re marks on bill for relief of heirs of, v, 403-404; mentioned, iv, 292. viii, 482. Dekay, G. C, vii, 186. Delassus, Col., Lt. Gov. of Upper Louisiana, ii, 140. INDEX 367 Delaware, in election of 1824-5, i, 120; Chesapeake and Delaware Canal, i, 130; controversy with New Jersey as to Pea Patch Island, v, 440. Delaware canal (see Chesapeake and Delaware canal). Delaware Indians (see Indians). Delaware River, routes for canals be tween Raritan River and, i, 130; commission on use of waters of, ii, 399—400, 400—401. De Leon's review of Buchanan's administration, xi, 412. Delessert, Benjamin, French dep uty, report on Rives' treaty of July 4, 1831, ii, 476. De Luze, L. P., Swiss consul, letter to, extradition, vii, 416. Democratic convention, at Lan caster, 1840, speech before, vi, 288— 320; of Indiana, letter in response to request of, views on national issues, 1843, v, 421-422 (see, also, Democratic party). Democratic party, War of 1812, i, 3— 9; Bank of United States, ii, 397, 398, iii, 115 et seq., 425; supports Gen. Jackson, ii, 397, 398; Fourth of July (1830) celebration, iv, 1; Independent treasury bill, iv, 287; Democratic administration, 1837- 184 1, iv, 288-320; presidential election, 1840, iv, 322-323; Oregon question, vi, 342 ; national conven tion, 1844, vi, 2-3, 4, 6-7; politics, 1849, viii, 363, xi, 483; Buchanan's party affiliation, viii, 363-364, xi, 467 ; the party in 1853, xi, 350, 353; national convention at Cincinnati, 1856, x, 81-97; national nomina tions, i860, x, 457-464; sustains Dred Scott decision, xii, 41, 53; national convention of i860, at Charleston, xii, 53-61, 71; at Balti more, xii, 68 ; Breckinridge conven tion, xii, 68—69; supports the Civil War, xi, 276, 278, 336; the party in 1863, xi, 336, 350, 353; in 1864, xi, 356, 358, 359, 370, 372; m 1867, xi, 434-43 5 ; warned country of danger wrought by slavery question, xii, 81; the party, xi, 441-442 (see also Douglas Democracy). Democrats, of Centre County, de clines invitation of, iv, 263-265; attitude of Pennsylvania Demo crats, towards Buchanan's candi dacy for president, 1842, v, 254- 255; invitation of Democratic friends in Philadelphia to public entertainment, v, 404-406; Bu chanan favorite candidate of Penn sylvania Democracy, for presi dential nomination of 1845, v, 415- 417; his address withdrawing as a presidential candidate, v, 437-439. Denmark, treaty of Roeskild, 1658, viii, 220; commercial treaty, April 26, 1826, i, 243, 244; vii, 235, viii, 315-316, 346; relations with, iv, 361; modification of Sound and Belt dues and treaty of April n, 1857, vii, 24-25, viii, 220-225, ix, 3.3o, 345-346, x, 164, 178; fishing rights on Greenland coast, vii, 234— 235; war with Prussia, viii, 181, 206, 220, 359, 361; Danish blockade, viii, 83-84, 88, 196, 206-207; com mercial arrangement with Hol stein, viii, 237; Crimean war, ix, 141, 147, 155; extradition treaty, Aug- 21, 1857, x, 165-166. Dennen, Job, vii, 153. Dennison, Capt., case of, vi, 221- 222. Dennison, C W., consul at Deme- rara, ix, 67. Dent, Henry H., Pennsylvania dele gate to Breckinridge convention, i860, xii, 69. Denver, James Wilson, admission of Kansas, x, 200-202. Department of state, report on con tingent expenses, vi, 337; report on organization of, vi, 411—422; expenses of, vii, 189—190, 465, 487, viii, 257, examiner of claims for, viii, 102-103; clerks in, viii, 281; employees in, viii, 357-358 (see, also, Claims; Secretary of State). Depositories (see Banks; Public officers) . Deputy attorney general of Penn sylvania, Buchanan's application for position of, i, 1. Derby, Earl of, unsuccessful at tempt to form new ministry, ix, 341; Clayton-Bulwer treaty, x, 27, 28, 30—31, 200, 322. Derrick, William S., act. sec. ot state, case of Lt. Davis, vii, 388, 405. Derrick, Mr., viii, 357, 358. De Tocqueville, on American gov ernment, iv, 75, 84, 85-87. Dewart, Lewis, iii, 381. De Witt, Charles G., charg6 d' affaires to Central America, treaty of July 14, 1838, viii, 82, 84. Diary, March 21, 1832, reflections on departure for Russia, ii, 182; April 8, 1832, voyage to Liverpool, ii, 183-184; May 4, 1832, Liverpool, ii, 184-185; May 5, 1832, Manchester, ii, 185; May 22-24, 1832, Hamburg- 368 INDEX Altona.ii, 190-192; June 4-2 7, 1833, Novgorod Moscow-monastery of Troitza,ii,348-363; Julyi-13, 1833, fete at Peterhoff, ii, 368-369; Aug. 8-Sept. 13, 1833, journey to Paris, Princess Lieven, Prussian affairs, Paris, Count Pozzo di Borgo, Lafayette, Due de Broglie, Euro pean politics, ii, 383-392; Sept. 23-24, 1833, dinner at Prince Lieven's, Talleyrand, Lord Pal merston, Prince Esterhazy, dinner at Lord Palmerston's, Baron Von Biilow, American and English shipbuilding and navigation, ii, 394-396 (see, also, Autobiog raphy) . Dickens, Asbury, Mexican rela tions, iii, 218; secretary of senate, vii, 167, 172, 173; letter to, copies of Mexican treaties, viii, 30. Dickerson, Mahlon, secretary of the navy, xi, 47. Dickerson, Mr., clerk of U. S. ife District court in New Jersey, vii, 206. Dickey, Mr., support of Muhlen berg for senatorship, iii, 129. Dickinson, Mr., ii, 267, 427, 429. Dickinson, Daniel S., New York politics, ix, 102; candidate for presidential nomination at Demo cratic national convention, i860, xii, 60, 67; at Breckinridge con vention, xii, 69; mentioned, xi, 319. Dickinson college, Buchanan de clines to endow professorship at, xi, 387; Buchanan at, xii, 291-293. Dickson, Mr., outrages against fam ily, in Palestine, x, 210. Dietz, Capt., ii, 384. Diligence, case of the (see Columbia) . Dillinger, Jacob, iii, 388. Dillingham, Paul, Jr., letter to, boundary between Vermont and Lower Canada, vii, 181-182. Dillon, Mr., x, 95, xi, 343. Dimitri, Danshoy, ii, 361, 362. Dimitry, Alexander, recommended for appointment as secretary of legation at Mexico, vi, 265; minister to Nicaragua, letter to, Commodore Vanderbilt's object to open Nicaragua route, x, 335. Dimond, F. M., consul at Vera Cruz, American overtures to Mexico, vi, 261; letter to, events in Mexico, vi, 282. Dino, Duchess de, ii, 394. Diplomatic conduct and relations (see Intercourse of states; partic ular countries). Director and Pallas, cases of, vii, 48, 153- Dismal Swamp canal, remarks on, i, 174-177- "Disputed Territory Fund" account (see Great Britain; Maine; Massa chusetts) . Disraeli, Benjamin, M. P., on rela tions between United States and Great Britain, x, 52. Distilleries, i, 6. Distribution of copies of laws and state papers, remarks on, v, 153- I55' , , - District attorneys, fees of, 111, 321— 323; at New York, appropria tion for salary of, 1842, v, 194-195. District courts (see Courts). District of Columbia, cession of, by Maryland and Virginia, iii, 21, 26; legislation recommended for, x, 163, 276, 370, 'xi, 43; laws of, x, 197; Washington: sale of public lots in, i, 117; erection of market- house, x, 330—331; troops in, 1861, xi, 152-154; as a place for resi dence, xi, 480—481, 484 (see, also, Banks, in D. C. ; Slavery question, in D.C). Disturnell's map, viii, 123. Disunionists, party in South Caro lina, xii, 79. Dix, John A., xi, 163, 164, 186, 203, 205, 210, 211, 212, 214, 252, 262, 263, 265, 266, 268, 269, 271, 344, 364, 365, 444-445, xii, 270, 275, 279; secretary of the treasury, xii, 9 5 ; correspondence with, Maj . Anderson, Fort Sumter, his mem bership in Buchanan's cabinet, xi, 168-169; Fort Sumter, xi, 173- 174; Major Anderson, Lincoln's administration, xi, 175—176; Twiggs, Civil War, xi, 181-182; Civil War, xi, 184, 184-185; offer of military command to Dix, xi, 197; his appointment as major general, xi, 206; arming of slaves, eman cipation, xi, 230-231. Dix, Mrs. John A., xi, 174. Dixon, Archibald, senator, xii, 17. Dixon, James, senator, xii, 125. Dixon, Nathan F., senator, iv, 281. Dobbin, James C, secretary of navy, ix, 17, 18, 112; letter to, Buchan an's presidential campaign, the Central American question, x, 86- 87. Dock, Judge, ix, 108. Doctrine of instruction (see Legis lative instruction). Doddridge, Philip, M. C, ii, 41. Dodge, Henry, letter to, Wisconsin territorial laws, viii, 127. Dodge, Gen. Henry, viii, 126-127. INDEX 369 Dodge, William Earl, New York member of Virginia peace conven tion, xii, 131. Dodson, R. B., et al., correspond ence on invitation of Democratic friends in Philadelphia to public entertainment, v, 404-406. Dohnert, John H., et al. (see Dodson, R. B.). Dolphin, H. B. M. S., seizure of the Jones, vii, 107. Domicile, residence and habitation, vii, 197-198; question of Bu chanan's, while secretary of state, viii, 445-446; Koszta case, ix, 45, 67-69. Dominguez, Gregorio, New Gran adian consul general, commercial treaty, vii, 43. Donagan, James, iii, 388. Donaldson, John J., letter to, case of the Morris, vii, 167-168. Donelson, Andrew J., writes to, in regard to proceedings at Nashville convention, 1844, vi, 62; charge to Texas, letters to, Texan annexa tion, vi, 120—124, 152—153, 159— 160, 164-165, 1 71-175; his mission, vi, 130, 223, viii, 241, 242; Texan tonnage duties on American ves sels, vi, 161; letter to, recall, vi, 211; appointed minister to Prussia, vi, 343, 387, 466-467; letters to: treaty with Nassau, vii, 38; treaty with Bavaria, Jan., 21, 1845, vii, 60—61 ; exequatur to Chas. Graebe, consul, vii, 168-172; conference with Baron Gerolt, vii, 227; com mercial treaties, vii, 302—303, 382— 384; question of new commercial treaty with Germany, convention with Hesse Cassel, vii, 431—432; French revolution, viii, 41; the German Confederation, viii, 130— 131; minister to German Confed eration, viii, 151; letters to : his nomination, viii, 152-154; his mis sion, viii, 167—169; commercial treaty Germanic Confederation, viii, 237—239; recall of Baron Ger olt, viii, 254; Baron Roenne, arrest of seaman at Bremerhaven, viii, 275-276; Baron Roenne's recep tion, viii, 342. Donelson, Miss, iv, 119. Donnell, J. R., iii, 388. Doolittle, James R., senator, xii, 116, 125. Doon, John G., Spanish vice-consul at Savannah, viii, 299. Dorado, El, claim of, against Spain, x, 140-14 1. Dougherty, Mr., iii, 195, 276. 24 Douglas, Sir James, governor of Vancouver's Island, x, 293, 351. Douglas, Stephen A., senator, on the Oregon question, vi, 352; court dress question, ix, 76; his candidacy for presidential nomi nation, 1852, viii, 426, 429, 430, 447, 448, 455; in 1856, ix, 486; Douglas party, ix, 17, xi, 276, 329; on Kansas-Nebraska question, x, 177, 225, xii, 17; his meeting with Van Buren, x, 320; on slavery in the territories, x, 325, 465; candi date for the presidency, x, 457-465, xi, 1 ; the Douglas Democracy, xi, 373, 406 ; votes cast for him at Cin cinnati convention of 1856, xi, 389; Douglas Democracy repu diated Dred Scott decision, xii, 39; on Buchanan's recommenda tion for constitutional amendment, xii, 1 16 ; on Crittenden compromise, xii, 120, 121, 143; his nomination for President at Democratic na tional convention, i860, xi, 516, xii, 56, 57, 59, 60, 61, 62, 66, 67-68, 69; the "Douglas convention," xi, 516, xii, 53—68; mentioned, ix, 166, 169, 428. Douglas, Thomas, district attorney at Philadelphia, letter to, investi gation of shipwrecking on Bahama Islands, vi, 205, 281. Douglass, George H., case of, vi, 170-171. Douglass, case of, viii, 62-63. Dow, Jesse E., et al., letter to, viii, 357- Downs, Solomon W., U. S. district attorney, Louisiana, letter to, infraction by Louisiana of treaty with Sardinia, vi, 280. D'Oxholme, General, mentioned, ix, 311, 425, 427, x, 7; Madam D'Oxholme, x, 7. Drake, Mr., bearer of despatches, ix, 208. Drayton, William, M. C, i, 232, 368, ii, 17, 53. Dred Scott vs. Sandford, decision (see Slavery question). Drew, Capt., attack upon the Caroline, iv, 411, 413, 434, 435, 438, 439, 440, v, 239, 347. Driggs, Seth, claim of the Native, vi, 176, vii, 355. Drinker, Justice, matter of Metz ger, vii, 106, 115. Driscoll, Michael, case of Lt. Davis, vii, 390 et seq., 458—460, 463-464. Droit d'aubaine, abolition of, nego tiations with Russia, ii, 222-223, 370 INDEX 250-251; Bavarian convention, Jan. 21, 1845, vi, 129-130, 467, vii, 60-61; treaty with Saxony, vi, 343, 467; proposed treaty with Hesse-Cassel, 1846, vii, 4, 432; treaty with Nassau, vii, 18, 38; convention with Austria, vii, 370- 371; treaty with Switzerland, May 18, 1847, vii, 483, viii, 52. Droit detraction, treaty with Saxony for abolition of, vi, 343, 467. "Drop of blood" slander, iii, 250- 251, viii, 363-364, 370, 442-446. Drouyn de L'Huys, French minister for foreign affairs, ix, 276, 287, 321, 35o. Drown, William A., iv, 182. Drum, Richard C, vii, 117, ix, 16, 17. Drydocks, at Philadelphia, iii, 407— 408; appropriation for, iv, 267- 268. Duane, William B., secretary of treasury, ii, 367; his removal, iii, 173-174, 180-181. Dublin, the, case of, ix, 206. Duck (see Duties). Duckwitz, Mr., his proposal of a commercial treaty with German Confederation, viii, 238. Dupaitelle, Mr., case of the Jeune Nelly, viii, 286. Duffy, John, consul at Galway, ix, 139- Du Hammel, Russian Colonel in Rus- so-Turkish war, ii, 326. Duling, Capt. Thomas, case of, vi, 229-230, 259-260. Dullye, Eugene, expulsion from Prussia, x, 423. Dumon, Pierre Sylvain, French deputy, ii, 502. Duncan, Captain, voyage through Straits of Fuca, vi, 217. Duncan, Gen., quarrel with Gen. Scott, viii, 468. Duncan, Mr., counsel to General Jackson on occasion of imposition of fine upon him by Judge Hall, v, 241. Dunham, Mary, viii, 389. Dunham, Mrs., ix, 74. Dunlap, C. J., xi, 335. Dunlap, R. P., claim of Wm. Bux ton, vii, 183. Dunlop, James, letter to, resents reported attack, iii, 251-252. Dunning, Mr., on executive power, v, 66. Dupin, Andre M. J. J., president of French chamber, ii, 388, 390. Dupont (Jacques Charles) de l'Eure, in provisional govern ment of France, viii, 3-4. Du Pont, Commander Samuel Francis, in Hawaii, viii, 186. Duponte, Mr., ix, 485. Duquesne, centennial anniversary of, reply to invitation to, x, 233-234. Durango, case of the, viii, in. Durant, Thomas J., district at torney, letters to : Legendre extra dition proceedings, vii, 267, 312- 313, expedition against Mexico, viii, 192-195, case of the Jeune Nelly, viii, 289. Durfee, Job, M. C, i, 23, 67, 363. Durfee, murder of, McLeod's case, iii, 360, 362, iv, 409—427, 428-451, v, 220, 347, 349. Durham, Lord, special mission to Russia, ii, 220, 228, 235—236, 238, v, 27; Canada, iv, 179. Durkee, Chas., senator, xii, 125. Duties, mode of assessing, x, 266, 366, xi, 39-42; on chinaware, i, 334; coal, iii, 223-231, v, 388-391, 401, vii, 44, 73, 117-118, xi, 491; coffee, v, 34, 35, 74, 328-332; Brazilian coffee, vii, 440; coffee from Netherlands, vi, 333—334, vii, 80; cotton, i, 60, 62-63, 68, 343; cotton bagging, i, 81-84, xii, 304; Holland duck, i, 97; raven duck, i, 97; Russian duck, i, 97; sail duck, ii, 233; fisheries, i, 349- 350; flax, i, 68, 332, 333, 334, 348; flour (see grain) ; French imports, ii, 471-472; glass, i, 87; grain, i, 69; hemp, i, 69, 89-94, 98-113, 243, 246, 332, 333, 334-350, ", 233, xii, 303; iron, i, 67-68, 332, 333, 334, 339, 344, 345, 346, 347, 348, 363-364, 11, 233, V, 40-42, *&, 325-326, 388-391, 396-397; vii, 40-42, 44, 73, 117-118, xii, 303, 304; bar iron, i, 85-88, 97-113; railroad iron, v, 73-74, 317-319, 410-415, 447-448, vi, 45-56; lead, i, 87; molasses, i, 334-359, 362- 363; paper, i, 87; pictures, v, 43; rough rice, vii, 496; rum (see spirits) ; salt, iv, 49-53 ; silk, iy, 175-177, 235-238; French silks, ii, 471; spirits, i, 69-70, 221- 227, 241, 243, 246, 249, 332, 333, 334, 339, 342, 343, 351-359, 361- 362; sugar, i, 68, 356-357, 358; Cuban and Porto Rican sugar, vi, 228-229; tea, v, 34, 35, 74; tea and coffee, v, 328-332; tobacco, i, 343, vii, 57, x, 414; tonnage, i, 99-113, 336-351; umbrellas, iv, 1 81-182; tonnage duties imposed by states, x, 385; on American vessels in Cuba, vii, 78-79; on American vessels in China, treaty INDEX 371 of July 3, 1844, vii, 501-502; on Dutch and Belgian vessels and cargoes, iii, 21 1-2 13; on American vessels in New Granada, x, 261—262; on Spanish vessels, Act of Aug. 3, 1846, vii, 438-439, 446; wheat, i, 84-85; whiskey, i, 6; French wines, ii, 471, vi, 185; Portuguese wines, vii, 22, 220; Sicilian wines, vii, 77; wool and woolens, i, 67, 89, 233-235, 235- 237, 239_243, 246-249, 272, 273, 274, 318-319, 320-328; 330-334, 345, 352, 362, xii, 304-305; re marks on reduction in, iii, 221, 222—223, 223—231, 231—232, 241; Cuban, vi, 286-287; paid at Odessa, ii, 317, 319, 326-328; in two Sicilies on American articles, vi, 307; remarks on bill to refund, ii, 406 ; refunding excess on Portu guese wines, vi, 334, 432, vii, 218; mutual claims of Great Britain and United States for excess duties, vi, 290—292, 317-319, 320, 383-384, 427-428, 468-469, 492, 499, vii, 27, 75; British claims for refunding duties on woolens, ix, 384-385, 387; refunding, on Span ish wines, vi, 225; refunding on Spanish vessels, vi, 182-183, 333> 393-394, vii, 54, 75; refunding, Act of May 8, 1846, vii, 207 ; boun ties on fish, iv, 49; discriminating duties, i, 99-113, 336-351; °« Brazilian vessels, vii, 430-431, 432, 440-441, suspended, vii, 451-452; on Dutch and Belgian vessels, iii, 2 1 1-2 13; imposed by New Gran ada, vii, 214; in Uruguayan ports, viii, 282; drawbacks, remarks on, i, 136, 380-381; on brandy, i, 221-227; coal, v, 390: fish, i, 95; dried fish and fish oil, i, 226; nankeens, i, 95-97; rum, i, 350- 351; salt, iv, 50; i, 95-97; spirits, i, 95; sugar, i, 95 (see, also, Com merce; Reciprocity; Russia, com mercial treaty with U. S. ; Tariff; particular countries). Dutton, Henry, et al., letter to (see Taylor, Nathaniel W.). Dwight, Henry W., M. C, i, 215, 363-364, ii, 54- Dwight, Timothy, et al., letter to (see Taylor, Nathaniel W.). Dyer, Leon, letter to, travel through Mexico, viii, 276. Dysart, Mr., member of Pennsyl vania legislature, xii, 298. Eames, Charles, commissioner to Hawaii, letter to, treaty with Hawaii, viii, 333-336. Earp, Mr., president of Lehigh Crane Iron Co., vi, 52. East India Company, iii, 429. East Indies, the East India bill, v, 49, 113-114; cultivation of cotton in, promoted by England, vi, 14, 1 o 1 ; insurrection in, x, 123. East Tennessee, courts-martial of delinquent militiamen in, i, 21 (see, also, Tennessee). Eaton, Maj. John H., election of 1825, i, 261, 267, 268, 271; corre spondence with Buchanan on lat- ter's mission to Russia, ii, 173, 176; his correspondence with Gen. Jack son, on same subject, ii, 174-176. Eckford, Henry, vii, 186. Economy, the, claim of, vi, 177-178, vii, 186. Ecuador, claims against, vi, 175; cases of Sarah Wilson, Native, and Morris, vii, 67, 68; commer cial treaty, June 13, 1839, vii, 184, viii, 65, 346; appropriation for mission to, vii, 482 ; relations with, viii, 64-69; expedition of Gen. Flores, viii, 65; treaty with Vene zuela, and New Granada, Dec. 23, 1834, viii, 66; cases of Josephine and Ranger, viii, 66-67. Edinburgh Review, vi, 15, 42—43. Edmonds, John Worth, Judge, mat ter of Metzger, vii, 115, 124—125, 245-246, 447, 448, 453, 454, viii, 171. Edmonston, B. B., et al., letter to, viii, 355-357- Education, Buchanan's, xii, 291-293. Edwards, Amory, consul at Buenos Ayres, relations with Paraguay, vi, 166, 167. Edwards, Arthur, and associates, veto of bill for relief of, x, 418-420. Edwards, Ninian, ex-senator from Illinois, memorial of, i, 11 8-1 19. Edwards, Mr., ii, 367-368. Effort, the, register of, vii, 248. Egypt, Russia aids Turkey in con flict with, ii, 309-311, 315, 316, 318, 326, 327, 329-330, 331, 336- 337; cultivation of cotton in, pro moted by England, vi, 14, 101; re lations with, viii, 227—228. Eicholtz, his painting of Buchanan, xii, 330. 372 INDEX Eichthal, William von, et al., letter to (see Uhl, Jacob). Elder, Thomas, letter to, on elec tion of President, 1824-1825, i, 119-121, 132-133. Election, of President by House, remarks on, i, 133-136; speech on interference of federal officers with, iv, 54-91; Buchanan mem ber of committee for constitu tional amendment as to, xii, 304; district system of, in Alabama, v, 283 (see, also, Apportionment bill; Presidency; Politics). Elective franchise, generally, iv, 61- 62 ; territorial law for Indiana, iv, 289-320; proposal to amend Vir ginia constitution, iv, 289-290; provisions in Michigan constitu tion, iii, 35-36, 36-50; negro suffrage, xi, 445, 451, 452, 453, 455. Elgin, James Bruce, Earl of, visit to United States, vii, 297; gov ernor general of Canada, speech at banquet to, ix, 173-175, 176; fishery treaty, ix, 246; special British envoy, xi, 491. Elisa, western American explora tions of, vi, 246. Elizabeth, Empress, of Russia, ii, 264, 362, 363. Ellesmere, Earl of, governor gener al of Canada, toast to Mr. Buchanan, ix, 173, 1 7 7, -fishery question, ix, 182. Ellen, the, ix, 482. Ellen Augusta, the, case of, viii, 242- 243- Ellice, Mr., x, 27. Ellicott, Andrew, commissioner under treaty with Spain of Oct. 20, 1795, », 2, 3', 4, 6, 10. Elliot, Sir Charles, British charge to Texas, vi, 44, 171, 174. Elliot, Mr., commissioner from South Carolina to Paris exposition, ix, 427. Elliott, Jonathan, American Dip lomatic Code, vi, 151. Ellis, Powhatan, charge to Mexico, relations with Mexico, iii, 215, 218, 233, 234, 236. Ellis, Mrs., vi, 3, vii, 376, viii, 385, xi, 424. Ellmaker, N., et al., letter to, ix, 26—27. Ellsworth, Henry W., charg6 to Sweden and Norway, letters to: rejection of proffered sale of St. Bartholomew, vi, 212; commercial intercourse, vii, 302, 304-307; men tioned, viii, 109-110. Ellsworth, Oliver, delegate to Federal convention, vi, 18. Ellsworth, William W., M. C, on revolutionary pensions, ii, 14, 67- 80. Elmore, Franklin H., vii, 21, 63, 236. Ely, Edward, consul at Bombay, letter to, crimes aboard vessel, ix, 253-255- Embargo acts, i, 3, 8. Embil & Co., case of, vii, 380-381. Emerson, John B., claim of, viii, 298-299. Emerson, Ralph Waldo, on Lin coln's course, xii, 282. Emigration, Bavarian convention, Jan. 21, 1845, for abolition of tax on, vi, 129-130, 467, vii, 60-61; treaty with Hesse-Cassel, 1846, as to tax on, vii, 4 ; abolition of tax on, treaty with Nassau, vii, 18,38; con sular certificates of, unauthorized, vii, 324-325; abolition of tax on, convention with Austria, vii, 370- 371; abolition of tax on, treaty with Switzerland, May 18, 1847, vii, 483 ; abolition of tax on, treaty with Swiss Confederation May 18, 1847, viii, 52 (see, also, Immigra tion). Eminent domain, remarks on Pea Patch Island, v, 439-442. Emlen, Mr., ii, 388. Emory, Wm. H., et al., letter to, running boundary between U. S. and Mexico, viii, 290, 293, 294, 323. 325- Emory, Major William Hemsley, on boundary between Mexico and U. S., vii, 368, 369. Enemy's property (see War). England (see Great Britain). English, Charles L., et al., letter to (see Taylor, Nathaniel W). Engle, Judge, ii, 368. Engle, Mr., recommended for judge ship, iv, 31-32. Enlistments, bill for, in Pennsyl vania legislature, xii, 294-296 (see, also, Great Britain; Nation ality; National Jurisdiction; Re cruitments) . Entangling alliances, George Wash ington on, v, 356; British pro posal as to Holy Alliance, xii, 252- 256; Poinsett's negotiations with Mexico, i, 177-179, 179-182; Pan ama mission, i, 182— 211; Para guay warned against, vi, 167; British proposal on privateering, ix, 164; Dallas' treaty with Eng land, involving, x, 102-103, 115. Enterprise, the, case of, decision of . Joshua Bates, umpire, ix, 312. INDEX 373 Erie, the, seizure by Colombia (see Colombia) . Erie, marine hospital at, iii, 389. Eris, the case of, vi, 179. Errata, table of contents, vii, p. xx, letter to Mr. Ward, Oct. 7, 1847, p. 428, "Instructs him as to Turk ish proposal" etc., should be "as to proposal of sultan of Muscat," etc. Errett, Russell, et al., letter to, reply to invitation to centennial anniversary of Fort Duquesne, x, 233-234- Erskine, Lord, ii, 89. Escuda de Veragua, viii, 80, 91. Eskridge, Mr., viii, 414, 422, 439, 440, ix, 34, 48, 74, 159. ESPARTERO, SENOR, ix, 247, 253. Espiegle, H. B. M. S., ix, 448. Espy, James P., petition of, iv, 32- 33; mentioned, iv, 248; meteoro logical observations by, v, 419- 420. Estates abroad, fictitious, xi, 492- 493- Esteel, Charles, case of, vii, 497- 498. ESTERHAZY, PRINCE, ii, 394, 395; Austrian ambassador at St. Peters burg, peace of Crimean war, xi, 507- Estevan, the, viii, 243. Estil, Benjamin, M. C, i, 207. Euxine, the, proposal in Crimean war peace negotiations for neu tralization of, ix, 475. Eulogy, April 18, 1842, on Joseph Lawrence, v, 191-192 (see, also, Addresses; Remarks; Resolutions; Speeches) . Europe, limitation of bankrupt law in countries of, i, 26-27; politics, ii, 389—393, 471; European con federation, designed by Frederick the Great, vi, 11, 103 (see, also, particular countries in Europe). Eurydice, H. B. M. S., ix, 448. Eustis, William P., Jr., et al., letter to (see Taylor, Nathaniel W.) . Eustis, Mrs., death of, xi, 457, 459. Evans, George, senator, iv, 300, 480, 508, v, 38, 171, 172, 181, 189, 197, 198, 200, 204, 287, 296, 297, 328, 391. 410, 415. 42o, 424, 514, vi, 45. 47. 48, 51, 52, 53, 56, 102, vii, 68, 113, 114; letter to, appro priation for peace commissioners to Mexico, vii, 227; spoken for place in Taylor's cabinet, xi, 481. Evans, John, geologist, x, 212. Evans, Mr., viii, 414, 441. Evening Journal, Albany, on seces sion, xii, 273. Evens, Benjamin, ii, 171. Everett, Alexander H., minister to Spain, journal of commissioners Ellicott and Minor' for running southern boundary, ii, 10; report on relief of, iv, 248-249; commis sioner to China, letter to, his commission, vi, 139-140; his mis sion, vi, 334-335; letter to, his judicial and diplomatic functions, vi, 141-144; letter to, treaty with China, vi, 145; letter to, em powered to negotiate with Japan, vii, 15; letter to, Dr. Parker's appointment, riots, treaty of July 3, 1844, extraterritorial jurisdic tion, Dr. Parker's claim, vii, 201- 204; his ill-health, vii, 217; letter to, extraterritorial jurisdiction in China, protection, vii, 315-316; al lowance for his burial, vii, 452; appointment of Peter Parker as charge upon death of, vii, 454-455; monument to, viii, 60. Everett, Edward, M. C, i, 196, 208, 209, 227, 228—229, 286, 290, 291, 292, 293, 294, 299, 300, 301, 303, 316, 317; minister to Great Britain, letter to, American im prisoned at Van Diemen's land, vi, 157; letter to, recalled, vi, 185- 186; other matters, vi, 275, 309, 320, vii, 81, 107-108; letter to, monument to Alexander H. Ever ett, viii, 60; secretary of state, ix, 6, 7, 18, 19, 68, 89, 301; candi date for vice-president, xi, 303, xii, 87; mentioned, vi, 139, xi, 411. Ewing, Thomas, senator, ii, 412, iii, 7, 46, 47, 51, 104, 109, no, 111, H3, i33~I34, I43-I44, 199. 205, 464; mentioned for postmaster general, xi, 486; Tennessee dele gate to Breckinridge convention, i860, xii, 69. Ewing, Gen. Thomas, Jr., xi, 464. Ewing, William L. D., senator, iii, 51, v, 20. Exchange vs. McFadden, viii, 236. Exchequer, board of (see Bank). Exchequer chambers (see Great Britain, judiciary). Executive, removal of officers, ii, 421-434, i», 173-174, iv, 144-145, 382-385, 451-452, 455-460, v, 163; postponement of expenditures by President, iv, 283-286; executive influence, independent treasury bill, iv, 141-145; executive patron age, board of exchequer, v, 85; proviso to appropriation bill of 1842, as to appointment of special agents abroad, v, 201-204; mes- 374 INDEX sages on foreign relations not ques tionable by foreign governments, ii, 5o5-5°7. 5!3, viii, 329-330; executive influence in award of public contracts, xi, 39; Buchanan recommends private construction of Pacific railroad, x, 364-365; duties and powers: the Covode in vestigation, x, 399-405, 435-443, xii, 2 1 8-2 3 5 ; proviso in Washington aqueduct appropriation as to army appointee, x, 452-455; in refer ence to secession and coercion, xi, 17-18, 94-99, xii, 108—109; as to ad interim appointments, Floyd's resignation, xi, 106 — 109; veto power, v, 98-139, 253, 320-324, 422, viii, 371, 434, 463, 474, x, 380, 384; lack of authority to punish master of vessel for abduc tion of Argentine deserter, vii, 497—498; over public lands, viii, 207; as to army, viii, 156; failure of Congress to enable Buchanan to prepare against Civil War, xii, 116, 134, 141; Buchanan's refusal to approve hasty legislation of end of congressional session, x, 162- 163, 276-277. Expansion, territorial (see Annexa tion, Louisiana; Florida; Texas; Oregon; California; New Mexico; Cuba; Yucatan). Expatriation (see Nationality). Expenditures, classes of, Polk's mes sage on Webster's expenditures in connection with northeastern boundary, vi, 455-459 (see, also, Public expenditures). Exports (see Duties; Imports; Tar iff; particular countries). Express, H. B. M. S., ix, 448. Expunging resolutions, the Gen. Jackson, ii, 449, 450, iii, 326- 327, iv, 82 (see, also, Jackson, Andrew) . Extradition, requisition from Texas for fugitive criminal refused, vi, 221-222; case of James W. Grogan, vi, 359-36o, 397-398; payment of expense of interstate, vi, 424-426; case of Legendre, vii, 247-248, 267, 312-313 ; case of Metzger, vii, 106- 107, 115, 124-125, 204, 229—230, 233, 234, 245-246, vii, 447, 448- 451, 453-454, viii, 149, 171; case of a French military deserter, vii, 3 14- 3 1 5 ; in absence of a treaty Porpoise affair in Brazil and other cases, vi, 269-271, vii, 410-411, 416, viii, 45- 46; of citizens, vii, 420; policy in respect to, vii, 420; case of Seely, viii, 73 ; bill to secure treaties for viii, 110-111; act of 1848, viii, 192; case of Paramore, et al., ix,i4o, 150, 151, 170; British legislation pursu ant to treaty of Aug. 9, 1842, ix, 143-144; for crimes on high seas, consular treaty negotiations with Great Britain, ix, 382-383, 455; for crimes on high seas, Johnson case, ix, 386-387, 388, 389; of fugitive slaves, xi, 44-45, 48-49; power of federal government to compel surrender by a state, Gaines case, xi, 169 (see, also, Bavaria; Belgium; Denmark; France; Great Britain; Hanover; Prussia; Spain; Sweden and Nor way ; Switzerland ; Venezuela ; and other countries). Extraterritorial jurisdiction, in China, vi, 141-143, vii, 160-161, 315-316, 481—482, viii, 176—177, 190, 201, x, 278, 282; message on consular regulations in China, x, 387; in Muscat, vii, 428-429; in Morocco, vii, 161; in Siam, x, 278, 282; in Tripoli, vii, 161; in Tunis, vii, 161; in Turkey, vi, 504, vii, 160-161, 176—177, 190, 201, 293—296; extra territorial crime, not punishable in U. S., vii, 368; crimes by army officers, viii, 254. Eytinge, Capt. Henry S., complaint against, vii, 380-381. Faden, Mr., geographer to king of England, his map of the United States boundary, v, 488, 490, 493. Faherty, Mr., xi, 273. Fahnestock, Mrs., ix, 113, 114, xi, 229, 345, 367- Fairfax, Capt., x, 37. Fairfield, John, governor of Maine, iv, 128; senator, v, ¦*, 371, 514, vi, 56. Fairfield, Mr., consul at Port Louis, ix, 477. Falco, the, vii, 283. Falkland Islands (see Hudson and Washington, cases of). Fall, George R., letter from, Buchanan's candidacy for presi dential nomination, 1852, viii, 431; letter to, state rights, viii, 431- 432. Fallon, Christopher, letter to, overture for purchase of Cuba, x, 165. INDEX 375 Fame, the barque, vii, 91. Fanshawe, E. G., captain H. B. M. S. Hastings, ix, 449. Fant, H. G., xii, 207. Farchi & Sidi, case of Jeni Dunia, vii, 294. Fargion, Elia, vii, 374. Farley, Mrs., case of, ii, 8g. Farmers' & Mechanics' bank of Georgetown, iv, 261. Farmers' bank of Alexandria, iv, 261. Farnham, P. J., case of Jones, vii, 81, 107-108. Farnum, George H., consul at Mauritius, case of Peytona, ix, 160- 162, 171. Farnum, Mr. and Mrs., xi, 465. Farragut, Commodore David G., his victories during the Civil War, xi, 373- ., _ Faulkner, C. J., letter to, retro spection, xi, 403—404. Favier, Mr., case against, viii, 345. Fay, Theodore S., secretary of lega tion in Prussia, vii, 303; charge^ ad interim to Prussia, viii, 233, 268; minister to Switzerland, ix, 289, 290, 293, 294. Fearson, James, iii, 397. Featherstonhaugh, George Wil liam, report on Maine boundary dispute, iv, 341. Federal, patronage, i, 307-308; juris diction over common law crimes, ii, 97-98; centralization, speech on the United States courts, v, 205—240, 350; relations with the states, veto of bill donating public lands, x, 302-303; courts (see Federal party, Courts). Federalist antecedents of Buchanan, i, ^, iii, 250-251, viii, 363-364, 420, xii, 293—294; policy of , as to navy and army, i, 2, 3, xii, 316-320; prin ciples of, iv, 67; Federalists, on secession, xii, 272; Federalist, the, on the veto power, v, 135. Fegan, John, et al. (see Andrews, Joshua) . Felisola, Mexican general, vi, 27, 224. Felix, Elisa Rachel, dramatic performances in America, ix, 478. Fellowes, Sir Charles, British naval commander, x, 18. Fenwick, General, applicant for consulship, v, 198. Ferdinand I., Emperor, abdication of, viii, 303. Ferdinand VII., of Spain, i, 7; restored to throne, xii, 252, 253; succession upon his death, ii, 238. Fessenden, William Pitt, senator, xi, 257, 334, 419, xii, 125, 279. Fiddis, Hugh S., viii, 242. Field, Cyrus W., ix, 409, x, 18. Field, David D., member of Vir ginia peace convention, xii, 128. Field, Captain Matthew Dicker- son, Tal. P. Shaffner incident, ix, 407-410, 429-433. Field, Sam, xi, 465. Field, William, et al., letter to, declines invitation of Democrats in Pennsylvania legislature, iv, 121— 123; mentioned, vii, 205. Figaniere, Joao d' Almeida de la, Portuguese charge ad int., viii, 209. Figaniere e Morao, Joaquim Cesar de, Portuguese minister, slave trade law violations, vi, 398, 399; letter to, kidnapping of Port uguese slaves, vi, 453-454; duties on Portuguese wines, vii, 22 ; letters to, same subject, vii, 218, 220; mentioned, ix, 380. Figerola, Rev. John B., passport to Mexico, vii, 121. Figlemont, Count, Austrian am bassador at St. Petersburg, ii, 200. Figueira, Mr., x, 327. Fillmore, Millard, candidacy for presidential nomination, viii, 447, 453, 463; Cuban correspondence, viii, 497; relations with England, ix, 8, 19; his visit to England, 1855, ix, 357, 359-360, 361, xi, 500; on sectionalism, x, 96; Mrs. Fillmore, viii, 504, xi, 340. Finance (see Bank; Currency; Inde pendent treasury; Treasury). Findlay, William, i, 72, ii, 92; delegate to Pennsylvania Demo cratic state convention, vi, 68, 69. Fines, militia (see Militia fines). Finn, James, British consul at Jerusalem, conduct of, ix, 306, 3I2-3i3, 314, 3!7- Fiscal bank (see Bank) . Fiscal corporation (see Bank). Fish (see Duties). Fisher, John W, consul at Guade loupe, letter to, hoisting of official flags, vi, 492-493; relief of inhab itants of Guadeloupe, viii, 207. Fisher, Doctor, ii, 388. Fisheries, acts of Massachusetts legis lature, i, 428; on Greenland coast, vii, 234-235; treaty with Great Britain, June 5, 1854, viii, 510- 512; ix, 1-2, 2-4, 4-5, 6, 7-9, 10, 14-15, 18-25, 65, 70, 82-83, 102, 117, 130-133, 154, 177, 181-184, 242, 246, 249, 250-251, 336 (see, also, Duties). 376 INDEX Fitzpatrick, Benjamin, declines Democratic nomination for vice- presidency, i860, xii, 68; et al., senators (see Wigfall, Louis T.) ; letter from (see Slidell, John) ; correspondence with Holt, (see Slidell, John). Fitz Roy, Sir, ix, 458. Fitzsimmons, Thomas, M. C, i, 356. 357- Flags, official (see Intercourse of states) . Flax (see Duties). Fleming, Robert, iii, 388. Flenniken, Robert P., charge d' affaires to Denmark, ietter to, a consul at Elsinore, Danish block ade, viii, 87-88; conflict between Denmark and Prussia, viii, 206-207 ; Danish sound dues, viii, 220-225. Flick, Andrew, et al. (see Andrews, Joshua) . Flinn, William, letters to: political affairs in the United States, the presidency, ix, 372-373; Weed's story, xi, 270; Gen. McClellan, xi, 273-274; Confederate army, xi, 339; Lincoln's assassination, Andrew Johnson, xi, 382—383; letters from: Stanton and other cabinet members, Weed's story, xi, 268—269; Lincoln's assassina tion, Andrew Johnson, xi, 381; mentioned, xi, 378; Mrs. Flinn, ix, 372, xi, 270, 274, 383. . Flinn, William, Jr., letter to, presidency, v, 72-73. Flirt, the, capture by, of Mexican schooner Juanita, vii, 9. Florence, T. B., et al. (see Andrews, Joshua) . Florence, Mr., ix, 282, x, 176. Flores, General Juan Jose, expedi- tion of, vii, 2 5 1-252, 253-254, viii, 65. Florida, boundary dispute with Georgia, ii, 1-10, vi, 310; slav ery in Florida Territory, iii, 348, 351; dry docks at Pensacola, ix, 267-268; Florida war, iv, 242-245, 346, 365-366, 368-371, 373, 375- 376, 378-380, 441-442, x, 188; acquisition of Florid as, treaty with Spain, Feb. 22, 1819, v, 8, 10, 19, 97, vi, 187-188, 213-217, 231— 240, 300-301. vii, 50, 53, 55, 140, 141, 151, viii, 10, 16, 121, 266; question, under treaty, of citizen ship, viii, 121; admission of, viii, 17; secession of, xii, 127, 136 (see also Southern forts). Florim, Domingo Jose da Costa, case of, viii, 45-46. Flour (see Duties). Floyd, John, Jr., iii, 397. Floyd, Gov. John, M. O, v, 457, xii, 300. Floyd, Maj. Gen. John, Georgia commissioner to ascertain head of St. Mary's River, ii, 4. Floyd, John B., secretary of war, x, 396, xi, 57, 82, xii, 199, 218; resignation of, x, 106—109, xii, 164- 169; letters from, same subject, xii, 167-168; referred to, xi, 166, 196, 219—220, 225, 226—227, 229— 230, 252, 253, 257-258, 266, 280, 287, 306, 310, 312, 313, 314, 355, xii, 93 ; charge against, as to re moval of arms to South, xii, 199- 208, 277 ; on secession, xii, 271-272. Flying Childers, the, case of, ix, 205. FOLLINGHER, JOSEPH, vii, 232. Foltz, Dr., Buchanan's physician, xii, 325. Fontanes, R. D., viii, 121. Foot, Samuel A., M. C, i, 89. Foot, Solomon, senator, xii, 125. Foote, Henry Stuart, senator, viii, 369, 370, 376, 383; letter to, Mis souri Compromise, viii, 385-388. Forbes, J. M., case of Flying Childers, ix, 198, 205. Force, Peter, xi, 417. Force, Mr., claim of (see Clarke and Force), iv, 239—240. "Force Bill," Tariff act of March 2, 1833, commonly known as (see Tariff Act of March 2, 1833 ; South Carolina; Nullification). Forced loans, in Mexico, x, 254-256. Ford, Worthington C, author's acknowledgment, to, xi, 471. Fordney, William B., viii, 87; ei al., letter to, ix, 26-27. Foreign Enlistment Act (see Great Britain) . Foreign influence, upon American politics, i, 4, 5. Foreign policy of Buchanan's admin istration, xii, 236-261. Foreign relations, power of President, Senate and House of Representa tives over, i, 186-188; ii, 163-166; appropriation for, 1842, and pro viso as to appointment of. special agents, v, 197-204; expenditures for, vi, 346-347; Buchanan's first annual message, 1857.x, 135-145;- second annual message, 1858, x, 245—263; third annual message, 1859, x, 346-362; fourth annual message, i860, xi, 25-34 (see, also, Intercourse of States). Foreman, Stephen W., case of Judge Peck, ii, 29, 145, 146, 148, 149, 150, 153- INDEX 377 Forney, John W., letters to, tariff bill, vii, 43-45. 46-47, 73; letter to, Buchanan's conduct as minister to England, court dress, ix, 111- 112; letter to, Col. Sickles' resig nation, President Pierce, war with Russia, ix, 282—284, 290; supports President Pierce for renomination, ix, 465; Buchanan's candidacy for the presidential nomination, x, 8; letters to, tender of appointment, x, 104; letter from, same subject, x, 104; his separation from Bu chanan, x, 177, 225; allied with Westcott and Martin, x, 324; his examination before the Covode Committee, x, 433; his misstate ments as to Buchanan, xi, 262, 275, 276, 277, 318, 395; on Robert Tyler, xi, 510; referred to, viii, 4?7, 429, 437, ix, 17, 373, 42o, xi, 227. Forsyth, John, M. C, i, 250; secre tary of state, on relations with France, ii, 483, 498, 499, 501, 507, 508, 509, 510; on relations with Mexico, iii, 215, 216, 218, 235-236, 4i7, vi, 3.35, viii, 329, x, 254, 255; correspondence with, on Mexico, iii, 213, 214, 219, 220; on north eastern boundary, iii, 495, 496, 497, 49s, 499, 5°°, iv, 93, 23°; case of the Caroline, iv, 390, 413, 414, 415, 421; case of a mission ary at Hamburg, vi, 279; Spain, vi, 472-473- Forsyth, John, minister to Mexico, claims against Mexico, xii, 245, 247. Forsyth, John, et al., letter to (see Committee of Notification). Fortifications, remarks on appropri ations for, i, 167-172; ii, 17; remarks on bill for, ii, 439-441, 467, 468, 489, 490, 491, iii, 64-65, 237-246, v, 39-40. Fort Moultrie (see South Carolina forts; Southern forts). Fort Sumter, defense of, 1,372 (see also, South Carolina.; Southern forts) . Fortuna, La, or Good Return, claim of the, vi, 178; vii, 80. Forward, Chauncey, M. C, i, 334. Foster & Elam vs. Neilson, vii, 377, 378. Foster, E. K., et al., letter to (see Taylor, Nathaniel W.). Foster, Ephraim H., senator, iii, 338. Foster, Henry D., letter to, tariff of 1846, Pennsylvania politics, vii, 1 1 7-1 1 8; et al., letter to, candidacy for presidential nomi nation, 1844, vi, 4. Foster, J. Herron, et al, letter to (see Errett, Russell). Foster, Major John Gray, at forts Sumter and Moultrie, xi, 158, 298, xii, 191, 193. Foster, Lafayette S., senator, xii, 125. Foster, P. Le Neve, secretary, Society of Arts, Manufactures and Commerce, London, postal rela tions, ix, 318. Foster, Capt., case of, viii, 254. Foster, Gen., on Judge Douglas, xi, 1. Foulke, Joseph, x, 90. Foulkrod, John, iii, 388. Fourth of July [1815] oration, by Buchanan, i, 2, xii, 316-320; refer ences to, vii, 288-289, viii, 363- 364, 37o, 444, xii, 296-298. Fowler, William Chauncey, Sec tional Controversy, cited, xii, 46, 51. Fox, Alfred, consul pro tem. at Falmouth, x, 2. Fox, Gustavus Vasa, assistant sec retary of navy, xi, 398. Fox, Charles James, East India bill, v, 49, 113-114; referred to, ix, 121, 122, xii, 312. Fox, Henry Stephen, British min ister, northeastern boundary, iii, 493, 494, 495, 496, 497, 498, 499, 500, iv, 92, 95, 101, 230, 390, 409; McLeod case, 427, 428-451, v, 220, 221, 236, 239, 350; British claim for refund of duties, vi, 291. France, cession of Canada to Great Britain, iii, 485, iv, 6, v, 361, 364; treaty of February 6, 1778, em bracing principle of "free ships, free goods," ix, 397; intervention in American Revolution, vi, 25-26; Revolution in, v, 131; the French revolution and American neutral ity, xii, 318-320; Democratic par tiality for France, i, 4, 5 ; accession to Holy Alliance, xii, 252 ; invasion of Spain, i, 7, xii, 252-253; com merce with, i, 95, 96, 97 ; commerce with Mexico, v, 149; commercial convention, June 24, 1822, i, 109; question of "entangling alliance" with, i, 181; apprehended in vasion of Cuba, i, 191— 192, 200; discriminating duties imposed by and against, i, 108-109, 343 J rela tions with Russia, ii, 200, 237, 238,260-261; treaty with England concerning Belgian question, ii, 282 ; Turkish-Egyptian conflict, ii, 33°, 331 ; Emperor Nicholas's opinion on, ii, 381; blockade of Great Britain, i, 205; spoliation 378 INDEX claims, treaty of Sept. 30, 1800, ii, 406, iii, 195-197, iv, 361-362, vi, 460, 465, 475-477, viii, 287; Rives' treaty of July 4, 1831, ii, 388-389, 390, 408-411, 434-435, 439-441,458-466, 466-514, iv, 321, v, 199, vi, 465; Jackson's message on relations with, iv, 321, viii, 330; political affairs of, 1833, ii, 387- 388, 389, 392; treaty on Greek in dependence, ii, 473 ; recall of Mr. Serrurier, French minister, ii, 500, 501 ; recall of Mr. Barton, charg6 at Paris, ii, 511; speculations in col onial produce, iii, 308; quintuple treaty with powers concerning African slave trade, v, 343, 360, 459, vi, 508; cession of Louisiana by Spain, vii, 377; cession of Louisiana by treaty of April 30, 1803, vi, 7-8, 12, 19, 37-38, 43, 89, 97, vii, 377, viii, 10, 16, 101, 309, xi, 29; recognition of Texan independence, vi, 28, 43-44; atti tude on Texan annexation to the U. S., vi, 127-128, 130-131; treaty with Texas, vi, 505; commercial concessions to, in Two Sicilies, vi, 149; extradition treaty of Nov. 9, 1843, vi, 263-264, 270, vii, 226, 420, viii, 143 ; Metzger extradition pro ceeding, vii, 106, 115, 124-125, 204, 229-230, 233, 234, 245-246, 447, 448-45 1, 453-454, viii, 149, 171; extradition treaty, Feb. 24, 1845, vi, 154; Legendre extradition proceeding, vii, 247—248, 267, 312- 313; duty on imitation French wines, vi, 185; transfer of Cali fornia to, objectionable to United States, vi, 277, 304; misunder standing with Mexico, 1845, vi, 294; European design to establish monarchy in France, vi, 405 ; commercial intercourse with St. Pierre and Miquelon, vii, 71-72, 281, 285; Capt. Bell's failure to salute French fort Aumale, vii, 99; claim of Louis Barbat, vii, 316; revolution of 1848, viii, 32-37, 38-40, 41-42, 43, 47, 71, 85-86, 128, 258; recognition of Republic of, viii, 3-4; Democratic conven tion resolutions on revolution, viii, 161-162; restrictions in, upon tobacco trade, vi, 439-440, viii, 53-54, 64, 162; its commercial re strictions, viii, 37, 53-54; relations with Hawaii, viii, 182, 333, 335, ix, 102, 167, 269—270; case of Marie Courtine, viii, 262; postal relations, viii, 274-275, 277, ix, 2 7 5-2 7 7 ; case of Jeune Nelly, viii, 286-288, 289; claims based on the Mexican war, viii, 348 ; the Crimean war, ix, 44, 54-55, 141-142, 155- 156, 162-164, 177, 190-192, 194- 199, 205—207, 208, 209—211, 213, 214, 245-246, 259-260, 270, 279, 281, 297, 320-321, 328, 330-331, 335-336, 347, 35o, 352, 354, 359, 362, 365-367, 370, 378-379, 383, 387, 397, 39s, 412, 417-418, 419, 427, 435, 438-439, 445, 449-454, 456, 461, 47°, 472, 475-477, 47s, 484, x, 4, 6, 10, 14, 23, 28, 33, 46- 47, 89-90, xi, 495, 496-497, 498, 500, 301, 504, 507 ; attitude towards Cuba, ix, 166—167, 176—177, 200- 201, 271, 279, x, 289; British- French action affecting navigation in South America, ix, 166, 183; consular convention Feb. 23, 1853, ix, 253, 256, 257, 306, 322; ex clusion of Mr. Soul6, from France, ix, 271-274, 275; revolutionary movements in, ix, 289, 291; con certed action of British and French consul to prevent a commercial treaty between Santo Domingo and the United States, ix, 309; blockade of Buenos Ayrean ports, viii, 217; naval demonstration against Argentine, vi, 444-446, 448-449; relations with Argentine Confederation, x, 60, 62 ; attitude towards Buenos Ayres and the Ar gentine Republic, ix, 401—402, 473- 474; attitude towards the United States in, in 1855, ix, 434-435; relations with, 1857, x, 139-140, 1858, 249, 1859, x, 349, i860, xi, 27-28; war with China, x, 142, 246, 346, xi, 30, xii, 241; Grey town claims of, x, 167; extradition treaty, additional articles, Feb. 10, 1858, x, 193; treaty with Nica ragua, April n, 1859, as to inter oceanic transit, x, 412-413, 418; apprehended recognition by, of Confederate States, xi, 175; pro tection by, of monarchial govern ment in Mexico, xii, 261 ; bankrupt law in, i, 25; veto power in, v, 114, 130; Napoleon's Legislative Coun cil, v, 69 ; revolutionary tribunal of, x, 438, xii, 230; recognition of right of expatriation, xi, 27-28; specific duties imposed by, xi, 41. Francia, Joseph de la, claim of, viii, 180. Francia, Jose Gaspar Tomas Rod riguez da, Paraguayan president, x, 226, xii, 243. Francis, John Brown, senator, v, Si4- INDEX 379 Francis Joseph, Archduke, viii, 303-304. Franking privilege (see Postal affairs) . Franklin, Benjamin, diplomatic costume of, i, 309; on veto of Pennsylvania colonial laws, v, 115; negotiation of treaty of peace with Great Britain, in 1783, north eastern boundary, v, 361, 364, 379, 487-490; MSS. of, vii, 201. Franklin College charter, vii, 197-198. Franklin, Jesse, M. C, iii, 17. Franklin, Thomas E., Pennsyl vania member of Virginia Peace Convention, xii, 128, 278. Franklin, Judge Walter, i, 1 ; letter to, i, 9; Buchanan defends him on impeachment, i, 9, xii, 299- 300; on slavery question, iii, 5, 6. Franklin, Col. Walter S., letter from Mr. Burch, iii, 194-195. Franklin, Mrs., vii, 26, xi, 433. Frazer, Mr., i, 140, ix, 107. Frazier, A. A., claim of Douglass, viii, 62-63. Frederick William, Prince, his marriage, x, 198. Frederick the Great, Seven Years' war, vi, 30. Freedom of speech and of press, referred to; Globe's criticism of Russia's treatment of Poland, ii, 300, 301, 304, 305, 320, 321-326, iv, 316; bill to prevent interference with elections, iv, 56—71; criticism in America of Russia's treatment of Poland, ii, 299, 325; debates in Congress on foreign relations, viii, 3 2 8-3 3 o ; remarks in Congress offen sive to Great Britain, ix, 59; press reports offensive to Great Britain, ix, 88, 89, 176-177 (see, also, Con stitution) . Freedom of religion, attitude of know-nothings on, ix, 372 (see, also, Religious, etc.). Freeman, William H., letter to, appointed commercial agent at Curacao, vi, 259. Freeman, disbarment case of, ii, 126-127. "Free ships, free goods" (see Neu trality; War). Free soilers (see Slavery). Free trade (see Tariff) . Fremont, Colonel J. C, letter to, California, Gen. Kearney and Com modore Stockton, Carson, Mexico, vii, 332-333; letter to, military operations in California, viii, 2 ; referred to in connection with California, viii, 124; candidate for President, x, 88, 90, 91, 92, xi, 406; mentioned, xi, 231. French, B. B., et al, letter to, de clines invitation to public dinner, viii, 355-357. French Emperor, message on a letter from, as to commerce, x, 392. Frick, Henry, remarks on death of, v, 450-451- Frisbie, Capt. Rogers, slave-trade case of, vi, 463, 494—496, 499—500. Frisbie, Capt. M. R., case of, vii, 116, 187. Fronde, Victor, passport to, ix, 292-293, 305. Frontier defense, remarks on volun teers for, iii, 59—60, 66-71. Fry, Joseph, Jr., iii, 388. Fuca, Juan de, discoverer of Strait of Fuca, vi, 242—243, 245, 247, 248. Fuca, strait of (see Oregon question) . Fugitive slave law (see Slavery question) . Fuller, Timothy, M. C, i, 85, 87, 96. Fulton, John, iii, 388. Fulton, Robert, viii, 407. Fulton, William S., senator, iii, 357, 37i, 372, 425, 460, 464, iv, 238, vi, 56. Fundy, Bay of (see Great Britain, Northeastern boundary dispute) . Gage, Franklin, consular agent at Cardenas, vii, 228. Gaines, Gen. Edmund Pendleton, iii, 216, 217, viii, 468. Gaines, Marcus Junius, consul for Tripoli, letter to, presents to Bar- bary rulers, viii, 349-350. Gaines, Richard M., district attor ney, letter to, expedition against Mexico, viii, 192-195. Gaines, Mrs., case of, xi, 169. Gale, Captain, of the Rosina, rewarded by the President, ix, 428, 448. Gales, Joseph, and Seaton, editors of the National Intelligencer iv, 402. Galitzine, Prince, governor general of Moscow, ii, 360. Gallatin, Albert, his election to senate contested, iii, 182; joint commissioner to treat with Eng land, traveling expenses of, i, 300; minister to England, i, 304-305, 380 INDEX 306-307, v, 473-476, 496, vi, 185- 186, 188-189; minister to France, ii, 479; on banking, iii, 291, 451, 456, 465, iv, 157. Galleries of house, remarks on, i, iSS-^G. xii, 3°5- Gamble, John A., iii, 388. Gamble, Miss, ix, 393. Ganges, barque, complaint against master of, vii, 380—381. Garland, Mrs., viii, 427, 430, 449, 455- Garnier-Pages, in provisional gov ernment of France, viii, 4. Garrison, William Lloyd, his seces sion views, xii, 272. Gaspard Le Marchant, Sir, Lieu tenant governor of Nova Scotia, ix, 368, 374, 444- Gaspar de Oliva, claim of, viii, 298. Gasquet, M., French acting consul at Monterey, vii, 366-367, 373. Gay, Mr., Pennsylvania state engi neer, ii, 401. Gayoso, regulations of (see Peck, Judge James H., impeachment of). Gearhart, William, iii, 388. Geary, Col. John W., governor of Kansas, x, 97, 146, 169—170, xii, 20. Gelston vs. Hoyt, case of, vi, 390. General Armstrong, case of the, vi, 338-339, ix, 445- General land office, remarks on sal ary of commissioner, iii, 460-462. Gentry, Col., service in Florida war, iv, 365-366. George III., v, 112, 114, 460-461, 483-484, 484-498- George IV., v, 460, 491, 495. Georgia, in election of 1824-5, i, I2°, 121; controversy with United States, i, 243—245; boundary dis pute with Florida, ii, 1-10, vi, 310; cession of Michigan territory by, to the U. S., iii, 31; free banking law in, iv, 380; in presidential elec tion, 1844, vi, 72; Georgia plat form, 1856, x, 23; secession of, x, 225, xi, 48-49, xii, 120, 127; ton nage duties imposed by, x, 385. Georgiana, the, case of, x, 217. Germanic states, commercial treaty with Bremen, vii, 225, 237; Ham burg: treatment of naturalized Americans in, ii, 191; commercial treaty with, vii, 225, viii, 237; Buchanan's stay at Hamburg, ii, 190—192; case of a missionary at Hamburg, vi, 279; Hanover: its exemption from discriminating duties, vi, 336-337; commercial treaty of May 20, 1840, viii, 335, 346; commercial treaty of June 10, 1846, vi, 434-439, vii, 26, 56-58, 167, 190-193, 302, 357, 382, 383, 456-458, viii, 169, 225, 237, 258, 346;- extension of the treaty of June 10, 1840, to other states, vii, 190-193, 357-361, 383, 493, viii, 40, 71-72, 258; extradi tion convention, Jan. 18, 1855, ix, 281, 310, 329-330, 344, 402 ; Hesse- Cassel, convention of May 2, 1846, for abolition of droit d'aubaine, failure of, vii, 4, 432; Holstein, Duchy of, commercial arrange ment with, viii, 23 7 ; Lubeck, com mercial treaty with, vii, 225, viii, 237; Mecklenburg-Schwerin, acces sion of Dec. 9, 1847, to Hanoverian treaty, vi, 434-439, vii, 190-193, 357-36i, 383, 493, viii, 40, 71-?2, 169, 237, 258, 346; Mecklenburg- Strelitz, accession to Hanoverian treaty, vi, 434-439, vii, 190-193, 357-361, 383; Nassau, Duchy of, treaty with, vii, 18, 38; Olden burg: proclamation for reciprocity with, Sept. 18, 1830, viii, 347; ac cession to Hanoverian treaty, vi, 434-439, vii, 190-193, 357, viii, 169, 237, 258, 346; Saxony: in heritance and emigration treaty of May 14, 1845, vi, 343, 467, extra dition from, without treaty, vii, 410-41 1 ; Hanse Towns: commer cial reciprocity with, iv, 328, viii, 315-316; commercial treaty, Dec. 20, 1827, vi, 435, viii, 238,239,346; Zoll-Verein : tariff of, v, 469 ; exten sion of, to German States, vi, 436- 437, 438; accession to treaty with Hanover, vi, 376-377, vii, 224-226, 303, 357-36i, 383. Germany, infiuence of the Holy Al liance over, ii, 229; relations with Russia, ii, 229, 237; confederation of states of, into Zoll-Verein league, vi, 11, 101; prohibition against introduction into, of newspapers printed in German, vi, 313—314; Mr. Mann's mission, viii, 70, 71; recognition of German Confeder ation, viii, 130-131, 144; appoint ment of Mr. Donelson as minister to, viii, 151, 152 ; its tariff, viii, 168- 169; proposed commercial treaty with, viii, 233, 237-239, 342-343; its request for naval officer for organizing German fleet, viii, 232- 233, 267; establishment of, viii, 258, 342-343; mission of Baron Roenne, viii, 275, 295-296, 342; war with Denmark, viii, 359, 361; the press in, ix, 454 (see, also Prussia.) INDEX 381 Gerolt, Baron von, Prussian min ister, execution of consular awards under treaty with Prussia, vi, 207, 285; letter to, same subject, vi, 287—288; Mexican military prep arations, vi, 224-225; letter to, negotiation of commercial treaty with states of Zoll-Verein, vi, 376- 377; same subject, vii, 224-226; refunding of duties, vii, 207; extradition treaty, viii, 144, 151; persona grata as representative of Berlin and Frankfort, viii, 154; his recall, viii, 254. Gevekoht, C. T., letter to, com mercial treaty with Hanover, vii, 456-457- Gevers, J. C, Netherlands charge^ letter to, his diplomatic promo tion, vi, 161— 162. Gevers, Mr., ii, 383. Geyer, Mr., case of Judge Peck, ii, H7, J48, 150, 153, 154, 156. Ghent, treaty of (see Great Britain). Gibbes, Mr., letter from Mr. Jay, on relations with France, ii, 480. Gibbons, Charles, letter to, Penn sylvania politics, vi, 136—138. Gibbs, Catherine Greene, letter to, claim against Great Britain, vi, 459- Gibbs, Josiah W., et al, letter to (see Taylor, Nathaniel W.). Gibraltar, vii, 130. Gibson, John Bannister, Judge, viii, 419. Gibson, Thomas Milnor, M. P., ix, 387-388, x, 52, xi, 31, 219, 235. Gibson, Mr., consul at St. Peters burg, ii, 236, 341, 347-348, 365. Gibson, Col., i, 174. Gibson, Lieut., vii, 94, 95. Giffard, Mr., British Consul at Vera Cruz, vii, 444. Gil, Mr., Paraguayan minister at Buenos Ayres, Paraguayan rela tions with United States, vi, 166, 167. Gilbert, E. R., et al., letter to (see Taylor, Nathaniel W.). Giles, William F., et al, letter to, campaign issues, 1852, viii, 433— 435- GlLFILLAN, MlSS, ix, 74. Gillespie, Archibald H, confi dential agent to Mexico, vi, 277, 278. Gillespie, Capt., viii, 23. Gillett, Ransom H., solicitor of the treasury, letter to, case of Macedonian, viii, 51, 52-53, 137. Gilman, Small & Co., claim against Great Britain, vi, 272-273. Gilmer, George R., M. C, i, 329. Gilmer, Thomas W., tragic death of, v, 448. Gilmore, David, iii, 388. Gilmore, Mr., delegate from Penn sylvania to Democratic national convention, i860, xii, 62. Gilpin, Henry D., mentioned, iii, 259; attorney general, iv, 125; mayor of Philadelphia, ix, 22; et al, correspondence (see Andrews, Joshua) . Gilpin, Mrs., viii, 501. Gizzi, Cardinal, Papal secretary of state, viii, 44, 45. Glasgow, Edward J., commercial agent at Chihuahua, vi, 423. Glass vs. Sloop Betsey, vii, 341. Glass (see Duties). Glenelg, Lord, iv, 433, v, 470, 471. Globe, criticism of Russia's treatment of Poland, ii, 300—301, 304, 305, 320, 321—326, iv, 316; dismissal of Blair and Rives as public printers, iv, 391-404, 502; reports in, of Buchanan's speeches, v, 42-43. Globe, London, on relations between the United States and England, ix, 433, 436, 437, 460. Glossbrenner, A. J., viii, 357, 427, xi, 166, 220, 261, 278. Goff, Lt., murder of, viii, 253. Gognel, Mr., claim of Leopold F. J. Berdot, vi, 460-461. Goldsborough, Robert H., senator, iii, 109, no, 111, 113, 114. Gonder, Mr., viii, 414, 424; Mrs. Gonder, viii, 414. Goodman, James, iii, 397; et al, correspondence with (see Andrews, Joshua) . Good offices, communication of ad dress to Pope on Italian independ ence through acting consul at Rome, vii, 482-483 ; request for presentation of public proceed ings to Pope refused, viii, 126 (see, also, Intervention; Mediation). Good Return, the, claim of, vi, 178. Gordon, George Hamilton (see Aberdeen, Earl of). Gordon, George William, consul at Rio de Janeiro, slave trade, vi, 124, 170-171, 474, viii, 349. Gordon & Musson, claim of Lizardi & Co. against Mexico, vii, 455- 456. Gore, Augustus Frederick, Brit ish acting colonial secretary, ix, 59. Gorham, Benjamin, M. C, i, 56, 58, 59, 60, 61, 63, 64, 418, xii, 309. Gorostiza, Manuel Eduardo, Mex ican minister, iii, 216-218, 411. 382 INDEX Gortchakoff, Prince Alexander MlKHAILOVITCH, ix, 330. Gossler, William, ii, 192. Gossler, Mr., senator of Hamburg, ii, 191, 192. Gossler & Co., claim against Great Britain, x, 1-2, 14, 15—16, 17-18. Goudounoff, Boris, ii, 362. Gough, case of, vi, 125. Goulbourn, Henry, British pleni potentiary, Oregon question, vi, 186-187. Goundie, George H., consul at Basle, letter to, citizenship of American children born abroad, vii, 307; on consular authentica tion of invoices, vii, 492. Governmental liability, for illegal acts of officers, viii, 122 (see, also, Great Britain, McLeod case). Government vessels, Buchanan dis approves use of, for private excur sions, x, 324. Governor Clinton, claim of the, vi, 178. Governors of Vermont and New York, letter to, navigation of waters connecting Missisquoi Bay and Richelieu, viii, 47-48. Graebe, Charles, consul to Hesse Cassel, vi, 439; consul to Prussian Provinces of the Rhine, vii, 168- 172; mentioned, viii, 153. Graffen, Charles, letter to, visit of Philadelphia firemen, xi, 430. Graham, Daniel S., letter to, claim for capture by Mexico of Susan nah, vii, 15. Graham, George, his instructions in regard to French settlement in Florida territory, vi, 300-301. Graham, Maj. James D., letter to, restoring boundary maps under treaty of Aug. 9, 1842, viii, 197; et al, letter to, running boundary between U. S. and Mexico, viii, 29°, 293, 294, 323, 325. Graham, Sir James, First Lord of the Admiralty, ix, 205. Graham, Joseph, consul at Buenos Ayres, letter to, registration of vessels, viii, 242-243. Graham, Joseph L., special agent to Paraguay, vii, 113, viii, 499-500. Graham, William A., senator, iv, 464, 465, v, 321, 338, 339. Grain (see Duties). Grand Manan, island of, iii, 490. Granger, Francis, v, 20, x, 466; New York member of Virginia peace convention, xii, 131. Grant, James, author of " Random Recollections of the House of Lords," v, 112. Grant, Thomas J., dist. atty., letter to, expedition against Mexico, viii, 192-195. Grant, Gen. U. S., xi, 353, 354; nominee for President, xi, 464, 465. Granville, Lord, x, 41, 51. Gratiot, Gen. Charles, iii, 472. Gray, Andrew B., boundary com missioner under treaty with Mex ico, viii, 268-269. Gray, Capt. Hiram, case of, vi, 125, 206. Gray, James, case of, vi, 257, viii, 184-185. Gray, Captain Robert, his western American exploration, vi, 201, 215, 218, 219, 239, 247, 248, 249, 251- Great Britain, acquisition of Canada by, from France, v, 361, 364; French intervention in American revolution, vi, 26; treaty of peace, Nov. 30, 1782, ii, 1 ; cession of East and West Florida to Spain, Jan. 20, 1783, ii, 1-2; provisions of treaty of peace of Sept. 3, 1783, iii, 481- 502, iv, 2-3, 23; v, 361-364, 368, 369, 37i, 379, 38i, 460-461, 483- 484, 484-498, vi, 371; its treaties with Spain, Sept. 3, 1783, and July 14, 1786, viii, 80, 91, ix, 58, 65, 90, 118, 121— 128, 136, 218, 219, 222, 234, 235, 238, 240, 241, 404; Noot- ka Sound convention with Spain, Oct. 20, 1790, v, 472-473, vi, 194- 204, 213—217, 231—240, 241—242; reciprocity proposal, in. 1791, i, 100; Jay's treaty, of Nov. 19, 1794, i, 6, iv, 12, v, 364, xii, 319; its war with Spain, 1796, ix, 136; north eastern boundary provisions in un ratified treaty of May 12, 1803, v, 367; its orders in council, i, 4; treaty of alliance with Spain, 1809, ix, 124, 235, 240; war of 1812, i, 4-9, v, 241—251, 406-409, vii, 15, 24, 288-289, 364, 444, x, 197, xii, 293-298, 309, 316-320; its treaty with Spain, Aug. 28, 1814, vi, 199—200, 213—217, 234—236, ix, 124; treaty of Ghent, December 24, 1814, i, 6, 7, iii, 377-378, iv, !3-i6, v, 358, 365-366,- 375, 387, 388, 457, 464, vi, 215, 250; Democratic feeling against, i, 5; its peace with Spain, 1815, ix, 235; commercial treaty with, of July 3, 1815, i, 106, vi, 383-427, 468, 492, 499, ix, 253-254; duties under treaty, vi, 290-292, 317-319, 320, vii, 27, 3 1 1-3 12; case of Ityades, under treaty, viii, 104; boundary provisions in treaty, Oct. 20, INDEX 383 1818, i, 119, v, 452-480, vi, 186- 187, 194-204, 216, 217, 236, 239, 327, 328, ix, 131, 181, 183; balance of trade with, i, 65-66, 94; dis criminating duties, i, 101, 102, 103, 107; colonial monopoly of, i, 106- 108, 340-341; act opening West Indian and North American ports, i, 107-108; English bankrupt law, i, 25, 26-27, 32, 35, 39, iv, 184, v, 3, 7, 9, 10, 12, 429-430; judiciary system of, i, 157-158, 446; attitude toward the Holy Alliance, xii, 252- 258; its treaty with Mexico, Dec. 26, 1826, ix, 224, 235, 240, 241; question of transfer of Cuba and Porto Rico to, i, 181, 200; blockade of French coast, i, 205; protective tariff, i, 226; convention of Nov. 13, 1826, indemnity for slaves unlaw fully carried away, i, 237; bound ary treaty, Aug. 6, 1827, vi, 189, 201-202, 328, 329, 430, 471-472, vii, 7 ; negotiations with, in rela tion to West India trade, i, 304- 305, 341; competition for the car rying trade, i, 381; law of, as to contempt of court, ii, 32-33, 89- 90; English politics, 1832, ii, 186, 188; a treaty with Russia, ii, 195; relations with Russia, ii, 200, 228, 235—236, 238, 260-261; its for eign affairs, ii, 238; maritime treaty with Russia, ii, 344; failure of Lord Durham to obtain com mercial treaty with Russia, v, 27; Belgian question, ii, 282; Turkish- Egyptian conflict, ii, 326; Em peror Nicholas's opinion on, ii, 380; in European politics, 1833, ii, 389— 390; relations of the United States with, in 1833, ii, 392-393 ; qualifica tions of a minister to, ii, 392- 3 93 ; American and English ship building and navigation, ii, 395- 396; appropriation for minister to, ii, 438—439; right of petition in, iii, 12—13; financial condition, l837, iii, 307-3 12, 443, 446-447; government in, iv, 83-84, 88-90; Lord Liverpool on English bank ing, iv, 190; commerce between U. S. and certain British colonies, iv, 327-329; veto of Earl of Shrewsbury's bill limiting dur ation of parliament, iii, 111-112; veto power in, v, 111-115; pendency, in 1842, of northeast ern boundary, Caroline, Creole, and northwestern boundary ques tions, v, 175-176; Maine or north eastern boundary dispute, and treaty of Aug. 9, 1842, iii, 290, 361, 362, 481-502, iv, 2-23, 92- 97, 98—99, 100— 101, in— 116, 118— 119, 127—133, 227, 228, 229—231, 266-267, 341-342, 388-390, v, 144, 175, i76, 341-388, 450, 454-461, 483-484, 484-498, vii, 434-437, viii, 197, ix, 300, 303; American- British Joint Boundary Commis sion, proceedings of, vii, 461; "Disputed Territory Fund" ac count, vi, 506-507; vii, 61, 62, 64- 65, 109— no, 239—240, 241, 280; slave-trade provisions of treaty of Aug. 9, 1842, vi, 220-221, vii, 407- 409, x, 309-310, 421; extradition provision of treaty of Aug. 9, 1842, vi, 270-271, 344, vii, 105—106, 226, 420, 450, viii, 73, 101— 111, 143, ix, 140, 150, 154, 170, 386-387, 388- 389; questions under boundary provisions in treaty of Aug. 9, 1842, vi, 368-369, vii, 71, 176-177, 178, 181-182, 199-200, viii, 151, 197; House of Commons, membership of, v, 257-259, 260—261; quintuple treaty with France and other powers, concerning African slave trade, v, 343, 360, 459; American credit in, v, 394; press of, criticisms of the United States, v, 479-480; attitude toward Texas, vi, 10-15, 22, 28, 32—33, 43—44, 101— 102, 127— 128, 130-131, 165, 171, 174; medi ation of, for truce between Mexico and Texas, vi, 33-37, 44; its com mercial treaty with Two Sicilies, vi, 148-152; case of Norman Mal lory, vi, 157 ; settlement of Gilman, Small & Co. claim, vi, 272-273; activities of, in California objec tionable to United States, vi, 275- 278, 304; its misunderstanding With Mexico, 1845, vi, 294; Rogers claim against, for illegal duty exaction, vi, 309; mutual claims between United States and Great Britain for excess duties, vi, 317- 319, 320, 383-384, 427-428, 468- 469, 492, 499; Caroline or Mc Leod case, iii, 360, 362, 408—409, iv, 390, 409-427, 428-451, v, 175- 176, 208, 210, 219-223, 226, 231- 240, 343, 347-35o, 355-356, 375, 384, 467, vi, 454-455, 459, vn, 22-23; case °f trie Creole, v, i75-!76, 343-344, 35!-354, 355, 375, 384, 467, ix, 312; European design to establish monarchy in Mexico, vi, 405; Brazilian protest against slave trade law of, vi, 408; organization of British foreign office, vi, 419-420; naval demon stration against Argentine, vi, 384 INDEX 444-446,448-449; visit and search of American cruisers by, vi, 451— 452, 508, xi, 26-27 (abandonment of claim, see infra) ; claim of Capt. Rufus Greene, vi, 459-460; its treaty with Texas, Nov. 13, 1840, vi, 505 ; Oregon territory, or north western boundary dispute, i, 119, 382, iii, 377-378, v, i75-r76, 343, 384, 387, 443, 446, 452, 468-476, 480, 505, 509, vi, 186-194, 194-204, 206—207, 212—220, 223—224, 230, 231—254, 285—286, 289—290, 327- 332, 34I-342, 343, 348, 349, 35o- 353, 353-354, 355, 356, 357-359, 366-368, 370-373, 374, 377-383, 385-386, 405, 429, 440-442,471- 472, vii, 7, 34-37, 37-38, xii, 305; treaty of June 15, 1846, as to Ore gon boundary, vii, 2, 3-4, 6-7, 10, 11, 12, 14, 66, 103, ix, 300, 303; boundaries under treaty, viii, 300— 302, x, 331-332, 336-337, 350-352, 3 77, 393, xi, 27, 148-149; recall of Crampton, vii, 64 ; Jonas or Squirrel Island question, vii, 71, 176-177, 178; international copyright, vii, 77-78; case of Jones, vii, 81, 107- 108; case of Joseph Wilson, vii, 71, 176-177, 178; English passenger vessels law, vii, 231; case of Lticy Penni-man, vii, 257; insurrection at Bay of Islands, vii, 283 ; claims con vention, Feb. 8, 1853, vi, 309; feel ing toward America, 1846, vii, 310; landing of Gen. Paredes in Mexico, vii, 411-413; indirect trade with, vii, 421—422; adjustment concern ing rough rice, vii, 496; correspond ence of Mr. Wise on slave trade in Brazil, vii, 508; reciprocity with, viii, 22-23; claim of Douglass, viii, 62—63; navigation laws, viii, 140— 141 ; attitude on Mexican war, viii, 158; British visit and search of American vessels in Gulf of Mexico, x, 214, 215, 216, 247—248, 279, 286; objection to boundary pro vision in Mexican treaty of Feb. 2, 1848, viii, 173, 175; recognition by, of French Republic, viii, 162; its commercial treaty with Hawaii, vi, 257, viii, 182, 333, 335; proffered protectorate over Costa Rica by latter, viii, 226—227 ; British advances in Mexico, viii, 377-378; protectorate over Yuca tan proffered by that government, viii, 378; commercial restrictions, viii, 258; repeal of navigation and colonial laws, xi, 475, 487-488; postal convention, Dec. 15, 1848, viii, 28, 272, 274-275, ix, 20, 29, 64, 193-207, 208, 248, 311-31.2, 336, 347-348, 349-35o, 35i, 35?.; cases of Director and Pallas, vii, 48; Buchanan's mission to, viii, 502-509, 510-512, ix, 1-25, 26—28, 113; English climate, society and officials, ix, 37-39, 47, 105-106, 1 13 ; its claims for refunding woolen duties, ix, 384-385, 387; convey ance of mails by American vessels, ix, 35-37, 4i, 42, 48-49, 51-52, 78-80, 98, 99; habits and attitude on slavery in Cuba, ix, 60, 83-86, 88-89, 166-167; case of Peytona, ix, 62—64, 160—162, 171; attitude towards Hawaiian Islands, ix, 102, 167-168, 269-270; the Queen's Bench, ix, 104; attitude towards America, 1853, ix, 115-116; case of Smith O'Brien, ix, 156, 157; British-French action in regard to navigation in South America, ix, 166, 183; attitude towards dominion over Cuba, ix, 166, 176- 177, 200—201, 212, 271, 279, x, 289; strictures in Union against, ix, 176- 177; judiciary, ix, 204; annexation of Seringapatam, ix, 249; negotia tion of consular convention with, ix, 255-257, 271, 303, 306, 322- 327, 328-329, 336, 344-345, 363- 364, 376-378, 382-383, 385-387, 455 ; Wigg claim, ix, 257-258; claim of the Hudson and Washington, ix, 279—280, 298, 303 ; state of negotia tion of questions with, 1854, ix, 282—283 ; Austrian alliance, ix, 285- 286; the Crimean war, ix, 44, 54- 55, 117, 141-142, 154-156, 177, 270, 279, 284, 285, 320-321, 330- 33i, 335-336, 35°, 354, 359, 365- 366, 383, 419, 427, 435, 461; treat ment of neutral commerce during conflict, ix, 165-166, 172, 193, 194- 199, 205—206, 206—207, 208, 209— 211, 213, 214, 245—246, 259—260, 281, 297, 307-310, 328, 331, 347, 352-353, 366-367, 378-379, 387, 397, 398, 472, x, 4; neutrality of the United States during Crimean war, ix, 412, 417-418, 438-439, 445, 449-454, 456; peace negotiations, ix, 470, 475-477, 478, 484, x, 6, 10, 14, 23, 28, 33, 46-47, xi, 495, 4967497, 498, 5°°, 501, 5°4, 507; foreign enlistment act, ix, 369, 374, 418-419; British recruitments in the United States, vii, 64, ix, 354-355, 358, 362-363, 367-371, 373-375, 378, 387-388, 411-414, 417-418, 437-438, 440-442, 442-445, 450, 452, 453, 454, 461- 462, 466-467, 483-484, x, 5, 11 INDEX 385 13-14, 23-27, 31-33, 35-38, 40, 42- 44, 46-47, 48-49, 52-54, 54-58, 65-67, 68-69, 71, 72, 74-75, 87, xi, 508; its proposal for a treaty on privateering, ix, 162-164, 169- 170, 184, 190—192, 201-202, 367, 370; postal relations with, ix, 208, 315-317, 318, xi, 482; complaint of Hudson's Bay Co., viii, 280- 281; reciprocity with, viii, 314- 316; navigation laws, viii, 314; Central American question, be fore and after the Clayton-Bulwer treaty, including Buchanan's ne gotiations while minister to Eng land, vi, 181, viii, 79-84, 91-94, 158, 379-38i, 382, 383, 497, 510, 511, 512, ix, 1-2, 2-4, 4-5, 6, 7-8, 9, 10, 14-15, 18-25, 26, 28-30, 35, 43, 44, 55, 58-59, 64-65, 70, 80-82, 89- 97, 102, 117, 118-130, 134-138, 139, J40, 148, 153-154, 168, 169, 180— 181, 189-190, 193, 199, 211, 215-241, 242, 243, 247—248, 249- 250, 273-287, 288-289, 297, 298- 299, 3°i, 3°2, 303, 306, 320, 334, 336-338, 338-343, 354, 364-365, 393-395, 400, 403-406, 415-416, 419, 42i-424, 440, 445, 45°, 453, 456, 461, 479~48o, 484, x, 4-5, 9- 10, 12-13, 21, 27, 30-31, 35-38, 39- 40, 52-54, 60-61, 72, 87, 99, 102- 103, 114— 116, 122—124, 124—126, 127-128, 136-139, 200, 207-208, 246-249, 316-317, 320-321, 322- 323, 333-334, 336"337, 35o, 410, xi, 26-27, 493, 506, xii, 238, 259; reciprocity and fishery treaty, June 5, 1854, viii, 510-512; ix, 1-2, 2-4, 4-5, 6, 7-9, 10, 14-15, 18-25, 65, 70, 82-83, 102, 117, ^o-^, I53-I54, 177, 181-184, 242, 246, 249, 250-251, 336; com merce with, 1854, ix, 302; pro posed treaty embracing principle of "free ships, free goods," ix, 307- 310, 357, 365, 396-401; concerted action of British and French con suls to prevent a commercial treaty between the United States and Santo Domingo, ix, 309; igno rance in England concerning gov ernment, policy and institutions of the United States, ix, 333-335, xi, 503 ; discharge in ports of, of slaves deserting American vessels, ix, 364-365, 382; attitude towards Buenos Ayres and Argentine Re public, ix, 401—402, 473—474, x, 62; relations with Argentine Confeder ation, x, 62; subject to Louis Na poleon's influence, ix, 426, 434; despatch of British naval arma- 25 ment to North America, ix, 433, 435, 436, 437-440, 445-446, 447- 449, 449-454, 456, 459, 460-461, 463-464, 466, 476, 479, x, 2, 42; tension in relations between the United States and, in 1855, ix, 447, 449-457, 459-464, 466-467, 469- 47o, 474-475, 476-477, 478, 479- 480; loyalty of Ireland to, 1855, xi, 497; political situation in, 1855, xi, 501; Portuguese territorial claims in Africa, ix, 472; "Salt petre claims" against, x, 1—2, 14, 15-16, 17-18; attitude towards the United States, in 1855, ix, 354-355, 3 5 7-3 60; feeling in, towards United States, in 1856, x, 9-10; opening of Parliament, 1856, x, 29; anti- Brit ish articles in the Union, x, 78-79; Buchanan's retirement from mis sion to, ix, 346, 393, 394-395, 403, 419-421, 423-424, 425, 436, 447, 455, 457-458, 460, 465-466, 480, 481, 483, 488, x, 1-2, 5, n-12, 21, 29, 44, 45, 46, 50, 51, 59, 61, 64, 65, 67-68, 70-71, 71-72, 72-75, xi, 493, 499-5oo, 502, 506, 507; Lord Clarendon's view of attitude of Pierce's administration toward Great Britain, x, 78-79; attitude of British press towards Buchan an's presidential candidacy, x, 91, 98-99; East Indian insurrec tion, x, 123 ; possibility of war with, x, 142, 246, 346, xi, 30; Greytown claims of, x, 167; fall of Palmers ton ministry, x, 199, 207; rela tions with, first annual message, 1857, x, 136—139; seizure of Pan- chita on African coast, x, 215; relations with, second annual mes sage, 1858, x, 246-249; message on Vancouver's Island and British Columbia, x, 311; character of diplomatic representative of, in the United States, x, 317; Lord Claren don's discussion of relations with, in 1859, x, 333-334; relations with, third annual message of 1859, x, 350-352; fourth annual message i860, xi, 26-27 ; Star Chamber in, x, 403, 438, xii, 224, 230; treaty with Honduras as to interoceanic tran sit, x, 412—413; abandonment of claim to visit and search in time of peace, xi, 26-27, xii, 238-240; system of specific duties in, xi, 41; support of Confederacy, xi, 204; the Trent affair, xi, 231-232, 233- 234, 236, 241, 243-244, 246; Seward on recognition of Con federacy by, xi, 245 ; relations with, during Buchanan's administration, 386 INDEX xii, 238-240; war with China, xii, 241 (see, also, Canada; Inter oceanic communications; Ireland). Great Falls land condemnation case, message on, x, 31 1-3 12. Great Lakes, passage of vessels from, to Atlantic, viii, 49, 56, 174-175, 245- Great Western Iron Works, v, 412, 447- Greece, Prince Otto, of Bavaria, made King of, ii, 473 ; commercial treaty with, Dec. 10 and 22, 1837, viii, 346. Greeley, Horace, viii, 377, 381; letters to, charge as to Buchanan's secession views, xi, 390, 391—392; his criticism of Buchanan, xi, 431- 432, xii, 270; Helper's "Impend ing Crisis," xii, 46; his secession views, xii, 271, 272, 273. Green, Duff, i, 260, 269; election of, 1825, i, 262-263; correspond ence with same subject, i, 217,218- 220, 270-271; letter from, his con versation with Lincoln as to Crit tenden Compromise, xii, 119; reply to F. P. Blair, as to Buchanan's interview with Col. Benton, xi, 417 ; mentioned in connection with an article Buchanan proposed on Floyd's sending of arms to South ern arsenals, xi, 230. Green, Thomas, vii, 187. Green, R. E., Baldwin claim, vi, 162. Green, Mr., British Consul at Blue- fields, ix, 134, 136. Greene, Capt. Rufus, claim against Great Britain, vi, 459-460. Grbenhow, Robert, history of Oregon and California, v, 454, 505—509; viii, 106. Grbenhow, Washington, bearer of despatches, vi, 451. Greenhow, Dr., recommended for secretaryship of legation at St. Petersburg, ii, 182; special agent to Mexico, iii, 415, 416; his report of Senator Preston's campaign ad dress, iv, 319, 324. Greenhow, Mrs., ix, 259. Greenland, fishing rights on coast of, vii, 234-235. Greenough, Horatio, mentioned in connection with an employment to execute statuary for Capitol, iii, 56. Gregg, Andrew, i, 72, viii, 364. Gregg, Josiah, Commerce of the Prairies, viii, 124. Grenell, Virgil, iii, 388. Grenville, George, Catholic eman cipation bill introduced by his ministry, v, 112. Gretsch, Nikolai Ivanovitch, Rus sian author, ii, 355, 357, 358, 360. Grey, Earl, ii, 236, v, 198. Grey, Sir George, secretary of State for Home Department, John son extradition case, ix, 387, 389. Greytown, British proposal for inde pendent government at, ix, 364; Greytown affair, ix, 242, 248, 249- 250, 269, 278, 297, 298, 300, 303, 337-338, 339, x, 167 (see, also, Great Britain, Central American question) . Grier, Judge D., Dred Scott case, x, 106-108; mentioned, xi, 169. Grier, Sallie, ix, no. Griffith, Mr., acting commercial agent, at Port Louis, viii, 256. Grimes, James W., senator, xi, 212, xii, 116, 125. Grinnell, J., letter to, claim of Washington, viii, 107-108; letter to, case of Miles, viii, 261; men tioned in Mrs. Sarah Mytton Mau ry's book, xi, 474. Griswold, George, letter to, Span ish indemnity payments, vii, 122- 123. Griswold, N. L. & G., claims of the Potosi and Governor Clinton, vi, 178. Griswold, Mr., consul at Shanghai, viii, 341. Grogan, James W., extradition case of, vi, 359-360, 397-398. Grotius, Hugo, cited, iv, 432, 434. Grotjan, Peter A., et al, corre spondence with (see Andrews, Joshua). Grover, Thomas D., iii, 397. Grow, Galusha A., M. C, xii, 219. Grund, Francis J., consul at Ant werp, letter to, his relations with Texan consul, vi, 316-317; men tioned, viii, 498, xi, 500. Grundy, Felix, secretary of Nash ville bar, i, 150, 435; senator, ii, 467, iii, 51, 52, 97-98, 106, 109, no, 165—166, 197, 204-205, 209, 210, 357, 371, 372, 375, 376, 383, 425, 460, 504, 507, iv, 193, 256; his eligibility for senate, vii, 197; his resignation, iv, 124. Guadalupe Hidalgo, treaty of (see Mexico) . Guatemala, mission to, vii, 482, viii, 380; independence of Central America, viii, 83 ; Central Ameri can question, ix, 119, 125, 237, 238, x, 336-337. Guano, discoveries, x, 216, trade with Peru, x, 217, 294. Guerreiro, Mr., ii, 358, 360. INDEX 387 Guizot, Francois Pierre Guil- laume, French minister of foreign affairs, ii, 383, vi, 127-128, vii, 96, 102, viii, 249. Guthrie, James, ix, 112; his pro posed nomination at Democratic national convention, i860, xii, 60, 67; member of Virginia peace convention, xii, 127, 128. Gutrich, Simeon, case of, vi, 272. Gutta Percha Company of London, Tal. P. Shaffner incident, ix, 407- 410, 418, 429-433, x, 18. Gwin, Mrs. M. E., x, 319, 320, 324, xi, 232; letter to, Buchanan pre dicts defeat of secession, xi, 187. Gwin, William M., senator, viii, 439; on the Confederacy, xi, 178. Gwinn, C. I. M., claim for services as bearer of despatches, vii, 28. H Haalitio, Mr., Hawaiian commis sioner, viii, 186. Habeas corpus, writ of, bill for review of criminal proceedings in state courts, v, 205—240, 350; subpoena during martial law, General Jack son's fine, v, 247—251, 406—409. Hager, C, et al, letter to, ix, 26-27. Hagner, C. V., iii, 385, 386. Haight, Judge, Senate sergeant-at- arms, iv, 404. Haines, Augustine, district attor ney for Maine, slave trade law violations, vi, 171. Haines, Mr. and Mrs., ix, 67. Hale, John P., senator, viii, 370, 371, 374, 375, xii, 125; Hale com mittee, xi, 262, 321. Halfon, Meir, vii, 374. Halil, Pacha, mission of, to Alex andria, ii, 318. Hall, Allen A., charge^ d'affaires to Venezuela, case of Morris, viii, 67. Hall, Dominick Augustine, Judge, fine imposed on General Jackson by, v, 241-251, 406-409. Hall, George, case of, ix, 187. Hall, Lt. J. Norman, accompanied Hayne on his mission from South Carolina, xi, no, 290—291, xii, 175, 177. Hall, James, and McKenney, Ind ian biography, vii, 433, 437. Hallett, Daniel, refusal to deposit register of Pensacola with com mercial agent at St. Thomas, vii, 5-6, 13- Hallett, Benjamin Franklin, res olutions of Democratic national convention on French revolution, viii, 161. Hallock, Gerard, letter to, Bu chanan's administration, Scott's "Views," Southern forts, xi, 206- 209; letter to, removal of office holders, x, 466-467; editor of Journal of Commerce, xi, 192. Hallyman, Thomas, extradition pro ceeding against, ix, 140. Hamburg (see Germanic States). Hamilton, James, M. C, i, 301, 303, xii, 309, 3"- Hamilton, Mr., ex-marshal of S. C, presented Gov. Pickens' demand for surrender of Fort Sumter, xi, 70-71. Hamilton, R. M., consul at Monte video, letters to, claims, vii, 79- 80, 464; same subject, viii, 69, 201, 202; letter to, Montevidean solicitation for subscription to a war fund, viii, 202-203 • discrim inating duties, viii, 282. Hamilton, Thomas, iv, 323, vii, 268. Hamilton, Dr., Gov. Pickens' de mand for surrender of Ft. Sumter sent by, xi, 73. Hamilton, Miss, xi, 345. Hamilton, Mr., British minister to Brazil, correspondence with Mr. Wise on slave trade, vii, 508. Hamilton, Mr., supports Van Buren in presidential campaign, 1840, iv, 322. Hamlin, E. W., et al, letter to, declines invitation of democrats in Pennsylvania legislature, iv, 121-123. Hammond, E., British under sec. of state for foreign affairs, x, 58; letter from, recruitment question, x, 74-75- Hammond, General, death of, vii, 354- Hampden, John, portrait, of, x, 22. Hampton, General Wade, i, 232. Hannegan, Edward A., senator, v, 502, S!4, vi, 56. Hanover (see Germanic States). Hansard's parliamentary debates, referred to, v, 458-461, 483-498. Hanseatic towns (see Germanic States) . Hardcastle, Capt. E. L. F., viii, 323- Hardesty, C R., et al., letter to, French restrictions on tobacco trade, viii, 64. 388 INDEX Hardin, Benjamin, M. C, i, 49, 50. Hargous, L. L., claim of, vii, 194. Hargous, P. A., letter to, claim of L. L. Hargous, vii, 193—194. Harlan, James, senator, on Critten den Compromise, xii, 125. Harlem, river, message on the, x, 414. Harney, Brig.-Gen. William S., censured, viii, 262; his protection of San Juan Island, x, 333, 336— 337, 351-352, 377; acts in Kansas rebellion, x, 192, xii, 27-28; his expedition to Utah, xii, 214; men tioned, xi, 205. Haro, straits of, treaty of June 15, 1846, vii, 178. Harper's Ferry outbreak, x, 339-341. Harriet Lane, Buchanan objects to private excursions on, x, 324. Harring, Paul Harro, ix, 285. Harris, J. G., agreement with Sardinia, vii, 89—90. Harris, Leavitt, mentioned, ii, 189, 334, 385, 386, 387, 389, 390, 391. Harris, Townsend, consul-general to Japan, treaty with Japan, x, 193- Harris, William A., charg6 to Argentine Republic, letters to: proposed commercial treaty with Argentine, recognition of Para guay, vi, 442-447, mediation be tween Paraguay and Buenos Ayres, vii, 113-114, British and French blockade, Argentine,vii, 424, claims, viii, 217-218. Harris, Miss, marriage of, viii, 278. Harrisburg Convention [1826], i, 173— 174, 183; [1828], i, 321, 323, 324, 325, 326, 328, 331, 332; Fourth of July celebration, 1836, iii, 1 14-124, 426; Whig convention of, 1840, iv, 296, et seq., v, 58, 62. Harrisburg Reporter, editor of, letter to, "Drop of blood" slander, iii, 250-251. Harrison, Edward A., letters to, slave trade case of Capt. Frisbie, vi, 463, 494-496, 499-5oo- Harrison, J., et al, ietter to, case of Col. Blum, viii, 304-305. Harrison, R. M., consul at King ston, letters to: colored seamen coming to the United States ports, vi, 374-375, his accounts, vi, 387- 388, case of Capt. Frisbie, vii, 116, 187, privateering in war with Mexico, vii, 23, 24; mentioned, ix, 26. Harrison, William Henry, minis ter to Colombia, vi, 178; elected President, iv, 150, 153, 175, 207, 288-320, 355, viii, 481; Inaugural Address, iv, 391; his administra tion and views on various subjects, iv, 288-320, 347, 348, 350, 353, 354, 357, 382-385, 449-450, 455- 460, 460-465, v, 59, 143, vi, 58, viii, 471, 473; his position as to Anti-Masonry, iv, 297—299, 301 ; his death, v, 61. Harrison, Mrs. Wm. Henry, frank ing privilege withdrawn, xi, 340. Harrison, Mrs., iv, 120. Hart, A., case of Mortara boy, x, 284. Hart, Albert Bushnell, his series "The American Nation," xii, 269. Hart, Benjamin W., letter to, case of Mortara boy, x, 283—284. Hart, Charles H., correspondence with, Gen. Cass, xi, 460. Hartford Convention, 1814, view of secession at, xii, 74, 272. Hartford, David, British negotia tor of peace, 1783, v, 491. Hartshorne, Richard, letter to, privateers in Mexican war, vii, 175-176. Harvey, Jacob, vii, 85. Harvey, James E., his support of the secessionists, xi, 204, 205. Harvey, Sir John, Maine boundary dispute, iv, 92, 94, 95, 96, 97, 101, 109, 114, 131. Harvey, Mr., correspondent of Tri bune, xi, 166. Haskell, E., vii, 153. Hassard, John R. G., letter to, chap lain in Mexican war, Bishop Hughes' mission, xi, 375-376. Hastings, Thomas, iii, 388. Hastings, Warren, impeachment of, ii, 18, 51, iii, 179. Hastings, H. B.M. S., ix, 434, 449, 454. Havana (see Cuba). Havre de Grace, proposed national foundry at, iii, 379. Hawaii, general relations with, viii, 181-191; commercial treaties with France and Great Britain, vi, 251, viii, 182, 333, 335; negotiation of commercial treaty with, vi, 255- 258, vii, 347-348, viii, 182-183, 324, 333-336; case of James Gray, viii, 184-185; claim of Ladd & Co., viii, 184-185, 188; recognition of its independence, viii, 186-187, 188; condition of, ix, 102; question of annexation, ix, 167—168, 269- 270; foreign advisers to govern ment of, ix, 233. Hawes, J., et. al, letter to (see Tay lor, Nathaniel W.). Hawke, H. B. M. S., ix, 434, 449, 454- Hawkesbury, Lord, northeastern boundary, v, 367. INDEX 389 Hawthorne, Nathaniel, consul at Liverpool, correspondence with, conveyance of mails by American vessels, ix, 36, 42, 78, case of Para- more, et. al, ix, 150, 151, extra dition case of Johnson, ix, 386, 388, 389; other official matters, ix, 78-79, J4o, 214, 390-391, 407; mentioned, x, 71. Hay, Mr., British charge' at Tangier, assistance to Juniata, ix, 419, 429. Hay, John, and J. G. Nicolay, Life of Lincoln, xii, 282. Hay, Peter, opposed to independ ent treasury, iii, 397. Hayes, Judge, v, 436. Hayhurst, Ezra, S., iii, 3S8. Hayne, Isaac W, South Carolina, commissioner, xi, no, 141-143, 172, 181, 182—183, 290, 291, xii, 175—186, 199; his correspondence with senators concerning demand for surrender of Fort Sumter, xi, 127-129, 131-132; letter of the senators to President Buchanan and Holt's reply, on Hayne's mis sion, xi, 129-131; letter from Hayne on Pickens' demand for surrender of Fort Sumter and Holt's reply, xi, 132-141, xii, 180-185. Haytesbury, Lord, vii, 309. Hayti, disturbed state of, viii, 104- 105. Haywood, William H, Senator, v, 5J4, vi, 56. Head, Gov., McLeod case, iv, 433. Healy's portrait of Buchanan, xii, 33°- Heard, John R., et al, letter to, declines invitation of Centre Coun ty Democrats, ' ' unrestrained bank ing," iv, 263-265. Heartt, Philip J., consul at Glas gow, ix, 35. Heath, Lieutenant, H. M. S. Me dusa, assistance to Juniata, ix, 419, 429. Heceta, Bruno, explores north western American coast, vi, 244, 248. Hecker, Charles, consul at Elber- feld, vii, 171. Heintzelman, Samuel, et al, cor respondence with (see Andrews, Joshua) . Helen, the brig, capture of, vii, 68. Helena (see Bay Islands, Colony of). Helffenstein, Abm., iii, 388. Helper, Hinton, his "Impending Crisis," xii, 46. Hemp, Russian, 1,92-94, 111,234,347, iv, 342 ; American water-rotted, iv, 342—343 ; remarks on inspection of water-rotted, v, 417-419 (see, also, Duties) . Hemphill, John, senator, xii, 125; et al. (see Wigfall, Louis T.). Hemphill, Joseph, M. C, i, 215; judge, iii, 222; letter to, Pennsyl vania State judicial ticket, viii, 419—421. Hempstead, Christopher, consul at Belize, appointed, vii, 313; let ter of appointment, viii, 4-5 ; men tioned, viii, 191. Hempstead, Samuel H., district attorney, letter to, expedition against Mexico, viii, 193-195. Henderson, John, senator, iv, 193, v, 80, 271, 275, 514, vi, 56. Henderson, J. Pinckney, Texas special agent, vi, 36; governor of Texas, vii, 215. Henderson, Capt., his "Account of the British settlement of Hon duras," ix, 222. Hendricks, William, senator, ii, 445, iii, 2, 51, 109, no, in, 114, 139- Henry, James Buchanan, mention ed, vi, 1, vii, 26, viii, 122, 389, 412, 427, 460, ix, 67, x, 3, 5, 7, 22, 29, xi, 206, 219, 221, 272, 342, 356, 378, 408, 449, 494, 498, 501, 510; called by Buchanan to legation at London, ix, 460, 466, 477, 488; in Buchanan's household, xii, 323; as secretary to President Buchan an, xii, 324—328; practises law, x, 324; letters to: Civil War, xi, 181, illness, misrepresentation as to Buchanan xi, 191-192, bonds of seceded states, Floyd's orders, xi, 224-225, opinion in Philadelphia, Cobb, Toucey, xi, 242, Stanton, Calhoun, xi, 264, Buchanan's de fense, xi, 317, Davis resolution, Weed's story, xi, 324-326, Weed, Seymour, xi, 327, Gov. Curtin, xi, 368—369, McClellan's nomination xi, 3 7 1-3 7 2 , Buchanan's biography, xi, 449—450; Horatio King's letter to, on Buchanan's course, xi, 92-93 ; on Von Hoist's criticism of Bu chanan, xii, 332—333. Henry, Mrs. J. B., xi, 326, 342. Henry, John T., letter to, Buchan an's speech on Democratic na tional convention, x, 465. Henry, Robert P., M. C, i, 115. Henry, Captain, on dry docks at Philadelphia, iii, 407. Henry, Mayor, of Philadelphia, xii, 279. Henry, Mr., reports death of Bu chanan's mother, ii, 371. 390 INDEX Henry, Spanish Prince, suggested for crown of a Mexican monarchy, vi, 405. Henry the Great, idea of division of Europe into confederated states, vi, n, 103. Hensel, W. U., Buchanan's return to Wheatland, xi, 159; Buchanan's administration on the eve of the rebellion, xii, 283-285; to the Edi tor, Buchanan's Fourth of July, 1815, oration, xii, 316. Hentz, John, et al. (see Andrews, Joshua) . Herald, New York, ix, 246-247, 489, x, 95, xi, 247, 352, xii, 280. Herald, Morning, British, ix, 470. Heriot, William B., letter to, Cuban duties on American articles, vi, 286-287. Hermes, H. B. M. S., ix, 448, 449. Hermosa, the case of, ix, 312. Herr, Benjamin, et al, letter to, Pennsylvania politics, vi, 136-138. Herr, Mr., ix, 74, 114. Herran, Pedro A., New Granadian minister, Mosquito government, ix, 92. Herrera, Jose J. de, President of Mexico, relations with Mexico, vi, 478-479, vii, 146, 476, xi, 484. Herrick, Edward C, et al, letter to (see Taylor, Nathaniel W.). Herst, Mr., his defeat in Pennsyl vania election of 1852, xi, 491- 492. Hertz, involved in British recruit ments in the United States, ix, 374, 437, 444, 461—462, x, 26, 48—49. Hesse-Cassel (see Germanic States). Heston, Thomas J., et al. (see An drews, Joshua). Heysham, W. Sayre, et al. (see An drews, Joshua). Heytesbury, Lord, British ambas sador at St. Petersburg, ii, 200, 220, 228. Hibbard, Harry, et al, letter to (see Committee of Notification). Hick, Mr., viii, 449. Hickman, John, M. C, report on Covode investigation, xii, 226. Hickman, Mr., viii, 427. Hiester, Joseph, gov. of Penn sylvania, i, 279, xii, 290. Higgins, John, consul at Cork, ix, 100. High, William, iii, 388. High seas, question with Great Britain as to right of visit and search, v, 176, 354-360, 467, vi, 451-452, 508, ix, 398-399, x, 214, 215, 216, 247-248, 279, 286, xi, 26-27, xii, 238-240; seizure of Mason and Slidell on the Trent, vi, 204, xi, 231, 232, 233, 234 236, 241, 243—244, 246; mutiny aboard the Sovereign of the Seas, ix, 323; crime aboard vessel, John son extradition case, ix, 386-387, 3 88-3 89 ; crimes aboard vessels on, negotiation of consular conven tion with Great Britain as to (see National jurisdiction, Great Britain; Consuls); (see, also, Na tional jurisdiction; Vessels). Higher law (see Slavery question). Hildebrand, W., consul at Bremen, ' ix, 433- Hill, Isaac, senator, 111, 51, 353, 372; governor of New Hamp shire, iv, 372. Hill, Rowland, secretary to British postmaster general, ix, 245. Hill, Mr., employed in Department of State, viii, 360. Hillhouse, James, M. C, iii, 17. Hilliard, Henry W., letter to, Yucatan, viii, 56-59. Hincks, Mr., ix, 183. Hirst, Mr., ix, 106. Hise, Elijah, charg6 d'affaires to Guatemala, letter to, his mission, viii, 78-84, 158, 226, 380. Hoard, Charles B., his resolution on charges against President Bu chanan, x, 442, xii, 234. Hobbie, Selah R., his mission on proposed postal arrangements with Great Britain and France, vii, 376, 384-385- Hochschild, Baron, Swedish min ister at London, and Baroness, x, 7- Hockaday, John M., and Leggit, bill for relief of, xi, 114— 116. Hodgson, Mr., viii, 247. Hodson, John, agent for Maine, "Disputed Territory Fund" ac count, vii, 61, 62, 64-65, 109-110, 239, 240, 282. Hoffman, David, letter to, claims against Mexico, vi, 169-170. Hogan, John, special agent to Santo Domingo, vi, 230, viii, 49-50; claim of, vii, 216. Hogeboom, James L., M. C, i, 116. Holcombe, Mrs., viii, 413. Holdridge, Capt. Henry, ii, 183, 184. Holgate, Mr., xii, 299. Holland, bankrupt law in, i, 25; Belgian question, ii, 237, 260; duties on vessels and cargoes of, iii, 211— 213; recognition of Texan independence, vi, 28. INDEX 391 Holland, Sir Henry, ix, 425, x, 7, 41, 99, xi, 348, 411, 469; accom panies Prince of Wales on his visit to U. S., xii, 328.' Holland, Lady, ii, 384, ix, 469.x, 7,99. Holland, King of, Baron Billow's opinion of, ii, 395. Holliday, John, case of Lt. Davis, vii, 390, et seq. Hollins, Capt. George N., Greytown affair, ix, 242, 248, 249, 269, 278, 298, 337-338, 339. Hollins, Robert S., letter to, de clines to accept free railroad ticket, x, 314-315- Holme, Augustus, case of, ix, 187. Holmes, Gideon S., consul at Malta, H letter to, case of Peytona, ix, 62- V 64, 161, 171. Holmes, I. E., M. C, letter to, issue of papers to unregistered vessels, vi, 346-347- Holmes, V., consul at Galway, ix, 448. Holmes vs. Jennison, v, 237-238. Holstein, Duchy of (see Germanic States) . Holt, Joseph, postmaster general, letters to: investigation of naval cases, x, 223, post office case at Boston, x, 315; Johnston Nicar- aguan mail contract, x, 321, 326, 327, 328-329, troops available for defense, x, 372, Holt's absence owing to condition of Mrs. Holt, x, 408; California mail service, x, 456, draft of annual message of, i860, xi, 6, Fort Sumter, xi, 76; secretary of war, letters to: conference, xi, 105, question of ordering company from West Point, xi, 121, reenforcement of Fort Sumter, xi, 123-124; letter from, protection of Fort Pickens, xii, 197—198; letters to, protection of Fort Pickens, xii, 198, message from Pensacola, xi, 124; letter to Slidell et al, on Fort Sumter, xi, 129-13 1, xii, 179, 183; his letter to Hayne, same subject, xi, 138— 141, 142, 143, xii, 180—185; letter to, list of cadets, xi, 144; letter from, resigns secretaryship of war and praises Buchanan's administra tion, xii, 208; letter to, press mis representations, xi, 165; letter from, his loyalty, the press, Lin coln's administration, xi, 167- 168; letter to, Fort Sumter, xi, 171; letter from, Fort Sumter, Kentucky, the Confederacy, xi, 174-175; letter to, convalescence, preparation of Buchanan's de fense, xi, 194-195; letter from, Buchanan's defense, xi, 195-196; letters from to J. B. Henry, con troverts James G. Blaine's state ment as to reply to South Carolina commissioners, xi, 84-93 ; as post master-general, xi, 515, xii, 93-94; removal of Westcott, x, 324; as secretary of war, xii, 95 ; military commissions, xi, in; report on troops in Washington, xi, 154-155; expedition of Star of the West, xii, 172-173; message from Maj . Ander son, xii, 1 90-191; rebellion in Flor ida, xii, 194, 195; southern forts, xii, 204; his letter to President Lincoln, Maj. Anderson at Forts Sumter and Moultrie, xi, 156, 157— 158, xii, 190-193; Buchanan's op inion of, xii, 93-94; referred to, xi, 163, 164, 166, 170, 171, 176, 177- 178, 179, 181, 183, 188, 189, 190, 204, 211, 212, 221, 222, 227, 230, 248, 253-254, 256, 262, 263, 266, 268, 269, 271, 280, 284, 285, 287, 288, 289, 291-292, 298, 299, 306, 307, 311, 313, 3J4, 317, 3*9, 32°, 322, 326, 356, 361, 364, 365, 377- 378, 398, 400, 414, 416, xii, 270, 275. Holt, Mrs. Joseph, x, 408. Holt, Lord, ix, 104. Holy Alliance, the, i, 190, 209, ii, 229, xii, 252-258. Honduras, Central American ques tion, viii, 511, 512,' ix, 1-2, 7-8, 23, 28-30, 35, 44, 58-59, 65, 80- 82, 94—119, 120, 125, 126, 134—136, 139, 148, 154, 199, 215-241, 278, 287, 288, 300, 303, 339-343, 403, 406, 415-416, x, 53, 87, 115-116, 125, 127—128, 136—139, 200, 207— 208, 336-337, 350, xi, 26-27, xii, 238, 259; message on treaty of Mch. 28, i860, and interoceanic transit, x, 408—413 (see, also, Great Britain) . Honduras Interoceanic Railway, use of, provided for by treaty with Honduras, x, 408-409. Hood, Mr., letter to, false report of Buchanan's speech, in Union, iv, 323-324- Hooker, Worthington, et al, letter to (see Taylor, Nathaniel W.). Hoover, J. D., letter to, "drop of blood lie," viii, 363-364; et al, letter to, declining invitation to public dinner, viii, 355-357- Hope, the, case of, viii, 218. Hopkins, Edward A., special agent to Paraguay, letters to, his duties, vi, 166-169; recalled, vi, 447-449; his mission and conduct, vi, 443- 444, vii, 58-59. 392 INDEX Hopkins, George W., charg6 to Portugal, letters to: American vessels in Portuguese ports, viii, 108-109; case °f Miles, viii, 145- 146; commerce with Portugal, viii, 209-210; depot for Mediter ranean squadron, viii, 291; claim of Col. Blum, viii, 297, 304-305. Hopkins, James, i, 1, iii, 5, 6. Hopkins, James M., xi, 186. Hopkins, Bishop, xi, 402. Hopkins, Mr., Buchanan studies law with, xii, 293; associated with Buchanan in Judge Franklin's defense, xii, 299—300. Hopkins, Mrs., xi, 343. Horn, Henry, ei al. (see Andrews, Joshua) . Horn, Mr., ii, 397. Hornby, Lt., case of Lucy Penniman, vii, 257. Horrall, Rev. Mr., case of Judge Peck, ii, 155. Horrell, William & Son, et al, letter to (see Shaw, et al). Hosack, Dr., ii, 183. Hough, William, letter to, services of State Department in a private matter declined, vi, 406-407. Hourigan, Michael, discharge from British service, ix, 351. House of Commons (see Great Brit ain). House of Lords (see Great Britain). House of Representatives, Buchan an's term in, xii, 300-315; synopsis of Buchanan's career in, i, xv— xxxv ; its obligation to appropriate, to carry treaties into effect, i, 186- 188, ii, 163-166; remarks on use of hall of, i, 314-316; remarks on election of clerk of, i, 418-419; re marks on appointment of standing committees, i, 419-420; senate amendment of appropriation bills, iv, 35; veto power, speech on, v, 98-139; letters to: on oriental trade, vii, 218; on registered sea men, vii, 230; on claim of Leggett, viii, 163; powers and duties of, in connection with Covode investi gation, x, 399-405, 435-443, xii, 218—235, 326-327; Sherman's reso lution criticising President Bu chanan, x, 441, xii, 233, 270, 282; Hoard's resolution on charges against President Buchanan, x, 442, xii, 234; reduction of pay of mem bers favored by Buchanan, xii, 308; letters to speaker of the house, returns as to relief of American seamen, vii, 20, immigrants, vii, 20, 221, viii, 2, 261—262 (see, also, Congress, apportionment bill; Con stitution; Intercourse of States Messages; Treaties, and names of Congressmen) . Houston, Jack, viii, 424. Houston, John H., ix, 372-373, 393- Houston, Samuel, president of Texas, negotiations with Mexico, vi, 34, 3 5, 36, 44; mentioned, viii, 443- Houston, Mrs., xi, 412. Howard, Benjamin C, delegate from Tennessee at Democratic National Convention, i860, xii, 58, 59, 61, 62. Howard, General Oliver O, xi, 425- Howard, William A., M. C, xi, 400, xii, 137. Howard, Miss, xi, 423. Howden, Lord, vii, 424. Howell, Mr., xi, 430. Howland, Benjamin, M. C, iii, 17. Hoyt, Jesse, collector of customs at New York, v, 144, 145. Hubbard, Henry, senator, iii, 51, 109, no, in, 113, 114, 208, 278, 328, 330, 353, 354, 357, 371, 422, 425, 460, 464, 507, iv, 249-250, 268. Hubbard, Stephen G., et al, letter to (see Taylor, Nathaniel W.). Hubbell, William S., presidential campaign, 1844, vi, 71. Hubbs, Paul K, et al. (see Andrews, Joshua). Hubbs, Mr., U. S. customs inspector, San Juan Island boundary dispute, x, 351- Huckins, D. M., consul at Cape Town, ix, 384. Hudson, the, claim of, ix, 279-280, 298, 3°3- Hudson Bay Co., iii, 378, v, 452, 454, 459, 462-464, 468-476, 478, vi, 202, 330, 352, 380, vii, 3, 4, 10, 33-34, viii, 126, 280-281, 300-302, x, 337, 351-352. Hudson Bay Fur Co., v, 385. Hudson Bay & Puget Sound Land Co., viii, 148. Huesman, B. H., letter to, pass ports to naturalized citizens, vii, 238. Huffnagle, Charles, consul gen eral for British India, ix, 419, 428. Huger, Daniel Elliott, senator, v, 5*4, vi, 56. Hughes, F. W., letter to, politics, xi, 278. Hughes, John, Bishop, his proposed mission to Mexico, xi, 375-376. Hugo, Victor, ix, 289. INDEX 393 Hulsemann, Chev., Austrian charge^, letters to, Austrian claim for refund of duties, vi, 468-469; extradition and commercial treat ies, vii, 76, 83; vice-consuls, vii, 174; projet of convention to abolish droit d'aubaine, etc., vii, 370-3 7 1 ; change of Austrian rulers, viii, 303, 304; Koszta case, ix, 67. Humann, Mr., French minister of finance, ii, 502. Humboldt, Baron, his western Amer ican explorations, vi, 244 ; his maps of a Panama canal, vi, 474-475. Hume, Joseph, letter from, light house dues, ix, 149. Humphrey, John, ix, 410. Humphreys, Capt., capture of Char leston arsenal, xi, 84. Hungary, good offices between Aus tria and, viii, 302-303; Kossuth's memorial, ix, 185-187; revolu tionary movements in, ix, 289, 291. Hunt, Benjamin F., letter to, con finement of Captains Sister and Larkin, vii, 41. Hunt, Jonathan, M. C, i, 353, 356, 424. Hunt, Mr., xi, 496. Hunter, Robert M. T., senator, xi, 256, 285-286, xii, 116, 194-196; his proposed nomination at Demo cratic national convention, i860, xii, 60; candidate for presidential nomination at Breckinridge con vention, xii, 69 ; Confederate secre tary of state, xi, 254; et al. (see Mason, J. M.). Hunter, William, chief clerk, de partment of state, mentioned, viii, 357, ix, 280, xi, 273; assistant secre tary of state, ix, 381. Hunter v. Martin, ii, 65, 75. Hunter v. Fairfax, ii, 65, 76. Huntington, Jabez W., senator, iv, 382, 385, 425, 443, 449, v, 14, 38, 73, 165, 261, 302, 321, 337, 390, 514, vi, 56. Huren, Edward, letter to, applica tion for passport, vii, 70. Huron, territory oi, remarks on, i, 396-397- Hurst, Edward, et al. (see Andrews, Joshua) . Huskisson, Mr., British plenipoten tiary, i, 226, vi, 188, 232-233. Hussein Bey, Turkish min. of com merce, case of Jeni Dunia, vii, 293-296. Hutchison, J. H., et al. (see Andrews, Joshua). Hutter, Edwin Wilson, letter to, Pennsylvania gubernatorial can didates, 1848, viii, 129-130. Hyatt, Thomas H., consul at Tan gier, letters to: present to Em peror, viii, 205 ; Barbary piracies, viii, 316-318. Hyde, Jabez, iii, 388. Ibrahim Pacha, ii, 311, 315, 316, 326, 327, 330, 331, 337- Idler, Jacob, letter to, declines to intervene in contract claims case, vii, 266. Illinois, political position in election of 1824-5, i, I2i ; public lands in, i, 129; Cumberland road in, iii, 1-4, 471, v, 502—503; admission of, iii, 35, 36, 40-41, 45-46, 47, vi, 91; boundary of, iii, 138; taxation of certain lands by, v, 163-164; de faults of, in obligations, vi, 118. Imaum, H. B. M. S., ix, 448. Immigration, encouragement of, iii, 367; erroneous charge of convict emigration from Wurtemburg, vi, 395; statement for year ending September 30, 1845, vii, 20; of paupers and criminals, vii, 220; statement for year ending Sept. 30, 1846, vii, 221; European, vii, 360- 361; Dudley A. Mann's report on European emigration, vii, 458, viii, 107; statement, for year end ing Sept. 30, 1847, viii, 2; frauds in European emigration, viii, 240; statement for year ending Sept. 30, 1848, viii, 261-262; legislation as to number of passengers to be carried by vessels, viii, 338-339; emigrant tickets, x, 178; of colored seamen, vi, 374, 375; of free negroes into Alabama, viii, 3 1 ; of African slaves, vii, 308, 322- 323, x, 288-289, 295-296, 342-345, 426-429, xi, 38; message on Chinese coolie trade, x, 431 (see, also, Emigration) . Impeachment, Warren Hastings, ii, 18, 51, iii, 179; of Blount, ii, 51; Judge Walter Franklin, Buchanan conducts defence, i, 9, xii, 299-300; of Judge Chase, ii, 16, 20, 51, 85; Judge Pickering, ii, 51, 87, 88, iii, 177; Judge Conkling, ii, 125-126; discussed on resolution condemn ing President Jackson, iii, 174- 394 INDEX 184; questions of, of president, dis cussed in connection with Covode investigations, that by, x, 399-405, 435-443, xii, 218-235; President Johnson, xi, 437, 438, 466, 467; Judge Peck (see Peck, Judge James H.). ' ' Impending Crisis, ' ' by Helper (see Helper, Hinton) . Importations, from Russia, i, 94; of brandy, i, 221-227; m l836- 1839, iv, 146-147 (see, also, Duties; Exports; Tariff). Impressment, doctrine of, i, 5 ; as affected by result of war of 1812, i, 6; British claim of, discussed in speech on Webster-Ashburton treaty, v, 344-347, 355, 356, 375, 384, 467 (see, also, Great Britain; High seas, visit and search). Improvement of rivers (see Internal improvements) . Inaugural address, Buchanan's, x, 105-113, xii, 324. Inauguration, Buchanan's, as presi dent, xii, 324-325. Incendiary publications, transmis sion of, through mails, ii, 443-444, iii, 23-24, 83-94, iv, 25-26, viii, 393-394, xi, 8, xii, 4-6, 99 (see, also, Slavery question). Income tax (see Taxation). Independence (see Recognition). Independent treasury, speeches and remarks on the, iii, 380-385, 386, 387, 388, 397-398, 408, iv, 134-175, 194-207, 207-227, 286-288, 308— 316; references to, iii, 252—255, 374-376, 398-406, 508-511, 512, 514, 521, 522, iv, 79-81, 122-123, 287, 333, 363, 460, 465, 471, 478, 484, v, 31, 75,76, 83,86-87, 95, viii, 435, 445, 47i- India, East (see East Indies). Indian Springs, treaty of, i, 243. Indiana, political position in election of 1824-5, i, J2i; public lands in, i, 128; Cumberland road in, iii, 1—4, 471, v, 502—503; admission of, iii, 36, 40; boundary of, iii, 32, 33, 138; territorial law as to suffrage, iv, 289—290; law as to penal servitude, iv, 294-296; default of, in obliga tions, vi, 118; Democratic con vention, letter in response to request of, views on national issues, 1843, v, 421-425. Indians, appropriations, i, 11—20; pol icy towards, i, 11-20, iv, 87, xii, 300-301; remarks on Indian ques tion, ii, 11, 12-13, 170-17 1 ; slavery in Indian territory, iii, 348, 350, 353; removal of, iv, 242-245, 367, 377, v, 188; wars, iv, 177-178, 242- 245, 346, 365-366, 369-370, 373, 375-376, 378, 441-442; purchase of Indian lands, v, 188; suppres sion of, in Yucatan, viii, 155; af fairs, annual message of 1857, x, 160; messages on, in Oregon and Washington, x, 210, 211; message on, in California, x, 213; depreda tions along Mexican border, x, 359; message on hostilities in New Mexico, x, 416; Cherokee, iv, 360- 361, 366-368, 373, 376-377, x, 160; Chickasaw, x, 160; message on treaties with Chippewa and Chris tian, x, 375; Choctaw, x, 160; Creek, x, 160; message on treaty with Delaware, x, 433, xi, 151; message on treaty with Kansas, x, 373; message on treaty with Pawnee, x, 169; message on treaty with Ponca, x, 212; message on treaty with Sac and Fox, x, 374; message on treaty with Sioux, x, 213, 285; message on treaty with Tonawanda, x, 206; message on treaty with Winnebago, x, 374 (see, also, Seminole war). Ingersoll, C. J., iii, 388, iv, 121; chairman house comm. of in. aff., letters to: duties on Spanish ves sels and wines, vi, 393—394; legis lation to give effect to treaty with Prussia, vi, 394-395; Amistad claim, vi, 426 ; duties on Portuguese wines, vi, 432, vii, 22; spoken for minister to France, xi, 475; et al. (see Andrews, Joshua). Ingersoll, Jared, attorney general of Pennsylvania, i, 1 ; letter to, i, 1 ; counsel in case of Passmore, ii, 89, 94. Ingersoll, Joseph R., vi, 2; M. C, vi, 74; chairman of House jud. comm., letter to, extradition under treaty with Great Britain, Aug. 9, 1842, viii, 73, no; services as min ister to England, ix, 16, 36, 42, 78, 245, 276, 315, 316, 318; his resigna tion, viii, 504; Buchanan's presen tation as minister to England, ix, 34, 35- Ingersoll, Ralph, minister to Rus sia, letters to: secretary of lega tion, vii, 255; declines to grant him leave of absence, viii, 38-39; ap pointment of successor, viii, 87-89. Ingham, Samuel D., M. C, i, 208, 250, 300, ii, 171-172, 178, vi, 307; letters to, "bargain and corrup tion" charge, i, 260-261, presi dential election of 1825, i, 268. Ingush, James, case of, vi, 272. INDEX 395 Ingraham, Capt. Duncan N., jour nal of visit to Pacific, viii, 106; Koszta affair, ix, 45, 68. Inhabitant, meaning of, vii, 197, 198. Inheritance (see Droit d'aubaine). Inquirer & Courier, letter to, "drop of blood lie," viii, 442-443. Insolvent debtors (see Bankruptcy). Instruction, doctrine of (see Legis lative instruction). Intelligencer, the, letter to, remarks on. resolution concerning Maine boundary dispute, iv, 100 (see, also, National Intelligencer). Intercourse of states, remarks on appointment of charges, i, 228- 229; remarks on diplomatic service, ii, 163-166; missions, of special agents abroad, v, 201-204; inade quacy of diplomatic salaries, ii, 239-240, 402; diplomatic expenses, i, 450-451, iv, 248-249, ix, 70; funeral expenses of diplomatic representatives, vii, 1, 2, 452; man ner of payment of Buchanan's salary while minister to England, ix, 381—382; outfits, i, 249-251, 294-301, 305-306, 450-451, vii, 219; traveling expenses, of Gal latin, i, 300; contingent expenses, vi, 208; question concerning per manent legation abodes, xi, 494, 495; personal acceptability, Baron Gerolt persona grata, viii, 154; question of reception of Mr. Lee, as Texan diplomatic agent, vi, 254- 255; of Slidell in Mexico, vi, 360- 362, 363-365, 402-404, 478, 479; of John E. Ward, in China, xi, 346- 348; Russia's refusal to receive Canning as ambassador, ii, 382; reduction of mission to Austria, vi, 113-116, 146-147; removal of diplomatic officers, iv, 383; recalls: of Serrurier, French minister, ii, 500, 501 ; of Mr. Barton, charge at Paris, ii, 511; of Mexican minister and minister to Mexico, iii, 216-218, 233—234, 411; of Crampton, ix, 442-445, x, 5, n, 13, 23, 27, 31-33, 35-39, 4o, 41, 42-44, 46-47, 48-49, 52-54, 56, 65, 67, 68, 71, 72, 74- 75, 87, xi, 508; of Jewett, charge1 to Peru, vii, 242—244, 244—245; of Mr. Wise, minister to Brazil, vii, 260-265, 328, 388 et seq.; Trist, peace commissioner to Mexico, vii, 425-427, 442-443, 444, 506-507; personal instructions to a charge^, viii, 50, 51; secretary of state as organ of correspondence, ix, 101; form and procedure of corre spondence, of addressing the presi dent, ii, 338; Baron Sacken's offen sive note, ii, 299, 300, 301, 302, 304, 320, 321-326, 372-373; of address ing the king of Hawaii, vi, 257; Jewett's case in Peru, vi, 500-502 ; court dress and Buchanan's in stance while minister to England, i, 308-310, ix, 75-77, 78, 86-88, 107, 109-110, in— 112, 142-143, 146, 152, 157-158, 158-159, 194, 361, x, 407; rights and duties of diplomatic officers: Wise's speech, viii, 402, 403, 460; Webster-Ash- burton negotiations, v, 460, 461, 467, 468, 483, 484-498; President's intended recommendations to Con gress not communicable to Senor Calderon, vi, 229; conduct of Brown in acting' as attorney in Hawaii, vi, 256, 257; accounts, vii, 84-85, 168; complaint against Shields, charg6 to Venezuela, viii, I57, !58, extra-territorial judicial functions, viii, 176, 177, 190, 201; good offices for third countries, viii, 112, 119; support of private interests, viii, 184-185; presents, viii, 191; privileges, case of French attach*., viii, 313, 327, 345; exemp tion from customs duties, vii, 188- 189; interference with Buchanan's customs exemptions while minister to England, ix, 390-391; Buchan an's despatch bag privileges while minister to England, ix, 360—361, 379—381, 384,406—407; transit, case of Soul6's exclusion from France, ix, 271-272, 273-274, 275; instances as to publication of correspondence, ii, 510, iii, 218, v, 441-446, vi, 41-42, 455-459, 4987499, viii, 142, i45,3°6; communication of correspondence to Congress, vii, 34-37, 37~38, 49°~ 492, viii, 23; President's message cannot be questioned by foreign government, ii, 505-507, 513, viii, 329-330; debates in Congress on foreign relations not restricted, viii, 328— 330, ix, 59; President's recom mendations to Congress as to duties on Cuban sugar not made known to Spain, vi, 224; presents to Barbary rulers, viii, 349-350; presents from Emperor of Morocco and Imaum of Muscat, iv, 245—246; gift to Turkish Sultan, vii, 433-434, 437. Letters to diplomatic corps: ceremonies in Jackson's memory, vi, 181, 182; list of persons at tached to legation, vi, 308: proc lamation of war with Mexico, vi, 484—485. Letter to diplomatic 396 INDEX officers, contingent expenses, vi, 208. Bearer of despatches, vii, 14, 28, viii, 189-190. Consular agents, vii, 238. Consular system, ii, 430, 431, vii, 154-166, 203-204, viii, 354-355; appointment of consuls, viii, 198, ix, 239; qualifications: residence of Fairfield, ix, 477, of Winter, ix, 477, 479; citizenship, vi, 283, vii, 169; instance of Wm. T. Tucker, vi, 410; continuance of consuls in Mexican ports under military occupation, vii, 500-501; acceptability of Carr, consul at Tangier, viii, 245-251; removal of consuls, iv, 383; removal of Consul Lester, at Genoa, vii, 421; complaint as to British consul at Jerusalem, ix, 311-313, 317-319; limited to certain ports in Cuba, vi, 125; powers and duties : consul at Paris acting as claims commis sioner under convention July 4, 183 1, v, 199, 200, 201; consul Larkin's appointment as naval agent unauthorized, vii, 196; not to engage in business, x, 295; ab stention from local politics, Wil liams in New Zealand uprising, vi, 340; interposition with local authorities, viii, 251-253; expen ditures for legal services unauthor ized, instance of consul Harrison, vi, 387-388; as to seamen and vessels, ii, 295-296, vii, 5, 6, 8, 13, 18-19, 29, 32-33, 187-188, 350-352, viii, 198-200, 242-243, 25I-253, 256, 354-355, ix, 253- 257, 322~329, 336, 344-345, 363- 364, 376-378, 382"383, 385-387; receiving declarations, vii, 123- 124; consular certificates, vii, 492, 493 ; performance of marriage ceremony, vii, 29; administration of estates, vii, 123—124, 413-416; extraterritorial jurisdiction in China, vii, 203, 204, 428-429, viii, 176-177, 190, 201, x, 387; emigra tion, vii, 324, 325; recognition of new government, viii, 234-236; absence from post, ii, 346; claims for misconduct of, vii, 108-109; flags over consulates, vi, 492, 493, viii, 341-342; fees, ii, 347-348, v, 198—201, x, 292; presents, viii, 191; question of precedence, vii, 96-98, 102; execution of consular awards under treaty with Prussia, July 11, 1799, vi, 207, 284, 285, 287, 288, 332,,333, 394-395, 490, 491, same subject as to Austrian treaty, vi, 490-491. Letters to consuls, war with Mexico, vi, 485, 486; Mann's mission, viii, 107; relief of destitute seamen, viii, 198-200; message on consular of ficers, x, 295; (see, also, Commer cial agents; Contingent fund for foreign intercourse, Extraterritor ial jurisdiction, and particular countries; Vice-consuls, vii, 174). Interior, report of secretary of, for 1857, x, 158-160; for 1858, x, 270; for 1859, x, 369; for i860, xi, 42. Internal improvements, Jackson's policy on, iv, 87; veto of bill for, v, 103, 109, in, 133; constitu tional power as to, i, 175, iii, 51- 52, 85-87, 90-93, x, 93-94, 111- 112, 154-156, 272-273, 364-365, 380-387, xi, 399; Buffalo and New Orleans road, ii, 23; canals, i, 129-132, 174-177, 252-255, 313- 314, iii, 51, 52; Connecticut river, i, 114; Cumberland road bills, i, 49-54, 128-129, 252, 256-259, 274- 275, 382, 3837396, 398-417, 418, ii, 414-421, iii, 1—4, 471-472, v, 502-503, xii, 302-303; improve ments of rivers, i, 113-117; Mis souri river, i, 113— 117; Missis sippi river, i, 113— 117, x, 219, 388, xii, 305, Ohio, i, 113— 117; St. Clair Flats, x, 377-387; roads, i, 252- 255, 3137314, iii, 51-52; Susque hanna river, i, 114 (see, also, Navigation; Railroads). International waters, proposed neu tralization of the Euxine, ix, 475 (see, also, Navigation). Interoceanic communications, across Isthmus of Panama, vi, 180, 181; report relating to Panama Canal, vi, 474, 475; Isthmus of Panama, treaty with New Granada, Dec. 12, 1846, vii, 183—184, 212—214, 252— 253, viii, 129, 258, 346, 383, x, 142—143, 409—410, 411; Senate resolution, March 3, 1835, vii, 213; outrages on American citizens on Panama Isthmus, x, 312; route across Isthmus of Tehuantepec, vii, 278, 287, x, 218-219, 260, 4 1 0-4 n, 412; Clayton-Bulwer treaty, April 19, 1850, referring especially to Tehuantepec and Panama routes, viii, 383, ix, 316, 416, 422, x, 124, 126, 410, 411; proposal for survey of Atrato route, x, 58; Costa Rican conduct with reference to, x, 123—124; Ac cessory Transit Company's oper ation over Nicaragua route, x, 258; protection of Nicaragua, Te huantepec and Panama routes, x, INDEX 397 142-143, 257—260, 296-299, 360; treaty with Nicaragua, Nov. 16, 1857, x, 258-259, 316, 317; com mercial treaty with Nicaragua, March 16, 1859, providing for route, x, 359-360, 37i-372, 398- 412; Belly's plan for Nicaragua route, x, 317; Nicaragua route sought to be opened by Com modore Vanderbilt, x, 335; trea ties of Nicaragua with France and Great Britain, x, 412, 413, 418; message on treaty with Honduras, March 28, i860, x, 408-413, 418; use of Honduras Interoceanic Rail way provided for by treaty with Honduras, x, 408-409 ; treaty with Mexico for Tehuantepec route, Dec. 30, 1853, x, 410, 411, 412; American treaty policy, x, 412, 413, 418; Tehuantepec route men tioned in connection with Covode Investigation, x, 437, xii, 228, 229; treaty with Mexico, Dec. 14, 1859, for Tehuantepec route, x, 373, xii, 259-261 (see, also, Great Britain, Central American question) . Interstate commerce (see Constitu tion) . Intervention, political, of France in American revolution, vi, 25, 26; American policy of non-interven tion, viii, 202 ; revolution in Vene zuela, viii, 26-28; French revolu tion, viii, 33, 34, 40; Central Amer ica, viii, 78; Italy, viii, 140, 196; France, viii, 258; Austro-Hunga- rian difficulties, viii, 302-303; European revolutionary move ments, ix, 289, 291-293 (see, also, particular countries) ; non-political: McLeod's case, iii, 360, 362, iv, 409-427, 428—451, v, 208, 210, 219-223, 226, 231-240, 343, 347- 35o, 355-356, 375, 384, 467; re fused in behalf of J. D. D. Ros- set for cause prior to his naturali zation, vi, 315, 316; refused where denial of justice wanting, case of Ityades, viii, 106; protection of missionaries in China, viii, 1 1 2-1 13 , 119; for Americans arrested in Ireland, viii, 203, 204, 227, 230- 231, 243—244, 264-266, 270, 319— 32*, 337-338, xi, 481, 483-484; refused in case of Mortara boy, x, 283-285 (see, also, Claims; Media tion) . Invincible, the, Texan schooner, viii, in. Iowa, boundary between Missouri and, iv, 126; admission of viii, 17. Ipland, Capt. C, viii, 225. Ireland, bankrupt law in, 1, 25; con dition of, iv, 83; in 1844, v, 479; in 1846, vii, 309; Americans ar rested in rebellion, viii, 203-204, 227, 230—231, 243—244, 264-266, 270, 319-321, 337-338, xi, 481, 483-484; Irish agitation from the United States, ix, 418, 439, 445, 452, 456-457; loyalty to British Crown, 1855, xi, 497. Iris, case of, viii, 170. Irisarri, Antonio Jose de, Nicar- aguan minister, his interoceanic transit treaty with Cass of Nov. 16, 1857, x, 258-259, 316-317; the treaty with Nicaragua of March 16, 1859, x, 372. Iron, importation of (see Duties). Irrepressible conflict (see Slavery question) . Irvin, Henry, J. V. Morales' claim against Spain, vi, 470. Irving, Washington, minister to Spain, letters to: Cuban import duty claim, vi, 155—156, 287; pos sible privateering from Cuba and Porto Rico during Mexican War, vi, 489; acceptance of his resigna tion, vi, 465—466; Spain's pro posed offer of mediation between U. S. and Mexico, vii, 129, 130. Irwin, Wm. W., charg6 to Denmark, Danish Sound dues, viii, 221. Irwin, Judge, viii, 126. Isabella, Queen, vi, 405. Isacks, Jacob C, M. C, i, 365. Isidore, monk, ii, 363. Isthmus of Panama (see Interoceanic communication) . Isthmus of Tehuantepec (see Inter oceanic communication) . Isthmus of Chiriqui, message on, xi, 112. Isturiz, Senor, Flores expedition, vii, 251-252, 253-254; Spanish minister at London, Cuba, ix, 85. Italy, address to Pope on independ ence of, vii, 482-483 ; revolution of 1848, viii, 140; success of Austrians in, viii, 162; situation of, viii, 196; revolutionary movements in, ix, 289, 291 ; sympathies in the United States for, in 1859, x, 317, 334 (see, also, States of the Church). Ityades, case of, viii, 106. Iverson, Alfred, senator, xii, 125; et al, senators (see Wigfall, Louis T.). Ives, Charles, et al, letters to (see Taylor, Nathaniel W.) . Ives, Eli, et al, letter to (see Taylor, Nathaniel W.) . Ives, Dr., of N. Y. Herald, xi, 269. 398 INDEX Jackson, Andrew, in War of 1812, i, 276; appointed Major-General, iv, 297; remarks on fine of, by Judge Hall, v, 241-251, 406-409; invasion of Florida in pursuit of Indians, iv, 441, 442; candidate for president, 1824-1825, i, 120- 121, 133, 260—271, 290—295; letter to, on presidential election, i, 138- 139 ; letters from Jackson's support in Pennsylvania, i, 139-140, 218; "bargain and corruption" charge of the campaign, i, 217-220, 260— 263, vi, 59-60, 63-64, x, 85-86, 91; letter to, convention at Harris burg, March 4, 1826, i, 173-174; letter from, Harrisburg conven tion, mission to Panama, i, 183- 184; letter to, political affairs in Pennsylvania, i, 216-217; letter from, death of Buchanan's brother, Panama Congress, i, 237; letters from and to, the alleged "bargain and corruption," i, 261, 269; Clay on his candidacy for President, viii, 465; Buchanan a member of Congress during part of his admin istration, xii, 300; Buchanan's mission to Russia, ii, 173-177, viii, 445 ; letter to, political affairs and the Vice-Presidency, ii, 177-179; letter to, English politics, Duke of Wellington, reform bill, English estimate of U. S., ii, 187-190; letter to, life in Russia, the emperor and empress, the diplomatic corps, treaties of commerce and maritime rights, ii, 198-203, 216; letter to, Russia and France, Spain, Eng land, requisites in an American minister to Russia, ministers' sal aries, ii, 237-241; letter to, presi dential election, new secretary of legation, Buchanan's return to America, ii, 306-308; letter from, nullification, the treaty, Buchan an's return, ii, 328-329; letter to, Buchanan's return, Russian des potism, South Carolina, mari time treaty, ii, 338-341; letter to, European politics, relations with England, ii, 392-393; letter from, greetings on Buchanan's return, ii, 396; Buchanan's prospects for Vice-Presidency or senatorship, ii, 397; letter to, Count Pozzo di Borgo, politics, Buchanan's stand ing in Pennsylvania, ii, 398; letter to, Gen. Simon Cameron, ii, 399; letter to, Pennsylvania politics, Mr. Petrikin, iii, 125-126; letter to, Van Buren's character and meas ures, Bank of U. S., iii, 256; letter from, commendation of Pennsylvania, Van Buren, the banks, iii, 257-258; letter to, Van Buren's message, the "divorce bill," Pennsylvania politics, iii, 324-325; letter from, the "divorce bill," Van Buren, Tennessee poli tics, banks, Pennsylvania, iii, 337- 338; letter to, delay in visit, Jack son's joining church, Pennsyl vania politics, Webster, iv, 117- 119; his administration as presi dent, policies and views, ii, 166- 167, 301, 302, 304-305, 316, 318- 319, 321-326, 328, 336, 339-340, 378-379, 391, 397, 403, 408-411, 421-434, 439-441, 449, 45°, 45g- 466, 466-514, iii, 63, 87-88, 92- 93, 115, 117, 130, 168-195, 2I4, 215—216, 217, 224, 234, 272—273, 326-327, 410, 417, 418, 450, 451, 457, 493, iv, 26, 32, 41, 47, 52, 74- 75, 76, 77, 78, 82, 86-88, 143, 174- 175, 186, 306, 311, 3i5-3J6, 321, 345-346, 349, 361, 385, 421, 475- 476, v, 109, 115, 125, 128, 133, 135, 145, 150, 153, l63, 3io, 322, 388- 389, 397-398, 399-400, 421-422, vi, 10— 11, 27, 38, 39, 189, 296, 299, vii, 87, 133, viii, 25, 33, 152, 329, 33o, 393, 472, 477, 496, x, 224, 384, xi, 8, 13, 47-48, 59-60, 284, 389, 412, 419, xii, 4-5, 78-79, 104, 140, 157, 276-277; the expunging reso lutions, ii, 449-450, iii, 187, 192, 326-327, iv, 82; his farewell ad dress, xii, 96; ceremonies in mem ory of, vi, 181-182; honor of, in Argentine Confederation, vi, 388, 446; his military greatness, vii, 310; quarrel with Gen. Scott, viii, 468; his designation of "Old Hickory," viii, 470; mentioned, i, 289, 310, 381, 382, iv, 76, vi, 63, viii, 366, xii, 268, 269, 270, 273, 274, 283 (see, also, particular topics) . Jackson, Mrs. Andrew, attacks against, i, 303. Jackson, James, M. C, iii, 17. Jackson, Mr., ix, 367. Jackson, Andrew, case of, the (see Andrew Jackson). Jacob, Richard T., Lt. Gov., letter to, interview with Col. Benton, xi, 405-406, same subject, xi, 417, 418. Jacobs, Mr., iii, 249. James L, creation of province of Nova Scotia, iv, 9. INDEX 399 James, Charles T., senator, on Mis souri Compromise, xii, 17. 1 Jamison, Gen. D. F., sent by Gov. Pickens to Maj. Anderson to de mand surrender of Fort Sumter, xii, 174. Janus, slave-trade, case of, vi, 398. Japan, A. H. Everett's mission to, vii, 1 5 ; decree against foreign ves sels and explorations, vii, 285; Commodore Perry's expedition to, ix, 130; message on commercial treaty, June 17, 1857, x, 193, 246; message on relations and treaty of July 29, 1858, with, x, 277; xi, 30. Jarnigan, Spencer, senator, v, 514, vi, 56. Jarvis, James Jackson, viii, 188. Jay, John, treaty, Great Britain of Nov. 19, 1794, i, 6, v, 364, xii, 314; treaty of peace with Great Britain, v, 379; Chief Justice, Supreme Court, xi, 446. Jay, Mr., French deputy, relations with France, ii, 480. "Jay" articles, on Bank of U. S., by Mr. Cheves, iv, 495, 498. Jefferson, E. M., master of Caro line, viii, 69, 321. Jefferson, Thomas, draft of Dec laration of Independence, iii, 170; state and federal powers, ii, 59, 60-61, 62; iv, 66-67, 84, 9°; viii, 431-432; ietter to Mr. Kercheval, ii, 148; powers of legislatures, x, 439, xii, 231; his administration as president, policies and views, ii, 424, 493, 494-496, iv, 292, 306, v, 106, 366, 398, 422, vi, 7, 43, 98, 99, 269-270, 476, vii, 49-50, 53, 55, 140, 151, viii, 370, 483, xi, 24, xii, 72, 73, 113; British proposal as to holy alliance, xii, 254-256, 258; his MSS., viii, 234; manual of parliamentary procedure, cited, v, 321; mentioned, xi, 407, 429, xii, 3, 268, 315. Jefferson, the, passage from the Great Lakes, viii, 49, 56, 245. Jeffery, Mr., iv, 174. Jeffreys, George, Lord, decisions of, iii, 277. Jeffries' map, ix, 221. Jeni Dunia, case of, vii, 293-296. Jenifer, David, minister to Austria, reduction of mission to Austria and his recall, letter to, vi, 146. Jenkins, Capt. Oliver N., case of Peytona, ix, 62-64, 160—162, 171. Jenkins, William, slavery question, iii, 5, 6. Jenkins, Mrs., viii, 278, ix, no, xi, 432. Jenks, Daniel I., letter to, Whig charge concerning Buchanan's views on wages, iv, 286-288; men tioned, ix, 373. "Jennings estate," fictitious, xi, 492. Jennison, S. H., governor of Ver mont, v, 237, vi, 360. Jerez, Maximo, Nicaraguan minister, Johnston mail contract, x, 321, 328. Jeune Nelly, the, case of, viii, 286-288, 289. Jewett, Albert G., charg6 to Peru, letters to, convention with Peru, form of address of Peruvian min ister of foreign affairs, vi, 500-502; recall, 242-244; payments under claims, claims against Peru, vii, 74, 249-250, 417, 494-495. Jews, discriminations against Amer ican, in Switzerland, x, 423. Joby, Commodore, claim of La For- tuna, vi, 178. John, archduke of Austria, elected administrator of German Empire, viii, 130, 144, 167, 168, 233. John III., Tsar, marriage to Prin cess Sophia, ii, 355. Johns, Kensey, Jr., M. C, ii, 53. Johnson, Andrew, senator, on seces sion and coercion, xi, 394, xii, 111- 112; president, xi, 381, 382-383, 394-395, 400, 405, 414, 428, 429, 464; impeachment of, xi, 437-438, 466-467. Johnson, Cave, postmaster general, letter to, touching of steam pack ets at Antwerp, vii, 12; letter to, postal arrangement with Belgium, vii, 86; letters to, candidates for presidential nomination, 185 1- 1852, viii, 425-427, 428-430, 447- 449, 451, 454; letters to, Buchan an's mission to England, viii, 507- 508, ix, 28; his death, xi, 429. Johnson, Mrs. Cave, death of, viii, 425, 428. Johnson, Henry, senator, v, 514. Johnson, Henry Norris, extradi tion case of, ix, 386-387, 388-389. Johnson, Herschel V., senator, let ter to, Jackson's alleged offer for San Francisco, viii, 25; candidate for vice-president, xii, 68. Johnson, O. F., letter to, Harris burg Fourth of July celebration, Bank of U. S. and its recharter by Pennsylvania, iii, 1 14-124, 426; et al. (see Andrews, Joshua). Johnson, Reverdy, his proposed nomination at Democratic na tional convention, i860, xii, 60; member of Virginia peace conven tion, xii, 128. 400 INDEX Johnson, Richard M., candidate for vice-president, iii, 126; candidacy for reelection, iv, 288-320; on bank reforms, iv, 264. Johnson, Robert W., senator, xii, 125. Johnson, S. M., consul at Matanzas, his appointment of a consular agent at Cardenas, vii, 228. Johnson, William Cost, v, 508. Johnson, William S., delegate to federal convention, vi, 18-19. Johnson, Col., xi, 472, candidate for presidential nomination. Johnson, Dr., interview with George III., v, 492. Johnson, M. C, from Kentucky, i, 45- Johnson, Dictionary of Geography, ix, 222. Johnson vs. McIntosh, ix, 134. Johnston, Col. A. S., commands ex pedition to Utah, x, 243, 244, xii, 214, 216, 217; mentioned, xi, 465. Johnston, Henry E., Miss Lane's marriage to, xi, 401, 402, 409—410; mentioned, xi, 411, 412, 421, 422, 433, 447, 448, 45°, 452, 461; letter to, approves marriage with Miss Lane, xi, 409; letter to, health, xi, 456- Johnston, Mrs. Henry E., letters to, her marriage, Henry Holland, xi, 410; personals, xi, 421-422; politics, White House furnishings, xi, 422-423; personals, xi, 432- 433,447-448; projected biography, health, xi, 457-458; personals, xi, 461; mentioned, xi, 412, 425, 426, 427, 428, 429, 436, 447, 449, 452, 456 (see, also, Lane, Harriet Re becca) . Johnston, William F., Pennsyl vania resolution on sub-treasury bill, iii, 285; governor of Pennsyl vania, letter to, case of Capt. Foster, viii, 253; mentioned, viii, 405. Johnston, Col., ii, 442. Johnston, Judge, i, 432. Johnston, Misses, xi, 228, 232. Johnston, Mr., his Nicaraguan mail contract, x, 321, 326, 327, 328—329. Joint action, proposed by United States and France to England, to induce Mexico to recognize Texas, vi, 43-44- Joint boundary commission (Amer ican-British), proceedings of, vii, 461. Joint commission, under claims con vention with Spain, March 5, i860, xii, 237. Joinville, Prince de, viii, 283, 284. Jolly, Capt., ix, 269. Jona's or Squirrel Island, question with Great Britain, vii, 71, 176- 177, 178. Jones, Anthony, letter to, his re quest for a passport to Oregon, vi, 356. Jones, Frances, M. C, i, 49, 50, 52. Jones, George M., letter to, Fourth of July oration, 1875, vii, 288-289. Jones, J. Glancy, recommended for consulate, viii, 506; recommended for minister to England, ix, 420- 421; Black's appointment as at torney general, x, 114; minister to Austria, x, 324; letters to, Buchan an's withdrawal of presidential candidacy, Van Buren's nomina tion, xi, 471-472; Elgin treaty, duty on coal, Pennsylvania poli tics, Buchanan's diplomatic duties at London, xi, 491; fictitious estates in Europe, Central Ameri can question, xi, 492—493; his political position, presidency, lega tion abodes question, English mis sion, Crimean war, xi, 493-495; Ostend report, Gov. Marcy, Cri mean war, xi, 497-498; his political position, Henry A. Wise, Democ racy, Buchanan's retirement from mission to England, Fillmore, Cri mean war, xi, 499-500; Buchanan's detention in London, Pennsyl vania election, presidency, Eng lish view of United States, Crimean war, xi, 502-504; Crimean war English press, presidency, Pierce, Wise, xi, 504-505; death of Mary Baker, presidency, Central Amer ican question, Crimean war, xi, 506-507; Buchanan's retirement from mission to England, presi dency, Lord Palmerston, xi, 507- 508; Buchanan's homeward trip from England, presidency, Mis souri compromise, Kansas-Nebras ka bill, xi, 508-509; question of his appointment to cabinet, tender of Berlin mission, Judge Black for attorney general, xi, 511, 512; mentioned, x, 229, 230, xi, 268. Jones, Mrs. J. Glancy, xi, 492, 495, 496, 497, 49s, 5°°, 504, 5°7- Jones, Dr. Thos. P., vi, 508. Jones, Walter R., vii, 85; letter to capture of Carmelita by Unico, vii, 325-326. Jones, William, vii, 68. Jones, Wm. Carey, on Buchanan's interview with Col. Benton, xi, 406, 417. INDEX 401 Jones, Commodore, viii, 166. Jones, Dr., xi, 310, 327, 335, 351, 360, 378, 386, 412, 459. Jones, Gen., recommended for gov. of Iowa, iii, 478-479. Jones, Gov., viii, 489. Jones, Miss, xi, 273. Jones, Mr., argument in case of Anderson vs. Dunn, ii, 99. Jones, bark, case of, vii, 81, 107- 108 Jones, ex parte, case of, ii, 89. ordan, Matthew, letters to, case of McManus, viii, 291-292, 343. Josephine, the, claim of, v, 452, vii, 69, 83-85, 355, viii, 66. Jouanin, John B., claim of the Patriota, vi, 179. Journal of Commerce, xi, 192, 245. Juanita, Mexican schooner, capture of, in war with Mexico, vii, 9. Juarez, General Benito, Mexican constitutional president, x, 353- 354, xi, 32-34, xii, 245-249, 260. Judd, Gerrit Parmlee, head of revolt in Hawaii, ix, 167. Judiciary system (see Courts). Juniata, the, assistance rendered to, ix, 419, 429. Jurisdiction, national (see National jurisdiction) . Jurors (see Courts). Kane, John K., candidate for com missioner under French treaty, ii, 178-179; et al, correspondence with (see Andrews, Joshua). Kane, Col. Thomas L., letters to, affairs in Utah, x, 167—169, 245; same subject, xii, 217. Kane, Judge, John Kintzing, his political activities, vi, 69, 70, 71, 7 7 ; intercedes for discharge of an American enlisted in British Navy, ix, 281, 282; his decision in a case of British enlistments in the U. S., ix, 374- Kansas, difficulties in, ix, 355; Nebraska-Kansas act, x, 83—84, 148, 149, 236, 342, xi, 509, xii, 16—18, 32, 36, 41, 42, 43; question of admission of, x, 97-98, 105-110, 117-122, 145— 151, 166, 169-170, 177, 179—192, 200—202, 225, 229, 235-242, 341, 436-437, 461, xi, 10-n, 34-36, 406, 513-514, xii, 19-38, 101, 325. Kansas Indians (see Indians). Karamzin, Nikolai Mikhailovitch, Russian historian, ii, 362. Karrick, Joseph, claim of La For- tuna, vi, 178. Kautz, Mr., alderman in Pa., ix, 74, 105- Kearney, ex parte, case of, ii, 98. Kearny, Gen. Stephen Watts, con troversy with Commodore Stock ton, vii, 332. Keefe, Mrs. Juana Viar, letters to, her claim against Spain, vi, 396, 469-470, vii, 104—105. Keenan, James, ix, 16. Keenan, Father, xi, 228. Keim, Daniel M., et al, correspond ence with (see Andrews,- Joshua). Keim, George M., iii, 388. 26 Keitt, Laurence M., et al, letter from, affairs in Charleston harbor, xi, 56, 81; M. C, his interview with Buchanan as to South Caro lina forts, xii, 147, 163. Keitt, Mr., his marriage to Miss Sparks, x, 214. Kelley, Frederick M., proposal for survey of Atrato route for inter oceanic communication, x, 58. Kelley, William D., et al, corre spondence with (see Andrews, Joshua) . Kelly, Sir Fitz Roy, ix, 446-447, xi, 501. Kelly, Moses, chief clerk of depart ment of interior, xii, 95. Kelly, Mr., xi, 220, 347. Kelly and Cunningham, et al, let ters to (see Shaw, R. G. and Co.). Kendall, Amos, iv, 457. Kendrick, Capt. John, western American explorations of, vi, 246, 247. Kennedy, James, iii, 388; letter to, Pennsylvania politics, vi, 136-138. Kennedy, Joseph, C G., letter to, publication of a letter, illness, xi, 189—190. Kennedy, Mrs., v, 436. Kent, Edward, governor of Maine, northeastern boundary, iii, 496, 497,498,499, 500; mentioned, vi, 65. Kent, James, cited, vii, 341, ix, 209- 211. Kent, Joseph, senator, iii, 109, no, in, 113, 114. Kentucky, courts-martial of delin quent militiamen in, i, 2 1 ; in elec tion of 1824-5, i, I2I> x32, x33! resolutions concerning federal and state powers, ii, 60-61, 62, iv, 66-67, 84, 90, xii, 272; support in, 402 INDEX of Van Buren for presidency, ii, 442 ; political trend in, during presidential campaign of 1844, vi, 61; resolutions of 1861, for constitutional amendment, xi, 124- 125; attitude toward Civil war, xi, 175 (see, also, Slavery ques tion) . Kentucky, the, case of, vi, 170, 171, 204—205. Kercheval, Mr., Jefferson's letter to, ii, 148. Kern, Jacob, et al, correspondence with, Buchanan's election to sen ate, legislative instruction, ii, 402- 406. Kerr, John L., senator, v, 156, 157, 301. Kesner, J. W., et al, letter to (see Uhl, Jacob). Kessler, Charles, et al, letter to, celebration of democracy of old Berks, state election, slavery, vii, 385, viii, 178. Key, Philip B., U. S. district attor ney, vii, 100-101, viii, 345. Keystone, the, attacks Buchanan, viii, 441, 443-446, 499- Kidder, L., correspondence with, relations between Buchanan and Cameron, viii, 416—417. Kielchen, Mr., Russian consul at Boston, ii, 259. Kielmansegge, Count, Hanover ian minister at London, extradi tion treaty, Jan. 18, 1855, ix, 281, 329-330, 344- Kilborn, William K, letter to, application for a passport, vi, 356. Kilgore, Joseph, case of, ix, 297. King, Adam, iii, 182. King, Miss Anna Augusta, mar riage of, xi, 253. King, Daniel P., letters to, cases of Director and Pallas, vii, 48, 81, 153- King, Edward, Judge, Pennsylvania banking legislation, iv, 407. King, Horatio, acting postmaster general, report on Arthur Ed wards' claim, x, 420; appointed postmaster general, xii, 95; corre spondence with, the Civil war, xi, 92 ; assault on Fort Sumter, xi, 209- 210; events at the close of Bu chanan's administration, the Civil war, xi, 220-222; Floyd's order, prisoners, private property, the late cabinet, xi, 226-228; paper currency, xi, 232-233; Stanton and Holt, xi, 248-249; Stanton, Bright's expulsion, White House balls, xi, 253-254; personals, xi, 267-268; Lincoln's assassination, xi, 384-385; Holt, Gen. Scott, the Blairs, xi, 400-401; Montgomery Blair, the vindication, conspiracy to seize the capital, reconstruction, xi, 413-415; conspiracy to seize capital, the Blairs, Buchanan's interviews with Col. Benton, xi, 415-417; Buchanan's interview with Col. Benton, xi, 417-418; comments on verses, xi, 419-420; Cameron bank at Middletown, xi, 420-421; politics, xi, 426; Gen. Dix and Bennett, xi, 444—445 ; his letter to J. B. Henry, on Buchan an's course, xi, 92-93 ; mentioned, xi, 268, 269, 270. King, Mrs. Horatio and Miss, xi, 210, 220, 228, 232, 233, 249, 268. King, Rev. John, Buchanan's pas tor, xii, 291, 293. King, John A., charge at London, i, 305-306. King, John P., senator, ii, 408, 410, 457, iii, 14, 51, 109, no, in, 113, 220, 245, 275, 292. King, Preston, senator, xii, 125. King, Rufus, senator, iii, 32, 44; minister to England, i, 304-305, 34i, 343, 354, v, 366-367. King, William R., senator, ii, 497, iii, 51, 109, no, 111, 113, 114, 185, 201-202, 349, 357, 371, 372, 397- 398, 423, 425, 460, 464, 504, 507, iv, 80, 255, 409, v, 64, 140, 141, 253, 321, 337, 43i, 432, vi, 1, 2, 3, 14; letters to, as minister to France, French and British atti tude on Texan annexation, vi, 127-128; extradition treaty, vi, 154; contingent expenses, vi, 208; negotiations for commercial treaty with Switzerland, payment to the artist Vanderlyn, vi, 292-293; French regie tobacco contracts, vi, 439; recall, vii, 55-56; corre spondence with, slavery question, viii, 369-370, 370-371, 374-376; Clayton-Bulwer treaty, viii, 381- 382; Clayton-Bulwer treaty, slav ery question, viii, 383-385; Bu chanan's prospects for presidential nomination, viii, 451; vice-presi dent, viii, 418, 454-455, 459, 460- 491, 492, 495-496, xi, 381, 490; mentioned, viii, 440, 449, 508. King, Mr., v, 20. King vs. Almon, ii, 89. King vs. Wyatt, ii, 89. Kingsley, H. C, et al., letter to (see Taylor," Nathaniel W.). Kinsey, John, Chief Justice, ii, 91. INDEX 403 Kirkland and Chase, letter to, pro tection of Creole, vii, 67. Kittera, Mr., ii, 334. Kleber, case of the bark, x, 46. Kline, Levi, letter to, Pennsyl vania politics, vi, 136-138. Knap, Joseph, case of the Andrew Jackson, vi, 179-180. Kneill, Rev. Mr., ii, 384. Knight, Nehemiah R., senator, iii, 51, 109, no, in, 113, 114, 357, 37i, 372, 460, 464, 507. Know-nothing party, ix, 332, 355, 357, 372, x, 63, xi, 492, 496, 498, 499, 5°o, 5°2. Knox, Mr., a member of the Douglas party, xi, 276. Konkle, Burton Alva, author of Life of Ellis Lewis, vii, 197, xi, 471. Kosciusko, Tadeusz, Polish pa triot, viii, 482. Kossuth, Louis, application for intervention, viii, 302—303; Cass's connection with Kossuth question, viii, 448; memorial from, ix, 185- 187. Koszta, Martin, case of, ix, 45, 67-69. Krebs, Jacob, iii, 388. Krehmer, Mr., Russian secretary of legation, ii, 222, 325. Kremer, George, election of 1825, i, 261, 268. Kremer, George, M. C, i, 116. Krider, Father, ix, 74, 113. Krotel, Gottlob Frederick, clergy man, xi, 242. Krouse, Edwin, xi, in. Krudener, Baron, mentioned, ii, 198, 343, 375 ; Buchanan's negotia tions with Russia, ii, 201, 211- 212, 215, 221, 222, 225, 226, 233, 256, 257, 262, 317, 345, 364. Krug, George H, et al, letter to, ix, 26-27. Krum, John M., delegate from Mis sissippi to Democratic national convention, i860, xii, 62. Kunkel, J. C, letter to, Pennsyl vania politics, vi, 136-138. Kurtz, J., continuance of banks in D. C, iv, 273. Labouchere, Henry (Baron Taun ton), ix, 477. La Branche, Alcee, charge^ d'affaires to Texas, claims, viii, in. Ladd and Co., case of, viii, 184-185, 188. Lafayette, Marquis de, Buchan an's meeting with, ii, 387—388 ; sup ports Rives' treaty with France, ii, 390, 391, 461, 469; mentioned, viii, 482. Laferty, Gen., viii, 454. Lafort, Joseph, case of, vi, 272. Lamar, Gen. Mirabeau B., minister to Costa Rica and Nicaragua, Sir William Ouseley's conduct in Cen tral America, x, 322, 323. Lamartine, Alphonse de, in French revolution, viii, 3, 4, 34. Lamb, E., and Bro., bankers, vi, 434. Lambert, Thomas R., chaplain, case of Lt. Davis, vii, 390 et seq., 458. Lamon, Col., appointed marshal by Lincoln, xi, 178. Lampson, Sir Curtis Miranda, x, 67. Lancaster (Pa.) meeting, Nov. 24, 1819, resolutions on slavery ques tion, iii, 5-6; speech before Demo cratic state convention in, 1840, iv, 288-320. " Lancaster Estate," fictitious, xi, 492. Lancasterian, attack of Buchanan, viii, 443-446. Lancaster Intelligencer, defense of Buchanan, viii, 442, 443-446. Lancaster Journal, letter to, election of 1825, i, 263-267, 270. Lands, sale of, in Ohio, i, 50; remarks on proposed grant to certain asy lums, i, 220—221; taxation of cer tain, by the States, v, 163-164; message on claims, in California, x, 43 0—43 1 ; message on condemna tion, Great Falls case, x, 311-312 (see, also, Public lands). Land office, appointments in, v, 2 2-3 1 . Lander, Mr., ii, 369. Lane, Harriet Rebecca, letters to: her behavior and school work, v, 152-153; personals, v, 435-436; letter from nephew, x, 43 7 ; as to her visiting Washington, vi, 207; arrangements for a journey, vi, 209; personals, vii, 25-26; arrange ment to -send Miss Lane to Rock- away, vii, 371; his visit to Balti more, personals, viii, 121-122; her proposed tour, viii, 149-150; sister's visit, viii, 179-180; personals, viii, 278-279, 388-389, 411-412, 414, 422-423 ; death of Mr. Gonder, viii, 424; the presidency, viii, 427-428; personals, viii, 439-441, 459-460, 500; his mission to England, viii, 404 INDEX 5°2, 5°3-5°4, 505, 509-510; Per sonals, ix, 32-33; voyage to Eng land, ix, 33-34; his reception, society in England, ix, 37-39; English life, ix, 49-51; personals, ix, 61-62; her trip to England, ix, 66-67; court dress question, ix, 86- 88 ; her trip to England, court dress question, ix, 109— no; her trip to England, ix, 149-150, 151-153, 159-160; court dress question, ix, 158-159; Soule's exclusion from France, ix, 275; her visit to Eng land, ix, 310— 311; personals, Sir Richard Pakenham, ix, 392; in tended visit to Isle of Wight, ix, 3 93-3 94 ; prospect of termination of his mission to England, ix, 393 ; per sonals, ix, 3 95-3 96 ; her return from England, ix, 420, 424—428; date of return from mission to England, ix, 435-437; relations with Eng land, ix, 446-447 ; attitude towards the presidency, ix, 457-458; candi dates for the presidency, 1855, ix, 465-466 ; personal news, ix, 468-469 ; Pennsylvania politics, ix, 471; per sonals, ix, 477-478; Mrs. Mary Ba ker's death, retirement from mission to England, ix, 487-489; death of Mrs. Mary Baker, ix, 480-481, x, 2-3 ; personal matters, x, 6-8 ; Cen tral American question, x, 21-22; opening of Parliament, his succes sor as minister to England, death of her sister, x, 28-29; newspaper reports of interview with Lord Clarendon, diplomatic relations with Great Britain, presidential nomination, x, 40—41; renewal of friendship with Gov. Bigler, the presidency, Mr. Dallas, x, 49-5 1 ; preparations for departure from London, social engagements, the presidency, x, 59-60; dinner with Queen Victoria, leave of London, x, 65; intended visit to Paris and return homeward, x, 67-68; audi ence of leave with Queen, Miss Lane's letters, x, 72-73; meeting with Mr. Dallas, Buchanan's suc cessor, x, 75-76; his homeward journey, x, 76-77; his intention of going to Washington, x, 101; ex penditures for White House, x, 2 14 ; Buchanan leaves Wheatland for Washington, x, 228-229; personals, x, 228-229; Pennsylvania politics, Kansas, tariff, x, 229—230; per sonals, x, 318-319; Sir William Ouseley, x, 319—320, 320—321; her excursion on a government vessel, removal of Westcott, x, 323-324; Confederate armies, x, 338; stay at Bedford Springs, x, 467; Judge Black, Buchanan's defense, xi, 226; seizure of Mason and Slidell, xi, 23 1-232 ; pictures of royalty, Trent affair, canard as to Almanach de Gotha, xi, 235-236; Prince Albert, Judge Black, xi, 241-242; Trent case, paper currency, xi, 244-245; Buchanan's defense, the Herald, Stanton, xi, 246-247; personals, xi, 332, 344-345, 367; her engagement to Mr. Johnston, xi, 401-402; his vindication published, xi, 408. Letters from: Personals, viii, 501. Her trip to England, ix, 112. In Buchanan's household, xii, 323, 330. At the White House, xii, 324, 325-326. Mentioned, viii, 424, 457, ix, 28, 178, 258, 284, x, 45, 99, 103, 115, 116, 123, 200, 318, xi, 4, 68, 168, 169, 173, 176, 178, 187, 191, 197, 198, 205, 206, 210, 213, 216, 217, 220, 221, 228, 232, 235, 237, 238, 239, 241, 246, 248, 258, 263, 271, 272, 273, 275, 277, 309, 310, 319, 321, 326, 327, 329, 330, 331, 333, 335, 337, 339, 34i, 342, 343. 348, 351, 352, 353, 358, 362, 363, 364, 365, 366, 368, 369, 370, 371, 377. 378, 379. 381, 385, 394, 395, 396, 397, 398, 401, 404, 408, 409- 410, 496 (see also Johnston, Mrs. Henry E.). Lane, James S., v, 153, 436, xi, 226, 338. Lane, John N, viii, 440. Lane, Gen. Joseph, Governor of Oregon territory, viii, 174; in Kan sas territory, x, 182, xii, 28; his proposed nomination at Demo cratic national convention, i860, xii, 60; nominated for vice-presi dency at Breckinridge convention, x, 457-464, xii, 69. Lane, Mrs., viii, 440, ix, 478, xi, 433, 457, 458. Lansdowne, Marquis of, x, 51, 75. Larkin, Thomas O, consul at Mon terey, letters to: California ques tion, his appointment as confiden tial agent, vi, 275-278, 304; cele bration of rites of matrimony, sea men, ship's papers, accounts, vii, 2 9 ; capture of brig ' ' Helen, ' ' vii, 68-69; appointment continued, ac counts, appointment as naval agent unauthorized, vii, 195-196; mentioned, viii, 23, 124. Larkin, Capt., convicted for slave- trading, vii, 41. Larned, Samuel, chargd d'affaires to Peru, claims against Peru, vii, 74. INDEX 405 Larrabee, Charles H, letters to, abduction and release by Canada of Grogan, vi, 359-360, 397-398- Lataillade, A. C, French consular agent at Monterey, viii, 271. Lauman, Mr., xi, 512. Laumax, Mr., member of Douglas party, xi, 276. Laval, Count, Russian censor, ii, 238. Lavalette, commander of British Mediterranean squadron, xii, 240. Laverty, Robert, xii, 293. Lavradio, Count de, Portuguese minister at London, ix, 380, 392, 472, x, 7. Lavradio, Countess de, x, 7. Law, Buchanan's practice of, xii, 299-300. Law, George, viii, 426. Law, John, et al., letter to, views on national issues, 1843, x, 421—423. Lawless, Luke E., impeachment of Judge Peck (see Peck, Judge James H.). Lawrence, Abbott, minister to England, ix, 40, 229, 230, 245, 276; desirous of becoming member of President Taylor's cabinet, xi, 481, 486; mentioned, ix, 395. Lawrence, Mrs. Bigelow, ix, 420, 426. Lawrence, Joseph, M. C, i, 246, 247, 248, 259; eulogy on, v, 1 91-192. Lawrence, W. B., et al, letter to (see Committee of notification). Lawrence, Col., attache to legation at London, ix, 50, 62, 76, 86, 87, 88, 100, 109, 275, 294, 295. Lawrence, Mr., ix, 33, x, 99. Lawrence, Mrs., x, 68, 99. Lawton, George C, letter to, ap plication for a passport, vi, 356. Lawton, Mrs., xi, 417. Lay, Col., resignation of, xi, 164. Lazarepp; Messrs., founders of American Institution at Moscow, «, 3 59- Lazear, Jesse, M. C, xi, 269. Lead (see Duties). Leader, Mr., delegate from North Carolina to Democratic national convention, i860, xii, 65. Leake, Shelton F., et al, letter to, the Compromise, viii, 437-439. Leal, Felippe J. P., Brazilian charge1 , letters to : letter from Bra zilian sovereign, vii, 410; discrim inating tonnage duty on Brazilian vessels, vii, 43 2 ; proposal of recip rocal arrangement on subject, vii, 440-441; case of Lt. Davis and Mr. Wise's conduct, vii, 388-404, 404- 405, 458-460, viii, 32; reception of Mr. Tod, appointment of minister from Brazil, vii, 461-462, 463; ren dition refused in absence of treaty, viii, 45-46; discriminating duty, vii, 430-431, 451 ; case of Lt. Davis, viii, 60-61. Leary, C. L., vii, 93-95. Le Brun, Mr., case of widow of Con sul Cullen, vii, 229. Lecompton convention (discussed in connection with Kansas, admission of, which see). Ledru-Rollin, Alexander Aug uste, in provisional government of France, viii, 4. Ledyard, Mr., son-in-law of Gen. Cass, xi, 64. Lee, W. D., Texan charg6, letter to, question of his reception, vi, 254— 255- Lee, Z. Collins, dist. atty. at Baltimore, letter to, slave trade law violations, vi, 124-125. Lee, General Robert E., in the Civil War, xi, 339. Lee, Mr., Southern Whig, viii, 489. Leep, Henry, claim of, viii, 122. Le Fevre, Dr., connected with British embassy at St. Petersburg, ii, 231. Legendre, Alexander, extradition proceeding of, vii, 247—248, 267, 3I2-3I3- , . . , Leggett, Aaron, letter to, his claim against Mexico, vi, 354; same sub ject, viii, 163. Leggit, William (see Hockaday, JohnM.). Legislating persons out of office, re marks on, v, 424-425. Legislation, remarks on unadvised, v, 403-404; Buchanan's refusal to approve hasty legislation of end of congressional session, x, 162—163, 276—277. Legislative powers (see Veto power, speech on, v, 98—139). Legislative instruction, doctrine of, ii, 403-405, iii, 221, 375-376, 38°- 381, 398, 508-509, iv, 45, 356, v, 28, 30, 31, 33, vi, 2. Legislature of Pennsylvania, Buchan an in, xii, 294-300. Lehigh Crane Iron Co., vi, 52. Leigh, Benjamin W., senator, ii, 410-411, 443-444, iii, 12, in, 113, 114. Leighton, Hannah, pension for, iv, 326-327. Leiper, George Gray, letters to: Moscow and Troitza, return to St. Petersburg, ii, 366-368; Pennsyl- 406 INDEX vania politics, the bank, Gov. Porter, v, 76-77; attitude of Penn sylvania Democrats towards his candidacy for president, v, 254- 255; citizenship of appointees to consulates, vi, 283; the Civil war, xi, 216, 217; ultimate vindication, relations with England, xi, 240— 241; vindication, Trent affair, xi, 246; personals, state of the coun try, xi, 272-273; Forney's slander, xi, 275; the Union, xi, 331-332; politics, xi, 347-348; ultimate vin dication, xi, 351-352; Lincoln's speech, xi, 364-365, 369-370; ap proaching election, xi, 3 74 ; Lincoln and the Church, capture of Charles ton, xi, 379-380; restoration of peace, xi, 393—394; vindication, xi, 396-397; President Johnson's plans, becomes communicant of Presbyterian church, xi, 404-405; politics, xi, 427; Cave Johnson's death, Democratic principles, Pres ident Johnson, xi, 428-429; friend ship, reconstruction, xi, 435-436; Johnson's impeachment, Democ racy, xi, 466-467 ; current events, xi, 465-466. Biographical note on, ii, 366. Mentioned, ii, 397, 398, xi, 226. Leiper, Mrs. George Gray, xi, 241, 364, 369, 374, 380, 429, 436, 465, 466, 467. Leiper, Kane, ii, 368. Leiper, Lescure, ii, 368. Leiper, William J., opposition to Buchanan, vi, 76, 77; et al. (see Andrews, Joshua). Le Moyne, Mr., recall of, as French diplomatic representative to Bue nos Ayres and Argentine Confed eration, x, 62. Lennan, William, case of Lt. Davis, vii, 390 et seq. Lentz, Henry D., et al. (see Andrews, Jpshua). Leon, A., letter to, neutral commerce in Russo-Turkish war, ix, 145, 147. Leonard, Mr., Buchanan's claim against, xi, 351, 352, 360, 386. Leoni, Edward, claim of, vi, 180, 186. Lerchenfeld, Count, treaty with Bavaria, Jan. 21, 1845, vii, 60-61. Lescure, Mr., editor of the Union, Pennsylvania politics, vi, 86. Leslie, Robert, letter to, case of Scotia, vii, 231. Lester, Edward, consul at Genoa, vii, 89-90; dismissed, vii, 421. Letcher, Gov. John, letter from, Cobb's resignation from Cabinet, xi, 6. Letcher, Robert P., M. C, i, 286, iv, 7 6 ; correspondence with : Ken tucky and presidential election, 1835, ii, 442; Polk's presidential candidacy, vi, 63-64; alleged ' ' bargain and sale ' ' of Adams- Jackson campaign, vi, 59-60, 63- 65 ; same subject referred to, x, 85- 86, 91. Le Vert, Doctor, Madame and Miss, ix, 427, 436. Levy, David (see Yulee, David Levy) . Lewis, G. Cornwall, viii, 321. Lewis, Dixon H., senator, v, 514, vi, 56; chairman senate comm. of fin.; letters to: Mexican indem nities due in 1844, vii, 30-32; ap propriation for negotiations with Mexico, vii, 52-53; charge^ to Peru, vii, 215-216. Lewis, Ellis, letters to: Franklin College charter provision as to residence of trustees, vii, 197—198; Queen's Bench, English customs and habits, ix, 104-106; visit to Bedford Springs, xi, 345-346; retrospection, xi, 365—366. Lewis, Richard, vice-consul at Calcutta, ix, 349; letter to, testi monial to Capt. Ludlow, ix, 13 8, 144. Lewis, Mr., counsel in case of Eleazer Oswald, ii, 90, 91, 92. Lewis, Mrs., x, 59. Lewis, Meriwether, and Clark, exploration of the Northwest, v, 457, vi, 201, 215, 218, 219, 239, 249, 251. Liberia, establishment of negro colony in, x, 227—228, 273-276 (see, also, Negroes, colonization of free). ' ' Liberty bills ' ' adopted by Massa chusetts, xi, 44-45, 48-49. Lieven, Prince Christoph, ii, 187, 189, i97, 317, 336, 383; 393, 394- 395. Lieven, Dorothea, Princess of, ii, 383, 394-395- Light-house dues, ix, 149. Lightner, Joel, v, 449. Lightner, Newton, xi, 343, 368. Lightner, Mr., viii, 440, ix, 112. Lightner, Messrs., ix, 73. Lincoln, Abraham, M. C, letter to, Santa Anna's convention with Texas, viii, 152; Dred Scott decision, xii, 39; on the impending Civil war, xii, 144; his election to the presidency, xi, 1, 49, 84, 88, 92-93, 100, 140, 516, xii, 69, 80-81; effect of his election upon seces sion sentiment, xi, 9; introduced INDEX 407 by Buchanan to White House, xi, 161-162; Holt's letter to him on Maj. Anderson at Forts Sumter and Moultrie, xi, 156, 157-158, xii, 190-193; his negotiations with Confederate commissioners, xi, 50- 5 1 ; his call for volunteers, xi, 51; Gen. Scott's report to him on rein forcement of Southern forts, xi, 293-3°4, xii, 148-158, 170-171, 175-176, 190-199, 200; his views and administrative course com pared with Buchanan's, xii, 208— 210, 270, 271, 272-274,. 275, 276, 279, 280-283; his assassination, xi, 381, 382, 383, 385, 386; referred to, xi, 164, 166, 169, 170, 171, 173, 174, 176, 178, 189, 192, 194, 201, 203- 204, 205, 211, 213—214, 224, 238, 248, 250, 251, 262, 276, 277, 281, 3°3, 3", 314, 315, 352, 353, 355, 362, 364, 369-370, 377, 380, 414, 415, 416, 465, xii, xi, xii, 269, 278. Lincoln, Mrs. Abraham, White House balls, xi, 254. Lines, Captain, ix, 478. Linn, Louis F., senator, iii, 51, 60, 109, no, in, 113, 114, 200, 371, 372, 377, 378, 425, 460, 464, 507, iv, 95,253, v, 30, 31, 64, 150, 151, 152, 241, 251, 284, 285, 384, 406, 420, 458, 459, viii, 471. Linn, Robert A., claim of, vii, 280. Linnard, J. M., iii, 397. Linsey, James, case of, i, 425. Linsley, Mr., vii, 120. Lipscomb, George B., xi, in. Lisboa, Gaspar Jose de, Brazilian minister, the Porpoise affair, vi, 267; letter to, British slave-trade laws, vi, 408; question of recogni tion of Paraguay, vi, 444; claims against Brazil, vii, 128; case of Lt. Davis, vii, 207-208, 260-265, 329- 330, 388 et seq., 406, 462, 463—464, xi, 475 ; letter to, case of Lt. Davis, vii, 209; letter to, presentation of letter of his recall, vii, 371; his character, vii, 345. Lisboa, Joaquin Marques, viii, 283—284. Liston, Rev. C. Edward, ix, 102. Liston, Robert, British minister, northeastern boundary, iv, 12, v, 365- Little, Josiah, case of, vii, 434-437. Little Miami Railroad Co., v, 412. Littlefield, Mr., master of Car- melita, vii, 339. Littlehales, Lt., seizure of Jones, vii, 107. Livergood, Jacob L. (see Kessler, Charles). Livermore, Arthur, M. C, i, 74; Judge, ii, 126-127. Liverpool, Lord, i, 108, iv, 190. Liverpool, Buchanan's stay at, ii, 184-185. Livingston, Edward, M. C, i, 226, 286, 329; secretary of state, letters from, mission to Russia, ii, 177, 181-182; letters to: arrival at St. Petersburg, ii, 193; Buch anan's negotiations with Russia, presentation, ii, 193-198; non- arrival of mail from America, ii, 203-205; progress of treaty nego tiations, ii, 210-216; tariff bill and treaty of commerce, the Em peror, condition of Russia, ii, 221- 230; tariff bill, delay in treaty negotiations, ii, 232-237; treaty negotiations, ii, 253-263; treaty of commerce and navigation, as concluded, ii, 271-298; Russia's treatment of Poland, ii, 298-306; receipt of accumulated mail — Russia's aid to Turkey, ii, 309- 311; New Year's f6te, Poland, Turkish affairs, ii, 313-315; Turk ish affairs, South Carolina, ii, 316; treaty ratification, Turkish affairs, South Carolina, import duties at Odessa, ii, 317—319; insecurity of Continental mails, Baron Sacken's offensive note, American press, im port duties at Odessa, ii, 320-328; Turkish affairs, ii, 329-330; com mercial treaty, Turkish affairs, maritime treaty, ii, 335—338; mari time treaty, letters to certain consuls, ii, 346; maritime treaty, Polish conspiracy against Emperor, ii, 364: Russia's treatment of Po land, ii, 372—373; Turkish affairs, ii, 331; relations with France, ii, 440, 458, 470, 478, 479, 483, 488, 489, 498, 499, 500, 501, 504, 505, 506, 507, 511; Maine boundary dispute, iv, 94, 95, 101, 103; Ore gon question, vi, 189-190; con sular system, vii, 159; minister to France, viii, 330; mentioned, ii, 176, 331-332, xi, 47. Livingston, Jasper H, secretary of legation at Madrid, letter to, appointment of his successor, vi, 493- Lizardi & Co., claim of, against Mexico, vii, 455-456. Lizzie Thompson, the, case of, x, 217. Loan bill, remarks on the, v, 164- 182, 183-191. Lock, Michael, Fuca's discovery, vi, 243. Logan, George, senator, iii, 16, 17. 408 INDEX Logan, John A., his criticism of Buchanan, xii, 270; on concilia tory course towards South, xii, 279. Lomonosoff, Mr., 11, 394. Lopez, Carlos Antonio, President of Paraguay, vii, 114, x, 226—227, xii, 243. Lorimer, deserter from French ves sel, case of, vii, 367-368. Loring, Mr., Massachusetts dele gate to Breckinridge Convention, i860, xii, 69. Louallier, case of, v, 243. Loud, Samuel P., viii, 270, 271. Loughead, R. A., letter to, pass ports for Mexico, viii, 347-348. Loughead, R. L., consul at London derry, viii, 285, ix, 208. Louis XIV., v, in. Louis XVI., v, 114. Louis XVIII., restored to French throne, xii, 252. Louis Philippe, ii, 237, 330, 364, 388, 390-391, 461, 469, 472, 473, 474, 484, 499, 5°4, 512, V, 114. Louisiana, cession of, by Spain to France, vii, 377; purchase of, by the United States, from France, treaty of April 30, 1803, vi, 7, 8, 12, 19, 37-38, 43, 89, 97, vii, 50, 53, 55, I51, 377, viii, 10, 16, 101, 309, xi, 29, xii, 272; admission of, vi, 8, 18, 19, 89, 91, viii, 17; in election of 1824-5, h 12°> I2I> *33 ; political situation in, during Presi dential campaign of 1844, vi, 62; Buchanan's support in, for the Presidency, 1856, ix, 486; banking laws, x, 132; branch mint at New Orleans, iv, 372; seizure of New Orleans mint, xi, 151, xii, 120, 136— 137; secession of, xii, 120, 127; Louisiana, Upper (see Peck, Judge James H., impeachment of). Lowndes, William, M. C, i, 26, iv, 183-184, v, 4, 10, xii, 309-313. Lowrie, Walter, case of a mis sionary at Hamburg, vi, 279. Lowrie, Rev. Mr., murder of, viii, 34i. Lowry, C. J., xi, 275. Lowry, Irvine, case of, ix, 187. Lowther, Lord, ii, 384. Lubeck (see Germanic States). Lucas, Gen., on Ohio law on penal servitude, iv, 295-296. Lucas, Mr., assistant U. S. dist. atty., ii, 26. Lucy Penniman, barque, vii, 93-95, 256-257. Ludlow, Capt., testimonial for heroic services, ix, 138, 144. Lumpkin, Wilson, senator, iii, 357, 371, 372, 425, 460, 464, 507, iv, 227, 228, 371. Lunt, J. H., letter to, award on claim against New Granada, vi, 319. Lutzon, Baron de, accession of Mecklenburg-Schwerin to Han overian treaty, viii, 72. '4 Lyman, C S., et al, letter to (see Taylor, Nathaniel W._). Lynch, Maj. David, viii, 423. Lynch, Davy, Buchanan's candidacy for presidency, 1856, x, 45, 50. Lynch, Lieut. W. F., exploration of Dead Sea, vii, 433, 437. Lynch, Capt., involved in Falkland Islands difficulty, xi, 298, 299, 303. Lynch, Mr., ix, 372. Lyon, Lucius, senator, ii, 444, iii, 357, 37i, 372, 378, 425, 46o, 464, 5°7- Lyons, Lord, British minister, x, 317,319-320,337; Sir William Ouseley's conduct in Central America, x, 322; pictures pre sented to Miss Lane by Prince of Wales, xi, 235-236, 238, 240, 243; letter to, same subject, xi, 237; Trent affair, xi, 244. Lyons, David, iii, 388. Lyons, Francis, et al. (see Andrews, Joshua). Lyons, Mr., Gen. Harrison's letter to, on abolition of slavery, iv, 300. Lytle, John, case of, viii, 61, 139. M Macalester, Charles, viii, 498, 502, ix, 158, 31°, xi, 4, 380. Macalester, Lily L., viii, 504, ix, 468, x, 230, 467, xi, 235; letter to, her engagement, xi, 4-5 (see, also, Berghmans, Mrs.). Macaulay, Thomas B., x, 41. Macauley, Commodore, his dis charge of Midshipman Mercer, ix, 420. Macclesfield, Earl of, case of, ii, 5i- McAfee, Robert B., charg6 to Co lombia, claims against Colombia, vi, 179, 180. McArthur, Duncan, M. C, i, 115- 116. McBride, John, surveyor appointed by Georgia, ii, 5, 6, 7, 8; mentioned, ii, 183. INDEX 409 McCahen, John J., et al. (see An drews, Joshua). M'Cahen, Mr., opposed to Buchanan, vi, 76, 77. McCaleb, Judge, Legendre case, vii, 247. McCall, Edward & Co., vii, 245, 249-250, 252, 265, 418. McCallister, H. N, et al, letter to, declines invitation of Centre County Democrats, "unrestrained banking," iv, 263-265. M'Candless, Wilson, iv, 322, viii, 423- McCaraher, Alexander, iii, 397. M'Cauley, D. Smith, consul to Tripoli, question as to precedence, vii, 96-98; letter to, same subject, vii, 102 ; letter to, leave of absence, memorial of Elia Fargion, vii, 374. McCauley, Daniel S., consul gen eral to Egypt, letter to, mission, viii, 227—229. McCauley, Capt., viii, 278. McClellan, Gen. George B., xi, 213—214, 216, 227, 247, 273—274, 329; nominated for presidency, xi, 37o, 372, 373-374, 377, 378~379- McClelland, R., letter to, claims against Mexico, viii, 300. McClintock, Dr., iv, 120. McCluney, Capt. William J., U. S. frigate Powhatan, x, 18-19. McClurg, Alexander, iii, 397. McConnell, Mr., head of school at Mercerburg, Pa., xii, 291. McCorry, Henry W., dist. atty. letter to, expedition against Mex ico, viii, 192—195. McCoy, William, M. C, ii, 17. McCulloch, Ben., his mission to Utah, x, 244, xii, 216-217. McCulloch, on Spanish debt, viii, 91, 97- McCullough, Ben., xi, 180. McCuUough vs. Maryland, iii, 278, iv, 47°, v, 47- McDonald, Col., capture of Ruatan, ix, 125, 126, 223. M'Dowell, James, consul at Leith, ix, 35- McDuffie, George, M. C, i, 98, i74, 363, 364, 368, ii, 14, xii, 308, 309 ; a political attack upon, i, 216; election of 1825, i, 261, 262; a manager to conduct impeach ment of Judge Peck, ii, 41, 42, 137, xi, 438; senator, v, 423, 433, 514, vi, 56, vii, 22, 115; chairman senate comm. on. for. rei., letters to: com mercial treaty with New Granada, vii, 43; Mexican privateering, vii, 52- McElrath, Mr., viii, 414. McElroy, Father John, in Mexican war, xi, 375. McElwee, Thomas B., et al, letter to, declines invitation of Democrats in Pennsylvania legislature, iv, 121-123. McEuen, Mr., member of Pennsyl vania legislature, xii, 298. McFarland, J., et al, letter to, Pennsylvania politics, vi, 136-138. McGee, Mr., ii, 183. McGonigle, Mr., xi, 343. McGowan, Capt., commander of Star of the West, xii, 173. McGrath, Judge, xi, 204. MacGregor, James, x, 22. MacGregor, John, his Commercial Tariffs cited, vi, 149, viii, 91, 94, 95, 225. Macgregor, Mr., Central American question, viii, 79. MTlvain, Mr., viii, 388. McIntire, Peter, nominated for collector of Charleston port, xii, 140, 277. McKay, J. J., chairman house comm. on Ways and Means, letters to: expenditures for foreign relations, vi, 347-348; legislation for mission to Texas to carry out cession, vi, 369—370; Amistad case, vii, 232- 233, 242 ; claims against Texas, viii, in. MacKay, Richard, iii, 397. M'Kay, Donald, ship-builder, ix, 184. McKean, Samuel, senator, iii, 51, 109, no, 357, 397, 421, 425, 507. McKean, Commander William W., claims convention with Peru, vi, 500-501. M'Kean, Thomas, chief justice, case of Oswald, ii, 91, 127. McKean, Gen., ii, 399. M'Kean, Mr., recommended for secretaryship of legation at St. Petersburg, ii, 307. McKeever, Alexander, letter to, presidential candidates, 1852, viii, 459- McKennan, Thomas T., iii, 472. McKenzie, Sir Alexander, v, 466, vi, 217—218, 246. McKibbon, Mr., ix, 106. McKim, Isaac, M. C, i, 89. McKinley, John, Justice U. S. Su preme Court, case of Holmes vs. Jennison, v, 237. McKinley, President William, his support by Congress, xii, 277. M'Kinley, Mr., editor of the Union, Pennsylvania politics, vi, 66. 410 INDEX McKinstry, William, et al, letter to, declines invitation of Democrats in Pa. legislature, iv, 1 21-123. McKnight, Charles, et al, letter to (see Errett, Russell) . McKnight, Thomas, iv, 32. McLain, Rev. Wm., letter to, negro colony in Liberia, x, 227—228. McLane, Louis, M. C, i, 130, 168, 170, 182-183, 188, 206, 224, vii, 197, xii, 307, 309; letter to, act for relief of insolvent debtors, ii, 180- 181; minister to England, ii, 189; secretary of state, French relations, ii, 481—483; letters to: congratu lations, precautions to guard the Emperor, ii, 370; parting interview with Count Nesselrode, maritime treaty, Buchanan's success in Russia, an American minister to Russia, ii, 372—377; farewell audi ence with Russian emperor, his appreciation of Buchanan, Poland, ii, 378—382; minister to England, letters to: Oregon question, vi, 186-194, 285-286, 289—290, 341- 342, 342-343. 353-354, 366-368, 377-383,440-442, 471-472, vi, 471, vii, 2, 3-4, 7, 11, 14, 16, 34-38, 179, x, 331-332, 336-337; contingent expenses, vi, 208; Gillman, Small & Co. claim, vi, 272-273; claim against Great Britain for illegal duty exaction, vi, 309; mutual claims for excess duties, vi, 320, 383-384; personal, supreme court judgeship, vi, 385-387; proclama tion of war with Mexico, vi, 484; expenses of funeral of Gansevoort Melville, vii, 1-2 ; recalled as min ister to Great Britain, vii, 1 7 ; re funding of duties collected in viola tion of treaty of July 3, 18 15, vii, 27; Lord Aberdeen's proposal of mediation between United States and Mexico, vii, 41-42; case of Jones, vii, 81, 107-108; mentioned, ii, 176, 190, 308, 341, 393. McLane, Mrs. Louis, vi, 343, 387, vii, 4- McLane, Robert, M. C, i, 133, 134, i35- McLane, Robert M., in Maryland legislature, vi, 386; commissioner to China, ix, 102, x, 279, 422; min ister to Mexico, mission of, x, 354, 3 75, xii, 248—249, 252, 259—260, 261. Maclay, Samuel, senator, iii, 17. McLean, John, justice U. S. supreme court, case of Holmes vs. Jennison, v, 237; Metzger case, viii, 171; Dred Scott case, x, 107 ; mentioned, xi, 169. M'Lean, Mr., political affairs in , 1847, vii, 287. McLeod, Alexander, case of the Caroline (see Great Britain). McManus, Terence B., case of, viii, 291-292, 343, 343-344. McManus, Mrs., xi, 228. McMichael, Morton, iii, 397, viii, 405. McNab, Col. Allan, attack upon the Caroline, iii, 360, iv, 411, 425, 433, 434, 435, 438, v, 239, 347. McNulty, Mr., clerk of house of representatives, v, 450. McNutt, Gov. Alexander Galla tin. Mississippi state bonds, iv, 399- _, . T Macoduck, Samuel, case of Lt. Davis, vii, 390 et seq. Macomb, General, iv, 253. Macpherson, John, consul at Genoa, vii, 421. Macpherson, Mr., recommended for an appointment, iv, 120. M'Quells, James, viii, 507. McQueen, John, et al, letter from, affairs in Charleston harbor, xi, 56, 81 ; S. C. delegate, Gov. Pickens' demand for surrender of Fort Sumter, xi, 71. M'Rae, Duncan K, consul at Paris, ix, 267. McRoberts, Samuel, senator, v, 251, 252, 257. Macedo, Sergio Texeira de, Bra zilian minister, case of Lt. Davis, viii, 359- Macedonian, the, case of, viii, 48, 51, 52-53, 137-138, x, 209, 286. Macon, Nathaniel, M. C, vi, 97. Madagascar, Queen of, vii, 8. Madison, James, in constitutional convention, v, 102; his views on state and federal powers, ii, 59, 60, 61, 62, iv, 66—67, 69, 84, 90, v, 102, vi, 104, viii, 415, 431-432, x, 121, 439, xi, 13-14, 19, 24, xii, 96, 105, no, 112, 230—231; secretary of state, v, 366-367, vi, 37-38; his administration as President, poli cies and views, i, 356, 357, 405-406, ii, 424, 426—428, 429, iii, 316, iv, 144, 306, v, 109, 115, 259, 267, 398, 422, vi, 96, x, 381; mentioned, xii, 274, 277, 315; MSS. conveyed to U. S., viii, 85-86. Madison, Mrs. D. P., receipt to,'for MSS. of James Madison, viii, 85. Maelters, the, case of, vii, 368. Maffit, Lt. J. N., capture of slaves by, x, 273-274. Magaw, Jesse, v, 436, xii, 291. Magee, Alex., iii, 388. INDEX 411 Magenis, Mr., case of Judge Peck, ii, 152, 153, 158, 159. Magoffin, Beriah, Kentucky reso lutions for constitutional amend ment, xi, 125. Magill, Seagrove, et al., letter to (see Taylor, Nathaniel W.). Magrath, A. G., sent by Gov. Pick ens to Maj. Anderson, xii, 174. Magraw, Henry, xi, 190, 195, 231, 232, 242, 404, 422. Magraw, Robert, vi, 69, 76, x, 101, 318, 320, 467, xii, 324. Magruder, Mr., iii, 195. Mails (see Postal affairs). Maine, in presidential campaign of 1840, iv, 323 ; letter to governor of, disputed territory fund, vii, 241. Maine boundary dispute (see Great Britain) . Major General, office of, i, 367-370. Malacca, H.B.M.S., ix, 454. Mallarino, Maria Manuel, New Granadian sec. of state for for. aff., vii, 212. Mallary, Rollin C, M. C, i, 96, 115, 116, 209, 233, 234, 318-319, 32°, 321, 331, 362, 419, xii, 307- Mallory, Norman, case of, vi, 157. Mallory, Stephen R., senator, xi, 285-286, xii, 194-196; et al, sen ators (see Wigfall, Louis T.) ; letter from (see Slidell, John); corres pondence with Holt (see Slidell, John). Malmesbury, Lord, Sir William Ouseley in Central America, x, 320, 333- Manchester, Buchanan's stay at, ii, 185. Mangum, Willie P., senator, iii, 23, 51, 56, 57, 109, no, 111, 113, 114, iv, 33°, 379, 392, 455, 456, 457, 460, v, 140, 143, 514, vi, 56, viii, 471; senate comm. on for. aff., letters to : expenses of mediation between Argentina and Paraguay, vii, 499- 500, Amistad case, viii, 128. Manhattan club, Buchanan elected honorary member, xi, 407. Mann, A. Dudley, special agent to Hanover, letters to: negotiation of commercial treaties with Ger man states, vi, 434-439, vii, 56-58, I9°-I93, 357, 382, 383, 457-458, viii, 40-41, 71-72; same subject, vii, 167, viii, 70-71, 153; his report on European emigration, vii, 458, viii, 107; assistant secretary of state, Ostend conference, ix, 268. Mann, Horace, letter to, Spanish indemnity of 1834, viii, 270-271. Mann, Joel K., iii, 388. Mann, W. G. C, ix, 10, 21. Manning, John L., et al, letter to (see Committee of notification). Manrique, Juan Manuel, Venezue lan min. of for. aff., vii, 210, viii, 67, 105, 159-160. Mansfield, Lord, case of Almon, ii, 145- Manufactures, committee on, ap pointment of, i, 363; remarks on appointment of a clerk to senate committee on, v, 139-140; statis tics of,x, 291-292 (see, also, Duties; Protection; Tariff). Marble, Manton, letters to: devo tion to Democratic principles, xi, 407 ; defense against Greeley's at tack, xi, 431-432; reconstruction, Johnson's impeachment, xi, 437- 438; letter from, politics, xi, 434- 435- Marcoleta, Jose de, Nicaraguan minister, Central American ques tion, ix, 137. Marcuard, A. D., & Co., bankers, vi, 293- Marcy, William L., governor of New York, iii, 23 ; secretary of war, vi, 224-225, vii, 343-344, viii, 177, 210-211, 248, 469; letters to: Spanish claims, viii, 282, 288-289, 298, 299; govern ment of New Mexico, vii, 314; his candidacy for presidential nomination, 185 1—2, viii, 426, 427, 428, 429, 430, ix, 17-18; secretary of state, viii, 508, ix, 18; Buchan an's mission to England, ix, 13, 14, 20, 21, 22, 25; letter to, Buchanan's mission to England, viii, 509'; letter from, instructions on mission to England, ix, 10-n; letters to : Central American ques tion, Cuba, ix, 2 5— 2 6 ; Central Amer ican question, ix, 28-30; presenta tion as minister to England, ix, 34- 35; treaty with Bavaria, Central American question, Russo-Turkish difficulties, ix, 43-45; treaty with Bavaria, Russo-Turkish difficulties, Central American question, ix, 52- 5 5 ; Russo-Turkish difficulties, Cen tral American question, slavery, ix, 55-61; Russo-Turkish difficulties, Central American question, ix, 64- 65 ; passports, ix, 67-69 ; court dress question, ix, 7 5-7 7 , 7 8 ; Russo-Turk ish question, conveyance of British mails, Central American question, fishery and reciprocity treaty, Cuba, ix, 77-86; salary of messenger of legation, ix, 103 ; Central American question, ix, 116-117, 139; fishery 412 INDEX and reciprocity treaty, Central American question, ix, 130-138; neutral rights in Crimean war, ix, 147-148; Central American ques tion, neutral rights in Crimean war, court dress question, ix, 153— 158; neutral rights in Crimean war, Cuba, Sandwich Islands, Central American and fishery ques tions, ix, 165-168; privateering in Crimean war, passports, Peytona claim, ix, 169-171; neutral rights in Crimean war, ix, 172 ; audience with Polish Central Democratic committee, ix, 178-179; Central American and fisheries questions, British-French action in South America, neutrality in Crimean war, ix, 180-185; Kossuth me morial, ix, 185-187 ; Central Ameri can question, ix, 189-190; priva teering, case of mutineers on American vessels, ix, 190—193; rights of neutrals during blockade of Russian ports, ix, 194-197, 197-199; blockade of Russian ports, ix, 205-206; postal relations with Great Britain, case of Black Warrior, Cuba, blockade of Rus sian ports, ix, 2 1 1-2 13; blockade of Russian ports, ix, 214; insur rection in Cuba, ix, 214-215;. Central American question, ix, 242; letter from, Central American question, reciprocity and fishery treaty, ix, 242; letters to: postal relations with Great Britain, con traband, Central American ques tion, fishery treaty, blockade of Russian ports, revolution in Spain, ix, 244—248; Central American question, ix, 249-250; consular convention, Wigg claim, ix, 255- 258; Ostend conference, blockade of Russian ports, ix, 259—260; Ostend conference, ix, 260-266, 267; Ostend conference, Greytown affair, Hawaiian Islands, Domini can Republic, Soul6's exclusion from France, ix, 267-273; Soul6's exclusion from France, ix, 273- 274, 275; extradition convention with France, ix, 274; postal rela tions, Central American question, ix, 275-280; blockade of Russian ports, extradition treaty with Hanover, ix, 280-282; Col. Sickles' resignation, Crimean war, Austrian alliance, ix, 284-286; secretary of legation, ix, 286-287; the secre taryship of state, President's annual message, Ostend confer ence, European revolutionists, Sanders' letters, ix, 288-290; Euro pean political agitations, Sanders' letters, ix, 291-296, 304-305; Cen tral American question, blockade of Russian ports, ix, 297-298; Central American question, ix, 299-302; interview with Lord Clarendon on neutral commerce and war with Russia, ix, 3 06-3 1 o ; claims commission under treaty of 1853, conduct of British con sul at Jerusalem, ix, 31 1-3 13; conduct of British consul at Jerusalem, postal relations with Great Britain, ix, 317—319; Lord Palmerston's ministry, ix, 319- 320; Central American question, Crimean -war, ix, 3 2 0—3 2 1 ; consu lar convention negotiations, Han overian extradition convention, Crimean war, ix, 327-331; block ade of Russian ports, ix, 331; ignorance in Great Britain con cerning government, policy and institutions of the United States, ix, 333_33 5; interview with Lord Clarendon on war with Russia, awards under claims convention of 1853, consular convention and Central American questions, ix, 335-338; interview with Lord Clarendon on Central American question, Lord Palmerston's ad ministration, ix, 338-343; extra dition treaty with Hanover, visit of French Emperor, proposed con sular convention, Danish Sound dues, ix, 343-346; requests recall from mission to England, ix, 346; blockade of Russian ports, ix, 347; blockade of Russian ports, British treatment of neutral vessels, ix, 352-353; awards under British claims convention of 1853, ix, 349-350,351,352; British attitude towards the United States, British recruitments, Virginia politics, Kansas difficulties, ix, 354-355; Moran as clerk of legation, affairs in England, Buchanan's successor, Virginia politics, ix, 356-357; de spatch bag privileges, court dress question, ix, 360-361; British recruitments, consular convention, Central American question, Cri mean War, ix, 362-366; Argentine and Buenos Ayres, blockade of Russian ports by the allies, ix, 366- 367; British recruitments in the United States, ix, 371; proposed consular convention with Great Britain, British recruitment ques tion, ix, 385-388; British customs INDEX 413 regulation interfering with Bu chanan's exemptions, ix, 390—391; Central American question, termi nation of mission, ix, 394—395 ; pro posed treaty with Great Britain on neutral rights, ix, 400-401; Bue nos Ayres and Argentine Republic, ix, 401-402 ; Buchanan's despatch bag privileges as minister, ix, 406- 407; Central American question, ix, 406; incident of sale of sub marine exploding materials to Tal. P. Shaffner, ix, 407-410, 428- 433, .455-456, 482-483; British recruitments in the United States, ix, 413-414; British recruitments in the United States, ix, 417-419; return from mission to England, ix, 423-424; despatch of British naval armament to North America, ix, 433-43 5, 447-449; interviews and correspondence with Lord Claren don as to British recruitments in the United States, American neu trality in Crimean war, Central American question, ix, 437—442 ; in terview with Lord Clarendon, as to British recruitments, Central Amer ican question, ix, 442-446; inter view with Lord Clarendon on pending questions between United States and England, ix, 449—457; relations of Buenos Ayres and Argentine Confederation, ix, 474; interview with Lord Clarendon on relations between the United States and England, ix, 461—464; relaxation in tension of relations between the United States and England, ix, 466-467; relations between the United States and England, prospect of peace in Crimean war, ix, 468—469, 474-476, 476—477; Portuguese territorial claims in Africa, ix, 472; retire ment from mission to England, the recruitment question, Central American question, the Crimean war, ix, 483-484; saltpetre claims against Great Britain, questions pending with Great Britain, x, 1-2 ; Crampton's complicity in recruit ments, Central American question, British and French peace negotia tions, x, 4-6; feeling in England towards United States, x, 9—10; attitude of British press toward United States, Central American question, peace negotiation with Russia, x, 12-15; American trade with Africa, saltpetre claims against Great Britain, x, 16-19; public opinion in England toward United States, despatch of British fleet, successor to Buchanan, x, 19-20; British recruitment and Central American questions, British and French peace negotiations with Russia, x, 23 ; Central American question, Crampton's complicity in British recruitments, x, 30-34; Central American question, Cramp ton's complicity in British recruit ments, x, 35-40; British recruit ment question, appointment of successor to ministry to England, British relations with United States, x, 42-44, 51, 55; appoint ment of successor as minister to England, recruitment question, x, 46-47; appointment of succes sor as minister to England, Lady Palmerston's dinner, British re cruitment question, presidency, x, 48-49 ; relations between United States and Great Britain, x, 52— 54; recruitment question, survey of Atrato canal route, x, 57-58; Argentine relations with France, Central American question, Ben jamin Moran, x, 60-62 ; Lord Palmerston's speech on the re cruitment question, x, 66-67 I Bu chanan's recall, x, 71-72; audience of leave with Queen, x, 73—74; his note on private property at sea, the army bill, x, 89-90; other references to his administration as secretary of state, viii, 510- 512, ix, 1, 2, 10, 19, 82, 112, 130, 201, 439, 452, 453, 457, x, 336, 350-352, xi, 495; his attitude towards the presidency, 1855, ix, 332, xi, 498; mentioned, vii, 92, 444, viii, 362, 389. Marcy, Mrs. William L., ix, 357, 484, x, 6, 10. Mareschal, Baron de, Austrian minister, vi, 146. Marie, M., in provisional govern ment of France, viii, 4. Marie, M., French attach^, viii, 3i3, 327, 345- Marigny, Bernard, J. V. Morales claim against Spain, vi, 470. Marine corps, remarks on pay of officers, iii, 113-114, iv, 253-255; remarks on the, v, 336-337; nomi nees for, x, 196—197. Marine hospitals, iii, 389. Mariner, H. B. M. S., ix, 448, 449. Maritime conference at Brussels, ix, 101. Maritime information, ix, 39-40. Maritime rights (see War) . Maritime war (see War). 414 INDEX Mark, Louis, consul to Prussian provinces of the Rhine, recall of, vii, 172-173. Markley, Philip S., i, 260, 264-265, 268. Markoe, "Magnifico," x, 5. Markoe, M., considered for secre taryship of legation in London, x, 48. Marquez, Leonardo, Mexican gen eral, x, 356, xi, 33, xii, 248. Marriage, performance of, by con suls, vii, 29; law of place governs, vii, 29. Mars Hill (see Great Britain, Northeastern boundary dispute), iii, 481—502, iv, 2-23. Marshall, John, chief justice, i, 442; Cohen vs. Virginia, ii, 78- 80; Dartmouth College case, iii, 149-150, 151, iv, 467-468, 471, 500-501, 503; McCuUough vs. Maryland, iii, 278; on national jurisdiction, iv, 412; on interstate commerce, v, 47, 94, x, 381; on contempts, v, 249 ; on treason, viii, 231; on jurisdiction, viii, 236, 237; on importation of colored per sons, vii, 308, 323. Marston, John M., consul at Pa lermo, recognition of Sicily, viii, 234, 236. Martial law, suspension of civil rights during, General Jackson's fine, in New Orleans, v, 241-251, 406—409. Martin, George H., et al. (see Andrews, Joshua). Martin, John B., xi, 459. Martin, Jacob L., charge d'affaires ad interim to France, vii, 56; letters to: question of precedence of consuls, vii, 96-98, 102 ; appoint ment of Rush as minister, vii, 256: charge to Papal States, letters to, his commission, viii, 42-45, 332, 333; intervention in behalf of mis sionaries in China, viii, 119; men tioned, viii, 126. Martin, Martin, Sicilian vice-con sul, letter to, duties on Spanish articles, vii, 77. Martin, William D., M. C, i, 421, 423- Martin, Dr., vi, 1, 2. Martin, Mr., member of Pennsyl vania legislature, x, 324, xii, 298. Martin, Mrs., ii, 243. Martin, the, capture of, vii, 194. Martin vs. Hunter's lessee, v, 207, 228. Martindale, Henry C, M. C, i, 360. Martinez, Estevan, exploration of western American coast, vi, 244. Martuscelli, Rocco, Sicilian charge^, letter to, discharge of Joseph Fol- linger, vii, 232; revolt of Sicily, viii, 140. Marvin, Dudley, M. C, i, 98, 129, 130, 131, r32. Mary Elizabeth, the, claim of, viii, 176. Maryland, courts-martial of delin quent militiamen in, i, 2 1 ; Cumber land road in, i, 40, 385, 412, ii, 416, 418, xii, 303 ; in election of 1824-5, i, 128; conduct of senatorial elec tors of, iii, 144, 146-147, 158-160, 163; cession of D. C, iii, 21, 26, 346-347, 349-350, 352, iv, 26-27; position during Buchanan's presi dential campaign, x, 86; tonnage duties imposed by, x, 385; seces sion movement in, xi, 166 (see, also, Slavery question). Maryland Institute for the Promo tion of the Mechanic Arts, viii, 421—422. Mason, Charles, on political affairs, xi, 413-415- Mason, Lt. David, xi, in. Mason, James M., senator, ix, 94, xii, 79; et al, Virginia senators, correspondence with, as to Virginia forts, xi, 102, 103-104; seized with Slidell on Trent, vi, 264, xi, 231- 232, 233-234, 236, 241, 243-244, 246. Mason, John L., letter to, authenti cation of copies of papers, vii, 125- 127. Mason, John Thomson, letters to: British attitude towards America, ix, 1 1 5-1 16; the presidency, ix, 202—204. Mason, John Y., attorney-general, vii, 29; letters to: claims against Peru, vii, 73-74; relations with Yu catan, vii, 2 2 2-223 ; Peruvian decree on public warehousing, vii, 297-298; disturbances in Venezuela, viii, 1; Lieut. Lynch's exploration of Dead Sea, book present for Turkish Sul tan, naval force in Levant, vii, 43 7 ; continuance of foreign consuls in Mexican ports under military oc cupation, vii, 500-501; contro versy between American and French consuls to Tripoli as to precedence, vii, 102; references to other matters while secretary, vi, 223, 225, viii, 86, 104—105, 141, 177, xi, 476; candidate for presidential nomination, 1852, viii, 43 7, 438; minister to France, ix, 102, 272, 274, 275, 281, 305, 334, 354, 426, 435, x, 68, 76, xi, INDEX 415 509; member of Ostend conference on Cuba, ix, 251-253, 259, 260-266, 267, 268,289; letters to: use of lega tion stamp by Mr. Sanders, ix, 287- 288; Alberdi's mission on relations of Buenos Ayres and Argentine Con federation, ix, 473—474; relations between Argentine Confederation and France, x, 60; his mission to France, party patronage, the Union, x, 100-101; mentioned, vii, 92, ix, 457, x, 21—22. Mason, Mrs. John Y., x, 29, 101. Mason and Kirkland, et al, letter to (see Shaw et al.) . Masonry (see Anti-masonry). Massachusetts, acts of, relating to lobster fishery, i, 428; resolution in relation to capture of Peacock, iii, 191; sells territory for cession to Great Britain under Webster- Ashburton treaty, v, 366, 377, 379, 380, 383; "Disputed Terri tory JPund" account, vi, 506-507, vii, 61, 62, 64-65, 109— no, 239— 240, 241, 280; preference for presidential candidate, 1856, x, 23; tonnage duties imposed by, x, 385; "liberty bills" adopted by, xi, 44—45, 48—49; supports resistance to embargo acts, xii, 7 2 ; burning of a copy of the constitution in, xii, 272. Massachusetts and Maine, governors of, letter to, settlement of "Dis puted Territory Fund" account, vii, 109— no, 241. Massachusetts Irish Emigrant Aid Society, xi, 418. Massie, T. L., Captain H. B. M. S. Powerful, ix, 434. Mathers,. Calvin, case of, vi, 272. Mathers, Chauncey, case of, vi, 272. Mathiot, William, et al, letter to, ix, 26-27. Matthews, Cornelius, letter to, international copyright, vii, 77- 78. Matthews, Capt., of first steamer of line between Philadelphia and Liverpool, viii, 406. Mattingly, Mrs., xi, 459. Matuscervie, Count, ii, 368, 383- 384- Maury, Lt. M. F., letter to, recom mendation of maritime conference at Brussels, ix, 101. -Maury, John W, et al, letter to, viii, 355-357- Maury, Sarah Mytton, xi, 474. Maury, Captain, claim of the Patri- ota, vi, 179. Maury, Lt. Matthew Fontaine, U.S N . , his hydrographical works, ix, 3 9 Maury, the barque, suspected priva teer during the Crimean war.ix, 450 May, Capt., his landing of Gen Paredes in Mexico, vii, 411-413 Maynadier, Capt. William, his acts with reference to Southern forts xi, 230, 257, 258, 314, 322, xii, 204 205, 206. Meade, Mr., viii, 437. Mead's claim, remarks on, i, 316-318. Means, Isaac H, secession of South Carolina, xi, 78. Means, Mrs., ix, 4. Meares, John, formed Nootka estab lishment, vi, 196, 217, 246, 247, 248. Mechanic Arts (see Colleges of). Mechanics, remarks on discharge of, iii, 339-34L Mecklenburg-Schwerin (see Germanic states) . Medary, Samuel, governor of Minne sota, x, 175. Medea, H. B. M. S., ix, 448, 449. Mediation, of Great Britain for truce between Mexico and Texas, vi, 33- 37, 44; Brent's offer of, between France and Great Britain and Argentine, vi, 445-446; Mr. Hop kins' offer of, between Paraguay and Buenos Ayres, vi, 448-449, 499-500, vii, 58-59; Mr. Brent's similar offer, vii, 113-114; Lord Aberdeen's proposal of, between United States and Mexico, vii, 41- 42 ; Spain's proposed offer of, be tween United States and Mexico, vii, 129-130, 290; in differences between Hungary and Austria, viii, 302-303. Mediterranean, naval depot on, viii, 141, 146—147, 291. Meek, Alexander B., district attor ney, letters to: free negroes arriv ing in Alabama, viii, 3 1 ; expedition against Mexico, viii, 192-195. Meek, Joseph L., marshal of district of Oregon, viii, 174. Mehemet Ali, ii, 316, 318, 331, 337. Meigs, Capt. Montgomery C, x, 376, 452-455; Brigadier-general, xi, 268. Melbourne, Lord, v, 222. Mellon, Mr., death of, xi, 411. Melville, Mr., candidate for min istry to Russia, vi, 343 ;__secretary of legation at London, vii, 1-2. Memorandum, Feb. 2, 1849, ^naviga tion of Columbia river, viii, 300- 302 (see, also, letters to particular persons) . 416 INDEX Menendez, General, president of Peru, vi, 496, 497. Mercantile Society of New York, i, in. Mercer, Charles Fenton, M. C, i, 82, 89, 98, 146, 157, 159, 160, 161— 162, 163, 164, 166, 167, 233, 235, 257, 259, 329, 383, 390, 393, 399, 413, 418, 440, ii, 17. Mercer, Midshipman, discharge of, ix, 420. Mercury, the, v, 72. Meredith, Jonathan, counsel for Judge Peck, ii, 81, 153. Meredith, William M., secretary of treasury, xi, 486, 487; Pennsyl vania member of Virginia peace commission, xii, 131. Meredith, Mr., letter to, purchase of Wheatland, viii, 87, 202, 254- 255; mentioned, viii, 420. Merrick, William D., senator, iii, 357, 365, 367, 37i, 372, 379, 425, 460, 464, 507, iv, 205, 257, 271, 273, 274, 287, 293-294, 309, 329, 404, v, 251, 285, 314-315, 316, 423, 424, 498, 499-500, 509, 514, vi, 52. Merriman, Francis H., district attorney, letter to, expedition against Mexico, viii, 192-195. Meriwether, David, Kentucky reso lutions for constitutional amend ment, xi, 125. Messages, first annual, Dec. 8, 1857, x, 129-163; Dec. 8, 1857, a treaty with Denmark, x, 164; Dec. 10, 1857, China, x, 164; Dec. 17, 1857, treaty with Denmark, x, 165—166; Dec. 22, 1857, Kansas, x, 166; Dec. 23, 1857, Greytown claims, x, 167; Jan. 5, 1858, treaty with Pawnee Indians, x, 169; Jan. 6, 1858, Kan sas, x, 169—170; Jan. 7, 1858, arrest of William Walker in Nicaragua, x, 170-175; Jan. 11, 1858, consti tution of Minnesota, x, 175-176; Jan. n, 1858, arrest of William Walker in Nicaragua, x, 176; Jan. 12, 1858, treaty with Peru, x, 177; Jan. 14. 1858, convention with Den mark, x, 178; Jan. 27, 1858, emi grant tickets, x, 178; Jan. 28, 1858, census of Minnesota Territory, x, 179; Feb. 2, 1858, constitution of Kansas, x, 179-192; Feb. 10, 1858, treaty with Japan, x, 193; Feb. n, 1858, treaty with France, x, 193; Feb. 12, 1858, execution of Col. Crabb, x, 194; Feb. 26, 1858, Utah expedition, x, 196; March 2, 1858, Marine corps, x, 196-197 ; March 4, 1858, troops in war of 1812, x, 197; March 9, 1858, laws of District of Columbia, x, 197; March 23, 1858, Pacific department, x, 198-199; April 7, 1858, treaty with Tona- wanda Indians, x, 206; April 9, 1858, Utah, x, 206-207; April 20, 1858, China, x, 208; April 21, 1858, African slave trade, x, 209; April 28, 1858, seizure of American prop erty in Peru by Chilean authorities, x, 209; May 1, 1858, outrages on Americans in Palestine, x, 410; May 3 and 6, 1858, Indian affairs, x, 210; May 13, 1858, American trade in Mexican ports, x, 211; May, 1858, treaty with Ponca Indians, x, 212; May 13, 1858, treaty with Sioux Indians, x, 213; May 19, 1858, interference with vessels in Gulf of Mexico, x, 214; May 27, 1858, arrest of William Walker in Nicaragua, x, 215; May 29, 1858, seizure of the Panchita, x, 215; May 31, 1858, attacks on American vessels, x, 216; June 1, 1858, guano discoveries, x, 216; June 4, 1858, guano purchases in Peru, x, 217; June 10, 1858, Utah, x, 217— 218; June 11, 1858, Isthmus of Tehuantepec, x, 218-219; June 11, 1858, Mississippi river improve ments, x, 219; June 12, 1858, the treasury, x, 21 9-2 2 2 ; second an nual, Dec. 6, 1858, x, 235-277, 426- 427; Dec. 7, 1858, treaty with China, x, 277; Dec. 7, 1858, treaty with Japan, x, 277; Dec. 10, 1858, on treaty with Siam, x, 278; Dec. 15, 1858, visitation of American vessels, x, 279; Dec. 20, 1858, Chi nese affairs, x, 279; Dec. 20, 1858, naval officers, x, 280-281; Dec. 22, 1858, treaty with Belgium, x, 281; Dec. 23, 1858, treaty with New Granada, x, 282; Dec. 27, 1858, consular powers in China, x, 282; Jan. 4, 1859, clearance of vessels at Mobile, x, 283; Jan. 5, 1859, treaty with Sioux Indians, x, 285; Jan. 5, 1859, treaty with Chile, x, 286; Jan. 6, 1859, instruction to naval commanders, x, 286; Jan. 7, 1859, on case of Carmick and. Ram sey, x, 287; Jan. 7, 1859, vetoing resolution as to mail transporta tion, x, 287-288; Jan. 11, 1859, landing of Africans on Georgia coast, x, 288-289; Jan- 13, l859, case of Carmick & Ramsey, x, 289; Jan. 15, 1859, Cuba, x, 289; Jan. 19, 1859, claims against foreign gov ernments, x, 290; Jan. 21, 1859, Cuba, x, 290—291; Jan. 21, 1859, statistics of manufactures, x, 291- INDEX 417 292; Jan. 25, 1859, consular fees, x, 292; Jan. 26, 1859, claims against foreign governments, x, 292; Jan. 29, 1859, Vancouver's Island, x, 293; Jan. 29, 1859, claim of Gov. Douglas, x, 293; Feb. 5, 1859, guano trade with Peru, x, 294; Feb. 8, 1859, Wilkes exploring expedition, x, 294-295; Feb. 12, 1859, consular officers, duties, x, 295; Feb. 15, 1859, importation of Africans, x, 295-296; Feb. 18, 1859, protection of Isthmian routes, x, 296-299; Feb. 18, 1859, treaties with China, x, 300; Feb. 24, 1859, vetoing public lands bill, x, 300- 309, 444; Feb. 25, 1859, instruc tions to the African squadron, x, 309-310; Feb. 26, 1859, commer cial treaty with Spain, x, 310; Feb. 28, 1859, Vancouver's Island and British Columbia, x, 311; Mch. 1, 1859, Great Falls land condemna tion case, x, 31 1-3 12; Mch. 2, 1859, outrages on American citizens on Isthmus of Panama, x, 312; Mch. 3, 1859, public credit, x, 312-313; Mch. 9, 1859, death of the post master general, x, 314; Dec. 7, 1859, Mexico, x, 338; Dec. 16, 1859, treaty with China, x, 338; third annual, Dec. 19, 1859, x, 339-370; Dec. 19, 1859, treaty with Para guay, x, 371; Dec. 19, 1859, treaty with Nicaragua, x, 371-372; Jan. 4, i860, treaty with Mexico, x, 3 73 ; Jan. 10, i860, treaty with the Kansas Indians, x, 373; Jan. 10, i860, treaty with the Sac and Fox Indians, x, 374; Jan. 10, i860, treaty with the Winnebago Ind ians, x, 374; Jan. 12, i860, Mexico, x, 374- 375; Jan. 20, i860, treaties with Indians, x, 375; Jan. 23, i860, an occurrence at Perugia, x, 375- 376; Jan. 25, i860, heating public buildings, x, 376; Jan. 30, i860, San Juan Island, x, 377; Feb. 1, i860, veto of the St. Clair Flats bill, x, 377-387; Feb. 6, i860, consular regulations in China, x, 387; Feb. 6, i860, veto of bill as to Mississippi river, x, 388; Feb. 9, i860, on a con vention with Venezuela, x, 388- 389; Feb. 9, i860, treaty with Bolivia, x, 389; Feb. 20, i860, on memorials from Eastern slope of Rocky mountains, x, 391—392; Feb. 25, i860, letter of the French Emperor, x, 392; Feb. 29, i860, Oregon boundary, x, 393; Mch. 1, i860, heating of public buildings, x, 394; Mch. 5, i860, affairs on the Rio 27 Grande, x, 394; Mch. 8, i860, treaty with Mexico, x, 395; Mch. 12, i860, correspondence with China, x, 395; Mch. 15, i860, Mexico, x, 396; Mch. 15, i860, affairs on the Rio Grande, x, 396; Mch. 16, i860, con vention with Paraguay, x, 397; Mch. 16, i860, Capitol extension, x, 397; Mch. 21, i860, treaty with Nicaragua, x, 398; Mch. 22, 1861, treaty with Sweden and Norway, x, 398; Mch. 28, i860, Covode investigation, x, 399-405, 435~436, xii, 220-226, 227-228; Mch. 29, i860, southwestern frontier, x, 405; Mch. 29, i860, affairs on the Mexican coast, x, 406; Mch. 30, i860, imprisonment of an American citizen in Cuba, x, 406; Apr. ^, i860, diplomatic costume, x, 407 ; Apr. 3, i860, Utah, x, 407; Apr. 5, i860, treaty with Honduras and inter oceanic transit, x, 408—413; Apr. 10, i860, expulsion of Americans from Mexico, x, 413 ; Apr. 10, i860, duties on tobacco, x, 414; Apr. 11, i860, Harlem River, x, 414; Apr. 11, i860, compulsory enlistments in Prussia, x, 414; Apr. 12, i860, Navassa Island, x, 415; Apr. 12, i860, Indian hostilities in New Mexico, x, 416; Apr. 16, i860, com pulsory enlistments abroad, x, 417; Apr. 17, i860, veto of a claim bill, x, 418-420; Apr. 20, i860, territory of Minnesota, x, 420; Apr. 20, i860, African squadron, x, 421; Apr. 22, i860, treaty with New Granada, x, 421—422; Apr. 23, i860, instruc tions to the minister to China, x, 422; Apr. 24, i860, discriminations against American Jews in Switzer land, x, 423; Apr. 25, i860, an ex pulsion from Prussia, x, 423 ; Apr. 27, i860, Utah, x, 424; Apr. 30, i860, compulsory enlistments in Prussia, x, 424; May 1, i860, mas sacres in Utah, x, 424; May 3, i860, convention with Spain, x, 425; May 19, i860, captured Africans, x, 426—429; May 22, i860, capture of the slaver William, x, 430; May 22, i860, land claims in California, x, 430-431; May 26, i860, Chinese coolie trade, x, 431; June 14, i860, convention with Delaware Indians, x, 433; June 22, i860, veto of homestead bill, x, 443-451; June 22, i860, Covode investigation, x, 435-443, xii, 227-235; June 23, i860, California mail service, x, 451-452; June 25, i860, Washing ton aqueduct, x, 452-455; fourth 418 INDEX annual, draft of, xi, 6; fourth an nual, Dec. 3, i860, xi, 7-43; Dec. 5, i860, convention with Costa Rica, xi, 55; Dec. 5, i860, African slave trade, xi, 56; Jan. 2, 1861, treaty with Venezuela, xi, 93-94; Jan. 8, 1 86 1, correspondence with South Carolina commissioners, xi, 94-99; Jan. 15, 1861, resignation of Mr. Floyd, xi, 106-109; Feb. 21, 1 86 1, San Juan water boundary, xi, 148-149; Jan. 22, 1861, Isthmus of Chiriqui, xi, 112; Jan. 24, 1861, foreign vessels at Charleston, xi, 112; Jan. 25, 1861, veto of bill for relief of Hockaday and Leggit, xi, 114-116; Jan. 28, 1861, Virginia peace resolutions, xi, 116-120; Jan. 30, 1861, convention with Vene zuela, xi, 122—123; Feb. 5, 1861, Kentucky resolutions, xi, 124-125; Feb. 8, 1861, on Fort Sumter, xi, 126— 141; Feb. 12, 1861, claims against Paraguay, xi, 145-147; Feb. 23, 1861, Aves Island, xi, 150; Feb. 23, 1 86 1, treaty with Dela ware Indians, xi, 151; Feb. 23, 1861, seizure of New Orleans mint, xi, 151 ; Feb. 26, 1861, Ander son's extradition, xi, 152; Mch. 1, 1 86 1, troops in Washington, xi, 151-154; Mch. 2, 1861, treaty with Nicaragua, xi, 155. Meteorological observations, remarks on appropriation for, v, 419—420. Metternich, Prince, ii, 395, 398. Metzger, Nicholas Lucien, extra dition case (see France). Mexican minister for foreign affairs, correspondence with, as to pend ing questions between United States and Mexico, vi, 294; letters to, peace overtures, vii, 198-199, 268-270; letter to, amended treaty of peace with Mexico, viii, 14-21. Mexico, boundary, under treaty with Spain of Feb. 22, 1819, i, 55; negotiation of commercial treaty with, i, 177-179, 179-182, 191, 192-193; question of transfer of Cuba and Porto Rico to, i, 181, 200, 202, 203 ; exportation of brandy to, i, 222; treaty with Great Britain, Dec. 26, 1826, ix, 224, 235, 240, 241; commercial treaty with, of April 5, 1831, iii, 215, 216, 235-236, 345, 410, 416, 419, vi, 21, 296, 297, 324, vii, 9, 133, 279; President Jackson, on relations with, iii, 214, 410, 418, viii, 329; remarks and report on relations with, iii, 59-60, 214-219, 233-236, 290, 410-419; bill to carry into effect treaty with, v, 20; claims convention with, Apr. 11, 1839, vi, 297, 326, 346, vii, 135, 277, viii, 163; decisions under the claims convention, v, 148-152; commerce with, v, 149; Jackson on claims against, v, 150; return of Mr. Shannon, minister, to the United States, vi, 134-136; claim of John Baldwin, vi, 162-163; claims against, vi, 169-170; claims convention, Jan. 30, 1843, vi, 298, vii, 136; unratified claims conven tion, Nov. 20, 1843, vi, 298, 312- 313, 346, 364, vii, 136, 277; re quest for copy of the unpublished convention refused by Buchanan as Secretary of State, vii, 498-499; non-payment of indemnities due in 1844, vii, 30-32; preparations for war with, vi, 223, 224—225, 266, 361, 362, 430; proposed mission of an envoy to Mexico to adjust questions in dispute, vi, 260-261; John Slidell's mission to settle disputes with, vi, 264-265, 294- 3°6, 345-346, 360-362, 363-365, 402-406, vii, 504; events in (1845), vi, 282; claims against, vi, 303, 3 1 1-3 13; misunderstanding with France and Great Britain, vi, 294; relations with, reviewed in Presi dent Polk's first annual message, vi, 321-327; claim of Aaron Leggett against, vi, 354; report on payment of Mexican indemnity, vi, 375—376; European design for establishing monarchy in, vi, 404- 405; Polk's war message, vi, 477- 483 ; proclamation of war with, vi, 483-486; blockade of ports of, vi, 484, 485, 486, vii, 180-181, 240-241, 290-292; blockade case of Sultan, viii, 70; blockade case of Jeune Nelly, viii, 286-288, 289; blockade case of Juanita, vii, 9; seizure of Spanish vessels, vi, 498- 499; capture of Susannah by Mexi co, vii, 1 5 ; privateers during the war, vii, 15, 23-24, 52, 151, 154, r75-i76, 32i, 355"356; xi, 474; privateer case of Carmelita, vii, 325-326, 334-342, 355-356; peace overtures, vii, 38-39, 40, 49-50, 52-53, 54-55, 66, 82, 87-88, 151, 198-199, 223-224; Moses Y. Beach appointed confidential agent to, vii, 1 1 9- 1 20; Sun's offer to telegraph news from, vii, 129; Spain's pro posed mediation, vii, 129-130; re view of causes of war, President Polk's second annual message, vii, 131-152; participation of Yucatan in war with, vii, 222-223, 485-486; INDEX 419 return of Gen. Paredes and Santa Anna to Mexico, vii, 411-413, 489- 492 ; victories in war with, annexa tion of Mexican territory, vii, 286; conduct of the war, viii, 365-367, 367-368; Gen. Scott's extravagance during the war, xi, 475; proposed mission of Bishop Hughes, xi, 375- 376; British attitude during the war, viii, 158; Wilmot proviso to appropriation for peace negotia tions, xi, 474, xii, 9-11; peace commissioner to, vii, 226; ap pointment of Trist as commis sioner, vii, 268—270; claim of Robert A. Linn and other claims, vii, 277-280, 280; claim of Lizardi & Co., vii, 455-456; prospects of peace, vii, 333; projet of treaty, vii, 344, 365-366, 368-369; peace negotiations, President Polk's third annual message, vii, 466-480; rumor of financial proposal to Santa Anna for peace, vii, 484; Trist's peace negotiations, vii, 272-274, 277, 287, 310, 495-496, 497, 5067507, viii, 5, 6, 120, xi, 476; Trist's disobedience of in structions, vii, 425-427, 442-443, 444, 506-507; continuance of for eign consuls in Mexican ports under military occupation, vii, 500-501; authorization of General Butler to draw against appropria tion for peace negotiations, vii, 504-505 ; request of Madame Ytur- bide for written permission to return to, refused, vii, 505 ; treaty of peace, evidence of debt under, viii, 6; treaty of peace, Feb. 2, 1848, vii, 501—502, viii, 19, 24, 29, 30, 114-119, 148; appointment of Nathan Clifford as associate com missioner to, viii, 7-8 ; exchange of ratifications of peace treaty, viii, 8-14, 145, 306-307, 313-314; effect of treaty upon Yucatan, viii, 57; protocol to peace treaty, viii, 14- 21, 359, 360, 362-363; 305-312, 3!8-3i9, 328-33i, 340, 350-354, xi, 484, 486; Mexican request for American troops to be employed against Indians, viii, 155-156; claim of Leggett, viii, 163; filibus tering expedition against, viii, 192- 195, 216; case of E. Porter, viii, 216; relations with, 1848, viii, 259; restrictions on sale of tobacco im ported during American occupa tion, viii, 216; refund of customs collected during American occupa tion, viii, 268, 284-285; Spanish claims arising out of the war with, viii, 282-283, 288-289, 298, 299; French claims based on the war, viii, 348; claims on account of military operations in California, viii, 2 ; the peace treaty, payment under, viii, 148; claims, viii, 117, 300; tariff questions, viii, 163—167, 272-274; British objec tion to boundary provision, viii, J73. 175 ; boundary commission under, viii, 172—173, 290, 293-294, 322-326; claims commission under, viii, 173; restoration of custom houses, viii, 177; acquisition of California, viii, 211; enforcement of neutrality, viii, 193, 216; execu tion of treaty, viii, 216, 217, 268- 270, 284-285; British advances in Mexico, viii, 377-378; execution of Col. Crabb in or near, x, 194; protection of American trade in ports of , x, 2 1 1 ; treaty for Tehuan tepec road, Dec. 30, 1853, x, 218, 260, 410-4 1 1, 412; instructions as to Tehuantepec route, Covode in vestigation, x, 437, xii, 228—229; relations with, 1858, x, 253-257; message on suspension of diplo matic relations with, x, 338; rela tions with, 1859, x, 353-359, i860, xi, 32-34; messages on commercial treaty, and convention Dec. 14, i860, x, 373, 375-376, 395; treaty of transit and commerce, Dec. 14, 1859, xii, 259-261; mes sages on hostilities between citizens of Texas and, x, 394, 396; message on affairs in, x, 396; message on affairs on the coast of, x, 406; message on expulsion of Americans from, x, 413; European interfer ence in, apprehended, xii, 249, 251-252, 260-261; possible enforce ment of Monroe Doctrine as to, xi, 34; relations with, during Buchanan's administration, xii, 244-261; claims against, xii, 244- 252, 259-261 (see, also, Texas). Michel, Grand Duke, of Russia, ii, 369- Michigan, northern boundary of Ohio, iii, 7, 30-36, 36-50, 132- 136, 136-154, 154-165; reception of senators from, ii, 444-445; remarks and speech on admission of, iii, 30-36, 36-50, 132-136, 136- 154, 154-165 (see, also, St. Clair Flats bill). Middleton, Henry, minister to Russia, letter from, Count Nessel- rode on maritime rights, ii, 257, 258; on proposition to abolish privateering, ii, 342. 420 INDEX Mifflin, Benjamin, letter to, hostile attitude of Pennsylvanian, iv, 321; et al. (see Andrews, Joshua). Mifflin and Parin, iv, 321. Miguel, Don, ii, 302; recognition of his government in Portugal, iii, 62, viii, 33. Milan decrees, ii, 406, ix, 213. Miles, John, et al. (see Andrews, Joshua) . Miles, Samuel D., et al., letter to, declines invitation of Centre Coun ty Democrats, " unrestrained bank ing," iv, 263-265. Miles, William Porcher, M. C, x, 318, xii, 147, 163; et al, letter from, affairs in Charleston harbor, xi, 2, 56, 81. Miles, the, case of, viii, 145-146. Military academy at West Point, i, 285-286, v, 336, 501. Military and naval forces, disposi tion of, prior to March 4, 1861, xi, 5. 56-57, 58, 60-65, 67-68, 70-72, 76-84, 84-93, 94~99, 100— 101, 102—103, 103—104, 105, 106, 109— in, 113, 116— 118, 120— 121, 122, 123 — 124, 126— 141, 141— 143, 152-154, 156-159, 163-164, 166, 170, 171, 171-173, 173-174, 174- 175, 177-178, 182-183, l85, 188- 189, 192, 194-195, 196-197, 201- 203, 207—209, 210— 211, 212, 214— 216, 221, 256, 266, 279—307, 310— 3*5, 3I5~3I7, 32J-323, 363-364, 397-398, 400, 414, 416, xii, 84-91, 115, 142-158, 159—188, 189-210. Military establishment bill, veto by President Washington, v, 109-110. Military instruction, advocated by Gen. Harrison, iv, 307-308. Military occupation, government under, vii, 150; California and New Mexico, vii, 195-196, 215, viii, 132-133; customs collections in Yucatan during Mexican war, vii, 485-486; continuance of foreign consuls in Mexican ports under, vii, 500-501; customs collections during, viii, 268 (see, also, War). Military service (see Nationality). Militia (see Army). Militia fines, remarks on, i, 20-23. Militiamen, court martial, Dec. 5, 1 8 14, for trial of Tennessee militia men, i, 275-277. Miller, Andrew, et al. (see Andrews, Joshua) . Miller, Jacob W., senator, v, 390, 455, 476-477, 478, 5 13, 5 U, vi, 28, 55. Miller, Jesse, letter to, Col. Piollet, Mr. Butler, Gov. Shunk's candi dacy, personals, vii, 353-354- Miller, John, iii, 385; et al, letter to, declines invitation of Demo crats in Pennsylvania legislature, iv, 1 21-123; agent of legation at London, vii, 45, ix, 153, 294, 295, 360, 379-381, 39°, 391, 407, xi, 170, 367, 465, 513. Miller, Thomas C, et al, letter to, declines invitation of Democrats in Pennsylvania legislature, iv, 121— 123. Miller, William L., iii, 388. Miller, Mrs., vii, 355. Miller, Mr., recommended by Bu chanan for an appointment, iii, 126. Millson, John S., M. C, viii, 437. MlLNES, R. MONCKTON, ix, 469, X, 7. Miner, Lawrence & Co., letter to, claim for misconduct of Consul Abell, vii, 108-109. Ministers (see Intercourse of States). Minnesota, constitution of, x, 175- 176; census of territory of, x, 179; message on territory, x, 420. Minor, Captain, Spanish boundary commissioner under treaty with Spain of Oct. 27, 1795, ii, 2, 3, 4, 6, 10. Mints, branch, establishment of, iv, 234-235, 37I-372, 373- Minute, Dec. 23, 1845, of cabinet con sultation, Oregon question, vi, 348. Miquelon, commercial intercourse with, vii, 71-72, 281, 285. Mirabeau, Gabriel H. R., in favor of a veto power in French King, v, 130. Miramon, General Miguel, presi dent of Mexico, x, 353, 354, 355, .413, xi,32-34, xii, 246-249, 251,260. Mirramichi river, iv, 12. Misrepresentation, remarks on a, v, I55-I56. Mission to Russia, ii, 173-177, 181- 182, v, 27, viii, 445; retirement from, ii, 306—309, 31 1-3 12, 328- 329, 338-339, 366-368, 370-396. Mission to England, viii, 502-509, 510-512, ix, 1-25, 26-28, 113; re tirement from, ix, 346, 356, 393, 394-395, 403, 419-421, 423-424, 425, 436, 447, 455, 457-458, 460, 465-466, 480, 481, 483, 488, x, 1-2, 5, 11-12, 21, 29, 44, 45, 46, 50, 51, 59, 61, 64, 65, 67-68, 70-71, 71-72, 72-75, xi, 493, 499-500, 502, 506, 507- Missionaries, interposition for in troducing religious books into Sardinia refused, vi, 278-279; case of a missionary at Hamburg, vi, 279; protection of, in China, viii, 112, 119. INDEX 421 Mississippi, in election of 1824-5, i, 121; sales of public lands in, i, 128; admission of, vi, 91; default of, in obligations, vi, 118; secession of, xii, 120, 127 (see, also, Internal improvements; Navigation). Mississippi river, a boundary, ii, 1, 2. Missisquoi Bay, viii, 48, 345. Missouri, political position of, in elec tion of 1824-1825, i, 128; sales of public lands in, i, 129; Cumberland road in, iii, 1-4 ; admission of, iii, 6, 143, vi, 17, 19, 90, viii, 17, 386; boundary between Iowa terri tory and, iv, 126; congressional ap portionment in, v, 282; as to Missouri Compromise and slavery (see Slavery question) . Missouri river (see Internal improve ments ; Navigation) . Mitchell, James C, M. C, i, 214. Mitchell, Samuel L., senator, iii, i7- Mitchell, Thomas R., M. C, i, 231. Mitchell, Mr., ii, 238. Mitchell, Samuel Augustus, map of British and French Dominions in N. A., iii, 485, 488, 490, iv, 5, 7, 18; v, 361-364, 368, 369, 460-461, 483-484, 484-498. Mobile, court-martial at, i, 312-313; clearance of vessels at, x, 283. Moeler, Miss, xi, 367. Moerenhout, Mr., French consul at Monterey, correspondence with Col. Fremont, vii, 372. Mohammed, Ben Eddress, Sid, Moroccan agent, viii, 246. Molasses (see Duties). Molina, Felipe, Costa Rican min ister and Guatemalan charg6, ix, Molina, Luis, Nicaraguan charg6 ad int., commercial treaty, x, 372. Moller, Mr., ii, 183. Monasterio, Jose M. O., Mexican minister of for. aff., Mexican rela tions, iii, 215, 233, 411, 415, 416; letter from, peace overtures, vii, 223—224. Monetary standards (see Currency). Monroe, James, minister to France, i, 295; special envoy to Spain, Louisiana purchase, vi, 7, 37-38, 300-301, vii, 140; secretary of state, i, 297, 298; his administra tion as President, views and poli cies, i, 117, 390, 392-394, 406, 413, 414-415, ii, 424, iii, 282, iv, 243, 306, v, 140, 398, 422, vi, 186, 253, vii, 140, x, 172, 274-275, 427, xi, 346, 419, xii, 302-303; Buchanan a member of Congress during his administration, xii, 300; party affiliation of his administration, « xii, 300-301; remarks on commit tee to examine his accounts, i, 125-127; remarks on bill for re lief, ii, 162; mentioned, xii, 309, 315; et al, letter to (see Henry, JohnT.). Monroe [James] doctrine, message of Dec. 2, 1823, i, 190, ix, 127-128; involved in questions of: Mr. Poinsett's negotiations for a com mercial treaty with Mexico, i, 177-179, 179-182; mission to Panama, i, 182-21 1; Polk's mes sage, Dec. 1845, vi, 332; viii, 377; message of Dec. 1847, viii, 378; possible alliance of England with Texas, vi, 10-15, 22, 32-33, 43-44, 101— 102; possible transfer of Cali fornia to European power, vi, 275- 276, 304; assertion of doctrine by Buchanan in referring to Mexico, vi, 295-296; European design to establish monarchy in Mexico, vi, 404-405 ; British and French naval demonstration against Argentine, vi, 444-446, 448-449; President Polk on acquisition of Upper Cali fornia, vii, 472; Yucatan, viii, 54- 55, 378-379; Cuba, viii, 90-94; offer for British protectorate over Costa Rica, viii, 226-227; British ad vances in Mexico, viii, 377-378; Central American question, viii, 379-381, 497, xii, 238, 259; Brit ish-French action in regard to navigation in South America, ix, 166, 183; possible enforcement of, as to Mexico, annual message, i860, xi, 34, xii, 249, 251—252, 260-261; origin, history and na ture of, xii, 252—261 (see, also, Colonization; Great Britain, Cen tral American question). Monroe, Thomas B., Jr., Kentucky resolutions for constitutional amendment, xi, 125. Montalto, Count de, Sardinian charg6, infraction by Louisiana of Sardinian treaty, vi, 280. Montesquieu, Charles L. de S., iv, 84. Monte Video, Argentine blockade of, vi, 160-161, 164; Capt. Voorhees's seizure of Argentine blockading squadron, vi, 164, 283—284; claim of Musser & Co. against, vii, 464, viii, 201-202 (see, also, Uruguay). Montevideo, the, case of, vi, 124-125. Montgomery, Richard, American patriot, iv, 292, viii, 482. 422 INDEX Montmorin, M. de, French secre tary of foreign department, Span- » ish northwestern American terri tory, vi, 197, 242. Montour and Wilkesbarre Iron-works, v, 447- Mooney, Mr., x, 21. Moore, Andrew, senator, iii, 17. Moore, Eli, U. S. Marshal, letter to, surrender of Metzger, vii, 230. Moore, Gabriel, senator, iii, 51, 109, no, 114. Moore, Samuel, M. C, i, 23. Moore, Thomas P., iv, 120; minister to Colombia, claims, vi, 176, 177, viii, 66. Moore, Alfred, Justice, U. S. supreme court, i, 431. Morales, intendant, grant of, vii, 377; regulations of (see Peck, Judge James H., Impeachment of). Moran, Benjamin, clerk of legation at London, ix, 356, 373, 468, x, 2, 5, 61, 74- Mordecai, M. C, establishment of steam packet between Charleston and Havana, vii, 438, 445. Morehead, James T., senator, v, 37, 47, 154, 271, 514, vi, 56, 58, 88, 92, 93, 95, 98, 99, io3- Moreiro, Mr., Brazilian minister at London, and Madam, x, 7. Moreno, Fernando J., marshal southern dist. of Fla., captured Africans, x, 426, 429, 430. Morfras, Dufflot de, exploration, etc., viii, 124. Morgan, Thomas I., sec. of leg. at Rio de Janeiro, vii, 345. Morgan, Wm., Freemason, iv, 301. Morgan, Edwin D., Governor of New York, xi, 197. Mormons, uprising in Utah, x, 151— 154, 167—169, 196, 202—207, 217— 218, 242—245, xi, 36—37, xii, 212— 218; in Eng. and the U. S., x, 318. Morocco, presents from Emperor of, iv, 245-246; privateers in war with Mexico, vii, 355-356; execu tion of treaty with, vii, 482 ; resignation of Mr. Carr, consul at Tangier, viii, 245-251. Morrill, Lot M., senator, on Crit tenden, xii, 125. Morris, Isaac N, M. C, xii, 165. Morris, John, et al, letter to, cam paign issues, 1852, viii, 433-435. Morris, Richard R., letter to, claim of R. A. Linn, vii, 280. Morris, Thomas, senator, ii, 430, 45i, iii, 51, I09, IIQ, XI3, I34-i35, 144, 147, 154, 200, 201, 202, 321, 328, 372, 460, 507, iv, 54. Morris, Mrs., ii, 183. Morris, the claim of, vi, 175, vii, 185, 247, 254, viii, 67. Morrow, Governor, of Ohio, v, 412, vi, 52. Morse, Jedidah, on secession, xii, 272. Morse, John T., his criticism of Buchanan, xii, 270, 280, 283. Morse, Samuel F. B., Tal. P. Shaffner incident, ix, 430, 432, 482. Mortara, Edgar, case of, x, 283- 285. Moscow, visit at, ii, 349-360, 366- 367, 37i- Moseley, W. D., governor of Florida, letter to, boundary dispute be tween Florida and Georgia, vi, 3 10. Moses Kimberly, the (see Colson, George W., claim of). Mosquitos, British protectorate over, Central American question, viii, 511, 512; ix, 1—2, 23, 28, 58—59, 90-94, 119, 120-130, 134, 136- 137, 199, 215-241, 278, 287, 300, 334, 342~343, 403-406, 415-416, x, 61, 115, 116, 322—323, xi, 26—27, xii, 238, 259; offer of sale of grants in territory of, ix, 70-72 (see also, Great Britain, Central Ameri can question). Mossi, L., Sardinian charg6, viii, 147. Most-favored-nation treatment, with respect to Russian import duties, American vessels entitled to, vi, 157-158; mutual claims for excess duties under provision in commercial convention with Great Britain, July 3, 1815, vi, 317-319, 320; Austrian claim to, under treaty of Aug. 27, 1829, vi, 490- 49 1 ; of wines of the Two Sicilies, vii, 77; under treaty with Prussia, May 1, 1828, vii, 169. Mount Savage Iron- works, v, 447, vi, 52. Mouravieff, Gen., ii, 311, 315, 316, 327- Mouton, Alexander, senator, iii, 371, 372, 425, 464, 507. Moxat (see Bay Islands, Colony of). Mudge, Mr., and Mr. Feather stonhaugh, report on Maine bound ary dispute, iv, 341. Muhlenberg, Henry A., ii, 443, iii, 126, 325; candidate for senate, iii, 128, 129; division of Demo cratic party by friends of, iv, 454; his course as to Buchanan, v, 254; candidate for governor of Penn sylvania, vi, 64, 65; death of, vi, 66; position of friends of, in Pennsylvania politics, vi, 66, 67, 68, 69. INDEX 423 Muhlenberg, Professor Freder ick A., viii, 389. Mullowney, John F., claim of, vii, 219. Mullowny, Mr., consul at Tangier, viii, 246, 248. Murad, Mr., vice-consul at Jeru salem, conduct of British consul, ix, 306, 312-313, 314, 317. Murphy, John, consul at Cork, case of McManus, viii, 292; letter to, same subject, viii, 296, 343-344. Murphy, William S., special agent to Central America, viii, 83, ix, 26, 126. Murry, Michael, case of, vi, 272. Muscat, presents from Imaum of; iv, 245-246; commercial treaty, Sept. ai, 1833, vii, 428; extraterritorial jurisdiction in, vii, 428-429; Sultan engages in trade, vii, 429; execu tion of treaty with, vii, 482. Mussleman, Mr., v, 449. Musselman, Mrs., ix, 73. Musser, William, & Co., claim against Montevideo, vii, 464, viii, 201—202, 321. Musurus, Mr., Turkish minister at London, ix, 44, x, 7 ; Mrs. Musurus, x, 7. Myer, Dr., ii, 353. Myerle, Mr., American water-rotted hemp, iv, 342, 343. Myers, C, iii, 388. Myers, Henry, et al, letter to, declines invitation of Democrats in Pennsylvania legislature, iv, 121— 123. N Naar, David, commercial agent at St. Thomas, letters to, deposit of register of Pensacola, vii, 5—6, 13, shipment and discharge of seamen, vii, 18-19. Napier, Lord, British secretary of embassy to Turkey, ix, 312—313, 314; x, 103, 115, 123, 124-126, 127-128, 200, 207; British minister, Central American affairs, x, 124— 126, 127—128, 200, 207. Napier, Lady, x, 317. Naples, diplomatic representation at, v, 26. Nankeens (see Duties). Napoleon I [Napoleon Bonaparte], i, 4, ii,. 3 55, 38.8, i", 3°8, v, 69, 131, 265, xi, 29, xii, 252. Napoleon III [Charles Louis Na poleon Bonaparte], emperor of France, ix, 270, 271, 272, 289, 296, 320, 330-331, 336, 344, 35°, 354, 358-359, 426, 434-435, 445, 463, 475, 484, x, 10, 14, 28, 317, 334, xi, 503, 504- Narragansett Bay, routes for canal to, i, 130. Nason, Augustus, case of, ix, 139. Nassau, Duchy of (see Germanic States) . National bank (see Bank) . National debt (see Public debt). National defense, speech on, ii, 466- 514; remarks on fortifications, ii, 439-441. National Democratic conventions (see Democratic party). National foundry in Md., iii, 379-380. National Institute, plan to connect Smithsonian Library with, vi, 81. National Intelligencer, supports Fre mont, x, 92. National judiciary (see Courts). National jurisdiction, inviolability of territory, orders to Gen. Gaines, on Mexican frontier, iii, 216-218; plea of necessity for violation of, McLeod case, iii, 360, 362, iv, 409- 427, 428-451, v, 208, 210, 219, 223, 226, 231-240, 343, 347-350, 355- 356, 375, 384, 467; Jackson's invas ion of Florida in pursuit of Indians, iv, 441-442 ; British recruitments in the U. S., ix, 354, 358, 362-363, 367-371, 373-375, 378, 387-388, 411-414, 417-418, 437-438, 440- 442, 442-445, 450, 452, 453, 454, 461-462, 466-467, 483-484; x, 5, 11, 23-27, 31-33, 35-39, 4o, 42-44, 46-47, 48-49, 52-54, 54-58, 65-67, 68-69, 7i, 72, 74-75, .87, xi, 558; Walker's arrest in Nicaragua by Commodore Paulding, x, 143-145, 170-175, 176, 177, 215, 232, 283; practice of neutrality since Wash ington, ix, 362; filibustering expe ditions against Cuba prevented, ix, 362; filibustering expedition against Mexico prohibited, viii, 192—195; amenability of alien resi dents to, viii, 183-184; German prohibition against introduction of newspapers printed in German, vi, 313—314; over vessels in port; case of Enterprise, in distress, iv, 229; case of the Creole, v, 343-344, 35.1_ 355. 375. 384, 467; Porpoise affair in Brazil, vi, 267-271; treat ment of American, in Portuguese ports, viii, 108; the Wm. S. Bush 424 INDEX case, viii, 236-237, 259-260, 263, 299; case of an American seaman at Bremen, viii, 275-276; T. B. McManus case, viii, 291-292, 296, 343-344; 0. N. Jenkins case, ix, 62-64, 160-162, 171; proposed consular convention negotiations with Great Britain, ix, 254-255, 255-257, 322-327, 328-329, 336, 344-345, 363-364, 376-378, 382- 383, 385-387, 455 (see, also, Aliens; High seas). National Metropolitan Bank, xi, 412. National road (see Internal improve ments) . Nationality, British claim of im pressment of its subjects, v, 345- 346, 467 ; citizenship under Flor ida treaty of Feb. 22, 181 9, viii, 121; citizenship of persons of color, vii, iio-iii, 236-237; cit izenship by blood, vii, 307; views on expatriation, i, 4; France's recognition of right of expatriation, xi, 27-28; naturalization laws, i, 365-367, iv, 292, vi, 4T5, 75, viii, 482-483 ; naturalization of Americans in Puerto Rico, vii, 103-104; equality of naturalized citizens with native-born, home stead bill, x, 449; protection of naturalized citizens, ix, 69; pro tection of naturalized citizens, held for military service in Cuba, x, 406 ; protection of naturalized citizens in Irish rebellion, xi, 481, 483—484; protection of naturalized citizens in France, xi, 27-28; loss of pro tection, foreign domicile of natural ized citizens, viii, 138; attitude of Know-nothings towards natural ized citizens, ix, 372; enlistment of naturalized citizens abroad, x, 415, 417, 423; expulsion from Prussia of naturalized citizens, x, 423 ; discriminations in Switzerland against American Jews, x, 423 ; (see, also Great Britain, visit and search of vessels by; Native Amer. party). Nationality of vessels (see Vessels). Native, the, claim of, vi, 176, vii, 355, viii, 67, 68. Native American party, viii, 480- 486, xi, 473. Naval occupation (see Military occu- 1 pation) . Navy, policy as to, i, 2-3, 8, 51-52; affected by tariff legislation, i, 63, 98, 112-113, 348—349; increase of, i, 136, 137-138; resolution as to use of ardent spirits in, ii, 11— 12; remarks on organization of, iii, 1 1 0-1 1 2 ; appropriation bill, v, 287— 289, 289-291, 424-425; appropri ation for yard at Philadelphia, v, 290; remarks on naval schools, v, 334—336; remarks on indemnifying naval officers and seamen, for losses in wrecks, v, 503—504; naval depot on Mediterranean, at Spez- zia, viii, 291; naval station at Samana, ix, 271.; reports of De partment 1857, 1858, 1859, i860, x, 158, 270, 369, xi, 42; message on naval officers, x, 280-281 (see, also, Fortifications bill). Navassa Island, message on, x, 415. Navigation, legislation affecting, i, 98-113, 336-351; of Western riv.- ers, i, 113-117; American, in Rus sian ports, ii, 377; Bates's view on American and English shipbuild ing and, ii, 395-396; of waters con necting Missisquoi Bay and Rich elieu, viii, 47-48, 345; passage of vessels from Great Lakes to At lantic, viii, 49, 56, 174—175, 245; laws, British, viii, 140-141, 314; abolition of Danish Sound dues, viii, 220-225, ix, 330, 345-346, x, 164, 178; international rivers, Colum bia, viii, 300-302; British-French action as to South American rivers, ix, 166, 183 (see, also, International Waters) . Naylor, John, iii, 397. Neal, Joseph C, et al. (see Andrews, Joshua). Nebraska- Kansas Act, x, 83-84, 105- 110, 148, 149, 236, 342, xi, 509 (see, also, Kansas). Negroes, remarks on colonization of free, iii, 202—204; colony, in Li beria, x, 227-228, 273-276; immi gration of colored seamen, vi, 374- 3 75,' negro suffrage, xi, 445, 450- 45i, 452, 453, 455 (see, also, Slav ery question). Neilson, A. B., Capt. M. H. Cooper, of Lucy Penniman, vii, 93. Nelson, John, M. C, i, 23, xii, 309; attorney general, vii, 29; et al., letter to, campaign issues, 1852, viii, 433—435. Nelson, John L., consul at Turk's I-, ix, 35- Nelson, Matthew, case of, vii, 105, 284, 323- Nelson, Samuel, Justice, Supreme Court, xi, 190; Dred Scott case, x, 107; seizure of Mason and Slidell, xi, 231. Neophyte, Russian archimandrite, ii, 363- Nesbit, Dr., of Dickinson College, xi, 387- INDEX 425 Nesselrode, Karl Robert, Count, Russian min. of for. aff., corre spondence with: treaty of com merce with Russia, ii, 205-210, 244-251, 252, 268—271, 281, pro posed treaty on maritime rights, ii, 342-345; Buchanan's negotia tions with, for treaties with Russia on maritime rights and commerce and navigation, ii, 194, 196, 201, 205—210, 210, 211, 212, 213—215, 221, 222—227, 230, 232—235, 237, 244-247, 247-251, 252, 253-263, 271-298, 315, 317, 321, 329, 332, 335, 336, 337, 338, 342-345, 346, 348, 364, 372, 374, 379; passage of American Tariff Bill, ii, 233, 234; American newspaper criticism of Russia's treatment of Poland, ii, 298-306, 310, 314, 321-326, 372- 373; Buchanan's parting interview with, Buchanan's audience of leave as minister to Russia, ii, 372-375, 382; Russian import duties on American vessels, vi, 158. Netherlands, maritime treaty with, ii, 345; arbitration of northeastern boundary dispute by King of, v, 375, 387, 388; duty on coffee from, vi,. 333-334, vii, 80; Seely claim, viii, 219; Crimean war, ix, 147, 155. Netley, H. B. M. S., ix, 448, 449. Neutrality, American policy of, i, 8, 389—390, ix, 362; Washington's proclamation, viii, 193, xii, 318- 320; acts of the United States, iii, 348, 358-362, 390-396, 406, iv, 341, viii, 193-194, ix, 368, 369, 374, 411; acts of Great Britain, ix, 369, 374; treaty of Feb. 6, 1778, with France, as to "free ships, free goods," ix, 397; Russian, circular in Russo- Turkish war, ii, 343; French in demnification for captures under Berlin and Milan decrees, ii, 406; in Texan rebellion, iii, 59-60, 61-64; effect of Texan annexation on posi tion of the U. S. in war between Mexico and Texas, vi, 23, 37-39, 40, 100; case of the Caroline, iii, 360, 362, iv, 409-427, 428-451, v, 208, 210, 219—223, 226, 231—240, 343, 347-350, 355-356, 375, 384, 467; questions, during Mexican war, vi, 488-489, vii, 9, 240-241, 290—292, 411-413; position of Yu catan in Mexican war, vii, 485—486 ; American neutrality in Cuban insurrection, 1848, viii, 95-96; expedition of American vessels to Argentine Confederation, vii, 67; expedition during uprising in Venezuela, viii, 105, 159-160; ex pedition against Mexico, viii, 192- 195, 216; during war between Den mark and Germany, viii, 359, 361; neutral commerce in Crimean war, ix, 141-142, 145, 147-148, 154- 156, 165-166, 169-170, 172, 193, 194-199, 205-206, 206-207, 208, 209-211, 213, 214, 245-246, 259, 260, 281, 297-298, 307-310, 352- 353, 366-367, 370, 378-379, 387, 397, 398, 472; of the United States during Crimean war questioned by England, ix, 412, 417-418, 438- 439, 445, 449-454, 456; privateer ing during Crimean war, ix, 184, 201-202, 362, 367-370; British pro posal as to privateering, ix, 162- 164, 190—192, x, 89—90; proposed treaty with Great Britain embrac ing "free ships, free goods," ix, 307-310, 357, 365, 396-401; Brit ish recruitments in the United States, vii, 64, ix, 354, 358, 362- 363, 367-371, 373-375, 378, 387- 388, 411-414, 417-418, 437-438, 440-442, 442-445, 450, 452, 453, 454, 461-462, 466-467, 483—484, x, 5, 11, i3-!4, 23-27, 31-33, 35- 39, 42-44, 46-47, 48-49, 52-54, 54-58, 65-67, 68-69, 71, 72, 74- 75, 87, xi, 508; filibustering expe ditions against Cuba prevented, ix, 362; Walker's expedition against Nicaragua, x, 143—145, 170-175, 176, 177, 215, 232, 283; of interoceanic transit routes, x, 408-413; prohibition of military expeditions from the United States, during Buchanan's administra tion, xi, 38 (see, also, Carmelita; France, indemnities; Great Brit ain, recruitments; Interoceanic communication; International wa ters; Maritime rights; Mexico, war with; Russia). Nevin, Dr. Alfred, xi, 229, 232, 338, 433, 458, 461; controversy with Judge Black, xi, 424. Nevin, D., iii, 388. Nevin, Mrs., xi, 344. New Brunswick (see Great Britain, northeastern boundary dispute) , iii, 481-502, iv, 2-23, 98-99, 100- 111, 111-116, 127-133; "disputed territory fund" account, vii, 61, 62, 64-65, 109-110, 239-240, 241, 280. Newcastle, citizens of, opposed to route of Chesapeake and Delaware Canal, i, 130. Newcastle, Duke of, accompanied Prince of Wales on his visit to U.S., xii, 328. 426 INDEX New England Anti-Slavery Society, xii, 2. New England Marine Ins. Co. of Bos ton, Yankee indemnity, vii, 4-5. New England states, in election of 1824-5, i, I2i- New Granada, treaty with Vene zuela and Ecuador, Dec. 23, 1834, vii, 66; unratified postal conven tion, March 6, 1844, vi, 180; un ratified commercial treaty, Dec. 20, 1844, vii, 43, 172-173, 193- 194; commercial treaty of Dec. 12, 1846, providing for interoceanic transit, vii, 183-184, 212-214, 252- 253, viii, 129, 258, 346, 383, x, 142- 143, 409-410; claims convention, Sept. 10, 1857, x, 282, 421-422, xi, 31; claims against, vi, 175-181, x, 261—262; Yankee claim, vi, 319, vii, 4-5, 83-85; Josephine case, vii, 69; Morris case, vii, 185, 247, 254, viii, 67; Economy case, vii, 186; Sarah Wilson case, vii, 186; Edward Leoni case, vii, 186; Jos ephine and Ranger, cases, viii, 66; Danels claim, viii, 170-171; mes sage on outrages on American citi zens on Isthmus of Panama, x, 312 (see, also, Great Britain, Cent. Amer. question and Mosquitos). New Guiana, onerous tariff on Amer ican articles of, vii, 174—175. New Hampshire, courts-martial im posed on delinquent militiamen in, i, 21; constitution of, viii, 461. New Jersey, politics in, iv, 120; election frauds, iv, 316, 318; in election of 1824-5, i, I2t; presi dential campaign, 1840, iv, 323; question of election of congressman from, v, 281, 284; controversy with Delaware as to Pea Patch Island, v, 440; state elections, 1844, vi, 72. New Jersey Iron Co., v, 447, vi, 51, 52- New Mexico, vii, 272, 287; acquisition of, vi, 294-306, vii, 471, et seq., viii, 115; government of, vii, 314; boundaries and population, viii, 123-125, 134-137; incorporation of portion of, into Arizona, x, 154; message on Indian hostilities in, x, 416; establishment of Territory of, xii, 13. News, Daily, on relations between United States and England, x, 21, 27. New York, courts-martial of delin quent militiamen in, i, 2 1 ; decisions of courts in, as to bankruptcy, i, 33; in election of 1824-5, i, I2i; senate of, as appellate court, i, 157, 446; fire, Dec. 1835, ii, 4557 457, iii, 266; case of McLeod, iii, 360, 362, iv, 409-427, 428-451, v, 208-210, 219—223, 226, 231-240, 343, 347-35o, 355-356, 375, 384, 467; McLeod case, correspondence with Governor as to counsel, vii, 22-23; presidential campaign of 1844, vi, 62, 71, 72; free banking law, iv, 80, 81; Van Buren's pros pects in, iv, 118 ; dry docks at New York City, iv, 267-268; custom house investigation, v, 141-148; politics in, 1853, ix, 102; panic in, i860, xi, 73-74- New Zealand, native uprising in, vi, 34o. Ney, Marshal, x, 22. Niagara frontier sufferers, bill for re lief of, i, 121-125. Nicaragua, British protectorate over Mosquitos, viii, 380, 381, xii, 238, 259, ix, 93—94, 96, 117, 119, 126- 128, 134, 136-137, 216, 217, 229, 230, 231, 232-233, 235, 236, 237, 303, 337-338, 342-343, 405, x, 126, 322-323, 336-337, x, 350, xi, 26-27; Walker' s expedition against, x, 143-145, 170-175, 176, i.77, 215, 232, 283; treaty with Spain, July 25, 1850, ix, 233; protection of in teroceanic route, x, 257—260, 296- 299, 360; Cass-Irisarri treaty of Nov. 16, 1857, for interoceanic transit route, x, 258—259, 316—317; claims against, x, 260-261, 360; Johnston mail contract, x, 321, 326, 327, 328-329; route sought to be opened by Commodore Vander- bilt, x, 335; commercial treaty with, March 16, 1859, providing for interoceanic transit route, x, 359-360, 371-372, 398, 411-412; treaties with Great Britain and France as to interoceanic transit, x, 412, 413, 418; relations with, i860, xi, 32; claims treaty, July 2, i860, xi, 155 (see, also, Great Britain, Cent. Amer. question; Greytown affair). Nicholas I. Pavlovitch, Russian Emperor, Buchanan's presenta tion to, ii, 197-198, 199; men tioned, ii, 199, 218, 219, 227, 239, 265, 334, 339, 357-359, 374, 379, 391; his course toward Poland, ii, 359, 364-365, 369, 37°, 379-38i, iv, 316; on England, ii, 380; on France, ii, 381; his appreciation of Buchanan, ii, 379; Buchanan's audience of leave with, as min ister to Russia, ii, 378-382; Crim ean war, ix, 44, 54, 57, 58, 64-65, 77-78, 177, 270, 279, 330. INDEX 427 Nicholas, Robert Carter, sena tor, iii, 109, no, 111, 114, 190, 357, 364, 371, 372, 425, 460, 464, vi, 98, 99- Nichols, A. S., death of, vii, 228. Nichols, Charles, consul at Am sterdam, letter to, consular cer tificates to emigrants, vii, 324-325. Nicholson, M., viii, 376, 430. Nicolay, John George, and John Hay, life of Lincoln, xii, 282. Nicoll, Francis H, case of, against John Conard, ii, 15-16. Nieschouchin, garden of, ii, 356. Niles, John M., senator, iii, 51, 109, no, 113, 114, 223, 348, 357, 371, 372, 375, 425, 436, 460, 464, 465, 471, 472, 507, iv, 39- Niles, Nathaniel, charg6to France, ii, 309, 319; charge to Sardinia, naval depot at Spezzia, viii, 141; letter to, same subject, viii, 146- 147- Niles, the, case of, viii, 261. Nisi Prius Courts of England, i, 158, 446. Noell, John W., M. C, xii, 220. Nones, J. B., ix, 170. Non-importation acts, i, 3. Non-intercourse acts, i, 8. Non-intervention (see Intervention). Nootka Sound convention, Oct. 20, 1790 (see Great Britain; Spain). Normanby, Lord, British Ambas sador to France, viii, 3 . Norris, Alexander Baring, case of, vii, 289—290. Norris, Dr., claim against Peru, vii, 494-495- North, Lord, passage of the East India bill, in House of Commons, v, 113-114- North, H. M., Buchanan's return to Wheatland, xi, 159; mentioned, xi, 345, 422. North Carolina, in election of 1824-5, i, 120, 121; a cession by, to the United States, iii, 30-31, 43-44; tonnage duties imposed by, x, 385; attitude on secession, xii, 126. North Carolina, the, aided by Com mander Curtis, ix, 371, 378. Northcomb, Mr., negotiation of commercial treaty between the United States and Belgium, vi, 262. Northeastern boundary dispute (see Great Britain). Northern boundary (see Boundaries) . Northwest Company, vi, 217, 218, 250, 251, 252. Northwestern boundary dispute (see Great Britain). Norwell, John, senator, ii, 444, iii, 357, 37i, 372, 393, 396, 460, 464, 507, iv, 54, no, 227, 251, 425; U. S. attorney, letter to, case of Joseph Wilson, vii, 71, 176-177, 178. Notes, treasury (see Currency). Notter, J. Jacob, et al. (see Andrews, Joshua). Nova Scotia (see Great Britain, north eastern boundary dispute, iii, 481- 502, iv, 2-23). Novaselsofp, Mme., ii, 351. Novoe Devitcher, monastery of, ii, 355- Novgorod, Buchanan's visit at, ii, 348-349. Nueces river, territory between, and Rio Grande claimed by Texas, vii, 141 (see, also, Boundaries; Mexico; Texas). Nullification act (see South Caro lina, nullification act). Nunez, Count de Fernan, Spanish ambassador at Paris, Spanish northwestern American territory, vi, 197, 242. 0 Oakley, Thomas Jackson, M. C, i, 271. Oakley, Mr., of N. J. Iron Co., vi, S1, 52- . . Obregon, Pablo, Mexican minister, letter from, on Congress of Panama, i, 180-181, 196. O'Brien, Smith, case of, ix, 156. O'Brien, Messrs., xi, 225. O'Connell, Daniel, Irish politician, '' », 340. O'Conner, MR.,viii,429,ix, i2,xi,358. Odessa, duties paid at, ii, 317, 319, 326-328. O'Donnell, Leopold, governor-gen eral of Cuba, vii, 338. O'Donnell, Rev. Mr., viii, 126. Office, removals from, remarks on, v, 163. Ogden, Francis B., 11, 184, 317, 320, iv, 119. Ogden vs. Saunders, v, io. Ohio, courts-martial of delinquent militiamen in, i, 21; public road in, i, 50, 127-129, 384-385; in election of 1824-5, i, 120, 121, 123; Cumberland road, in, iii, 1-4, 471, v, 502— 5 03 , xii, 3 03 ; northern boun- 428 INDEX dary of, iii, 7, 30-36, 132-136, 136- 154, 154-165; admission of, iii, 35, 36, 40, 41,. 45, 46; 47; law as to penal servitude, iv, 295-296; in presidential campaign, 1840, iv, 322; resumption of specie pay ments by banks in, v, 162; bank laws of, v, 512; in presidential campaign of 1844, vi, 62. Ohio river, improvement of, i, 113- 117 (see, also, Navigation; Rivers). Okefonoke swamp, boundary point, ii, 3- Olcott, Simeon, senator, iii, 17. Old, Harriet, xi, 432, 433. Oldenburg (see Germanic States). Olin, Abram B., M. C, on Covode investigation, xii, 220. Oliver, William, claim of, viii, 2 7 0—2 7 1 . Olivier, M., vii, 366. Olmstead, Hawley, et al, letter to (see Taylor, Nathaniel W.). Olmstead, Mr., engineer, ii, 401. Ommaney, E., Captain H. B. M. S. Hawke, ix, 434. Ompteda, Baron, ii, 395. O'Neill, John C, consul at Belfast, ix, 100. Oporto, blockade of, vii, 301-302. Orange, Prince of, ii, 260. Order of business in senate, remarks on the, v, 291-296. Oregon, territorial government bill, v, 414; remarks on government of, vi, 70-80; territorial government bill excluding slavery from, vi, 90; Puget's Sound Agricultural Co., vii, 33-34; Hudson's Bay Co., vii, 33-34; Hudson Bay & Puget Sound Land Co. in, viii, 148; governor of territory of, viii, 174; Hudson Bay Co.'s complaint as to Oregon terri tory, viii, 280-281; geological sur vey of the territory of, x, 212; territorial government of, vii, 258- 260. Oregon boundary dispute (see Great Britain) . O'Reilly, regulations of, concerning Spanish land grants (see Peck, Judge James H., impeachment of). Oribe, General Manuel, Montevid- ean war with, vii, 464. Oriental Republic, claim of Com modore Danels, vii, 79-80. Oriental trade (see Commerce). Orozembo, the, case of, vii, 412. Orr, Hector, viii, 483, 484, 485. Orr, James L., speaker of House, letters to, geological survey of Oregon and Washington, x, 212; visitation of American vessels, x, 279; South Carolina commissioner to federal government, xii, 159; et al. (see Barnwell, R. W.). Oscanyan, C, case of Jeni Dunia, vi, 504, vii, 293-296, 434. Osler, Dr. William, on vital expir ation, xii, 284. Osma, Joaquin Jose de, Peruvian minister, Mr. Jewett's recall, vii, 242-244, 244-245 ; letter to, repu diation by Peru of treaty of Nov. 30, 1836, vii, 326-328; claims against Peru, vii, 418; letter to, Norris case, vii, 494-495, viii, 183; Costa Rica, viii, 226; Peruvian minister to England, xi, 479-480. Ostend report (see Cuba) . O'Sullivan, John L., minister to Portugal, ix, 292, 305, 472. O'Sullivan, Mr., xi, 276. Oswald, Eleazer, case of, ii, 34, 90—92. Oswald, Richard, British peace negotiator, 1783, the Northeastern boundary, vi, 460-461, 483-484, 484-498. Otero, Mr., case of E. Porter, viii, 216. Otho, Prince, of Bavaria, ii, 473. Ould, Mr., xi, 168, 175. Ouroussoff, Prince, ii, 353, 360. Ouseley, Sir William Gore, Brit ish minister to Central America, Central American question, x, 124—126, 200, 207—208, 316—317, 320-321,333-334; American expe dition to Paraguay, x, 226-227; letter from, his diplomatic nego tiations in Central " America, x, 322-323; mentioned, ix, 427—428, 488, x, 229, xi, 330. Ouseley, Lady, ix, 393, 425, 427- 428, 466, 468, 488, x, 229, xi, 330. Overfield, Wm., iii, 388. Owen, Robert, x, 76. Pacheco, Mr., Spanish sec. for for. rei., vii, 339, 423, ix, 272. Pacific department, affairs of the, x, 198—199. Pacific Fur Company, vi, 250. Pacific railroad (see Railroads). Packer, Asa, Kansas question, x, 225; et al, letter to, declines dinner invitation, political advice, xi, 439^442. INDEX 429 Packington, Sir John, ix, 381. Paez, barque, vii, in. Page, George W., et al, (see Andrews, Joshua). Page, Col. James, letter to, Bu chanan's prospects of vice-presi dency, or election to senate, ii, 397 (see Andrews, Joshua). Page, John, senator, iii, 109, no, in, 114. Page, Thomas J., commander of Waterwitch, xii, 242. Pageot, Alphonse, French charge1, ii, 487, 507, 5°9. 510, 512, 5i3- Pageot, Alphonse, J. Y., French minister ad int., letters to: ad mission of French vessels from colonial ports, vi, 126-127; duty on French wines, vi, 185-186; French suppression of African slave trade, vi, 357; Berdot claim, vi, 460-461; act of March 3, 1845, vii, 71—72; Capt. Bell's failure to salute French fort Aumale, vii, 99; letter to, case of Legendre, vii, 247-248; charge of French act ing consul at Monterey against Commodore Sloate, vii, 366-367; cases of Lorimer and abduction by American seamen, at Rochelle, vii, 367-368; Col. Fremont's con duct in California, vii, 372—373; Metzger case, vii, 448-451, 453- 454; funeral of J. Q. Adams, vii, 505; his resignation, as minister, viii, 3 0-3 1 ; other references to official matters, vii, 96, 102, 106— 107, 115, 229-230, 234, 245-246, 267, viii, 70, 246, 249, 287. Painter, John, et al. (see Andrews Joshua) . Pakenham, Richard, British min ister, correspondence with : Oregon question, vi, 194—204, 212-220, 231-254, 349, 355-356, 357-359, 370-373; suppression of slave- trade, vi, 220-221; wrecking off Florida of ships with colored crews, vi, 227-228, 281; mutual claims arising from excess duties, vi, 290-292, 317-319, 320, 492, vii, 75; "Disputed Territory Fund" account, vi, 506-507, vii, 64-65, 239—240; extradition of British naval deserter Nelson, vii, 105-106, 284, 323; equipment for slave vessels, vii, 117; block ades, vii, 180-18 1 ; case of Lucy Penniman, vii, 256-257; case of Dr. Norris, vii, 289-290; Canadian regulations affecting Richelieu and St. Lawrence, vii, 309; other refer ences to official matters, v, 455, 459, 462, vi, 190, 191, 192, 206—207, 285- 286, 289, 290, 343, 348, 350-353, 353-354, 366-368, 377-383, vii, 2, 6, 10, n, 12, 14, 27, 37, 42, 61, 62, 64, 65, 109-110, 179, 241, 282, 297, 308, 322, 407, 408, 434; ix, 392, xi, 473- Paleologus, Constantine, iii, 355. Paleologus, Porphyrogenetus, Thomas, ii, 355. Palestine, outrages on Americans in, x, 210. Palfrey, John G., letter to, Capt. Ingraham's journal, viii, 106. Pallas, the, case of, vii, 48,153. Palmer, Aaron H., oriental trade, vii, 218. Palmer, Horsley, bank of England, iv, 162, 489. Palmerston, Lord, Buchanan's interview with, on returning from Russia, ii, 392, 393; at dinner at Prince Lieven's, ii, 394; dinner given by, ii, 395-396; convention of, with the United States, 1839, iv, 120; McLeod case, iv, 442; northeastern boundary dispute, v, 491, 494, 495, vii, 434-437; cases of Director and Pallas, vii, 153 ; land ing of Gen. Paredes in Mexico, vii, 413 ; on Spanish debt, viii, 93 ; case of John Bergen, viii, 244; on navi gation of Columbia river, viii, 300- 302; reciprocity, viii, 316; Ameri cans arrested in Ireland, viii, 319, 320, xi, 483; Buchanan's estimate of, ix, 47; Central American ques tion, ix, 90, 320, 338, 394-395, 479—480, 484, x, 21, 30, 99; his deference for Buchanan, ix, 107; resignation of, from premiership and withdrawal of resignation, ix, 117; on the Mosquito king, ix, 129; case of Smith O'Brien, ix, 156; Cen tral American question, ix, 2 2 9 , 2 3 o ; postal relations with the United States, ix, 245, 276; his attitude towards the United States, ix, 279, 434-435, 44o, 447, 457, 461, 464; new ministry formed by, ix, 319- 320, 340, 341; his conduct of Cri mean war, ix, 335, 470, 475-477, x, 6, 10, 14; administration of, ix, 350, 356, 418; on British recruitments, ix, 387-388, 441-442, x, 42-44, 46- 47, 52-54, 54-58, 65-67,^ xi, 508; mentioned, v, 222, 310, ix, 109, x, 59, 74, 334- Palmerston, Lady, ix, 8, 47, no, x, 59; her omission to invite Mr. Bu chanan to a reception, x, 31, 40, 48. Palmieri, Signor, Sicilian consul, vii, 77- 430 INDEX Panama canal (see Interoceanic communication) . Panama congress, i, 174, 177-2 11, 221, 237, 292, xii, 307. Panaud, Mr., vii, 372. Panchita, the, British seizure of, x, 215. Panic of 1837, 1839, iv, 145-154. Panmure, Lord, ix, 478. Pantheon, the, slave-trade case of, vi, 398. Pantoja, Don Juan, viii, 322. Paoli, Pasquale de, his efforts towards Corsican liberation, ii, 386. Papal states (see States of the Church) . Paper (see Duties). Paper Currency (see Currency). Paraguay, special mission to, vi, 166-169; Buenos Ayrean claim to embrace, within Argentine Re public, vi, 167; question of recog nition of, vi, 443-447, vii, 58-59; Hopkins' offer of mediation be tween, and Argentine, vi, 448- 449, vii, 5-9, 499-500; Mr. Brent's similar offer, vii, 113-114; claims against, x, 145, 262—263, 348-349, 361-362, xi, 145-147; United States expedition against, x, 226- 227, 348-349, xii, 211, 243-244, 330; commercial treaty, Feb. 4, 1859, x, 371; claims convention, Feb. 4, 1859, x, 371, 397, xi, 145- 147; claim of Water Witch against, xii, 242-244; unratified commer cial treaty, Mch. 4, 1853, xii, 242; relations with, during Buchanan's administration, xii, 242—244. Paramore, Jonathan, case of, ix, 140, 150, 151, 170. Paredes, General Mariano, revo lutionary president of Mexico, vii, 335, xi, 376; in Mexican war, vi, 144, 146, 147; 224, 363, 402, 403, 404, 405, 479, his return to Mexico, vii, 411-413, 476, 489-490, 490-492. Parentage of Buchanan, xii, 289-291. Parish, Richard, ii, 192. Parish church of Worth parish, ix, 73- Parke, Mr., ix, 108. Parker, Esther, letters to: per sonals, ix, 74-75; Buchanan's mis sion to England, English customs, personals, ix, 1 1 3 -1 1 4 . Parker, Commodore Foxhall A., aided in organizing German navy, viii, 267. Parker, George, et al, letter to, invitation to public dinner, viii,, 355-357- Parker, Miss Hetty, Buchanan's housekeeper, v, 153, 436, vii, 26, viii, 151, 412, 419, 423, 424, 425, 440, 455, 460, 500, 501, 508, ix, 28, 33, 34, 39, 48, no, 425; x, 319, 320, 321, 323, 332, 337, xi, 229, 235, 236, 238, 326, 328, 332, 333, 336, 342, 343, 345, 351, 360, 367, 378, 402, 413, 425, 448, 462; xii, 323—324. Parker, John A., letter to, South Carolina and Virginia, Lincoln, xi, 249—250. Parker, Mrs. J. A., xi, 250. Parker, Peter, secretary and Chi nese interpreter to commissioner to China, vi, 139; letter to, allow ance for burial of Alexander H. Everett, vii, 452 ; charge d'affaires ad interim to China, vii, 201-204, 216, viii, 60; letters to: appointed charge, vii, 454-455; tonnage duty on American vessels, vii, 501-502; interposition in behalf of missionaries, enforcement of Chinese treaty obligations, viii, 112-113; commissioner to China, x, 279, 395. Parker, Rebecca, viii, 500. Parker, Richard E., senator, iii, 210. Parker, Dr., interview with Lord Clarendon on American-British relations, ix, 435. Parker, Judge, iv, 118, xi, 337. Parks, Gorham, consul at Rio de Janeiro, letter to, refuses to answer questions as to slave-trade laws, vi, 226; other references to official matters, vii, 390, viii, 242-243, 349- Parlementaire, British messenger, 'x> 3 53- Parliamentary procedure, remarks on a point of order, as to allusion to president's views on pending legislation, v, 293, 320-324. Parr, Gov., of Nova Scotia, iv, 10. Parrish, Dr., petitioner against ad mission of Arkansas, x, 90. Parrott, John, consul at Mazatlan, viii, 124, 166. Parrott, William S., confidential agent to Mexico, letter to, his appointment, vi, 132-134; con nected with efforts to adjust dis putes with Mexico, vi, 260, 261, 3n- Parsons, Col., iv, 121. Paschkoff, Mme., ii, 356. Passamaquoddy, bay of (see Great Britain, northeastern boundary dispute), iii, 481-502, iv, 2-23. INDEX 431 Passmore, Thomas, impeachment growing out of case of, ii, 34, 89, 93-94, 127. Passport, to whom issued, viii, 121, ix, 67-69; cases of persons declar ing intention to become citizens, vii, 70; of persons of color, vii, iio-iii, 236-237; of Victor Fron de, revolutionist, ix, 292-293, 305; naturalized citizens, vii, 238; re quest for a passport to Oregon refused, vi, 356; to Mexico, during war, denied, vii, 121; how issued, ix, 99-100; fraudulent issue of, ix, 170; vise1 of, ix, 170 (see, also, Vessels) . Patapsco Ins. Co. vs. Southgate, viii, 252. Patent cases, remarks on costs in, i, 72-78. Patent laws, proposed modification of, ii, 14. Patriota, the, claim of, vi, 179. Patriotic Bank of Washington, iii, 464, iv, 261. Patronage, Buchanan opposed to family patronage, xii, 327-328. Patterson, Gen. Robert, iii, 397. Patterson, Samuel D., recom mended for appointment as mar shal, iii, 259. Patterson, Walter, ii, 386, 388. Patterson, Col., navy contract, x, 441, xii, 233. Patterson, Commodore, ii, 489. Patterson, Maj. Gen., viii, 498, xii, 326-327. Patterson, Mr., ii, 221, 334. Patton, John M., letter to, treaties as to aliens' right to acquire real estate, .viii, 206. Patton, Rev. Wm., case of Warrior, viii, 161. Patton, W. A., x, 314. Patton, Mr., iv, 120. Patton, Mrs., xi, 345. Paul, Emperor, ii, 264, 362, 370. Paula, Francisco de, vi, 405. Paulding, Commodore, his arrest of Wm. Walker in Nicaragua, x, 170-175. Paulding, Mr., ii, 221, 334. Pawnee Indians (see Indians) . Payne, Hiram, iii, 388. Paynter, Lemuel, iii, 386. Paz y Soldan, Jose G., Peruvian minister of foreign affairs, letter to, minister Jewett's form of cor respondence, claims convention with Peru, vi, 502-503. Peabody, Charles A., letter to, claims against Spain, convention of 1834, vi, 463-464. Peabody, Mr., ix, 158, 291, x, 11. Pea Patch Island, remarks on, v, 439-442. Pearce, James Alfred, senator, vi, 56, 116. Pearce, Mr., xi, 251; his proposed nomination at democratic na tional convention of i860, xii, 60. Pecciotto, Mongredir & Co., case of Jeni Dunia, vii, 294. Peck, Henry, et al, letter to (see Taylor, Nathaniel W.). Peck, Judge James H., impeach ment of, report and remarks on, ii, 16-17, I7_I9, 19-22; speech on report recommending impeach ment, ii, 24-38; motion, message to the senate, ii, 38-39; report of an article of impeachment, ii, 39; motion, ii, 40; action by house, ii, 40-41 ; presentation to senate of article of impeachment, ii, 42-48; motion, ii, 49 ; report on answer, ii, 49-50; resolution, ii, 50; remarks, ii, 50-51; presentation to senate of replication, ii, 5 1- 5 2 ; motion, ii, 53 ; remarks on the trial, ii, 53-54; Bu chanan's argument in senate in support of impeachment, ii, 81- 162; other references to, iii, 13, 177, v, 244, 248, x, 401-403, xi, 438, xii, 222-225. Pedro, Dom, ii, 238, 302. Peel, Sir Robert, ii, 384, iv, 440, v, 222, 460—461, 483—484, 484— 498, vii, 41-42, 3°9- Peel, Lady Alice, ix, 466. Pegram, Lt. Robert Baker, x, 19. Pegram, Mrs., xi, 367. Pelly, J., governor of Hudson Bay Company, v, 470-471. Pelly, Sir John H., navigation of the Columbia, viii, 302. Pembroke, H. B. M. S., ix, 434, 449,454. Pena y Pena, Manuel de la, Mex ican sec. of state, relations be tween United States and Mexico, vi, 365- Penal servitude, Indiana law, iv, 294-296; Ohio law, iv, 295-296. Pendleton, Jason L., case of, vi, 124-125. Penitentiaries, remarks on erection of, iii, 165-166. Penniman, E. A., et al. (see Andrews, Joshua) . Penniman, Lucy, the, case of, vii, 93_95, 256—257. Pennington, William, governor of N. J., iv, 318; M. C, x, 433, xii, 220. Pennsylvania, Buchanan in Pennsyl vania legislature, xii, 294-300; con scription and enlistment bills in 432 INDEX legislature, xii, 294-296; currency question before legislature, in 18 14, xii, 298-299; courts martial of de linquent militiamen in, i, 20-21; bankrupt law of, i, 32, 33, v, 4; in election of 1824-5, h I2o, 121; exercise of veto power, by gover nor of, v, 134; tonnage duties im posed by, x, 385 ; Cumberland road in, i, 49, 385, 392, ii, 416, 418, 420, 472, xii, 303; construction of roads in, i, 51; candidacy of John Ser geant for governor in 1823, i, 71- 72; election of 1824-1825, i, 138, 140; of J. Q. Adams's administra tion, i, 139; Harrisburg convention, March 4, 1826, i, 173-174, 183; law, as to contempt of court, ii, 34, 90-95; vote for Jackson, 1832- 1833, ii, 329; Buchanan's standing in, ii, 398; Buchanan's appoint ment as commissioner on use of the Delaware waters, ii, 399-401; Bu chanan's election as senator, ii, 402-406; politics in, 1835, ii, 443; Harrisburg Fourth of July (1836) celebration, iii, 114, 126; recharter of Bank of U. S., iii, 11 5-1 24, 147- 154, 306, 425-428, iv, 283, 454- 455, v, 17 ; politics in, 1836, iii, 125— 126, 127, 128-129, the Jackson ex punging resolution, iii, 187, 192; representation- in Van Buren's cab inet, iii, 220, 246-247; instructions of legislature against reduction in duties, iii, 221; Gen. Jackson's com mendation of, iii, 257; politics in, 1837, iii, 325, 338; instructions of legislature against sub-treasury bill, iii, 380-385, 385-386, 398, 508-509; memorial of delegates to constitutional convention in favor of sub- treasury, iii, 387-388; Phila delphia democratic proceedings in favor of sub-treasury bill, iii, 408; legislative instructions on repeal of independent treasury, iv, 465, v, 31; democratic celebration at Philadelphia, July 4, 1838, iv, 1; instructions of legislature on sales of public lands, iv, 45, 465, v, 28, 3°, 31, 33; banking law of, iv, 80, 405-407, v, 512; politics in, 1839, iv, 1 1 7-1 1 8; invitation of demo crats in legislature to Buchanan, iv, 121-123; politics, 1840-1, iv, 206-207, 246-247; Centre County democratic celebration, iv, 2 es ses; Buchanan's speech before democratic state convention, 1840, iv, 288-320; Gov. Ritner's failure of reelection, iv, 316-318; presi dential campaign, 1840, iv, 320, 325; politics in, 1841, v, 73, 76- 7 7 ; attitude of democrats towards Buchanan's candidacy for presi dent, in 1842, v, 254-255; politics in, 1844, vi, 61, 62, 64-65, 67, 70- 71, 72-74, 76-78; democratic party favorite candidate for presidential nomination of 1845, v, 415-417; Buchanan's address withdrawing as a presidential candidate, v, 43 7-439 ; politics in, 1846, vii, 118, 385-386; politics in, 1847, vii, 353, xi, 477- 478; Berks County celebration, vii, 3S5-387, viii, 178; gubernatorial candidates, 1848, viii, 129; politics in, 1849, viii, 363, xi, 488; progress of, viii, 407-411; judicial candi dates, 1851, viii, 419-421; election, 1852, viii, 425, 447-449, 450, 454- 455, 459, 497-498, xi, 489, 491; politics in, 1855, ix, 471, xi, 502; State democratic convention, reso lution endorsing Buchanan for the presidency, x, 80; influence of Pennsylvania delegation at Cin cinnati convention, xi, 503, 505; prospects of democratic success in, 1856, x, 94; politics in, 1857, xi, 513; politics in, 1858, x, 225-226, 229, 230, xi, 514; politics in, 1859- 1860, xi, 2, 514-515 ; election, 1863, xi, 340, 34.2, 346, 347, 362; politics in, 1866, xi, 422, 423—424, 426, 427, 428. Pennsylvania, colony of, veto by British sovereign of laws of, v, 115. Pennsylvanian, the, iv, 321, vii, 46- 47, x, 328. Penobscot River (see Great Britain northeastern boundary dispute), iii, 481-502, iv, 2-23. Penrose, Charles B., supports Muhlenberg for senatorship, iii, 129; his flight from Pennsylvania senate chamber, iv, 317. Pensacola, dry docks at, iv, 267—268. Pensacola, the, refusal of master to deposit register of, vii, 5-6, 13. Pensions, remarks on Revolutionary, ii, 14-15; remarks on, to widows of Revolutionary officers, iv, 33- 36, 326, v, 338-341, 431-435; ap propriations during Van Buren's administration, iv, 360; abolition of Navy fund, v, 403 ; amount of, x, 278 (see, also, Rev. officers). Pepper, A. C, e*ai., letter to, views on national issues, 1843, v, 421-423. Perdido river, Louisiana boundary, vii, 140. Pereda, Senor, Mexican charge1 at Madrid, privateering in Mexican war, vii, 336, 337, 338, 339. INDEX 433 Perez, Captain Juan, exploration of western American coast by, vi, 244-245, 247- Perkin and Smith, letter to, fishing rights on Greenland coast, vii, 234- 235- Perkins, case of, British recruit ments in the United States, ix, 374. Perry, Horatio J., secretary of le gation to Spain, on commercial treaty, x, 310. Perry, Commodore Matthew C, vii, 284, viii, 70, ix, 291, xi, 239; in Mexican war, vii, 486, 500-501; expedition to Japan, ix, 130; relief of family, xii, 313. Perry, Mrs. Matthew C, ix, 160. Persia, commercial treaty, Dec. 13, 1856, x, 141. Persico, Luigi, iii, 56, 57-58. Persigny, Count, French ambassa dor at London, ix, 366, x, 40. Persigny, Countess, x, 22. Personal liberty acts, xii, 70. Peru, claims convention of March 17, 1841, xi, 496—498, 500-501, 502- 503, vii, 74, 244-245, 249, 250, 252, 265, 417; relations with, vii, 215- 216; recall of Mr. Jewett, vii, 242- 244, 244-245; Flores expedition against, vii, 251—252; public ware housing in, vii, 297—298; treaty of Nov. 30, 1836, between United States and Peru-Bolivian confeder ation, viii, 7 7 ; repudiation of the treaty, vii, 326-328; claims con vention of Oct. 31, 1846, vii, 417-418, 481; claim of Dr. Norris, vii, 494—495; commercial treaty, Feb. 9, 1848, vii, 503; cession of Arica to Bolivia, viii, 75; treaty July 4, 1857, in regard to commer cial treaty of July 26, 1851, x, 177; claims convention of Jan. 12, 1863, viii, 107; claim of Washington, viii, 107-108; commercial treaty with, viii, 258; seizure of Ameri can property by Chilean authori ties in, x, 209, 286; guano trade with, x, 217, 294. Peru-Bolivian Confederation (see Peru). Peruvian minister of for. rei., letter to, Mr. Jewett's recall, claims, vii, 244-245, 250. Peter, George, M. C, i, 258. Peter, archimandrite of Russian mission to Peking, ii, 363. Peter the Great, ii, 354-355, 357, 362, 363, 369. Peter III., Emperor, of Russia, ii, 37°- . . Peter, Emperor, of Russia, ix, 330. Peterhoff, f£te at, ii, 368-369, 370. Peters, Richard, Jr., Wheaton's copyright litigation with, ii, 402. Petition, right of, supported by Bu chanan, ii, 454-455, iii, 1, 10-19, 24-25, 205, 328-330, 342, 343, iv, 27, 178-180, 409. Petrikin, Henry, iii, 126, 248-249. Petrita, the, capture of, vii, 194. Pettis, Spencer, M. C, ii, 19, 22. Pettit, John, et al, letter to, views on national issues, 1843^,421-422. Pettit, Thomas M., district attorney at Philadelphia, letters to: slave trade law violations, vi, 170— 171, 229-230, 259—260; et al (see Andrews, Joshua). Pettit, William V., et al. (see Andrews, Joshua). Peyton, Mr., ix, 259. Peytona, the, case of, ix, 62-64, 160— 162, 171. Phelps, Royal, letter to, Crittenden resolutions, panic in New York, xi, 73_74J mentioned, xi, 288. Phelps, Samuel Shethar, senator, iv, 183, v, 338, 339, 403, 415, 513, 514, vi, 56. Phelps, Thaddeus, & Co., letter to, international contract claims, vii, 266. Philadelphia navy yard, iii, 339, 407-408, v, 290. Phillips, Henry M., letter to, Buchanan's annual message of i860, xi, 55. Phillimore, John, on neutral com merce in Crimean war, ix, 307-308. Phillips, G. W., et al, letter to, viii, 355-357- Phillips, Wendell, his secession views, xii, 271, 272, 283. Piatt, Donn, secretary of legation at Paris, ix, 30, 31, 426. Pickens, Francis W., Gov. of S. C, correspondence with on demand for surrender of Fort Sumter, xi, 68; 70-71, 71-72, 73, 137-138, 173, xii, 180; same subject, xi, 141-143, 178, 290, 291, xii, 174-186. Pickering, Timothy, senator, iii, 17. Pickering, Judge John, case of im peachment of , ii, 51, 87, 88, iii, 177. Pickett, Capt. George E., Oregon boundary treaty dispute, x, 351. Pickett, J. C, charge1 to Peru, claims, vi, 497, vii, 74, 418; pre sents claim of Josephine to Ecua dor, viii, 67. Pickett, John T., consul at Turk's, letters to: his duties, vii, 123; failure of brig Topaz to deposit register, vii, 187-188. 434 INDEX Pictures (see Duties). Pierce, Franklin, senator, iii, 357, 371, 372, 425, 460, 464, 507, iv, 251, v, 141, viii, 471; letter from, his nomination, viii, 452-453; letter to, failure of Buchanan's candidacy for presidential nomi nation, viii, 453 ; elected president, vi", 454-455, 45s, 459, 460-491, 492, xi, 490; his cabinet, ix, 112; letters from and to, same subject, viii, 492-493, 493-499, 499-500; Buchanan's mission to England, viii, 12-25, l:3, 5°2, 5°7; letter from and to, same subject, viii, 504, 505, 506, ix, 1-11; other corre spondence with: foreign relations, Pennsylvania politics, viii, 493-499, ix, 212; British attitude towards Cuba, Crimean war, ix, 1 ; pending negotiations with England, ix, 2—5 ; secretary of legation, ix, 30, 31; Central American question, ix, 243 ; conference on Cuba, ix, 251-253; date of Buchanan's return from mission to England, ix, 403, 419- 421; relations with Great Britain, x, 78—79; his annual message of 1853, ix, 115; Buchanan's attitude towards, ix, 283 ; on Central Ameri can question, ix, 288, 337, 339; his political position, 1855, ix, 332; his proposed renomination, ix, 373, 45s, 465, 486, x, 23, 41, 49, xi, 389, .502, 505, 509; British journalistic misstatements about, x, 38; his support of Buchanan's presidential candidacy, x, 86, 87; on slavery question, xii, 14; men tioned, xi, 239, 358. Pierce, Mrs. Franklin, viii, 453, ix, 4, 420, x, 79, xi, 340. Pierce, I. Franklin, ix, 104. Pierre, Mr., xi, 274. Pilcher, Joshua, vi, 441. Pilgrim, Mr. (see Atkinson and Pilgrim) . Pillow, General Gideon Johnson, viii, 426, 457, 468. Pillsbury, Albert, consul at Hali fax, N. S., ix, 479. Pinckney, Charles, envoy to Spain, iii, 190, vi, 7, 37-38, 300-301, vii, 140. Pinckney, Thomas, envoy to Spain, treaty of 1795, viii, 260. Pinkney, William, minister to Rus sia, ii, 375, 386. Pine, Mr., charges against Isaac Cook, x, 329. Pintard, Lewis, iii, 361. Piollet, Col., vii, 353. Piracy, proposed declaration of' lar ceny an act of, i, 125; remarks on bill to suppress, i, 136, 137-138; suppression of, in West Indies, xii, 305-306. Pitkin's view, on navigation, i, 99, 336~337- Pitt, William, iv, 186, 444. Pittsburg, marine hospital at, iii, 389- Pius IX., Pope, Italian independ ence, vii, 482, 483; diplomatic re lations with Papal government, viii, 42-45, 332-333; political condition of Papal states, viii, 332; case of Mortara boy, x, 285. Pleasonton, Alfred, vi, 209. Pleasonton, Gen. Augustus, vi, 209. Pleasonton, Miss Clementine, vi, 209, vii, 93, viii, 389, 410, 412, 440, ix, 153, 159, 160, xi, 453, 454, 455, 456, 459- Pleasonton, Laura, ix, 153, 159, 160, xi, 453, 454, 455, 456, 459. Pleasonton, Jennie, ix, no. Pleasonton, Stephen, vi, 209; letter to, claim of Joseph de la Francia, viii, 180. Pleasonton, Mrs. Stephen, vi, 209. Pleasonton, Mr., ii, 314, vii, 25, viii, 121, 412, 491, 510, ix, 152, J53, i59, 160, xi, 485. Pleasonton, Mrs., viii, 278, 412. Plitt, George, letter to, Buchan an's political prospects, ii, 166- 167; letter to, his duties as agent to Turkey to promote cotton cul ture, vi, 400-402 ; mentioned, same subject, vi, 433-434, 487; mentioned, iv, 321, vi, 209, vii, 63, viii, 439, 501, ix, 106, 426, 428, 437, 447, 458, 466, 469, 471, 477, 478, 480, 481, 489, x, 3, 6, 7, 8, 22, 41, 49, 51, 60, 68, 72, 75, 76, 77, 101, 230, 324; et al. (see Andrews, Joshua). Plitt, Mrs. George, vi, 209, vii, 63, viii, 439, 441, 460, 501, ix, 425, 426, 428, 437, 447, 458, 466, 469, 471, 477, 478, 480, 481, 489, x, 3, 6, 7, 8, 22, 41, 49, 51, 60, 68, 72, 75, 76, 77, 101, 230, 324. Plumer, Arnold, candidate for governor of Pennsylvania, viii, 129; candidate for Pennsylvania canal commissioner, ix, 372; sup ports Buchanan for presidential nomination, 1856, x, 64; letter to, Buchanan's determination not again to become candidate for presidency, x, 416-417. INDEX 435 Plumer, William, senator, iii, 17. Pocket, the, case of, viii, in. Poinsett, Joel Roberts, M. C, i, 96-97, 116, xii, 309; minister to Mexico, i, 177-179, 179-182, 191, 192-193, 204; mission to Panama congress, i, 250, 251, 296, 310; secretary of war, iv, 304-307, 308. Polack, Mr., insurrection at Bay of Islands, vii, 283. Poland, Russian course toward, iii, 228, 229, 236, 265, 287, 298—306, 310, 314, 320, 321-326, 330, 339, 354, 359, 372-373, 379-38i, 471, iv, 316; constitution granted to Poland, ii, 303, 354; Polish con spiracy to assassinate Emperor Nicholas, ii, 364-365, 369, 370, 381; the Polish question, ii, 385; dismemberment of, vi, 29, ix, 178- 179; revolutionary movements in, ix, 289, 291. Polar expedition, remarks on me morial in behalf of, i, 238—239. Polevoy, Mr., ii, 360. Polignac, Prince, ii, 384. Polish central Democratic committee, ix, 178-179- Politica, Mr., of Russian foreign office, ii, 240. Politics, in 1865, xi, 384; state elections of 1867, xi, 450-451, 452, 453, 455; (see, also, Demo cratic party; Presidency; Presi dential election; Whig party; par ticular states). Polk, James K, M. C, i, 421; presi dential campaign of, vi, 61, 62, 63-65, 69, 70, viii, 455; corre spondence with, same subject, vi, 70—71, 72, 72-74; question of ap pointments by, vi, 78, 82; corre spondence on his appointment of Buchanan ' as secretary of state, vi, no— in, in— 112; president: letter to, Baldwin claim against Mexico, vi, 162—163; letter from, Mexican and Oregon matters, vi, 223-224; Mexican matter, vi, 225; Oregon question, vi, 285—286, 289- 290, vii, 3, 6—7, 10, 11, 12; first annual message, review of foreign relations, vi, 321-335; message on a treaty with Saxony, vi, 343 ; message on a treaty with Prussia, vi, 344; message on a treaty with Two Sicilies, vi, 362; report to: regarding River St. John, vi, 368- 369; message on a treaty with Belgium, vi, 369; letters to, Oregon question, vi, 373, 374, vii, 33, 34—37,' messages on same sub ject, vi, 450, vii, 23> 37-38; McLane's negotiations, x, 331-332; report to, payment of Mexican indemnity, vi, 375-376; message on refund of duties, vi, 427-428; message on increase of defense, vi, 428-430; message on north eastern boundary, vi, 450; reports to, visit and search of American vessels by British cruisers, vi, 451- 452, 508-509; report to, certain ex penditures and communications under a previous administration, vi, 454-455; message on same sub ject, vi, 455-459; report to, African slave-trade with Brazil, vi, 474; veto message on French spolia tion claims, vi, 475-477; messages, proclamations and references on war with Mexico, vi, 477-482, 483, vii, 38-39, 40, 41, 42, 49-50, 54-55, 87-88, 151, 490-492, 495- 496, 503-504, 506-507, viii, 5, 6, 7, 22, 23, 114-119, 145-146, 305- 312, 3r3, 3l8, 34o, 350, 365-368, 469, xi, 375-376, xii, 9-11; letters to, same subject, vii, 495-496, 497, 506, viii, 5, 22, 23, 305, 313- 314; message on a treaty with Peru, vi, 496-498; message on refund of duties on British im ports, vi, 499; report to, Texan treaties with France and Great Britain, vi, 505 ; message on treaty with Hesse-Cassel, vii, 4; message on treaty with Nassau, vii, 1 7 ; letter to, counsel for Alexander McLeod, vii, 2 2 ; message on same subject, vii, 22; message on treaty with Hanover, vii, 26, 167; annual message, Dec. 8, 1846, vii, 131-152, 154; message, on treaty with Switzerland, vii, 166; letter to, commercial treaty with New Granada, vii, 193—194; mes sage, on same subject, vii, 193, 212-214, x, 409; proclamation on commercial intercourse with St. Pierre and Miquelon, vii, 281, 285; letter -to, immigration of paupers and criminals, vii, 220; message on same subject, vii, 220; letter from, draft of Polk's views, vii, 43 8 ; proclamation suspending dis criminating duties as to Brazil, vii, 451-452; annual message, Dec. 7, 1847, vii, 466-482, viii, 378; mes sage on a treaty with Switzerland, vii, 483 ; letter to, return of Gen. Paredes to Mexico, vii, 489; mes sage on treaty with Mecklenburg- Schwerin, vii, 493 ; letter to, ad- 436 INDEX justment with Great Britain con cerning rough rice, vii, 496; mes sage on commercial treaty with Peru, vii, 503; letter to, on slave trade with Brazil, vii, 508; letter to, reciprocity with Great Britain, viii, 22-23; message on same subject, viii, 22-23; letter to, case of Lt. Davis, viii, 25—26; message on same subject, viii, 25- 26; letter to, postal arrangement with Great Britain, viii, 28; mes sage on same subject, viii, 28; letter to, correspondence with Brazilian charge, viii, 32; message, same subject, viii, 32; message on French revolution, viii, 39-40; mes sages on Yucatan, viii, 54-55, 59, 74, 378-379; letter to, Yucatan, viii, 59; message on treaty with Austria, viii, 61; letter to, corre spondence with minister to France, viii, 85-86; message on same sub ject, viii, 85-86; letter to, claim of Miles, viii, 131; message on same subject, viii, 131; letter to, Mexico and California, viii, 123-125; mes sage on same subject, viii, 132-137 ; message on extradition treaty with Prussia, viii, 142-145, 150, 151; letter to, Hudson Bay & Puget Sound Land Co. in Oregon, viii, 148; message on same sub ject, viii, 148 ; correspondence with President of French Republic, viii, 172; his letter to Hawaiian king viii, 187; correspondence with, on Texan annexation, viii, 208, 240-242 ; resignation of Mr. Carr, consul at Tangier, viii, 245-251; annual message, Dec. 5, 1S48, viii, 258; letter to, Americans ar rested in Ireland, viii, 270; mes sage on same subject, viii, 270; message on postal convention with Great Britain, viii, 272; letter to, Commodore Storer, viii, 295; mes sage on same subject, viii, 295 ; letter to, claim of J. B. Emerson, viii, 298; message on same sub ject, viii, 298-299; letter to, case of W. H. Bush, viii, 344; message on same subject, viii, 344; letter to, commercial treaties, viii, 346- 347; message on same subject, viii, 346-347; letter to, African slave trade, viii, 349; message on same subject, viii, 349; letter to, consular service, viii, 354-355; message on same subject, viii, 3 54-3 55; on place of conducting diplomatic negotiations, ix, 2, 5; on Monroe Doctrine, viii, 377, ix, 236-237, xii, 259; on internal im provement appropriations, x, 380, 384; his cabinet, viii, 496; secrecy of his cabinet meetings, xi, 349; effect of presidential labors upon, viii, 453, 458; death of, xi, 488; mentioned, viii, 454, xi, 420. Polk, Mrs. James K, vi, 71, vii, 25, 92, viii, 278, xi, 341; letter to, Oregon boundary correspondence, x, 331-332. Polk, William F., opposition to Buchanan, viii, 448. Polk, William H., charge to Two Sicilies, letters to: commercial treaty, vi, 148-152, 307-308, 450- 451; claim of Messrs. Borie, vi, 409-410; leave of absence, vii, 257; indirect trade, claim of Borie & Co., vii, 298-301. Pollitz, Otto Wm., & Co., claim against Great Britain, x, 1-2, 14, 15-16, 17-18. Pollock, Sir Frederick, Chief Baron of the Exchequer, ix, 204. Polycarpe, Rector, atTroitza mon astery, ii, 363. Pon, Justus, consul at Barcelona, case of Carmelita, vii, 355-356. Ponca Indians (see Indians). Pontifical states (see States of the Church) . Pool vs. Sacheverel, ii, 89. Poole, John, letter to, maritime information, ix, 39—40. Pope, the, questions of communi cating public addresses to, vii, 482- 483, viii, 126; recognition of Dom Miguel, viii, 38 (see, also, Pius IX; States of the Church). Popular sovereignty, slavery in the territories, x, 324-325, 342, 457- 464, 465, xi, 1, 10— 11. Porpoise, the, case of, vi, 204-205. Porter, Gen. Andrew, iv, 380. Porter, Alexander, senator, ii, 445, 446, iii, 19, 51, 109, no, 113, 186, iv, 340, v, 514. Porter, Augustus, senator, vi, 56. Porter, Commodore David, court- martial as result of his West Indian expedition, i, 141-145, xii, 305-306. Porter, David R., candidate for governor of Pennsylvania, iv, 30; criticism of, iv, 31; letter to, president's refusal to appoint Por ter attorney general, iv, 125; letter to, conversation with President Van Buren, Pennsylvania politics, iv, 246-248; presidential cam paign, 1840, iv, 323; letter to, currency, iv, 380; letter to, Bank INDEX 437 of United States, iv, 381; his administration as governor, v, 76- 77; Pennsylvania politics, v, 254, vi, 69, 76, vii, 118; Buchanan's candidacy for presidential nomi nation, viii, 451; letter to, failure of Buchanan's candidacy for pres idential nomination, viii, 451-452; recommended for an appoint ment, ix, 14; letter to, Buchanan's mission to England, social posi tion, British attitude towards America, ix, 107-108; in Pennsyl vania politics, 1866, xi, 422; mentioned, iv, 118, 121, viii, 441, 498, ix, 22, xi, 331, 347, 402j 427, 472. Porter, Capt. Ezra S., vii, 108. Porter, E., consul at Tabasco, viii, 216. Porter, Gen. George B., U. S. marshal, ii, 171-172; Governor of Michigan, ii, 178; death of, ii, 399. Porter, Lizzie, viii, 501. Porter, Noah, et al., letter to (see Taylor, Nathaniel W.) . Porter, Thomas P., Kentucky reso lutions for constitutional amend ment, xi, 125. Porter, William A., et al. (see Andrews, Joshua). Porter, Capt., of Golden Age, ix, 80. Porto Rico, question of transfer of, by Spain, i, 181, 192; Spanish commercial restrictions, vi, 183, vii, 54; duties on Porto Rican sugars, vi, 228-229; privateering from, during Mexican war, vi, 488-489 ; naturalization of Ameri cans' in, vii, 103—104. Ports (see National Jurisdiction). Portugal, recognition of Dom Mi guel's government in, ii, 302, iii, 62, viii, 33 ; currency standard of, iii, 267; duty on wines from, vi, 334, 432, vii, 22, 218, 220; claim of Gen eral Armstrong against, vi, 338- 339; treatment of American vessels in ports of, viii, 108 ; claim of Miles, viii, 131, 145-146, 261; commerce with, viii, 209-210; naval depot for Mediterranean fleet, viii, 291; claim of Col. Blum, viii, 297, 304- 305 ; its territorial claims in Africa, ix, 472. Post, Evening, letter to editor of, refutes allegation as to secession, xi, 388-390. Post, London, on relations between the United States and England, ix, 433, 436, 439-440, 460, x, 27, 37, 53, 60. Post, Pittsburg, x, 327. Postal affairs, remarks on post office bill, ii, 52-53, 411-413 ; continental insecurity of mails, ii, 320-321, 322; remarks on proposed con tracts with railroads for transpor tation of mails, iii, 51-54; re marks on pay of postmasters, iii, 97-98, 106-110; remarks on post age reduction, v, 314-317, 498- 501, 504-505, 509-511, vi, 82-84, 85-87; remarks on franking priv ilege, v, 314-317, 498-501, 504- 5°5, 509-511, vi, 85-87; with drawal of Buchanan's franking privilege after his retirement from the presidency, xi, 340; use of despatch bags by diplomatic repre sentatives, vii, 45-46; conveyance of British mails by American ves sels, ix, 35-37, 41-42, 48-49, S1^2, 78-80, 98, 99; claim of Carmick & Ramsey, x, 116-117, 287, 289; reports of post office department, 1857, x, 158, 160-161, 1858, x, 270, 271-272; 1859, x, 362-364, 369, 370; i860, xi, 37-38, 39, 42; Buchanan's veto message as to carrying of mails, x, 287-288; failure of Congress to pass post office appropriations for year end ing June 30, i860, x, 362-364; referred to in connection with Covode investigation, x, 437, xii, 229; message on California mail service, x, 451-452; letter to Holt on California mail service, x, 456; circulation of incendiary publica tions through the mail (see Slav ery question; Incendiary publica tions; see, also, France, Great Britain, and particular countries). Potosi, the, claim of, vi, 178. Potter, Bishop Henry C, xii, 279. Potter, John Fox, M. C, the Potter committee, xi, 258. Potter, Mr., viii, 87. POUSSIN, GUILLAUME TELL LaVAL- lee, French minister, Metzger case, viii, 149; his letter to the president, viii, 172; letter to, case of Marie Courtine, viii, 262; letter to, consular agent at Monterey, viii, 271; letter to, case of Jeune Nelly, viii, 286-288; case of Mr. Marie, attache, viii, 313; letters to, same subject, viii, 327, 345; letter to, claims, viii, 348. Poussin, Maj., ii, 3S7. Powell, Alfred H., M. C, i, 184— 206. Powell, Lazarus W., senator, xii, 116. 438 INDEX Powell, Governor Lazarus W., his mission to Utah, x, 244, xii, 2 1 6-2 1 7 ; commended by Buchan an, xi, 359. Powell, William P., et al, letter to, case of American enslaved in Cuba, viii, 142. Powerful, H. B. M. S., ix, 434, 449, 454- Powles Bros. & Co., vii, 247. Powles, Wilson & Co., vii, 247. Pozzo di Borgo, Prince, ii, 319, 386-387, 389-392, 398. Pratt, Mr., on Buchanan's presi dential campaign, x, 86. Pray, Charles, et al, letter to, declines invitation of democrats in Pennsylvania legislature, iv, 121— 123. Preemptions (see Public Lands). Prentiss, Samuel, senator, iii, 51, 109, no, 113, 114, 209, 357, 371, 372, 425, 436, 452, 460, 507, v, 339- Prescription, rule of, among nations, applied to the boundary between Georgia and Florida, ii, 8-9. Presents, from Emperor of Morocco and Imaum of Muscat, iv, 245— 246; to Turkish sultan, vii, 433- 434, 43 7,' to Barbary rulers, viii, 205, 349—350; declination of, by President Buchanan, xii, 329. Presidency, 1841, v, 72; attitude of Pennsylvania democrats toward Buchanan's candidacy for, in 1842, v, 254-255; candidacy for nomi nation, 1843, vi, 6-7; Buchanan's withdrawal from candidacy, 1844, v, 43 7-439, vi, 3, 4, 6-7, 65, xi, 471-472; attitude toward, 1845, v, 415-417, 422, vi, 343; Buchan an's views on activity of cabinet officers who are seeking the, vi, 110-112; proposal of Buchanan's name for, 1846, vii, 409; question of the, 1847, xi, 475-476; Buchan an's defeat for nomination, 1848, xi, 478—479; Buchanan's candidacy for, 1852, viii, 417, 418, 427, 429- 43°, 436-437, 441-442, 447-449, 451-452, 452-453,. 454-455, 456, 457-458; ix, 486, xi, 490; remarks to Gov. Marcy on, when Buchanan was appointed minister to Eng land, ix, 17-18; attitude toward, 1854, ix, 203-204, 283; attitude toward, in 1855-6, ix, 372, 458, 465, 471, 485-487, x, 8, 23, 45, 49, 5°, 59, 63-64, 87, 95, xi, 494, 495- 496, 498, 501-502, 503, 508; speech in response to resolution of Penn sylvania state democratic conven tion supporting Buchanan for, 1856, x, 80; speech on his nomina tion, x, 81; candidacy for, 1856, x, 8, 80-99, 102, xi, 510; difficulties which beset Buchanan's, x, 316; J. B. Henry on Buchanan as president, xii, 324—333; Buchanan refuses to be candidate for re election, x, 327-328, 393, 416- 417 (see, also, Executive; Politics). President, remarks on election of, by House, i, 133-136; constitu tional power over foreign relations, i, 186-188; ii, 163-166; proposed amendment to Constitution on term of, i, 397-398; foreign govern ment cannot question message, ii, 505-507, 513; remarks on choice of electors, vi, 56-58; Pres. Polk's cabinet, viii, 492-500 (see, also, Executive ; Treaty-making power) . Presidential election, 1825, i, 120- 121, 260—271, 290—291, iii, 249— 250; 1832-3, ii, 306,-329; 1836- 1837, ii, 442-443, iii, 126, 128- 129, 129-130; 1840, iv, 204-207, 288-320, 322-323, 323-324, 325, vi, 64-65, 73; 1844, vi, 6-7, 61, 62, 63-65, 70-74, viii, 368; 1848, xi, 479, 480; 1852, viii, 416, 417, 418, 425-427, 428-430, 433-435, 436-437, 441-442, 447-449, 45°, 45I-452, 452-453, 454-455, 456, 457-458, 459, 460-491, ix, 486; 1856, xi, 388-390, 391-392; i860, x, 457—464, xi, 1-2, 303, xii, 53- 69, 80-81, 84, 87, 88, 92, 279; 1864, xi, 355, 37o, 372, 374, 377, 378-, 379; 1868, xi, 463—465 (see, also, Presidency) . Press reporters, accommodation of in Senate, iv, 38-40. Preston, W, et al, letter to (see Committee of Notification). Preston, William, minister to Spain, x, 324- Preston, William B., spoken of for attorney general, xi, 486. Preston, William C, senator, ii, 418, 419, 420, 465, iii, 9, 51, 56, 57, 59, 60, 61, 69, 73, 109, no, in, 113, 114, 205, 231-232, 233, 314, 320, 339-340, 340-341, 357, 371, 372, 376, 377, 398, 399, 400, 406, 44i, 452, 460, 480, 507, iv, 151, 193, 235, 245, 318-319, 323-324, 382, 400, 409, 417, 428, 445, 449, 460, V, l6, 20, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 75, 78, 19S, 221, 245, 278, 302, 303, 304, 3°5, 308, 403, viii, 471. Preston, William J., Buchanan's return to Wheatland, xi, 160, 162. INDEX 439 Prevost, Stanhope, consul at Lima, claims, vi, 500-501; Gen. Flores' expedition, viii, 65 ; letter to, Flores expedition, claims, vii, 251—252. Prigg vs. Commonwealth of Pa., viii, 399, xii, 7"9- Princess Royal, x, 65. Princeton, the, accident aboard, v, 448. Printer (see Public Printer). Prints (see Pictures). Privateering, consideration of ques tion, at Panama congress, i, 205- 206; proposed abolition of, ii, 342; in war with England, vii, 15, 24; lack of executive power to author ize, vii, 175-176; power to issue letters of marque and reprisal, vii, 336; treaty with New Granada, Dec. 12, 1846, as to, vii, 214; in Cri mean war, ix, 162—164, 190-192, 362, ix, 165, 169—170, 184, 201— 202, 367, 370, x, 89-90; question of abolition of, x, 390 (see, also, Great Britain; Mexico, war with). Prizes, captures by American naval forces in gulf of Mexico, vii, 194. Proclamation, Feb. 25, 1858, on duties in case of the Papal States, x, 194-195; April 6, 1858, on rebel lion in Utah, x, 202—206; June 14, 1858, special session of Senate, x, 222-223; Oct. 30, 1858, expedition against Nicaragua, x, 230—232; Feb. 26, 1859, extra session of Sen ate, x, 310-311; June 25, i860, extra session of Senate, x, 455- 456; Feb. 11, 1861, extra session of Senate, xi, 144. Proppit, George H., minister to Brazil, slave trade, vi, 220-221. Prohibition laws in Pennsylvania, xi, 443-444- Protectorate (see Great Britain, Cen tral American question; Yucatan). Protestant cemetery at Bogota, vii, 254- Pro-slavery party (see Slavery ques tion) . Prussia, desire to establish diplo matic relations with U. S., ii, 392; commercial treaty of July 11, 1799, consular awards under, vi, 207, 284-285, 287-288, 332-333, 394—395, 490-491 ; member of Holy Alliance, xii, 252; treaty with Russia, ii, 270, 271, 276, 279, 280, 286, 287, 293, 297, 298; commercial treaty with, May 1, 1828, ii, 230, 268, 272, 273, 275, 277, 278, 283, 286, 345, vii, 169, viii, 237, 315- 316, 346; extension of treaty to Zoll-Verein, vi, 307, 376-377, vii, 224-226; provisions in treaty]1 af fecting privateering, x, 89-90 /af fairs of, ii, 385; union with Russia and Austria, ii, 389, 392, 395, 471; quintuple treaty with Great Brit ain and other powers concerning African slave trade, v, 343, 360, 459; extradition convention, Jan. 29> l845> vi, 129, 344, 467, vii, 172, 226, viii, 142, 150-151; extension of Zoll-Verein to other German States, vi, 436-437, 438; refunding of duties on articles from, vii, 207; duties on vessels, act of May 24, 1828, vii, 302; war with Denmark, viii, 84—85, 181, 196, 206-207, 220; extradition treaty, June 16, Nov. 16, 1852, ix, 40, 43, 53, 54, 281; Crimean war, ix, 141, 147, 155, 177; partition of Poland, ix, 178- 179; messages on compulsory en listments in, x, 414, 424; message on an expulsion from, x, 423 (see, also, Germanic States; Germany). Pryor, Roger A., M. C, xii, 235. Public buildings, messages on heat ing contracts for, x, 376, 394. Public credit, message on preserving the, x, 312-313. Public debt, of the U. S. in 1815, i, 5, 7; in 1824, i, 88; in 1825-28, i, 57; remarks on retrenchment, i, 280- ¦281, 288—289; public land sales for refunding of, i, 422—423, v, 164- 182, 183— 191; during Van Buren's administration, iv, 347-348, 362- 364; latter compared with Tyler's administration, v, 171-174, 187- 191; in 1842, v, 139; in 1848, viii, 117; effect of dissolution of govern ment upon, New Granada and Colombia, vi, 1 75-181; effect of change of sovereignty upon, vii, 69, viii, 66-69, 77 (see. also, Treasury) . Public defense bill, 1841, v, 77-78. Public deposits (see Bank; Public officers). Public expenditures, during Van Buren's administration, iv, 240- 245- Public lands, in Ohio, i, 127-129; proposed grant of, to certain asylums, i, 220—221; remarks on sale of, i, 329; remarks on distri bution of proceeds of sales of, i, 421—424, iii, 60, 80-81, 206-208, 240-241, 241—243, iv, 45-46, 182, 35i, 356, v, 103, 109, in, 140, 164—182, 183-191, 224, 292-296, 296-302, 309, 319-334, 392-393, 421, viii, 433-434, 463, 471, 477- 478; remarks on distribution of, 440 INDEX v, 140-141; proceeds of, for de fense, v, 77-79; remarks on allot ment of, iii, 197-202; speculation in, iii, 266; State taxation of, iii, 336-337; preemption of, iii, 365- 372; disposition of, iii, 420-425; remarks on bill, iv, 40-41; sale of, iv, 41-49; Pennsylvania legisla ture's instructions on, iv, 45, 465; preemption bill, iv, 205, 293-294; disposition of, iv, 329-340, 343- 354, v, 28-35, 37, 38; bounty in, granted to foreigners enlisted in Revolution, lv, 336-337; bill for distribution of, price for, bankrupt bill, v, 133; resolution for sale of, to meet defaults of States, vi, 117- 118; in New Mexico and Upper California, viii, 116, 136-137; pow er to appropriate, viii, 207; in Cali fornia, viii, 215, xi, 43; referred to, in inaugural address, x, in; dis position of, x, 159—160; veto of bill donating, x, 300-309, 444; veto of the Homestead bill, x, 443- 45i- Public meeting, letter to, slavery question, viii, 390-404. Public officers, as depositories, iii, 264-314, 314-321, 337, iv, 210- 211, 214—216, 217, 218—219, 220— 221, 223-224; liability of United States for seizure by a consul of vessel under slave-trade law, vi, 389-393- Public printer, iv, 382-385, 391—404, 502. Public warehouses, deposits of mer chandise in, iii, 323-324. Puget's Sound Agricultural Co., vii, 33-34, 103, viii, 301. Pugh, George E., senator, xi, 121. Purchas, Samuel, Fuca's discovery, vi, 243. Quadra, Juan Francisco Bodega y, exploration of western American coast, vi, 244, 247. Quakers, petition for abolition of slavery, iii, 16, 17. Quebec (see Great Britain, north eastern boundary dispute, iii, 481- 502, iv, 2-23). Quimpa, western American explora tion of, vi, 246. Quincy, John, M. C, xii, 73-74. Quincy, Josiah, on secession, xii, 272. Quinn, Francis, viii, 414. Quintuple treaty, vi, 508. Quoddy Head, iii, 490. R Rabun, William, governor of Geor gia, southern boundary of United States, ii, 4. Rachel (see Elisa Rachel Felix). Raglan, Lord, ix, 158, 366. Railroads, construction of Pacific railroad, x, 10, 93—94, in— 112, 154-156, 272-273, 364-365, xi, 39, xii, 124; Buchanan declines a free railroad pass, x, 314-315 (see, also, St. Petersburg Railroad Co., Little Miami Railroad Co.). Railroad iron (see Duties) . Rainals, H. T., consul at Elsinore, viii, 87-88. Rain-making, James P. Espy's peti tion as to, iv, 32-33. Ralli, Mr., consul at Odessa, ii, 284, 318; letter to, consular fees, ii, 346, 347-348. Ramsay, Capt., ii, 203. Ramshorn, Ernest, case of, vii, 4 1 0—4 1 1 . Randall, H, mentioned, ix, 392, 478, x, 50, 51. Randall, Mrs., x, 50, 51. Randolph, Edmund J., delegate to federal convention, vi, 18, 94. Randolph, George W., letter to Nahum Capen, xii, 3. Randolph, James F., M. C, xii, 308. Randolph, Jefferson, on slavery question, vi, 16, 108, ix, 60, xii, 3-4- Randolph, John, M. C, i, 10, 98, 277, 290, 291, 294, 300, 301, 302, 303, 306, 316, xi, 2, 309, 310, 313- 314; political attack upon, i, 216; his mission to Russia, ii, 163-166, r76, 177, I93~I95, z97, 206, 213, 215, 235, 238, 244, 256, 262, 271, 346; his death, ii, 367. Randolph, Thomas Jefferson, let ter to, Jefferson MSS., viii, 234. Randolph, Governor, commission er to run boundary between Geor gia and Florida, ii, 8. Raney, Mrs., xi, 452. Ranger, the, claim of, vi, 175, viii, 66. Ranlett, Capt., ii, 369. INDEX 441 Rantoul, Robert, district attorney at Boston, letters to: slave trade law violations, vi, 204-205, 398; information as to a case, vi, 207- 208; neutrality in Venezuelan up rising, viii, 105, 160. Raritan, the, iii, 339. Raritan River, routes for canals be tween, and Delaware River, i, 130. Rathbone, Mr., claims for refund ing woollen duties, ix, 387. Rathbun, George, chairman, house judiciary comm., letter to, State department organization, vi, 411- 422; same subject, viii, 102-103. Raven's duck (see Duties). Rawdon, Lord, British - Spanish treaty of 1786, ix, 123. Rawle, William, on right of seces sion, xii, 74. Rawn, C C, et al, letter to, Harris burg Fourth of July celebration, Bank of U. S. and its recharter by Pennsylvania, iii, 1 14-124, 426. Ray, Charles B., et al, letter to, case of American enslaved in Cuba, viii, 142. Ray, Mr., xi, 515. Raymond, C. H., Texan charge1 ad int., letter to, his resignation, vi, 158. Read, A. H, iii, 388. Read, John M., commended for ap pointment in Pennsylvania, vi, T]; et al. (see Andrews, Joshua). Read, Brig. Gen. Leigh, com mands Florida militia, iv, 368-371, 373, 378-380. Read, Mr., president of Philadelphia bank, iii, 125-126. Read & Co., letter to, protection of Americans in Santo Domingo, vi, Real estate (see Aliens) . Reason, Charles L., et al. letter to, case of American enslaved in Cuba, viii, 142. Recall of diplomatic agents (see In tercourse of States). Reciprocity, acts providing for, i, IQ6, 337, 339, "i, 211, 212, 213, iv, 327-329, vi, 151, vii, 72, 299, 302, 422, 440-441, viii, 314-316, 324, xi, 487-488; American policy, ii, 206; views on, vii, 301-302; British proposal, in 1791, i, 100; commercial treaty with France, i, 109; with Russia, ii, 283—289, 289-298; as to duties on Dutch and Belgian vessels, iii, 21 1-2 13; with Hanse Towns, iv, 328; treaty with Hanseatic Republics, viii, 315-316; with certain British colonies, iv, 327-329; as to French vessels from colonial ports, vi, 126-127; proposed treaty with Switzerland, vi, 210-211, 292-293; procedure for obtaining exemp tion of Hanoverian vessels and cargoes from discriminating du ties, vi, 336-337; treaty with Hanover, June 10, 1846, vii, 56-58; proposed treaty with Argentine, vi, 442-443; with St. Pierre and Miquelon, vii, 72, 281, 285; in commercial relations with Two Sicilies, vii, 151; commercial treaty with New Granada, vii, 183-184; treaties with Venezuela and Ecua dor, vii, 184; treaty with Prussia, vii, 302, viii, 315-316; treaty with Sweden and Norway, July 4, 1827, vii, 304-307, viii, 109-110, 315- 316; with Brazil, treaty of Dec. 12, 1828, vii, 330-331, 440-441, 45J- 452; with Great Britain, viii, 22- 23, xi, 487-488; treaty with Great Britain, June 5, 1854, viii, 510-512, ix, 1-2, 2-4, 4-5, 6, 7-9, 10, 14-15, 18-25, 65, 70, 82-83, II7< I3°-I33, 242, 249, 336; with Portugal, viii, 209-210; treaty with Denmark, viii, 222-223, 3X5— 316; treaties with various govern ments, viii, 237; negotiations with Hawaii, viii, 324; question of, with France, x, 140; with Papal States, x, 194—195. Recognition of the new states, of the United States, by treaty of Sept. 3, 1783, iv, 3-4; Texas, iii, 60-64, 71- 73, 125, 233, 247, vi, 28-29, 43-44, vii, 138 et seq.; Dominican inde pendence, vi, 230; Paraguay, vi, 444-449, vii, 58-59; Yucatan, vii, 485-486; French Republic, viii, 3-4, 32-37, 39-4o, 162, 258; Sicily, viii, 140, 196, 234-236; Dom Miguel, in Portugal, viii, 33; German confederation, viii, 130- 131, 144; Hawaii, viii, 186-187, 188; Spanish American republics, viii, 235; government at Rome, viii, 332-333; of the Confederated States, xi, 175, 245, 255; by the appointment of consuls, ix, 239- 240. Reconstruction after the Civil War, xi, 415, 429, 434-435, 436, 437-438. Recruitments (see Great Britain , as to British recruitments. in the U. S.). Reddall, Mr., viii, 358. Redfield, Mr., collector at port of New York, x, 17. Reed, George, vii, 68. Reed, George, W., viii, 480. 442 INDEX Reed, John, M. C, i, 89, 90, 92, 98, xii, 306. Reed, Samuel F., Pennsylvania resolution on sub-treasury bill, iii, 385- Reed, ^Washington, letter to, in regard to his appointment as con sul, vi, 126. Reed, William B., letter to, support of Buchanan for the presidential nomination,x,63-64; letter to "bar gain and corruption" charge, x, 85-86; letter to, admission of Ark ansas, attitude of British toward, Buchanan, "bargain and corrup tion" charge, x, 90-91; letter to, National Intelligencer' s support of Fremont, attitude of Southern States, x, 91-93 ; minister to China, x, 142, 208, 300, 321, xii, 241 ; letter to, treaty with China, Pennsyl vania politics, Kansas question, x, 224—225; letter to, preface to Buchanan's vindication, xi, 399; mentioned, xi, 318, 343, 358, 447, 448, 450, 451, 457, 458- Reeder, Andrew H., Governor of Kansas territory, ix, 355. Rees, Abraham, his New Cyclopae dia, ix, 221. Reigart, Annie, v, 436. Reigart, Emanuel C, iv, 31, viii, 388, 414; et al, letter to, response to an invitation to a public dinner, ix, 26-27. Reigart, Mrs., xi, 402. Rejon, Manuel Crescencio, Mexi can minister of for. rei., vi, 135, 162, 163, vii, 288, 336; letter from, answer to peace overtures, vii, 82. Relf, Richard, vii, 377. Religion, freedom of (see Freedom of religion) . Religious convictions of Buchanan, ii, 3II-312, v, 449, xi, 404-405, xii, .330733 !, 332-333; religious me morials, remarks on certain, v, 481- 482 ; religious toleration, in South American republics, i, 199; Reli gious Society of Friends, Cain quar terly meeting, slavery, ii, 450, iii, 8- 24, 55-56, iv, 179. Remarks: Jan. 24, 1822, militia fines, i, 20-23; March 21, 1822, government stocks, i, 45-48; March 30, 1822, government stocks, i, 43- 45; Aprilg, 182 2, Cumberland road, i, 49-54; April 25, 1822, marking western boundary, under treaty with Spain of Feb. 22, 1819, i, 55; Feb. 10, 1823, crimes against United States, i, 70-71; Jan. 5, 1824, costs in patent cases, i, 72-78; Jan. 15, 1824, monument to George Wash ington, i, 78-81; Feb. 16, 17, 19- 26, 1824, duty on cotton bagging, i, 81-84, xii, 304; Feb. 27, 1824, duty on wheat, i, 84-85; Feb. 28, 1824, duty on bar iron, i, 85-88, xii, 304; March 4, 1824, duty on wool lens, i, 89; March 23, 1824, duty on hemp, i, 89-95; March 25, 1824, drawback on silk and nankeens, i, 95-97.; May 7, 8, 10, 11, 1824, navigation of western rivers, i, 113- 117; May 18, 1824, sale of public ' lots in Washington, i, 117 ; May 18, 1824, day of adjournment, i, 118- 119; Dec. 21, 1824, bill for occupy ing mouth of Columbia river, i, 119, xii, 305; Jan. 3, 1825, relief of Niagara sufferers, i, 121-125; Jan. 7, 1825, certain crimes against United States, i, 124—125; Jan. 11, 1825, on President Monroe's ac counts, i, 125—127; Jan. 13, 1825, western national road, i, 127—129; Jan. 21, 1825, Chesapeake and Delaware canal, i, 129—132, xii, 305; Jan. 26, 1 8 2 5 , house galleries, xii, 305; Feb. 2, 1825, election of president, i, 133—136; Feb. 21, 1825, drawback duties, i, 136; March 1, 1825, suppression of piracy, i, 136; March 1, 1825, suppression of piracy, i, 137-138; Dec. 15, 16, 1825, court-martial of Commodore David Porter, i, 141-145; Dec. 27, 1825, collection of customs, i, 145; Jan. 5, 1826, judiciary system, i, 146-147; Jan. 27, 30, 1826, fortifications, i, 167- 171, 171-172 ; Feb. 20, 1826, amend ment as to election of president and vice-president, i, 172-173; March 11, 1826, Dismal Swamp canal, i, 174-177; March 25, 27, 1826, Poinsett's negotiations with Mexico, i, 177-179, 179-182, xii, 307, 'April 4, 18, 20, 1826, on resolu tion on the Panama mission, i, 182- 183, 206-211, xii, 307; April 24, 1826, relief of revolutionary offi cers, i, 211-216; Dec. 11, 1826, grant of land to certain asylums, i, 220-221; Jan. 3, 1827, impor tation of brandy, i, 221-227; Jan. 9, 1827, appointment of charge's d'affaires, i, 228-229; Jan. 12, 1827, relief of revolutionary officers, i, 229-233; Jan. 18, 22, 1827, duties on wool, i, 233-235, 235-237; Jan. 31, 1827, residuum of British indemnity for slaves, i, 237-238; Feb. 6, 1827, Polar expedition, i, 238-239; Feb. 7, INDEX 443 1827, duties on wool, i, 239-243; Feb. 9, 1827, controversy between United States and Georgia, i, 243- 245; Feb. 15, 1827, diplomatic out fits, i, 249-251; Feb. 16, 1827, Cumberland road, i, 252; Feb. 20, 1827, internal improvements, i, 252-255; Feb. 23, 1827, repairs to White House, i, 255-256; Feb. 24, 1827, Cumberland road, i, 256-259; Dec. 31, 1827, protection of domes tic manufactures,!, 271—274; Jan. 14, 1828, Cumberland road, i, 274- 275; Jan. 16, 1828, court-martial of Tennessee militiamen, i, 275- 276; Jan. 23, 24, 26, 1828, on retrenchment, i, 277-279, 280- 283, 283-286, xii, 308; Feb. 11, 1828, court-martial at Mobile, i, 312-313; Feb. 14, 1828, internal improvements, i, 313—314; March 1, 1828, hall of House of Repre sentatives, i, 314-316; March 24, 1828, Mead's claim, i, 316-318; March 27, 1828, duties on woollens, i, 318-319, 320-328; March 31, 1828, sale of public lands, i, 329; April 8, 1828, duty on spirits, i, 361-362; April 9, 1828, duties on woollens, i, 362; April 15, 1828, duty on molasses, i, 362—363; April 19, 1828, Mr. Barbour's explanation, i, 363; April 28, 1828, importation of iron, i, 363- 364; April 30, 1828, date of ad journment, i, 364-365; May 1, 1828, naturalization laws, i, 365- 367; May 14, 1828, office of major general, i, 367-370; Dec. 11, 1828, drawbacks, i, 380-381; Dec. 23, 1828, occupation of Oregon river, i, 382; Jan. 15, 1829, Cum berland road, i, 382; Jan. 20, 1829, Huron territory, i, 396-397; Feb. 6, 1829, amendment on presidential terms, i, 397-398; March 2, 1829, Cumberland road, i, 418; Dec. 7, 1829, clerk of the House, i, 418-419; Dec. 9, 1829, House standing committees, i, 419-420; Dec. 15, 1829, report of secretary of the treasury, i, 420; Dec. 30, 1829, proceeds of public land sales, i, 421-424; Feb. 10, 1830, diplomatic expenses, i, 450- 451; Feb. 24, 1830, Indian ques tion, ii, 11; Feb. 26, 1830, use of ardent spirits in navy, ii, n-12; March 1, 1830, Indian question, ii, 12-13; March 18, 1830, revolu tionary pensions, ii, 14-15; March 23, 1830, impeachment of Judge Peck, ii, 16-17; March 31, 1830, fortifications, ii, 17; April 5, 7, 1830, impeachment of Judge Peck, ii, 17-19, 19-22; April 15, 1830, Buffalo and New Orleans road bill, ii, 23; April 27, 1830, crimes in D. C, ii, 39; May 1, 1830, im peachment of Judge Peck, ii, 40- '41; Dec. 13, 1830, impeachment of Judge Peck, ii, 50-51, 51-52; Dec. 17, 1830, post office, ii, 52- 53; Jan. 4, 183 1, trial of Judge Peck, ii, 53-54; Jan. 24, 25, 183 1, judiciary act, ii, 55-56; Feb. 2, 1 83 1, relief of James Monroe, ii, 162; Feb. 7, 183 1, judiciary act, ii, 162; Feb. 8, 183 1, salary of minister to Russia, ii, 163—166; Jan. 14, Feb. 9, 22, 183 1, on insolvent debtors, ii, 54, 167-170; Feb. 28, 183 1, Indian question, ii, 170-17 1 ; Jan. 27, 1834, colonization of free negroes, iii, 202-204; March 20, 1834, Oregon question, v, 484- 498; Jan. 5, 1835, refund of duties, ii, 406-407; Jan. 14, 1835, relations with France, ii, 408-411; Feb. 6, 1835, post office, ii, 411-413; Feb. 10, 1835, custom house salaries, ii, 413-414; Feb. 11, 1835, Cum berland road, ii, 414—421; Feb. 17, 1835, removal of executive officers, ii, 421-422; Feb. 21, 1835, rela tions with France, ii, 434-435; Feb. 23, 1835, judicial system, ii, 435-436; Feb. 26, 1835, public deposits, ii, 437—438; March 2, 1835, minister to England, ii, 438-439; March 3, 1835, fortifica tions bill, ii, 439-441; Dec. 21, 1835, incendiary publications, ii, 443-444; Dec. 22, 1835, reception of senators from Michigan, ii, 444- 445; Jan. 4, 5, 1836, circuit court system, ii, 445—447; Jan. 6, 1836, senate galleries, ii, 447-450; Jan. 7, 11, 1836, slavery in D. C, ii, 450-455; Jan. 13, 1836, sufferers by New York fire, ii, 455-457; Feb. 12, 1836, abolition of slavery in D. C, iii, 1; Feb. 26, 1836, Cumberland road, iii, 1-4; Feb. 29, 1836, slavery in D. C, iii, 5-6; March 2, 1836, abolition of slavery in D. C, iii, 8-24; March 3, 1836, boundary of Ohio, iii, 7 ; March 9, 1836, abolition of slavery in D. C, iii, 24-26; March 28, 1836, specie payments, iii, 27-29; March 30, 1836, admission of Michigan, iii, 30-36; April 2, 4, 1836, admis sion of Arkansas, iii, 50-51; April 18, 1836, contracts with railroads, iii, 51-54; April 28, 1836, statuary 444 INDEX for capitol, iii, 56-59; May 4, 1836, defense of frontier, iii, 59-60; May 9, 1836, recognizing Texas, iii, 60-64; May 12, 1836, fortifica tions bill, iii, 64-65; May 20, 1836, defense of frontier, iii, 66-71 ; May 23, 1836, recognizing Texas, iii, 71-73; June 8, 1836, incendi ary publications, iii, 83-94; June 14, 1836, surplus revenues, iii, 95—96; June 14, 1836, compensa tion of postmasters, iii, 97-98; June 17, 1836, public deposits, iii, 98—106; June 20, 1836, com pensation of postmasters, iii, 106- 110; June 21, 24, 1836, organiza tion of the navy, iii, 1 1 0-1 1 2 ; June 25, 1836, pay of marine officers, iii, 113-114; July 1, 1836, recog nizing Texas, iii, 125; Dec. 21, 1836, public moneys, iii, 130-132; Dec. 29, 1836, Michigan, iii, 132— 136; Jan. 3, 5, 1837, admission of Michigan, iii, 136-154, 154-165; Jan. 6, 1837, penitentiaries, iii, 165-166; Jan. 18, 1837, French and Neapolitan indemnities, iii, 195-197; Jan. 26, 1837, public lands, iii, 197-202; Feb. 2, 1837, copyright, iii, 204-205; Feb. 6, 1837, slavery in D. C, iii, 205; Feb. 7, 11, 1837, public lands, iii, 206-208; Feb. 13, 1837, penalty for burning public buildings, iii, 209-210; Feb. 13, 15, 1837, duties on Dutch and Belgian vessels, iii, 211-213; Feb. 21, 1837, on legis lative instructions and reduction of duties, iii, 221; Feb. 21,24, 1837, tariff reduction, iii, 222—223, 23I_ 232; Feb. 27, 1837, relations. with Mexico, iii, 233-236; Feb. 28, 1837, deposit of public moneys, iii, 237-246; March 1, 1837, recognition of Texas, iii, 247 ; Sept. 14, 1837, deposits of public moneys, iii, 259-264; Oct. 3, 1837, collection of public moneys, iii, 314-321; Oct. 4, 5, 1837, fees of district attorneys, iii, 321-323; Oct. 11, 1837, deposits in public warehouses, iii, 323-324; Dec. 14, 1837, rescinding expunging resolu tion, iii, 326-327; Dec. 18, 1837, slavery in D. C, iii, 328—330; Dec. 26, 1837, issue of small notes, iii, 330-336; Dec. 26, 1837, authoriz ing states to tax certain lands, iii, 336-337; Jan. 2, 1838, discharge of mechanics, iii, 339-341; Jan. 5, 10, 11, 1838, Calhoun's resolu tions on slavery, iii, 341-347, 348- 357; Jan. 9, 1838, on neutrality laws, iii, 348; Jan. 24, 30, 1838, army, iii, 364-365; Jan. 27, 1838, public lands, iii, 365-372; Feb. 6, 1838, deposit of public moneys, iii, 373-377; Feb. 7, 1838, Oregon territory, iii, 377-378; Feb. 12, 1838, national foundry in Mary land, iii, 379-380; Feb. 19, 20, 28, 1838, sub-treasury bill, iii, 380- 385, 385-386; March 1, 1838, sub-treasury bill, iii, 387-388; March 1, 1838, marine hospitals, iii, 389; March 5, 6, 1838, neutrality laws, iii, 390-396; March 6, 7, 1838, sub-treasury bill, iii, 396, 397_398; March 7, 1838, on specie payments, iii, 398-406; March 9, 1838, dry dock at Philadelphia, iii, 407-408; March 15, 1838, sub- treasury bill, iii, 408; March 28, 1838, Caroline affair, iii, 408-409; April 11, 1838, relations with Mexico, iii, 410-419; April 13, 1838, public lands, iii, 402-425; May 2, 1838, currency discrimi nations, iii, 458-460; May 7, 1838, increase of salaries, iii, 460-462 ; May 11, 1838, banks in D. C, iii, 462-465; May 21, 1838, Clay's plan for a bank of U. S., iii, 465- 471; May 23, 1838, Cumberland road, iii, 471-472; May 25, 1838, currency discriminations, iii, 473- 478; June 12, 1838, bank notes, iii, 479-481; June 25, 26, 1838, day of adjournment, iii, 503-507; June 27, 28, 1838, deposits of public moneys, iii, 507-526; Aug. 18, 1838, abolition of slavery, iv, 23-30; Dec. 18, 1838, petition as to rain-making, iv, 32-33 ; Dec. 18, 1838, Revolutionary pensions, iv, 33-36; Dec. 19, 1838, steam men- of-war, iv, 36-37; Jan. 5, 1839, accommodation of press reporters, iv, 38-40; Jan. 7, 1839, public lands, iv, 41-49; Jan. 9, 1839, treaty with Mexico, iv, 40 ; Jan. 9, 1839, land bill, iv, 40-41; Jan. 29, 1839, salt duty, iv, 49-53; Feb. 8, 1839, slavery resolutions, iv, 54; Feb. 26, 1839, Maine boundary dispute, iv, 92-97; March 1, 1839, Maine boundary, iv, 100— in; March 2, 1839, defense, iv, 111-116; Jan. 10, 1840, boundary between Missouri and Iowa territory, iv, 1 26 ; Jan. 17, 1840, Maine boundary dispute, iv, 127-133; Jan. 24, 1840, duty on silk, iv, 175-177; Feb. n, 1840, Seminole war. iv, 177-178; Feb. 13, 1840, abolition of slavery, iv, 178-180; Feb. 14, INDEX 445 1840, duty on umbrellas, iv, 181- 182; Feb. 17, 1840, State debts, iv, 182-183; Feb- 24, 1840, bank rupt law, iv, 183-184; Feb. 26, 27, 1840, paper currency, iv, 184- 193; March 3, 1840, Independent Treasury bill, iv, 194-207; March 6, 1840, Independent Treasury bill, iv, 207— 227 ; March 31, 1840, day of adjournment, iv, 227-228; April 14, 1840, northeastern boundary dis pute, iv, 229—234; April 17, 1840, branch mints, iv, 234-235; April 24, 1840, duty on silk, iv, 235-238; April 29, 1840, grant of land to Dade Institute, iv, 238-239; May 4, 1840, claim of Clarke and Force, iv, 239-240; May 7, 1840, on public expenditures, iv, 240-245; May 29, 1840, presents from em peror of Morocco, iv, 245-246; June 5, 1840, bankrupt law, iv, 249-253; June 11, 1840, extra allowances to officers, iv, 253-255; June 15, 1840, banks in D. C, iv, 255-263; June 26, 1840, report of secretary of treasury, iv, 265- 266; July 3, 1840, northeastern boundary, iv, 266-267; July I]c, 1840, dry docks, iv, 267-268; July 16, 1840, banks in District of Columbia, iv, 269-283; Dec. 23, 1840, pensions, iv, 326-327; Dec. 28, 1840, commercial reciprocity, iv, 327-329; Jan. 4, 5, 1 84 1, public lands, iv, 329-340; Jan. 18, 1841, . northeastern boundary, iv, 341- 342; Jan. 18, 1S41, American water-rotted hemp, iv, 342-343; Jan. 20, 1 84 1, public lands, iv, 343-354; Feb. 18, 1841, election of public printer, iv, 382-385; Feb. 27, 1 84 1, judicial circuits, iv, 385-388; March 8, 1841, election of sergeant-at-arms, iv, 404-405; March 8, 184 1, dismissal of Blair and Rives as public printers, iv, 391-404; March 11, 1841, north eastern boundary, iv, 388-390; June 1, 1841, president's message, iv, 407—408; June 7, 1841, na tional bank, iv, 408; June 9, 1841, slavery in D. C, iv, 409; June 10, 1841, "McLeod case, iv, 409-427; June 12, 1 84 1, unfinished business of Senate, iv, 427-428; June 21, 1841, state of finances, iv, 452-453 ; June 23, 1841, banks in D. C, iv, 454-455; June 24, 1841, removals from office, iv, 455-460; June 30, 1841, national bank, iv, 461-463; July 12, 13, 14, 17, 21, 1841, fiscal bank of U. S.,iv, 500-512; July 26, 27, 1 84 1, fiscal bank bill, v, 14-20; July 28, 1 84 1, treaty with Mexico, v, 20; Aug. 9, 1841, land office, v, 22-27; Aug. 12, 1 84 1, public lands, v, 28-35; Aug. 16, 1 84 1, fiscal bank bill, v, 36; Aug. 18, 1841, bankrupt bill, v, 37-38; Aug. 24, 1 84 1, new bank bill, v, 38; Aug. 28, 1841, fortifications bill, v, 39-40; Aug. 28, 30, 1841, duty on iron, v, 40-42; Sept. 1, 1841, duty on foreign pictures, v, 43; Sept. 6, 1841, duty on iron, v, 73- 74; Sept. 7, 1841, revenue bill, v, 74; Sept. 10, 1841, Tyler's bank veto, v, 75-76; Dec. 21, 1 84 1, public defense bill, v, 77-79; Dec. 28, 1 84 1, bankruptcy law, v, 79-80; Jan. 20, 1842, bankruptcy law, v, 96-97; Jan. 20, 1842, treas ury notes, v, 97-98; Feb. 3, 1842, clerk to Senate committee on man ufactures, v, 139-140; Feb. 8, 1842, public lands, v, 140-141; Feb. 14, 1842, New York custom house investigation, v, 141-148; Feb. 16, 1842, claims against Mexico, v, 148-152; Feb. 18, 1842, com promise act, v, 153; March 4, 1842, on distribution of laws and state papers, v, 153-155; March 8, 1842, a misrepresentation, v, 155-156; March 8, 1842, specie pay ments, v, 156-163; March 21, 1842, removals from office, v, 163; March 23, 1842, taxation of certain lands, v, 163-164; April 7, 8, 1842, loan bill, v, 164-182, 183- 191; April 28, 29, 30, and May 4, 1842, appropriation bill, v, 193- 204; May 12, 1842, General Jack son's fine, v, 241-251; May 18, 24, 1842, apportionment bill, v, 251-253; May 26, 1842, appor tionment bill, v, 255-263; May 27, 1842, apportionment bill, v, 264- 268; June 9, 10, 1842, apportion ment bill, v, 284-286; June 15, 1842, naval appropriations bill, v, 287-289; June 17, 1842, naval appropriations bill, v, 289-2917 June 20, 1842, order of business, v, 291-296; June 24, 1842, reve nue bill, v, 296-302; June 25, 1842, army reorganization bill, v, 302-305; June 29, 1842, army reorganization bill, v, 305-309; July 1, 1842, tariff, v, 309-310; July 8, 1842, tariff, v, 313-314; July 22, 27, 1842, postage reduc tion, v, 314-317; July 30, 1842, duties on railroad iron, v, 317-319; Aug. 8, 1842, naval schools, v, 334- 446 INDEX 336; Aug. 11, 1842, the marine corps, v, 336-337; Aug. 13, 1842, pensions, v, 338-341; Aug.' 25, 1842, duties on iron and coal, v, 388-391; Aug. 27, 1842, tariff, v, 391, 403, 421-422; Aug. 31, 1842, unadvised legislation, v, 403—404; Jan. 22, 23, 1843, the St. Petersburg Railroad Co., v, 410-415; Feb. 9, 1843, inspection of water-rotted hemp, v, 417-419; Feb. 10, 1843, appropriation for meteorological observations, v, 419-420; Feb. 14, 1843, retrench ment and tariff revision, v, 423- 424; Feb. 21, 1843, legislating persons out of office, v, 424-425; Feb. 25, 1843. bankrupt bill, v, 425-431; March 3, 1843, Revolu tionary widows' pensions, v, 431— 435; Dec. 21, 1843, Pea Patch island, v, 439-442; Jan. 8, 1844, Oregon question, v, 443-446 ; Feb. 27, 1844, duty on railroad iron, v, 447-448; March 4, 1844, death of Mr. Frick, v, 450-451; March 13, 1844, religious memorials, v, 481- 482; March r8, 19, 1844, Oregon question, v, 483-484; March 22, 1844, on postage reduction, v, 498-501; Apr. 3, 1844, Cumber land road, v, 502-503; Apr. 3, 1844, West Point military acad emy, v, 501 ; Apr. 5, 1844, indemni fying naval officers, v, 503-504; Apr. 17, 1844, franking privilege, v, 504-505; Apr. 18, 1844, pur chase of Greenhow's History of Oregon, v, 505-509; Apr. 24, 1844, franking privilege, v, 509-511; May 8, 1844, banks in the District of Columbia, v, 512-514; June 1, 1844, naturalization laws, vi, 4—5; June n, 1844, duties on railroad iron, vi, 45-56; June 14, 1844, choice of presidential electors, vi, 56—58; June 15, 1844, retrench ment and reform, vi, 58; Dec. 17, 1844, naturalization laws, vi, 75; Dec. 19, 1844, government of Oregon, vi, 79-80; Jan. 21, 1845, Smithson fund, vi, 80-82; Jan. 29, 1845, postal rate, vi, 82-84; Feb. 4, 1845, annexation of Texas, vi, 85; Feb. 5, 1845, postage and franking, vi, 85; Feb. 27, 1845, missions to Austria and Brazil, vi, 113-116; Feb. 27, 1845, annexa tion of Texas, vi, 116-117; March 1, 1845, defaulting states, vi, 117— 118 (see, also, Address; Argu ment; Eulogy; Reports; Resolu tion; Speech). Removals from office by senate of Blair and Rives, iv, 391-404, 502; remarks on removals from office, v, 163; Covode investigation as to removals by Buchanan, x, 437- 438, xii, 229-230 (see, also, Ex ecutive officers). Rencher, Abraham, charge1 d'af faires to Portugal, vii, 301-302, viii, 146. Reneau, N. S., on Cuba, xi, 326-327. Renfrew, Lord, traveling title of Prince of Wales, x, 432. Report, Jan. 4, 1830, on allowances to jurors, i, 425; Jan. 4, 1830, case of James Linsey, i, 425; Jan. 4, 1830, appeals, i, 426; Jan. 4, 1830, case of Manuel del Barco, i, 427- 428; Jan. 13, 1830, lobster fishery, i, 428; Feb. 13, 1830, boundary be tween Georgia and Florida, ii, 1— 10; March 15, 1830, patent laws, ii, 14; March 22, 1830, case of Nicoll and Conard, ii, 15-16; March 23, 1830, impeachment of Judge Peck, ii, 16-17; April 12, 1830, judiciary, ii, 22-23; April 20, 1830, article of impeachment of Judge Peck, ii, 39; May 4, 1830, presen tation of article of impeachment to Senate, ii, 48; Dec. 13, 1830, the answer of Judge Peck, ii, 49- ,50; Jan. 24, 1831, judiciary act, ii, 55-66; Jan. 24, 183 1, minority report on judiciary act, ii, 67-80; Feb. 1 8, 1837, relations with Mexico, iii, 214—219; Jan. 9, 1838, neutral ity laws, iii, 348; Jan. 22, 1838, Gen. Sumpter's claim, iii, 363; March 8, 1838, neutrality laws, iii, 406; July 4, 1838, northeastern boundary, iv, 2-23; Apr. 13, 1840, case of Enterprise, iv, 229; Apr. 14, 1840, northeastern boundary, iv, 229-231; June 3, 1840, relief of A. H. Everett, iv, 248-249; Dec. 5, 1845, state department's contingent expenses, vi, 337; Dec. 8, 1845, African slave trade, vi, 338; Dec. n, 1845, case of General Armstrong, vi, 338—339; Dec. 12, 1845, intercourse with China, vi, 339; Jan. 6, 1846, Texan claims, vi, 338 (see, also, Argument; Re marks; Resolution; Speech). Reporter (Harrisburg), letter to, "drop of blood " lie, viii, 444. Representatives to congress, recom mendation as to date of election, x, 364, xi, 39. Reprisals, Jackson's recommenda tion against France, ii, 408, 458; Jackson's recommendation against INDEX 447 Mexico, iii, 214 etseq., 234, 410, 418; governmental liability for, iv, 434- 435 (see, also, Privateering). Republican party, candidacy of Fre mont for president, x, 88, 90, 91, 92 ; repudiated Dred Scott decision, xii, 39, 209; secession encouraged by its conduct, xii, 81-83; con gressional majority fails to enable President Buchanan to prepare against civil war, xii, 116, 134- 141, 269, 271, 276—278, 331; Chica go platform of i860, on slavery, xii, 119, 122; republicans in sen ate defeat Crittenden compromise, xii, 124; republicans in congress opposed to Virginia peace conven tion proposal for constitutional amendment covering slavery, xii, 132-133- Residence, vii, 197-198; question of Buchanan's, in Washington, viii, 445-446. Resolution, on amendment to con stitution as to election of president and vice-president, i, 172; April 4, 1826, Panama mission, i, 182- 183; April 18, 1826, mission to Panama, i, 207; Dec. 14, 1826, Panama congress, i, 221; Dec. 15, 1829, public land sales, i, 424; Jan. 4, 1830, allowances to jurors, i, 425; Jan. 4, 1830, case of James Linsey, i, 425; Jan. 4, 1830, ap peals, i, 426; Jan. 4, 1830, case of Manuel del Barco, i, 428; Jan. 13, 1830, lobster fishery, i, 428; Feb. 13, 1830, boundary between Geor gia and Florida, ii, 10; March 15, 1830, patent laws, ii, 14; May 1, 1830, impeachment of Judge Peck, ii, 41; Dec. 13, 1830, replication to answer of Judge Peck and im peachment, ii, 50; Dec. 19, 1838, steam men-of-war, iv, 37; Feb. 28, 1839, Maine boundary dispute, iv, 98-99; Feb. 26, 1840, paper cur rency, iv, 184; June 17, 1841, re movals from office, iv, 451-452 (see, also, Address; Argument; Remarks; Report; Speech). Restauracion, the, case of, vi, 147. Retrenchment, remarks and speeches on, i, 277-279, 280-283, 286, 286— 312, iv, 75-76, v, 422-423, vi, 58, xii, 300—301, 308—309. Return to Wheatland, after retiring from presidency, xi, 159-162. Revenue, system, i, 5; policy, i, 56- 70; effect of tariff upon, i, 87-88; revenue bill, 1841, iv, 405-407; v, 74; revenue bill, 1842 ("little tar iff bill"), v, 292-296, 309, 320- 324, v, 296-302 (see, also, Duties; Tariff). Revolutionary officers, remarks on bill for relief of, i, 211-216, 229- 233 (see, also, Pensions). Rey, Rev. Anthony, chaplain in Mexican war, xi, 375, 376. Reynolds, James L., ix, 12, 34, xi, 422. Reynolds, John H., M. C, xii, 137- 138. Reynolds, Kate, v, 436, viii, 427, 502, ix, no. Reynolds, Mary, viii, 427. Reynolds, T. Caute, secretary of legation to Spain, vi, 493 ; charge ad int., vii, 336, 339, 342, 423- 424, viii, 87, 360; letter from, vii, 446. Reynolds, William, vi, 272, xi, 458. Reynolds, Maj., attitude towards Buchanan, v, 255. Reynolds, Mr., ii, 217, 243, 267, 302. Rheiner, Mr., et al, letter to, de clines invitation of democrats, David R. Porter, iv, 1. Rhett, Robert Barnwell, v, 69; refunding of duties by British gov ernment, vii, 27; establishment of steam packet between Charleston and Havana, vii, 438; letter from, secession of South Carolina, xi, 5; correspondence with, friendly re lations, xi, 442, 443. Rhode Island, bank laws of, v, 512- 513; tonnage duties imposed by, x, 385. Rhodes, James Ford, his criticism of Buchanan, xii, 267, 269-270, 275, 277, 278. Rial, General Phineas, capitula tion with Col. Chapin; i, 123. Rich, Charles, M. C, i, 23. Richards, Benjamin, etal, letter to, case of Col. Blum, viii, 304-305. Richards, B. W., iii, 397. Richards, Williams, Hawaiian com missioner, viii, 186. Richardson, Asa H., case of, vi, 272. Richardson, W. A., et al, letter to (see Committee of notification). Richardson, Mr., letter of, i, 270. Richelieu, A. J. du P., viii, 309, 345. Richie, Mr., on subtreasury bill, iii, 338. Richmond, the, case of, vi, 392. Richmond, Dean, xi, 329; delegate from New York to Democratic national convention, xii, 64. Richmond Enquirer, on presidential nominees, 1852, viii, 441. Rifleman, H. B. M. S., ix, 449. 448 INDEX Riggs, Mr., x, 467, xi, 275, 276, 351, 352, 360, 386. Rigny, Count de, relations with France, ii, 470, 484, 485, 500, 511. Rio Grande, blockade of mouth of, vii, 9; messages on affairs on the, x, 394, 396 (see, also, Texas; Mex ico). Ripley, Gen. Eleazar Wheelock, senator, iii, 68. Ristigouche river, iv, 5. Ritchie, Thomas, iv, 118, 120, xi, 474, 47fi-477- Riter, George W., iii, 385, 386, 388. Ritner, Joseph, candidate for gov ernor of Pennsylvania, ii, 443 ; on sub-treasury, iii, 381, 383; on slavery, iv, 23—30, 299, 300, 301— 302; his administration as gover nor, iv, 206-207, 291-292; fails of reelection, iv, 316-318; mentioned, iv, 31, viii, 419. Ritter, John, iii, 388. Rivas, President of Nicaragua, rev ocation of Accessory Transit Co.'s charter, x, 258. Rivers (see Internal improvements; Navigation). Rives, Francis Robert, secretary of legation at London, Mosquito King, ix, 129. Rives, John C, publisher of Daily Globe, xi, 333, 419, 477 (see, also, Blair and Rives) . Rives, William C, M. C, i, 197, 206, 252; his treaty while minister to France, ii, 388-389, 390, 408- 4n, 434-435, 439-441, 458-466, 466-514, 479; senator, iii, 51, 71, 109, no, in, 113, 114, 220, 271, 290, 304, 320, 324, 338, 357, 371, 372, 377, 383,. 398, 402, 405., 425, 460, 464, 477; iv, 56, 62, 69, 70, 74, 75, 77, 78, 81, 82, 83, 84, 88, 90, 187, 409, 428, 429, 431, 436, 437, 441, 449, v, 15, 17, 18, 19, 60, 175, 184, 186, 200, 267, 283, 347, 423, 4.83, 493, 497, 5r4; Virginia poli tics, iv, 118; Virginia peace com missioner, xi, 119. Roach, Mr., consul, viii, 209. Roach vs. Roach's executors, ii, 89. Roads (see Cumberland road; Inter nal improvements; Railroads). Roane, William H, senator, iii, 357, 37i, 372, 379, 425, 460, 463, 464, 507, iv, 387. Roat, Mr., viii, 416, 417. Robbins, Alfred E., slave-trade case of Capt. Frisbie, vi, 494-496. Robbins, Asher, senator, iii, 51, 109, no, in, 113, 114, 357, 371, 425, 460, 464, 507. Robbins, John, Jr., et al (see An drews, Joshua). Roberts, A. H., & Co., et al, letter to (see Shaw et al). Roberts, Jonathan, opposed to Gen. Jackson, i, 173. Roberts, Orlando, ix, 237. Roberts, Stokes L., et al, letter to, declines invitation of democrats in Pennsylvania legislature, iv, 121— 123. Roberts, Rev. Mr., case of, viii, 341. Robertson, Judge John, Virginia peace commissioner, xi, 117, 120; South Carolina commissioner with Ex-President Tyler, xii, 186-188. Robespierre, Maximilien Marie Isidore, revolutionary tribunal of France, x, 438, xii, 230. Robinson, Charles, Governor of Kansas, x, 182, xii, 28; et al, letter to (see Taylor, Nathaniel W.). Robinson, Frederick John, British plenipotentiary, Oregon question, vi, 186-187. Robinson, James C, M. C, xii, 220. Robinson, John M., senator, iii, 51, 109, no, 111, 113, 114, 208, 357, 371, 372, 425, 460, 464, 507. Robinson, W. E., case of James Bergen, viii, 243-244. Robinson, William E., viii, 483, 484. Robinson, Mr. and Mrs., viii, 389. Rockwell, John A., M. C, letter to, liability of United States for seiz ure by consul of vessels under slave-trade law, vi, 389-393. Rocky mountains, message on me morials from eastern slope of, as to new territories or states, x, 391- 392- Rodier, Capt. C H., xi, in. Rodriguez, Juan M., commissioner of Salvador, viii, 82. Roebuck, John Arthur, M. P., fall of Aberdeen ministry, ix, 340, 341; British recruitments, x, 48-49, 52. Roenne, Baron von, German min ister, viii, 267-268, 275, 295-296, 342 ; fitting out vessel for German navy, viii, 359, 361. Roeskild, treaty of, 1658, viii, 220. Rogers, H. Gold, iii, 388. Rogers, Molton C, i, 174, 183. Rogers, Mr., iv, 120. Rogers, Nathaniel L. & Bros., claim of, against Great Britain, vi, 309- Rogers, William, vii, 196. Rogers, William H., district at torney at Wilmington, letters to, slave-trade law violations, vi, 206, vii, 124-125. INDEX 449 Rogers, Judge, in presidential elec tion, i, 268, 269. Rolando, Lt., commended, x, 19. Rollin, Ledru, ix, 289, 305. ¦ Romulus, the, slave-trade case of, vi, 399- Rooney, seaman, case of Lt. Davis, vii, 459. Roosevelt, Judge James J., vi, 1, 3, x, 214, 319, 320, 321, xi, 192, 193, 225, 229, 231, 232, 236, 242, 245, 246, 247, 329, 330. Roosevelt, Mrs. [James J.] Cor nelia, letters to: political views, personals, vi, 1—3; politics, Doug las democrats, "Prince John," McClellan, xi, 328-330; mentioned, ix, 428, 468, x, 214, 318, 320, 321, xi, 192, 193, 225, 229, 231, 232, 236, 242, 245, 246, 247, 329, 330. Ropes, John C, his defense of Buchanan, xii, 272. Ropes, William, ii, 319. Rosa, Luis de la, Mexican minister, viii, 216, 255; correspondence with: presentation of credentials, viii, 256-257; payments under treaty, viii, 284—285; protocol to peace treaty, viii, 318-319, 326, 328-331, 340, 350..351; references to same subject, viii, 307, 359, 360, 363- Rosamond, H. B. M. S., ix, 434, 449, 454- Rosas, Gen. Juan Manuel de, Argentine dictator, honor to Jack son's memory, vi, 446; Corrientes' revolt against, vi, 449; Argentine minister of for. rei., conduct of Mr. Hopkins, vii, 58-59. R0SECRANS,GEN.WM. STARKE,xi,32 9. Rosiers, cape, iii, 485, iv, 6. Ross, John, chief of Cherokees, iv, 367, 377- Rosset, J. D. D., letter to, inter vention for cause prior to natural ization refused, vi, 315-316. Rothschilds, viii, 497. Rough rice (see Duties) . Roumage, Victor, claim of the Sarah Wilson, vi, 177. Rousseau, Com., vii, 334, 346; case of Lt. Davis, vii, 389 et seq. Roussin, Admiral, ii, 330, 331. Rowan, John, charg6 to Two Sicilies, letter to, state of Italy, viii, 196. Royal British Agricultural Society, ix, 380. Royal Ins. of Brit. Architects, ix, 381. Ruatan (see Bay Islands, colony of). Rucker, Miss, vii, 25. Ruffin, Thomas, N. C. member of Virginia peace commission, xii, 131. 29 Ruggles, John, senator, iii, 51, 109, no, 111, 113, 114, 139, 210, 361, 362, 425, 460, 464, 507, iv, in, 127, 129-131, 232, 265-266. Ruhl, case of, vi, 125. Rum (see Spirits, duty on) . Rumsey, L., Franklin MSS., vii, 201. Rush, J. Murray, et al. (see An drews, Joshua). Rush, Richard, minister to Great Britain, i, 139, 304, 341, ii, 177, v, 465, 472-473, vi, 186-187, !88, 238, 250; Canning's proposal as to holy alliance, xii, 253-256, 257; letter from, Oregon, negotiations with Mexico, vii, 66; minister to France, vii, 256; letter to, his commission, vii, 235; correspond ence with: claim of Louis Barbat, vii, 316; coupons for payments under indemnity convention of 1834, vii, 322; Major Hobbie's mission to conclude postal arrange ment with France, vii, 384-385; extradition treaty with Swiss con federation, policy on subject, con sul at Genoa, vii, 419-421; pay ment under Spanish indemnity convention of 1834, vii, 489 ; recog nition of provisional government of France, viii, 3 ; accredited to French republic, viii, 32-37, 196; French revolution, viii, 47; French commercial restrictions upon tobacco, viii, 53-54, 64; president's answer to president of France, viii, 172; negotiations under postal convention with Great Britain, Dec. 15, 1849, viii, 277; same subject, viii, 274-275, xi, 482; et al, letters to, declines invitations of Philadelphia Demo crats, iv, 1, v, 404—406. Rush, Mrs., viii, 460. Rusk, Mr., his appointment by Van Buren, iii, 259. Russell, H. B. M. S., ix, 434, 449, 454. Russell, Joshua, Buchanan's great- uncle, xii, 289. Russell, Lord John, McLeod case, iv, 421, 442; Central American question, ix, 43, 91, 129, 130, 342; court dress question at London, ix, 146 ; case of Black Warrior, ix, 201 ; mission to Vienna in regard to Crimean war, ix, 321, 331 ; resigna tion of, as president of the British council, ix, 340; attempt to form new ministry, ix, 341; secretary of state for foreign affairs, x, 334; Oregon boundary, x, 336-337; mentioned, vii, 310. Russell, Major & Waddell, xi, 75. 450 INDEX Russell, Charles W., chairman of Virginia delegation at democratic national convention of i860, xii, 57, 58-59, 60, 64, 65. Russell, Mr., xi, 166. Russell, Mr., Buchanan's kinsman, his death, xi, 457. Russell, William H., member of firm of Russell, Major & Waddell, xii, 164-165, 167; et al, letter to (see Taylor, Nathaniel W.). Russia, member of holy alliance, xii, 252; low tariff policy of, i, 61; duties on commodities from, i, 91, 92, 93, 94, 97, .in, 234, 347; early commerce with, i, 93—94, ii, 377; Randolph's negotiations with, ii, 193-195; Randolph's mission to, ii, 163-166, 193-195; Buchanan's mission to, ii, 173-177, 181-182, v, 27, viii, 445; diplomatic corps, at Buchanan's arrival at St. Petersburg, ii, 200, 220; Bu chanan's negotiations for treaties on commerce and navigation, and maritime rights, ii, 193-198, 201- 203, 205—210, 210—216, 221—227, 23°, 232-235, 237, 244-247, 247- 251, 252, 253-263, 271-298, 306, 312, 315, 317, 321, 329, 332, 335, 336, 337, 338, 340-341, 342-345, 346, 348, 364, 372, 374, 379, 391- 392, v, 27, 355, vi, 157-158, viii, 346; text of treaty of commerce and navigation, of Dec. 18, 1832, ii, 289—298; life in, ii, 199—200, 217— 218, 219-220, 265, 333; condition of, ii, 227-230; New Year's fete, |i, 3I3~3I4, 348; fete at Peterhoff, ' ii, 368-369, 370; absolutism in, ii, 339; its foreign relations, ii, 200, 227—230, 236, 237—238, 260—261, 309-311, 3'5, 316, 326, 327, 329- 33o, 331, 335-338, 355; its influ ence over European affairs, ii, 189; treaty of Adrianople with Turkey, ii, 196, 245, 249, 250; treatment of Poland, ii, 228, 229, 236, 265, 298- 3°6, 310, 3J4, 320, 321-326, 330, 339, 354, 359, 372-373, 379-38i, 471, iv, 316; Polish conspiracy to assassinate Emperor Nicholas, ii, 364-365, 369, 370, 381 ; commercial treaty with Sweden and Norway, ii, 269, 270, 271, 276, 277, 278, 279, 287, 293, 297, 298; commercial treaty with Prussia, ii, 270, 271, 276, 279, 280, 286, 287, 293, 297, 298; commercial treaty with Aus tria, ii, 279, 280; its aid to Turkey in conflict with Egypt, ii, 309-31 1, 3*5, 3l6, 3l8, 326, 327, 329-330, 33i, 336-337, 343, 355,' failure of a maritime treaty with Great Britain, ii, 344, v, 27; American navigation in ports of, ii, 377; union with Prussia and Austria, », 389, 392, 395, 47i; influence in Turkey, ii, 391-392; qualifica tions of a minister to, ii, 334-335, 375—376; diplomatic representa tion in, v, 26-27; Buchanan's success in, ii, 373-377; Buchanan's retirement from mission to, ii, 306- 3°9, 3H-312, 328-329, 338-339, 366-368, 370-396; quintuple treaty with Great Britain and other pow ers concerning African slave trade, v, 343, 360, 459; northern boun dary of the United States estab lished by treaty with, v, 466; territorial disposition in America, v, 470; duties on American vessels, vi, 157-158; recognition of Dom Miguel, viii, 33 ; in the Crimean war, ix, 44, 54-55, 57-58, 64-65, 68, 77-78, 88, 89, 107, 108, 117, 177, 270, 279, 284, 285, 320-321, 330-331, 335-336, 350, 354, 359, 362, 365-366, 383, 419, 427, 435, 461 ; neutral rights during the war, ix, 141-142, 145, 147-148, 154-156, 165-166, 169—170, 172, 184, 190- I92, 193, 194-199, 201—202, 205- 206, 206—207, 208, 2O9—2II, 213, 214, 245—246, 259—260, 281, 297, 307-3H, 328, 347, 352-353, 366- 367, 37o, 378-379, 387,. 397, 398, 472; x, 89-90; neutrality of the United States during the war, ix, 412, 417-418, 438-439, 445, 449- 454, 456, x, 4; sympathy for, dur ing the war, ix, 462-463; Crimean war peace negotiations, ix, 470, 475-477, 47s, 484, x, 6, 10, 14, 23, 28, 33, 46-47, xi, 495, 496- 497, 498, 5°o, 5°i, 504, 507; partition of Poland, ix, 178-179; treaty of July 22, 1854, as to rights of neutrals at sea, ix, 308; its relations with China, x, 346, xi, 30, xii, 241; relations with, 1857, x, 140, 249, 1859, x, 349, i860, xi, 28 (see, also, Nicholas). Russian empress, Buchanan's pres entation to, ii, 198, 199-200, 239; her character, ii, 218, 219, 391; Buchanan's audience of leave with, ii, 382; mentioned, ii, 334. Rutherforth, Rev. Thomas, on war, iv, 432, 434, 435. Ryan, Richard P., case of, viii, 203, 227, 230-231, 264-266, 270, 319- __ 321, 337-338- Rynders, Marshal, arrest of Wil liam Walker, x, 172. INDEX 451 Sabine river, boundary line, vii, 141. Sable, cape, iv, 9. Sacken, Baron de, Russian charge ad int., Buchanan's negotiations with Russia, ii, 222; his offensive note on American newspaper criti cism of Russia's treatment of Poland, ii, 299, 300, 301, 302, 304, 320,321—326,372—373; mentioned, ", 259, 277, 280, 281, 283, 317, 318, 338, 382. Sacs and Foxes (see Indians). Safford, Pliny, letter to, pardon of American prisoner at Van Die- man's Land, vi, 274-275. Sail duck (see Duties). Salas, Mariano, dictator of Mexico, Mexican war, vii, 152, 335, 336. Salazar, Jose Maria, Colombian minister, his letter on congress of Panama, i, 181, 196. Sales of lands (see Public lands). Salt (see Duties). Saltonstall, L., cases of Director and Pallas, vii, 48. Salvador, proposal for annexation of, viii, 82. Samana, naval station at, ix, 271. Sample, Dr., ii, 267, v, 449, ix, 48, 73, xi, 343, 45i- Samuels, Benjamin M., report on slavery question at democratic national convention, xii, 54, 55. Sanborn, Lansing, case of Lt. Davis, vii, 459. Sanders, George N., consul at London, ix, 52, 61, 177-178, 252; case of mutineers on American vessel, ix, 187, 192; his letters on asylum, ix, 283-284, 286-287, 289-290, 293-296, 304-305. Sanders, Mrs. George N., ix, 114. Sanders, George W., viii, 126, 426. Sanderson, J. P., et al, letter to, Pennsylvania politics, vi, 136- 138. Sanderson, Major, of Baltimore, Buchanan's return to Wheatland, xi, 160. Sandford, Charles, murder of, ix, 140. Sandwich Islands (see Hawaii) . Sanford, General Charles W., xi, 197. Sanford, James T., M. C, i, 97. Sanford's law, i, 90. Sanford, T., letter to, slavery in territories, viii, 178-179. San Francisco, Jackson's alleged offer for acquisition of, viii, 25. San Jacinto, battle of, vii, 139. San Juan Island, message as to sending of troops to, x, 377 (see, also, Great Britain, Oregon bound ary treaty description) . San Juan water boundary, xi, 148- 149. San Juan de Nicaragua, viii, 79, 91, 158 (see, also, Great Britain, Central American question; Nica ragua) . San Lorenzo el Real, treaty of, with Spain, Oct. 20, 1795, provision as to southern boundary, ii, 2, 5, 7, 9, 10. San Salvador, proposal of annexation by, viii, 82. Santa Anna, Antonio Lopez de, dictator and president of Mexico, iii, 59, 60, 63, 64, 234, 235, 247, vii, 138; his course toward Texas, vi, 24-25, 26, 27, 42, 43, 44; his recognition of the independence of Texas, vii, 138-139, 141; his return to Mexico, vii, 148, 149, 489-492; rumor of financial proposal to, for peace with Mexico, vii, 484; con ventions with Texas, viii, 152; Mexican peace negotiations, xi, 476. Santa Cruz, Gen., supreme dicta tor, Peru-Bolivian confederation, viii, 77. Santo Domingo, question of recogni tion of, vi, 229; protection of Americans in, vi, 314-315; mis sion of John Hogan, viii, 49-50; naval station at Samana, ix, 271; question of acquisition of, ix, 271, 279; British and French concerted action to prevent U. S. commer cial treaty with, ix, 309. Sarah Wilson, the, claim of, vi, 177, vii, 186, viii, 67-68, 304. Sardinia, interposition for introduc ing religious books into, refused, vi, 278-279; commercial treaty, Nov. 26, 1838, viii, 346; case of an infraction of the treaty by Louisiana, vi, 280; Oscanyan claim against, vi, 504; Jeni Dunia case, vii, 293-296; recall of consul at Genoa, vii, 42 1 ; concession of naval depot at Spezzia, viii, 141, 146-147,291; peace with Austria, viii, 162; subject to Louis Na poleon's influence, ix, 426. Sardinian minister of foreign affairs, letter to, claim of Embil & Co., vii, 380-381. Sartiges, Count de, French min., Hawaii, ix, 102, 167; Cuba, ix, 452 INDEX 279, x, 289; Sanders' letters on asylum, ix, 287, 289, 296; men tioned, x, 89, 319. Saulsbury, Willard, letters to: Bright's expulsion from senate, xi, 250-251, 254; Davis resolution, xi, 323; mentioned, xi, 277. Saunders, Romulus M., minister to Spain, vi, 343, 387, 465-466, viii, 360; Keefe claim against Spain, vi, 396; choice of secretary of legation, vi, 493 ; letters to : claims against Spain, vi, 469-470; use of despatch bags, vii, 45-46; Cuban tonnage duty on American vessels, vii, 78-79; Spain's pro posal of mediation between United States and Mexico, vii, 129-130, 290-292; consular agent at Carde nas, Mrs. Cullen's claim, vii, 228; capture of Carmelita by Unico, vii, 334—342; Amistad case, vii, 423-424; establishment of steam packet between Charleston and Havana, mail and commercial privileges from Spain, vii, 439, 445-446; Cuban duty on flour, viii, 89—90; proposal of purchase of Cuba, viii, 90-102, 120, 497; cemetery at Barcelona, viii, 147. Sawyer, Frederick A., secretary of legation to Spain, viii, 147. Saxony (see Germanic states). Scanlan, Mr., British inspector, Tal. P. Shaffner incident, ix, 410. Scharit, A. W., consul at Falmouth, x, -4. Schatzell, J. P., consul at Mata moras, events in Mexico, vi, 282. Schell, Augustus, x, 229, xi, 86, 192, 228, 317, 325, 348, 349, 372, 408, 411, 445, 450, 458; Weed's story, xi, 266; letter to: Gov ernor Seymour, conscription law, xi, 341-342; the Democracy, xi, 356-357; election in New York, negro suffrage, xi, 455. Schenck, General R. C, xi, 344. Schielin, Henry, consul at Tagan rog, reports of, ii, 284; letter to, leave of absence, ii, 346; letter from, ii, 370. Schools, address on establishment of common, i, 370-380. Schouler, James, his criticism of Buchanan, xii, 269. Schroeder, Francis, charge^ to Swe den and Norway, neutral rights in Russo-Turkish conflict, ix, 141, 156. Schulenberg, Fred., application for passport, vii, 70. Schurz, Carl, his criticism of Buch anan, xii, 270, 282. Schuyler, John, matter of the estate of, vi, 406-407. Schweizes, John C, z, 319. Schwerin (see Germanic states ; Meck lenburg) . Scorpion, H. B. M. S., ix, 448, 449. Scotia, the, case of, vii, 231. Scotland, bankrupt law in, i, 25. Scott, Dred, case (see Slavery question) . Scott, F., Captain H. B. M. S. Russell, ix, 434. Scott, Sir William, cited, vii, 412, viii, 287, xi, 235. Scott, Gen. Winfield, Maine boun dary dispute, iv, 130, 131, 133; removal of Cherokee Indians, iv, 367, 377; McLeod case, iv, 425; his presidential candidacy, vii, 286, 287; in Mexican war, viii, 366, xi, 475; orders to Gen. Kear ney, vii, 332; quarrel with Mr. Trist, vii, 343-344, 361-365, 369; correspondence with Trist, vii, 506, 507, viii, 22, xi, 476; treat ment of private property during Mexican war, vii, 478, 479; rumor of financial proposal to Santa Anna for peace, vii, 484 ; candidate for presidency, viii, 430, 458, 459, 460-491; protection of Americans at San Juan Island, x, 333, 337, 351-352, 377; his instructions for expedition to Utah, xii, 214, 218; consulted by President Buchanan as to military affairs, xi, 105, 123-124, 185, 188, 189, 210-211, 256, 397, 400, xii, 146, 170—172, 193; the expedition to Charles ton, x, 156, 157-158, 180, xii,, 173; on disposition of military and nav al forces prior to March 4, 1861, xi, 163-164, 170, 171, 171-173, 174, 248, 318, 320, 327, 334, 352; his "views," xi, 177-178, 207-208, 212, 293-304, 308; Buchanan's answer, xi, 279-293, xii, 153; Scott's rejoinder, xi, 304—307, xii, J53, 199—208; Buchanan's answer, xi, 310-315, xii, 153; Scott's reply, xi, 3r5-3i7, xii, 153, 205; Buchan an's final answer, xi, 321-323, xii, 153; his "views" discussed in Buchanan's administration, xii, 84-91, 148-158; Scott's report to President Lincoln, xi, 293-304, xii, 148-158, 170-171, 175-176, 190- 199, 200; his military plans at be ginning of Civil war, xi, 198, 203- 204, 209-210, 213-214, 392, xii, 209; criticised, xi, 170; letters on reenforcement of Southern forts, xi, 296-297, 300-301, xii, 157- INDEX 453 158, 169-171; letter to Seward ad vocating war against South, xii, 151-152, 153 ; supports right of se cession, xii, 273. Scott, Mr., xi, 367. Scroggs, Sir William, decisions of, iii, 278. Sea Eagle, the, case of, vi, 229-230. Seamen, returns under act of May 28, 1796, for relief of American sea men, vii, 20; returns of registered, vii, 230, viii, 266; returns for year 1 846-1847, vii, 494; shipment and discharge, vii, 18-19; destitute, vii, 29, viii, 198-200, 354-355! commercial agent's duties as to, viii, 256; their amenability to local jurisdiction, viii, 275. Search, right of (see High seas) . Seaton, William Winston, iv, 402, xi, 178, 189, 190, 279, 309, 310, 318 (see, also, Gales and Seaton). Secession (see States; and names of particular states). Secretary of state, Buchanan's ap pointment to office of, vi, no— 112; Buchanan's retirement from office of, xi, 481-482; his attitude to wards the office, ix, 288. Secretary of the treasury, printing annual reports of, i, 420, iv, 265- 266 (see, also, Treasury). Seddon, James A., member of Vir ginia peace convention, xi, 119, xii, 129, 130, 132. Sedgwick, Charles B., M. C, xii, 235. Sedgwick, Mr., viii, 429. Sedition laws, alien and, ii, 118, 278, iii, 13, 85-86, 90, 471, iv, 65, 68, 69, 70-71, v, 132, 137. Seely, Burr, case of, viii, 73, 219. Seibels, J. J., minister to Belgium, neutral commerce in Crimean war, ix, 352—353; relations between United States and England, x, 46-47, 49; referred to, x, 51, 59, 76. Sefton, Earl of, ii, 394. Selden, Mr., xi, 178. Sellers, Tobias, iii, 388. Seminole war, iv, 177—178, 442. Semmes, Dr., ii, 242. Semple, James, senator, v, 452, 514; charge to Colombia, claims against Colombia, vi, 178. Senate, Buchanan's election to, ii, 332-333, 34i, 397, 39s, 402-406; his reelection to, iii, 127, 128-129; his third election to, v, 415-417; character of, iii, 1 81-184; consti tutional power of, over foreign re lations, i, 186-188; ii, 163-164; power to amend appropriation bills, iv, 35, 176-177; Polk's sub mission to, of project of convention for settlement of Oregon question, vii, 6-7, 10, 11, 12; removal of officers by, Blair and Rives, iv, 391-404, 502; election of sergeant - at-arms, iv, 404—405; remarks on unfinished business of, iv, 427-428; galleries, ii, 447-450, iv, 38-40; journals, iii, 184-185; report to, Panama canal, vi, 474-475; letter to president of, case of Douglass, viii, 62-63 ; letter to, report of commissioners under treaty of Aug. 9, 1842, viii, 151; letter to president of, government pensions, x, 278; proclamation for special sessions, 1858, 1859, i860, x, 222- 223, 310-311, 455-456; Bright's expulsion from, xi, 250—251, 253, 254, 25S, 261 (see, also, Congress; constitution ; executive) . Sergeant, John, M. C, i, 26, 39, xii, 309, 313, 314; letter to, his candidacy for the gubernatorial nomination, i, 71-72; failure of president to select him as minister to England, i, 139; envoy to Panama congress, i, 186; presi dent of Harrisburg convention, iii, 250. Sergeant, Thomas, his Constitu tional Law; cited, v, 214. Sergeant-at-arms, election 1 of, by senate, iv, 404-405. Seringapatam, annexation of, by Great Britain, ix, 249. Serretta, Rev. John; letter to, passports to Mexico, vii, 121. Serrurier, Mr., French minister, re lations with France, ii, 480, 481, 482-483, 484, 485; recall of, ii, 500, 501. Sevier, Ambrose H., senator, iii, 246, 349, 35o, 357, 371, 372, 407, 425, 460, 464, iv, 253, v, 30, 64, 141, 290, 401, 512, 513, 514, vi, 56; chairman senate comm. on for. aff., letters to, treaties with Prussia and New Granada, vii, 172-173, claim of John Black, ex- consul at Mexico, vii, 488-489; commissioner to Mexico to ex change ratifications of peace treaty, viii, 6, 7, 21, 305, 306, 307, xi, 484; letters to, exchange of ratification of peace treaty, viii, 8-14, 24, 145, 306-307; boundary, commissioner under treaty with Mexico, viii, 268-269. Seward, Frederick W., xi, t88, 190, 193-194- 454 INDEX Seward, William H., senator, iv, 420, viii, 370; on Buchanan's recommendation for constitutional amendment, xii, 116; on Critten den compromise, xii, 120, 278; the "irrepressible conflict," xi, 53, xii, 45-46, 71; secession views, xii, 271, 272; secretary of state, xi, 163, 164, 170, 171, 179, 190, 193- 194, 244-245, 246, 257, 300-301, 311, 381, 426; democratic opposi tion to, xi, 515; Gen. Scott's letter to, advocating war against South, xii, 151-152, 153; mentioned, xii, 279, 282, 283. Seybert, Adam, Statistical Annals, cited, i, 100, 336, 337. Seymour, G. H., Captain H. B. M. S. Pembroke, ix, 434. Seymour, Sir George, ix, 10, 130. Seymour, Gov. Horatio, conscrip tion law, xi, 341; candidate for presidential nomination at demo cratic national convention, xii, 67; mentioned, xi, 328, 354, 379, 396; et al, letter to (see Committee of notification) . Seymour, Thomas H., minister to Russia, ix, 102. Shaff, Henry, extradition proceed ing against, ix, 140. Shaffner, Taliaferro P., incident of purchase in England of sub marine exploding materials, ix, 407-410, 418, 429-433, 455-456, 482, x, 18. Shalcross, Mr., charges against Isaac Cook, x, 329. Shaler, Judge, applicant for dis trict attorneyship, iv, 323. Shaler, Mr., presidential campaign, 1840, iv, 322. Shallow, the, capture of, vii, 194. Shannon, Wilson, minister to Mex ico, letter to, his return to the United States, vi, 134-136; Bald win claim, vi, 162, 163. Shapter, Mr., ix, 392, 393, 396. Shapter, Mrs., ix, 392, 393, 396, 426, 428, 458, 466, 478, 481, x, 22, 28, 60, 72. Sharon, Rev. James R., Buchanan's preceptor, xii, 291. Sharpe, Peter, M. C, i, 96. Sharswood, Judge George, xi, 264, 446. Shaw & Co., Buchanan's application in behalf of, ii, 364, 377. Shaw, R. G., & Co., register of Ef fort, vii, 248; et al, letter to, in structions to charge^ in Venezuela refused, vi, 222-223. Seaa, Sir George, ii, 395. Sheetz, Henry, iii, 388. Shepherd, Mr., his support of Bu chanan for the presidency, viii, 454- Shepley. Ether, senator, m, 51, 109, no, 111, 113. Sheridan, Mr., x, 177. Sherman, John, his criticism of Buchanan, x, 441, xii, 233, 270, 282; Sherman's bills of 1867, xi, 434—435, 437—438. Sherman, Roger, delegate to fed eral convention, vi, 18. Sherman, General Wm. Tecumseh, xi, 373; mentioned for presidential nomination, 1868, xi, 464-465. Sherman, Mr., xi, 189. Slierwood, the, case of, ix, 205. Shiel, Mr., xi, 273. Shields, Benjamin G., charge1 to Venezuela, letters to, Walter claim, vi, 184; Danels claim, vi, 273-274, viii, 170-171; Taylor claim, vii, 210; claims against Venezuela, vii, 355; revolution in Venezuela, viii, 26-28; complaint against him, viii, 157-158; leave of absence, reception of Vene zuelan minister, viii, 263-264; claims, vii, 69, in, 266, viii, 67- 68, 304; disturbances in Venezuela, viii, 1 ; complaint against him, viii, 154-160; mentioned, vi, 223. Shields, Gen. James, letter to, presidential candidates, annex ation of Mexican territory, Sefior Atocha, vii, 285-288 Shilleto, George, iii, 388. Shino, James N., letter from, xi, 509. Ship-building, affected by tariff leg islation, i, 98-113, 336-351; legis lation affecting, i, 98-113, 336- 351; comparative cost of, i, in, 344-345; Bates' view on American navigation and, ii, 395-396; speech on ship-building and navigating interests, xii, 305. Shippen, Edward, chief justice, ii, 93, 37i- Shipping and seamen (see Consuls; seamen ; vessels) . Ships (see Duties; navigation; navy; vessels) . Shively, John M., deputy post master at Astoria, Oregon terri tory, vii, 257-260. Shrewsbury, Earl of, veto of his bill limiting duration of parlia ment, v, 111-112. Shroder, Mr., viii, 441. Shubrick, Commodore William B., ix, 130; expedition against Para guay, x, 349, xii, 243. INDEX 455 Shulze, Mr., influence in Penn sylvania, i, 72; reelection of, as governor of Penna., i, 173, 216. Shunk, F. R., letters to; et al, Har risburg Fourth of July celebration, Bank of U. S., and its recharter by Pennsylvania, iii, 1 14-124, 426; monetary and banking legislation of Pennsylvania, iv, 405—407; Pennsylvania politics, vi, 66-69; views on income tax and Pennsyl vania politics, vi, 76-78; question of his renomination as governor of Pennsylvania, vii, 118; men tioned, vii, 353, ix, 420; xi, 275, 4°8, 433, 444, 449, 450, 461. Shunk, Mrs. Francis R., vi, 67, 78, xi, 433, 444- Shunk, James, xi, 457. Shunk, Mrs. Jas. F., letters to, birthday congratulations, xi, 438- 439; Buchanan's biography, xi, 449. Siam, treaty with, May 29, 1856, x, 278. Sibley, Col. A. H., ix, 327. Sicily (see Two Sicilies). Sickles, Daniel E., secretary of legation at London, ix, 31, 43, 50, 61, 66, 62, 178, 251, 252; his resignation, ix, 283, 284-285, 286, 287, 288; letter to, his resignation, ix, 290-291; Sanders' letters on asylum, ix, 295; on secession, xii, 279. Sickles, Theresa Bagioli (Mrs. Daniel E.), ix, 32, 291. Sied Ben Calfaun, consul at Muscat, death of, vii, 8. Sierra, Justo, letter to, participa tion of Yucatan in Mexican war, vii, 485-486; commissioner of Yucatan, viii, 54, 57, 58, 59, 74. Silk (see Duties). Silliman, B., Jr., et al, letter to (see Taylor, Nathaniel W.). Silsbee, Nathaniel, M. C, ii, 414, xii, 310— 311, 313. Simmons, James Fowler, senator, v, 17, 18, 498, 500, 509, 514, vi, 8, 56, xii, 125. Simpson, George, supermtendent of Hudson Bay Company, v, 471. Sioux Indians (see Indians). Sisa, Capt., of Unico, vii, 339. Sister, Capt., vii, 41. Skinner, A. N., et al, letter to (see Taylor, Nathaniel W.). Skinner, Commodore, Capt. Bell's failure to salute French fort Aumale, vii, 99. Slavery question, regarded by Bu chanan a great political and moral evil, i, 202—203; transmission of incendiary publications through mails, ii, 443-444, iii, 23-24, 83-94, iv, 25-26, viii, 393-394, xi, 8, xii, 4-6, 99; Lancaster meeting reso lutions, iii, 5-6, viii, 371-372, 373! Pennsylvanian views, iii, 9; the Panama mission, xii, 307; Quaker petition for abolition; constitu tional status of slavery, iii, 21-22, 26, iv, 24, v, 119-121, 350, vi, 109, xii, 1-2, 4-5, 7-9, 332-333; English decisions, ix, 104; Cal houn's resolution against inter meddling with, iii, 341-347, 348- 357; remarks on abolition, iv, 23- 30, 54, 178-180, 299-301, 428, v, 358; provision in proposed extradition treaty with Spain for surrender of slaves, vi, 423; Buchanan's course as senator, x, 91-92, xix, 6-7; in the Terri tories, viii, 178-179; letter on, viii, 369-370, 376; discussion of, viii, 390; a misstatement by Senator Hale, viii, 370-371, 374; com promise of 1850, discussed in the Administration, xii, xii, 12-15; presidential contest of 1852, viii, 437—439; 488-490; British anti- slavery agitation, ix, 59-60; in Cuba, ix, 60, 83-86, 88-89, l66- 167., 215, 265—266, x, 251; Free Soilers, x, 63 ; Harriet Beecher Stowe's "Uncle Tom's Cabin," ix, 104, 108, 115; speech of Louis Napoleon, ix, 463 ; discharge in British ports of American slave deserters; question presented dur ing Buchanan's Presidential cam paign, ix, 486-487, x, 82-84, 96-98, 325; Buchanan's object to repress sectionalism growing out of, x, 100; Buchanan's Inaugural Ad dress, x, 105-110; Dred Scott case, x, io67io8, 235, 325, 341-342, 457- 465, xi, n-12, 329, xii, 97-98, 101— 102, 117, 209, 267, 268, 274, xii, 37-44, 55; Crittenden Compromise, xi, 9, 49, 69, 73-74, 119, I25, 284, 300; British treaty with Honduras, x, 126, 127; establishment of negro colony in Liberia, x, 227-228, 273- 276; Squatter Sovereignty, rights over slavery in the Territories, x, 324-325, 329, 342, 373, 457-464, 465, xi, 1, 10-11, xii, 40; Demo cratic National Conventions, i860, x, 457-464, xi, 516, xii, 53-69; discussed in Fourth Annual Mes sage, i860, xi, 7-25, xii, 98-115; Buchanan's suggested Constitu tional amendment as to, xi, 66, 69, 283-284, xii, 80, 98, 112-114, 456 INDEX 116-117; Virginia Peace Conven tion's proposed amendment, xii, 127-141, 195, 278-279; question discussed in Buchanan's Adminis tration, xii, xi-xiii, 1—2 6 1 ; eman cipation act, xi, 39, 231, 267, 350, 356; the "higher law," xii, 1-2, 332-333; the anti-slavery agita tion, xii, 1-1 1 ; abolition petitions, xii, 5 ; pro-slavery party, xii, 5-6 ; at meeting of Congress, 1849, xii, 11; the "irrepressible conflict," xii, 45-46, 71; Helper's "Impending Crisis," xii, 46-49, 7 1 ; John Brown's raid, xii, 49-53, 71; Personal Lib erty Acts, xii, 70 ; affecting Amistad claim, xii, 237-238; admission of Arkansas, iii, 51, 55-56, iv, 28, x, 90; in District of Columbia, ii, 450- 455, iii, 1, 5-6, 8-24, 24-26, 205, 328-330, 341, 346-347, 348-350, 352-357, iv, 26-30, 179, 301, 409, viii, 369, 394, 395, 396, 404, xii, 13 ; Fugitive slave law, viii, 393-404, xii, 7-9, 12-15, 7°, 81, 102- 103, 272, 273, 281; admission of Kansas, x, 83-84, 97-98, 105-110, 117— 122, 145-151, 166, 169-170, x77, 179-192, 200-202, 225, 229, 242, 34i, 436-437, 461, xi, 10-11, 34-36, 406, 513-514, xii, 19-38; 101, 325; in Kentucky, iv, 24, vi, 16; in Maryland, iv, 24, vi, 16, viii, 396; Mexican territory annex ation, vii, 287; Wilmot proviso, viii, 369, 394-396, 402, xi, 474, xii, 9-1 1, 12 ; admission of Missouri, iii, 6, 143 ; Missouri Compromise, iii, 51, 55, 351, iv, 28, vi, 17, 90, vii, 287, 386-387, viii, 178-179, 369- 37o, 370-371. 374-376, 383-385, 385, 388, 402, 437-439, 489-490, ix: 486-487, x, 23, 106-108, xi, 9, 69, 73-74, 1.9, I..5, 373, 399, 476, 479, 509, xii, xii, 11, 12, 15- 19, 80, 100, 118; in Missouri, iv, 24, vi, 16; Oregon Territory, vi, 90; Texan annexation, vi, 15-17, 90— 91, 107-110; admission of Texas, vii, 386, vu|f-"i:78-i79; admission of Texas arid California, viii, 369- 37°, 3717572, 383-385, 385-388; in Virginia, iv, 24, vi, 16, 108, ix, 60, xii, 3-4 (see, also, Constitution; Nebraska-Kansas ; Presidential election; States; Virginia conven tion) . Slave trade, British indemnities for slaves under treaty of Ghent, i, 237—238; Monroe's message on sup pression of, x, 427; case of Manuel del Barco, i, 427-428; Webster- Ashburton treaty provisions as to suppression of, v, 359-360, vii, 332, x, 309-310, 421; prosecution of violation of law against, vi, 124- 125, 170— 171, 204—205, 220—221, 229—230, 259—260, 398, 399, 408- 409, 453-454; answers to questions as to law on, refused, vi, 226; slave trade in Brazil: Porpoise affair, vi, 267-271; generally, vi, 338, 474, vii, 406-407, 407-409, 508, viii, 349; Brazilian protest against British anti-slave trade law, vi, 408 ; and search in connection with French suppression of, opposed, vi, 357; liability for seizure of Albert for alleged violation of law against, vi, 389-393; case of Capt. Frisbie, charged with violating law against, vi, 463, 494-500; consular duties as to vessels engaged in, vii, 8 ; case of Lucy Penniman, vii, 257; case of Catherine, vii, 320; case of S. W. Nash, x, 69 ; in Cuba, ix, 85- 86; importation of slaves, x, 288- 289, 295—296, xi, 38; messages on, and references to, African slave trade, vii, 117, x, 209, 309—310, 342-345, 421, 426-429, 430, xi, 25-26, 56. Slaymaker, Amos, ii, 267. Slaymaker, Mrs. Jane, letter to, Empress Catharine, Emperors Paul and Alexander, the court, social life, friends in America, ii, 263- 268; mentioned, xi, 433. Slemmer, Lt. Adam J., commander of Fort Pickens, xi, 284, 285, 286, 299, 3°6, xii, 194-197. Slemmer, Mr., vi, 62. Slemons, Thomas W., consul at Matamoros, letter to, American shipping to Matamoros, viii, 272- 274. Slidell, John, minister to Mexico, vi, 326, 478-479; correspondence with: his mission, vi, 264-265; instructions covering questions of boundary, claims, Texas, Cali fornia, New Mexico, vi, 294-306; payment of claims against Mexico, vi, 3 1 1-3 13; proposed treaty with Mexico concerning boundaries and claims, vi, 345-346, 360-362, 363- 365; his duties, vi, 402-406; his resignation accepted, vii, 21 1-2 12; Mexican indemnities due in 1844, vii, 30-31; possible peace nego tiations with Mexico, vii, 90; re fusal of Mexican government to receive him, vii, 146; his instruc tions, vii, 504; Polk's refusal to communicate to House his instruc tions, vii, 490-492; letter to, INDEX 457 Cuba, privateering, ix, 200-202; letter from, approves Ostend re port, Marcy's attitude towards the presidency, Pierce's political posi tion, ix, 332-333; letter to, Bu chanan's attitude and views on the presidency, 1855-6, ix, 485- 487; letter from, same subject, x, 8, 23; supports Buchanan for the presidential nomination, x, 64; letter from, appointment of Cass as secretary of state, xi, 57-58; senator, on Crittenden compromise, xi, 119, xii, 125; correspondence with: Beauregard's removal from West Point, xi, 122; et al, corre spondence on Fort Sumter, xi, 129, 132; the Southern forts, xi, 256, 285-286; Holt's letter to, on Fort Sumter, xii, 183; Fort Pickens, xii, 194-196; mentioned, ix, 12, 15, 153; seizure of (see Mason, James M.) ; et al, senators (see Wigfall, Louis T.). Slidell, Mrs. John, viii, 460, ix, !53, 487, x, 23. Sloane, John, M. C, i, 275, 276. Sloat, John Drake, Commodore, charge of French acting consul at Monterey, vii, 366-367, 373. Slocum, George W., African slave- trade with Brazil, vi, 338. Smith, A., boundary commissioner, treaty Aug. 9, 1842, vii, 181. Smith, Adam, currency, iv, 186. . Smith, Ashbel, Texan minister, on Texan annexation, vi, 153. Smith, Becky, x, 67. Smith, Caleb B., secretary of inte rior, xi, 170, 205. Smith, David, et al, letter to (see Taylor, Nathaniel W.). Smith, David M., et al, letter to, (see Taylor, Nathaniel W.). Smith, George, iii, 388. Smith, Gilbert, case of the Sea Eagle, vi, 229—230. Smith, Sir Harry, vii, 309-310. Smith, Houston, iii, 397. Smith, Israel, senator, iii, 17. Smith, J. Hosford, complaint against Mr. Finn, British consul at Jerusalem, x, 306, 312-313, 314, 3i7- Smith, J. Lawrence, engaged to cultivate cotton in Turkey, vii, 62- 63, 634. , _ Smith, James McC, et al, letter to, case of American enslaved in Cuba, viii, 142. Smith, John, marshal, i, 21. Smith, John, senator of N. Y., iii, 17. Smith, John, senator of Ohio, iii, 17. Smith, John C, et al. (see Andrews, Joshua) . Smith, Mary and Nannie, xi, 465. Smith, Nathan, senator, ii, 412, 425, 464, 5°7- Smith, Oliver H., M. C, i, 357, 371, 372, 399, 425, 460, 464, 480-481, 5°7, v, 23, 141, 165, 174, 178, 179, 310, 311. Smith, Perry, senator, iii, 357, 460. Smith, Gen. Persifor F., Spanish claims for military acts of Ameri cans in Mexico, viii, 210, 283; sent to Kansas, 1856, x, 97. Smith, Rebecca, xi, 411. Smith, Richard, cashier of bank of the Metropolis, v, 161. Smith, Richard, Madison MSS., viii, 86. Smith, Samuel, senator, iii, 17, 117. Smith, Truman, letter to, mission of agent to St. Domingo, viii, 49-50. Smith, Captain, of the Sea Eagle, case of, vi, 230. Smith, Col., presidential campaign, 1840, iv, 322. Smith, Mr., viii, 454, xi, 220. Smith, Prof., his criticism of Bu chanan, xii, 269. Smithies, Thomas Bywater, Tal. P. Shaffner incident, ix, 407-410, 418, 429-433, x, 18. Smithson [James] Fund, remarks on, vi, 80-82. Smyth, Alexander, M. C, i, 370, 397- Smyth, William, iii, 388. Snequireff, John, ii, 360. Snively, Major, Texan commander, vi, 334- Snook, John S., letter to, Oregon treaty, vii, 103. Snowden, J. R., et al, letter to, declines invitation of democrats in Pennsylvania legislature, iv, 121— 123. Snyder, Simon, governor of Penn sylvania, v, 134, viii, 495. Snyder, Miss, xi, 456. Snyder, Mr., et al, letter to, de clines invitation of Philadelphia Democrats, iv, 1. Sobieski, John, ii, 354. Society for the Abolition of Slavery, memorial of, ii, 452. Society of Arts, Manufactures and Commerce, London, on postal rela tions between the United States and Great Britain, ix, 318. Society of Friends, slavery petitions, iii, 328, iv, 409; petition on use of bloodhounds in Seminole war, iv, 177. 458 INDEX Solar de la Marguerite, Count, case of Jeni Dunia, vii, 296. Sumerset, Duchess of, ix, 159,458, 478. SOMERVILLE, SlR WlLLIAM, VU1, 321. Sophia, Princess, ii, 354, 355- Sotomayor, Duke of, vii, 376-379. Soulard, Antoine, claims, ii, 26, 43, 128-162 (see, also, Peck, Judge James H., impeachment of). Soule, Pierre, min. to Spain, case of Black Warrior, ix, 199, 212; Cuba, ix, 201; Ostend conference on Cuba, ix, 251—253, 259, 260- 266, 267, 268, 285, 289; Ostend report on Cuba, xi, 498; his con duct, ix, 268, 305; excluded from France, ix, 271-274, 275; men tioned, ix, 280, 281. Sound dues (see Denmark; Inter national Waters; Navigation). South America, effect of independ ence of provinces of, on trade, i, 44 ; potential consequences of .recog nition of provinces of, i, 47-48; religious toleration in, i, 199; early exportations to, i, 224, 225, 226, 227; relations with, Polk's first annual message, vi, 335; relations with, Polk's third annual message, vii, 480-481; (see, also, particular countries; Spain; Spanish- Amer ican States). South Carolina, in election of 1824-5, i, 121; nullification act, ii, 316, 318-319, 328, 336, 339-340, 477, iii, 160, 342, iv, 87, v, 153, 310, xi, 13, 47-48, 284, 389, xii, 76-79, 104, 140, 157, 271, 276-277; bank laws of, v, 512; tonnage duties imposed by, x, 385 _; secession movement of 1 860-1, xi, 249; peace commissions, xi, 5, 56-57, 58, 60- 65, 67-68, 70-72, 76-84, 84-93, 94-99, 100-101, 102-103, 105, 106, 109— in, 113, 123—124, 126— 141, 141-143, 156-159, 163—164, 166, 170, 171, 171-173, 173-174, 174- 175, 177-178, 182-183, I85, 188- 189, 192, 194-195, 196-197, 201- 203, 207—209, 210-211, 212, 214— 216, 221, 256, 266, 279-307, 310- 3I5, S-tS-i'l, 321-323, .363-364, 397-398, 400; first mission from, xii, 159-166, 268, 283; second mis sion of Hayne, xii, 175-186, 199; Tyler and Robertson's mission, xii, 186-188; Gov. Pickens' de mand for surrender of Fort Sum ter, xi, 70-71, 73; draft of answer, xi, 71-72; maintenance of status quo at Charleston harbor, xi, 56-57 ; mission of Caleb Cushing to, xi, 68, 73; secession of, xi, 5, 17-18, 76-77, 79-84, 94-99, l82, xii, 71, 79-83, 92, 120, 127, 134, 136, 142- 143, 159, 278; message on foreign vessels at Charleston, xi, 112; men tioned, xii, 71. Southard, Samuel L., senator, ii, 477, iii, 36, 37, 41, 46, 109, no, in, 112, 113, 114, 371, 37..., 46o, 464, 507, iv, 112, 258, 284, viii, 471. Southern forts, Federal protection and reinforcement of, xi, 5, 56-57, 58,60-65, 67-68, 70-72, 76-84, 84- 93, 94-99, 100-101, 102-103, 105, 106, 109-111, 113, 115, 123-124, 126-141, 141-159, 159-188, 189- 210, 210-211, 212, 214-216, 221, 256, 266, 277, 279-307, 310-315, 3~S-3-1, 321-323, 363-364, 397- 398, 400; affairs at, after close of Buchanan's administration, xi,i67- 168, 169, 170, 175, 176, 177, 178, 179-180, 186, 187, 188, 190, 209- 210, 223, 224, xii, 209 (see, also, South Carolina). Southwestern frontier, message on difficulties on, x, 405. Southern secession (see States, Seces sion) . Souza e Oliveira, Brazilian min. for for. aff., case of Lt. Davis and Mr. Wise's conduct, vii, 388 et seq. Sovereign, engaging of Sultan of Muscat in trade, vii, 429. Sovereign of the Seas, mutiny aboard, ix, 35, 36, 41, 42, 48-49, 51-52, 78-80, 98, 99, 323. Sovereignty, its acquisition and loss, acquisition by discovery, Oregon, vi, 214—220; treaty of peace with Mexico, viii, 16-17; cession or acquisition of territory under the treaty-making power, Texas, vi, 9, 19-20, 40, 97—100; annexation by a neutral, Texas, vi, 37-39, 100; de facto government, Texas, iii, 62, 72, 125, 233, 247; Dom Miguel's government, iii, 62; Spanish- Amer ican provinces, iii, 62-63 ; treaties with Peru, vii, 326-328; effect of change of, treaty of peace with Mexico, vii, 274; Louisiana treaty, vii, 274; effect of change of, on public law, Wisconsin territory, viii, 127; effect of change of on boundaries, i, 55; effect of change of on political and private rights, Mexican cession, viii, 309-312; effect of change of on public debts, Texas, vi, 39-40, viii, 176; Colom bia and New Granada, vi, 175-181, viii, 60-69, 170-17 1, 304; Danels claim against Venezuela, vi, 273- INDEX 459 274; Mexican cession, vi, 364-365; Peru-Bolivian, viii, 77; (see, also, Popular Sovereignty; Slavery; Squatter Sovereignty). Spain, rescue of, from French armies, i, 7 ; bankrupt law in, i, 2 5 ; recognition of South American colonies, i, 47- 48, 180, 181; cession of Louisiana to France, treaty of St. Ildefonso, vii, 377; cession by Great Britain of East and West Florida, ii, 1-2 ; treaties with Great Britain, Sept. r3, I783, July 14, 1786, viii, 80, 91, ix, 58, 65, 90, 118, 121-128, 136, 218, 219, 222, 234, 235, 238, 240, 241, 404; Nootka Sound con vention with Great Britain, Oct. 20, 1794, v, 472-473, vi, 194-204, 213-217, 231-240, 241-242; treaty with the U. S. of Oct. 27, 1795, ii, 202, 345, vi, 426, vii, 99, 290-292, viii, 259-260, x, 141, 252, 345, xii, 237; questions under treaty: boun daries, ii, 2, 5, 7, 9, 10, privateering during Mexican war, vi, 488-489, vii, 1 51-154; case of Carmelita, vii, 325-326, 334-342, 355-356, Amistad claim, vii, 482 ; war with Great Britain, 1796, ix, 136; treaty of alliance with Great Britain, 1809, ix, 124, 235, 240; treaty with Great Britain, Aug. 28, 1814, vi, 199-200, 213—217, 234—236, ix, 124; peace with Great Britain, 1815, ix, 235; liberal Cortes in, opposed by holy alliance, xii, 252; provisions of treaty of Feb. 22, 1819, for cession of Florida, i, 55, ii, 4, iii, 64, 351, vi, 8, 10, 19, 97, 187—188, 213—217, 231—240, 300-301, vii, 140, 141, 377, viii, 10, 16, 121, ix, 266; claims convention, Feb. 17, 1834, vi, 463-464, 472-473, vii, 237-238, 317, 322, viii, 270—271; payment of indemnity, convention of Aug. 11, 1834 [sic], vii, 447—448, 489; importation of Spanish brandy, i, 221—227; succession upon death of King Ferdinand, ii, 238; cur rency standard, iii, 267; Jackson's invasion of Florida in pursuit of Indians, iv, 441—442; case of the Restauracion, vi, 147; Sicilian commercial concessions to, vi, 149; its claim for excess duties, vi, 182-183, 333, 393-394, vii, 54, 75; claim of Juana V. Keefe against, vi, 396, 469-470, vii, 104-105; proposed extradition treaty with, vi, 422-423; its Amistad claim, vi, 426, 453, vii, 232-233, 242, 423- 424, 482, viii, 128, xi, 28, xii, 237- 238; J. V. Morales, claim against, vi, 470; seizure of Spanish vessels during Mexican war, vi, 498-499; indemnity payments, vii, 122-123; its proposed mediation between U. S. and Mexico, vii, 129-130, 290; referred to, boundary of Louisiana, vii, 140; claim of Mrs. Cullen, vii, 228-229; Flores expedition, vii, 251-252, 253-254; case of Carmelita, vii, 325-326, 334-342, 355-356, 423; claims of, viii, 210-21 1 ; claims arising out of Mexican war, viii, 282-283, 288-289, 298, 299; protectorate over Yucatan, viii, 378; case of the Black Warrior, ix, 199, 201, 202, 212, 266; insurrection in, ix, 214-215, 247; treaty with Nicaragua, July 25, 1850, ix, 233; difficulties with, 1854, ix, 242; mutual claims, x, 140-141, 249- 253, 349-35°; xii, 236-238; mes sage on commercial treaty with, x, 310; message on claims conven tion, March 5, i860, x, 425; rela tions with, annual message of 1857, x, 140-141, annual message of 1858, x, 249-253, annual message of 1859, x, 349—350, annual mes sage of i860, xi, 28—29; relations with, during Buchanan's adminis tration, xii, 236-238 (see, also, Cuba; Porto Rico). Spalding, Mr., instructed by Gov. of Georgia to suspend running and marking the Florida boundary, ii, 5. Spanish-American states, redress against seizures recommended in 1859, x, 360-362. Spanish-American colonies, resub- jugation of, object of holy alliance, xii, 253; policy of United States toward, i, 179-180; recognition by United States of independence of, i, 190, iii, 62T63, viii, 235. Spanish land titles in Upper Louisi ana (see Peck, Judge James H., Impeachment of). Spark, Jared, northeastern bound aries, v, 363-364, 488. Sparks, Miss, x, 214. Spayd, George F., letter to (see Kessler, Charles). Speaker of the House (see House of Representatives) . Special agents (see Intercourse of states) . Specie payments (see Currency). Speech, Feb. 12, 1819, on Cumber land road, i, 398-417 ; Jan. 9, 1822, Indian appropriations, i, 11-20; March 12, 1822, bankruptcy bill, 460 INDEX i, 24-43, xii, 302; Feb. 7, 1823, new tariff bill, i, 56-57, xii, 3037 304; April 9, 1824, tariff bill, i, 97-113; Jan. 9, 10, 1826, judi ciary system, i, 147-167, xii, 306; Feb. 4, 1828, retrenchment, i, 286- 312, xii, 309; April n, 1826, mission to Panama, i, 184-206, xii, 307; Feb. 4, 1828, retrench ment, iv, 75-76; April 1-2, 1828, tariff bill, i, 330-361; Jan. 19, 1829, Cumberland road, i, 383- 396; Jan. 14, 1830, the judiciary, i, 429-449; April 21, 1830, impeach ment of Judge Peck, i, 24-38; Feb. I7, 1835, removal of executive officers, ii, 421-434; Feb. 1, 2, 1836, relations with France, ii, 466—514; April 1, 1836, admission of Michi gan, iii, 36-50; Jan. 16, 1837, Jack son expunging resolution, iii, 168- 195; Sept. 29, 1837, public officers as depositories, iii, 264-314, 337, also, iv, 210-211, 214—216, 217, 218—219, 220—221, 223—224; April 23, 1838, resurrection notes, iii, 425-458; June 18, 1838, the north eastern boundary, iii, 481—502; Feb. 14, 1839, interference with elections, iv, 54-91; Jan. 22, 1840, independent treasury, iv, 134-175, 308; Aug. 5, 1840, before Penn sylvania state democratic conven tion at Lancaster, iv, 288-320; June 15, 1 84 1, McLeod case, iv, 428-451; July 7, 1841, fiscal bank of U. S., iv, 463-500; July 24, 1841, the bankrupt bill, v, 1-13; Sept. 2, 1 84 1, fiscal corporation of U. S., v, 44-72; Dec. 29, 1841, board of exchequer, v, 80-95; Feb. *, 1842, veto power, v, 98-139; May 9, 1842, United States courts, v, 205—240; June 4, 1842, apportion ment bill, v, 268-284; Aug. 19, 1842, Webster- Ashburton treaty, v, 341-388; Feb. 2, 1843, on veto power, viii, 371; March 12, 1844, Oregon question, v, 452-480; June 8, 1844, annexation of Texas, vi, 5-44; April 24, 1856, at New York in response to greetings, x, 77-78; June 8, 1856, in regard to his support for the presidency, x, 80; June 9, 1856, his nomination to the presidency, x, 81; Nov. 6, 1856, the democratic success, x, 96-98; July 9, i860, the demo cratic national nominations, x, 457—464; at banquet to Lord Elgin, ix, 173-175, 176, 177; (see, also, Address; Argument; Eulogy; Remarks ; Reports ; Resolutions) . Speech, freedom of (see Freedom of speech and press; Constitution). Speer, Elizabeth, mother of Bu chanan, xii, 289 (see, also, Buchan an, Mrs. Elizabeth Speer). Speer, Dr., viii, 423. Speer, Mrs., ix, 480. Spence, Carroll, et al, letter to, campaign issues, 1852, viii, 433- 435- Spence, John S., iii, 371, 372, 460, 464. Spencer, Ambrose, M. C, i, 444; manager to conduct impeachment of Judge Peck, ii, 41, 42, 83, xii, 438- Spencer, Herbert, quoted, xii, 267. Spencer, Joshua A., U. S. dist. atty., N. Y., McLeod case, vii, 23. Spencer, Mr., gives a lecture on temperance, xi, 332. Spezzia, naval depot at, viii, 141, 146-147, 291. Spirits, use of ardent, in navy, ii, n-12 (see, also, Duties). Sprague, Horatio J., consul at Gibraltar, letter to, Austrian con sulship at Gibraltar, viii, 191. Sprague, John, case of, vi, 272. Sprague, Peleg, M. C, i, 209, 210, 211, 33°, 331, 354, 355, 359', men" tioned, vii, 206. Sprague, S. E., vii, 206. Squatter sovereignty, rights over slavery in territories (see Slavery question) . Squirrel Island, vii, 71, 176-177, 178. St. Alexander Nevsky, ii, 232. Saint Croix river (see Great Britain, northeastern boundary dispute, iii, 481-502, iv, 2-23). St. Bartholomew, refusal by United States to purchase, from Sweden, vi, 212. St. Clair Flats bill, veto message on, x, 377-387- St. Germains, Lord, accompanied Prince of Wales on his visit to U. S., xii, 328. St. Johns (see Great Britain, north eastern boundary dispute, iii, 481- 502, iv, 2-23). St. Lawrence river (see Great Britain, northeastern boundary dispute, iii, 381-502, iv, 2-23, vii, 309). St. Louis Union, viii, 427. St. Louis & New Orleans Telegraph Co., Tal. P. Shaffner incident, ix, 409. St. Pierre, commercial intercourse with, vii, 71-72, 281, 285. St. Mary's river, boundary line, ii, 1, 2, 3,4, 5, 7, 8. INDEX 461 St. Petersburg Railroad Company, remarks on, v, 410-415. St. Salvador (see Salvador). St. Sauveur, cathedral of, ii, 356. St. Sierge, ii, 360, 361, 367, 371. St. Sophia, church of, ii, 348-349. St. Vrain, Ceran, recommended for governorship of N. Mex., vii, 3i4- Stackelberg, Baron, ii, 351, 352. Stackpole, Mr., xi, 274. Stafford, Lady, ix, 50, 61, 105, 428 Stanhope, Lord and Lady, x, 50. Stanley, Lt., U. S. S. Wyandotte, x, 43°- Stanley, Mr. and Mrs., ix, 259. Stanley, Edward, M. C, viii, 442. Stanton, Benjamin, M. C, xii, 89, 138, 188, 201, 235. Stanton, Edwin M., letters to, examination of Forney before the Covode committee, x, 423 ; drafts on secretary of war, xi, 75; Bu chanan's reply to South Carolina commissioners, xi, 84-93 '• corre spondence with, incidents at Wash ington, Gen. Scott, the late cabinet members, xi, 163-164; political situation, Virginia, Douglas, xi, 166; Fort Sumter, supreme court, xi, 169; Lincoln's policy, tariff, Maj. Anderson, xi, 170; Fort Sumter and General Scott, xi, 171; Fort Sumter, tariff, new loan, xi, 176-177; Scott's "views," armed collision, Fort Sumter, xi, 177-178; Twiggs, military activity, Lin coln's administration, Fort Sum ter, xi, 179-180; the war, Wash ington city, ix, 180; attack on Fort Sumter, xi, 188-189; Sew ard's negotiations with Confed erate commissioners, the war, xi, 190-191; Judge Campbell's nego tiations with Seward, xi, 193-194; politics, partisan acts, military inaction, xi, 203—204; army ap pointments, military reverses, Gen. Dix, xi, 204-205; case of Mr. Weaver, xi, 205-206; Buchanan's defense, course as to Southern forts, xi, 210-211; progress of the war, Dix, xi, 213-214; orders to the commander of the Brooklyn, xi, 256; appointed attorney gen eral, by Buchanan, xii, 94, 95; Buchanan's opinion of, xii, 94; appointed secretary of war by Lincoln, xi, 247, 248, 253-254; mentioned, xi, 171, 195, 212, 219, 225, 226-227, 257, 259, 261, 262, 263, 264, 266, 268, 269, 270, 271, 313, 319, 322, 326, 361, 364, 365, 377, 426, 465, xii, 270, 275, 282. Stanton, Mrs. Edwin M., xi, 177, 178. Stanton, Frederick P., secretary of territory of Kansas, xi, 182, xi, 23, 28. Staples, William J., consul at Havre, letters to: consular certi ficates, vii, 492-493; contentions with local authorities, viii, 251- 253- Star Chamber, Covode investigation compared with, x, 403, 438, xii, 224, 230. Star of the West, the expedition of, xi, 100, 104, 136, 156, 157-158, 163, 172, 185, 221, 224, 288, 289, 290, 298, 397-398, 400, xii, 147-158, 168—177, 189—194. Stark, Lt. W. E., case of Lt. Davis, vii, 390 et seq., 458. State department (see Department of State). States, power as to bankruptcies, i, 29-33; jurisdiction over federal law violations, i, 387-388, 403-404; judicial powers, ii, 56-80; bill for review by United States courts of criminal proceedings in state courts, v, 205-240, 350; assumption of state debts, iv, 182-183, v, 423, 424 ; defaulting states, vi, 1 1 7-1 18 ; state rights generally, viii, 414- 415, 431-432; state rights, appor tionment bill, v, 268-286; Vir ginia resolutions of 1798, viii, 415, 431-432; Kentucky resolu tions, viii, 431-432; centralized government, viii, 3 6-3 7 ; equality of states, x, 7-25, 457-464; rela tions between federal govern ment and the states, veto of bill donating public lands to, x, 302- 303 ; power of federal government to compel execution of land trusts by, x, 303-304; constitutional power over internal improvements, St. Clair Flats bill, x, 380-387; Mississippi river resolution, x, 388; imposition of tonnage duties by, x, 385; right of secession denied by Buchanan, xi, 75, 385, 441, xii, 94, 100-101, 103-108, 115, 271-276; refutes charge as to his views on secession, xi, 388-390, 391-392; discussed in Buchan an's Administration, xii, 72-83, 97; questions of secession and coercion, xi, 5, 7-25, 55, 56-57, 58, 60-65, 67-68, 70-72, 75, 76-84, 84-93, 94- 99, 100-101, 116-118, 171-173, 462 INDEX 182-184, 185, 188-189, 201, 279- 307, 3IO-3i5, 3*5-317, 321-323, 431-432, xii, 95-96, 108-112, 268, 271-274, 276-278, 278-285, 331- 333; secession and coercion dis cussed by George Ticknor Curtis, xi, 43_54; Buchanan supports preservation of union, x, 88, 92, 233-234, 339-346, 465, 466, xi, 7-25, 94-99, xii, 273-274, 284; Southern secession, xi, 66, xii, 9; secession of Alabama, xii, 120, 127, 138; of Florida, xii, 127; of Georgia, xii, 120, 127 ; of Louisiana, xii, 120, 127; of Mississippi, xii, 120, 127; of North Carolina, xii, 126; of South Carolina, x, 5, 17- 18, 76-77, 79-84, 94-99, 182, xi, 68, 73, xii, 79-83, 92, 120, 127, 134, 136, 142-143, 159, 278; of Ten nessee, xii, 126; of Texas, xii, 120; of Virginia, xii, 71, 89, 143; Bu chanan supports Civil war, xi, 217, 222—223, 224, 256, 261, 272, 276, 278, 33J-332, 336, 337, xii, 91, 95~ 97, 114-115; admission (see par ticular states) ; nullification (see South Carolina, nullification) ; slav ery (see Slavery question; see, also, Constitution; South Carolina; Virginia) . States of the church, diplomatic relations with, vii, 482, viii, 42- 45, 332-333; political condition in, viii, 332-333; reciprocity with, x, 194-195; message on outrage upon Americans at Perugia, x, 375-376. Stavert, Figomala, Miller & Co., ix, 392. Steam men-of-war, construction of, iv, 36-37- Steamship line proposed between United States and Europe, vi, 462; between Philadelphia and Liver pool, viii, 404-411. Steenman, Miss, xi, 410. Steere, Thomas, consul at Dundee, ix, 144, i53- Stephens, Alexander H., M. C, xi, 484, xii, 271-272. Stephens, John L., special agent to Central America, viii, 83. Stephens, William, iii, 397. Sterigere, John B., M. C, ii, 40; letters to: St. Petersburg, Rus sian people and institutions, offi cial etiquette, ii, 219-221; per sonals, Buchanan's future career, Russian winter, social duties of American minister, ii, 331-334; prophesies Polk's election, vi, 62; mentioned, iii, 388. Sterling, British rear admiral, en gaged in suppressing Chinese pi racy, x, 18. Sterrett, Mr., his marriage to Miss Bryan, v, 436. Steuer-Verein, vi, 434. Stevens, Isaac Ingalls, governor of Washington Terr., x, 293, 350-352. Stevens, Thaddeus, Pennsylvania state senator, iv, 317; M. C, xi, 251-252, 415; letter to, White House furnishings, xi, 418-419; same subject, xi, 422 ; mentioned, iv, 31, 291, 297, 302, xi, 452. Stevens, Governor, delegate from Oregon to democratic national convention, i860, xii, 62, 63; at Breckinridge convention, xii, 69. Stevens, Mrs., xi, 228. Stevenson, Andrew, minister to England, iv, 412, 413, 416; M. C, xii, 309. Stevenson, James S., of Pennsyl vania, M. C, i, 167, 169, 271, 272. Stevenson, V. K., introduction of cotton culture in Turkey, vi, 487. Stevenson, Mr., ii, 233, 386. Stevenson, Mr., claim of Jones, vii, 108. Stevenson, Mr., the "bargain and corruption" charge, x, 85, 91 ; men tioned, xi, 254. Stewart, Andrew, M. C, i, 98, 115, 116, 271, 273, 274, 399, 408; Pennsylvania democratic politics, v, 254; member of Pennsylvania legislature, xii, 298. Stewart, Commodore Charles, fa vors dry dock at Philadelphia, iii, 407. Stickel, Jacob, iii, 388. Stieglitz, Baron, ii, 288-289, 3*4, 3J9- Stiles, William H., charge1 to Austria, vi, 146; letters to, French revolution, viii, 41-42; employ ment of assistant not authorized, viii, 113; exposes political adven turers in Austria, viii, 195; good offices between Hungary and Aus tria, viii, 302-303. Stocks, government, remarks on the exchange of, i, 43-45. Stockton, Commodore Robert F., accident aboard the Princeton, v, 448; orders to, for defense of Texas, upon annexation, vi, 165, 173; appointment of navy agent by, vii, 196; controversy with Gen. Kearney, vii, 332; succeeds Com modore Sloat, vii, 366. Stockton, Mr., his Democratic affil iations, xi, 383. INDEX 463 Stoddard, Jonathan, U. S. dist. atty. at New Haven, letter to, slave-trade law violations, vi, 399. Stone, David, senator, iii, 17. Storer, Commodore G. W., viii, 295. Storrs, Henry R., M. C, i, 129, 167, 168-169, 324, 327, 331, 405, ii, 38, xi, 438; manager to conduct impeachment of Judge Peck, ii, 41, 42, 89, 125. Story, Joseph, on bankrupt law, v, 225; Martin vs. Hunter's lessee, v, 228; Commentaries on the Constitution, v, 230; Holmes vs. Jennison, v, 237; on consular awards under treaty with Prussia, July 11, 1799, vi, 208, 284—285, 288, 332-333; Fugitive Slave act, xii, 9. Stowe, Mrs. Harriet Elizabeth Beecher, "Uncle Tom's Cabin," ix, 104, 108, 115. Strange, Robert, senator, iii, 163, 321, 357, 425, 481, 507, iv, 83, 189, 193. Stranger, the, vii, 283. Strelitz (see Germanic States, Mecklenburg) . Stringer, Mr., claim of, vii, 183. Strobel, Capt., Crampton's com plicity in British recruitments in the United States, ix, 417, 444, x, 26. Strohm, Mr., iv, 31. Strong, Stephen, M. C, viii, 445. Strube, John, xi, 462. Stuart, David, establishment of a post in northwestern territory, vi, 251. Stuart, Lord Dudley, ix, 69. Stuart, Mr., attache of British embassy, ii, 183, 313. Stuber, Blaise, case of, vii, 314-315. Stucken, Edward, pro tem. consul of Hanover, letter to, procedure to obtain exemption of Hanover ian vessels and cargoes from dis criminating duties, vi, 336-337; mentioned, vi, 439. Sturgeon, Daniel, senator, v, 28, 35, 514, vi, 56, 137, xi, 513. Sturgesws.Crowninshield, 1,29-33. Sturgis, Russell, ix, 205, 387. Sturgis, Mrs. Russell, ix, 427, 471. Sturgis, Miss, marriage to Mr. Coleman, x, 59, 68. Sturm an, Peter, case of, ix, 187. Submarine defense, Walley's plan, vi, 508-509. Sub-treasury (see Independent treas ury). Suffrage (see Elective franchise). Sugar (see Duties). Sullivan, John, viii, 278. Sullivan, Joseph, & Sons, et al., letter to, French restrictions on tobacco trade, viii, 64. Sullivan, Mr., ii, 395. Sullivan, Mr., Jr., ii, 395. Sullivan, Mr., death of, xi, 340. Sully, Duke of, ix, 73. Sultan, the, case of, viii, 70. Summers, George W., North Car olina member of Virginia peace commission, xi, 119, xii, 131. Sumner, Charles, senator, on Con federate States, xi, 350, 415, 452, xii, 125, 282. Sumpter, Thomas, Jr., claim of, iii, 363- Sumter, Thomas, senator, iii, 17. Sumter, Fort, firing on, xi, 51 (see, also, South Carolina; Southern forts) . Sun, letter to, its offer to telegraph news from Mexico, vii, 129. Supreme court (see Courts) . Susannah, the schooner, seizure of, by Mexico, vii, 15. Susquehanna river (see Internal im provements) . Sutherland, Joel G., M. C, ii, 21; member of Pennsylvania legisla ture, xii, 298. Sutherland, Judge, ii, 333, 341. Sutherland, T. J., letter to, release of American prisoners in Van Diemen's Land, vi, 271-272. Sutters, George, case of, ix, 187. Swann, Benjamin L., letter to, vii, 266. Swarr, Dr., xi, 338, 345, 411. Swarr, Mrs., xi, 411. Swarr, Miss, xi, 345. Swartwout, Samuel, collector of customs at New York, v, 142, 143, i44, 145- Swasey, Gustavus A., letter to, application for a passport, vi, 356. Sweden and Norway, treaty of Roes- kild, 1658, viii, 220 ; duties on hemp and iron, affecting trade with, i, 1 1 1 ; commercial treaty, July 4, 1827, ii, 208, 215, 272, 276, 286, 345, vii, 304-307, viii, 109-110, 346; treaty with Russia, ii, 269, 270, 271, 276, 277, 278, 279, 287, 293, 297, 298; rejection of proffered sale of St. Bartholomew by, vi, 212; reciprocity with, viii, 3 1 5-3 1 6 ; the Crimean war, ix, 141, 147, 155; message on extradition treaty with, x, 398. Sweet, John R., request for dis charge of, from British army, ix, 483- 464 INDEX Swift, Benjamin, senator, iii, 51, 109,. no, in, 209-210, 357, 425, 460, 464, 507. Switzerland, proposed commercial treaty with, vi, 210-211, 292-293; unratified extradition treaty, Sept. 15, 1846, vii, 166, 416, 419-421; treaty of May 18, 1847, for aboli tion of droit d'aubaine, vii, 483, viii, 52; message on discrimina tions against American Jews in, x, 423- S. W. Nash, slave-trade case of, x, 69. Sword, John D., & Co., viii, 342. Symmes, John Cleves, his polar theory, i, 238, 239. Syria, cession of to Egypt, in suzer ainty, ii, 337- Tabasquena, the, case of capture of, vii, 194. Tacubaya, congress of (see Panama, congress of). Taft, William Howard, recom mends statue of Edwin M. Stanton, xii, 275. Taggart, Thomas, iii, 388. Talbot, Molly, ii, 243. Talbot, Lt. Theodore, xi, 157, 180; Maj. Anderson's bearer of de spatches, xii, 177, 192. Talbot de Malahide, Lady, ix, 436, x, 7. Talleyrand Perigord, C. M. de, French diplomatist, ii, 394, 398, 470. Tallmadge, Nathaniel P., senator, ii, 447, 448, 450, iii, 51, 100, 109, no, 113, 114, 220, 313, 324, 371, 396, 404, 460, 507, iv, 194, 461- 463, v, 1, 60, 80, 251, vi, 56. Taney, Roger Brooke, letter from, mission to Russia, ii, 176; attorney general, Blackford claim, vii, 219; secretary of treasury, iii, 173-174 chief justice United States Su preme Court, Holmes vs. Jennison, v, 237-238; on constitutional in terpretation, vi, 94; on power of Congress to dispose of U. S. prop erty, x, 307, 308, 446; Fugitive Slave act, xii, 8 ; Dred Scott decis ion, xii, 57; cited, x, 307, 308; mentioned, ii, 177, 308, 341, xi, 47, 446. Tappan, Benjamin, senator, iv, 246, 267, 268, 506, v, 253, 302-305, 420, 442, 506, 513, 514, vi, 2, 56, viii, 208, 240. Tariff, speech on new tariff bill, 1823, i, 56-70; xii, 303; act of 1824, iii, 226; speech on bill, 1824, i, 97-113, xii, 304-305; tariff bill 1826-1827, i, 233-237, 239-243, 246-249; inquiry for revision of, 1827-8, i, 271-274; speech and remarks on bill, 1828, i, 330-361, 361-362, 362-363, ii, 406; tariff bill, 1829-1830, ii, 48-49; bill of 1832, ii, 221, 222, 224—227, 233- 234, v, 40, 73 ; compromise act ["force bill"], March 2, 1833, iii, 221, 222, 223-226, 232, 323, iv, 45-46, 49-53, 176, 181, 236, 237, v, 139, !53, 3OI-3°2, i*3-3*4, 395, 399-400, 401, vi, 70, 74, xi, 47-48, xii, 78, 140, 157, 276-277; reduc tion of, 1837, iii, 221, 222-223, 223- 231, 231-232, 241; of 1841, v, 23, 34, 74; "little tariff bill," 1842, v, 292—296, 296—302, 309, 320—324; tariff of 1842, v, 309-310, 313-314, 317-319, 388-391, 391-403, 421- 422, vi, 47, 50, 70-71, vii, 43, 45, 46-47, 73, 75, 77, 207, viii, 336; re fund of duties under tariff bill of 1842, vi, 290-292, 317-319, 320, 384, 427-428, 468-469, 492, 499; tariff revision and retrenchment, v, 423-424; free trade advocated by Buchanan, vi, 11, 102; British doctrine of free trade, v, 469; tariff question in presidential cam paign of 1844, vi, 62; Buchanan's advice to Polk on, vi, 73-74; ques tion of, 1845, vi, 286; bill of 1846, vii, 43-45, 46-47, 66, 73, 75, 80, ii77ii8, 234, viii, 225, 336, 445; duties on Spanish vessels, under act of 1846, vii, 438—439, 445—446; Mexican tariff, imposed during mil itary occupation, vii, 343 ; revision of, recommended in Buchanan's annual messages, x, 366, xi, 39-42; protective, i, 56-70, 99—113, 221- 227, 233-235, 235-237, 239-243, 246-249, 271-274, 320-328, 330- 361, iii, 211— 213, 221, 222—223, 223-231, 231-232, v, 153, 176-177, 309-310, vi, 13, 102, vii, 43-45, 47, 73, 117-118, xii, 303-304, 307- 308 (see, also, Duties; Free trade; Revenues; and particular coun tries) . Tate, Levi L., letter to, vice-presi dency, iv, 116. Tate, Wm., barque Fame, vii, 91-92. Tate, Capt., claim of Col. Blum, viii, 297, 3°4- INDEX 465 Tatnall, Edward F., M. C, i, 58, 70. Taxation, democratic administra tion policy as to, i, 3, 4, 5, 6; of lands sold by U. S., iii, 336-337; President Van Buren opposed to direct, iv, 304; of certain lands by the states, v, 163-164; views on an income tax in Pennsylvania, vi, 76-77- Tayleur, Jamison & Co., Mexican indemnities, vii, 30-32. Tayloe, Mrs. Ogle, xi, 351. Taylor, John W., M. C, i, 280, 365, xii, 311-312. Taylor, Nathaniel W., et al, letter to, reply to a memorial on Kansas, x, 117— 122. Taylor, Oliver, claim of, vii, 210. Taylor, Zachary, military record, viii, 465, 468, 470; in Mexican war, vi, 173, 481-482, 498-499, vii, 9, 478-479, viii, 366, xi, 375; quarrel with Gen. Scott, viii, 469; candidate for President, vii, 286, 287, 345, xi, 475-476, 480, 482; Pennsylvania vote for, viii, 448, 459; his cabinet, xi, 481, 482-483, 484, 485, 486; his administration, viii, 362, xi, 485-486; slavery question, viii, 374, 384; Whig affiliation, viii, 463 ; Clayton-Bul wer treaty, xii, 238; mentioned, xii, 270, 283. Taylor, Commodore, of Buenos Ayres, vi, 178. Taylor, Mr., x, 467. Tchenchine, Mr., ii, 359. Tehuantepec, isthmus of (see Inter oceanic communication) . Telegraph, use of, in disseminating falsehoods about Buchanan, xi, 69-70. Telegraph, the, opposition to Bu- anan, ii, 341. Telegraph, Daily, on relations be tween the United States and Eng land, ix, 433, 434, x, 9. Temple, R., ix, 65. Ten Eyck, Anthony, commissioner to Hawaii, negotiation of com mercial treaty, viii, 333 ; letters to : engaging in commerce while in diplomatic service, vi, 227; his mission, vi, 255-258; passage to his post, vi, 258; leave of absence, treaty, complaints of Americans, vii, 346-348; viii, 182; relations with Hawaii, viii, 181-191. Ten Eyck, John C, senator, xii, 125. Tennessee, in election of 1824-5, i> 121; court-martial held at Mobile, i, 275-276; admission of, iii, 30-32, 43-44, 143; politics in, iii, 338; 30 preference for presidential candi date, 1856, x, 23; in elections of i860, xi, 2; attitude on secession, xii, 126 (see, also, East Tennessee; West Tennessee). Termagant, H. B. M. S., ix, 448, 449. Territorial expansion, Buchanan's prognostication on, v, 477 (see, also, Admission of states; Annexa tion) . Territories (see particular States and Territories) . Testa, Francois, M. W., charge ofthe Netherlands, vi, 162; letters to: proposed steamship line be tween United States and Europe, vi, 462; duty on coffee, vii, 80; exemption of diplomatic agents from customs duties, vii, 188-189; Japanese decree, against foreign ers, vii, 285. Teviot, the, landing of General Paredes in Mexico, vii, 41 1-4 13. Texas, rebellion of, iii, 59-60, 61-64, vi, 24-44; recognition of, iii, 60- 64, 71-73, 125, 233, 247, vi, 28-29, 43-44; its treaty with France, Sept. 25, 1830, vi, 505; treaty, April 25, 1838, iv, 40; claims of Pocket and Durango convention April 11, 1838, viii, in; its treaty with Great Britain, Nov. 13, 1840, vi, 505; Texan question referred to in discussion of Oregon question, v, 477 ; annexation of, vi, 2-3, 5-44, 85, 87-110, 116-117, 120-124, 152—153, 164-165, 266, 321-327, 480-482, vii, 137 et seq., 386, viii, 178-179, 208, 240-242, 368, 369- 370, ix, 265; Mexican protest against annexation, vi, 1 18-120, 124, 133, 135; French and British attitude toward, vi, 127-128, 130- 131; appointment of William S. Parrott as confidential agent to Mexico, vi, 132-134; defense of pending annexation, vi, 159-160, 165, 171-175, 223, 224-225, 254- 255, 323-324, 480; threatened in vasion of Texas by Mexico, vi, 171- 175; British activities in regard to annexation, vi, 165, 171, 174; question of reception of Mr. Lee as diplomatic agent from, vi, 254-255; legislation for commis sioner to Texas to carry out ces sion, vi, 369-370; effect of change of sovereignty over, viii, 309-312; peace negotiations with Mexico, vii, 425, 442-443, 444, 471; history of, vi, 5-44; possible alliance with England, vi, 10-15, 22, 32-33, 43- 44, 101-103; referred to, in presi- 466 INDEX dential campaign of 1844, vi, 62; tonnage duties on American ves sels, vi, 161 ; requisition for fugitive criminal in, refused, vi, 221-222; instructions to Slidell, minister to Mexico, as to, vi, 294-306; ap pointment of a consul from, at Antwerp, vi, 316-317; claims of, vi, 334, 338; boundary nego tiations with Mexico concerning, vi, 360-362; boundaries of, iv, 40, vii, 141 et seq., 215, viii, 134-135; conventions entered into by Santa Anna with, viii, 152; claim of Mary Elizabeth, viii, 176; mes sages on hostilities between citizens of, and Mexico, x, 394, 396; seces sion of, xii, 120 (see Slavery question) . Thal, Mr., ii, 355. Thatcher, Thomas A., et al, letter to (see Taylor, Nathaniel W.). Thomas, James H., letter to, Santa Anna's conventions with Texas, viii, 152. Thomas, John Addison, American agent before British claims com mission 1853, ix, 193, 275, 311- 312, 420, 427; assistant secretary of state, ix, 477. Thomas, Mr. and Mrs. John H., xi, 465- Thomas, Philip F., correspondence with, his resignation as secretary of the treasury, xi, 105—106; same subject, xii, 95. Thomas, Mr., supports Buchanan for presidency in 1852, viii, 454. Thompson, Jacob, correspondence on his resignation as secretary of interior, xi, 100-104; same sub ject, xii, 95; affairs in Charleston harbor, xi, 57; on right of seces sion, xii, 94; not involved in Indian bonds fraud, xii, 165; expedition of Star of the West, xi, 171, 221, 243, 260, 288, 321, 327, 396, xii, 93, 172-173. Thompson, Mrs. Jacob, x, 320, 324. Thompson, Jonathan, collector of customs at New York, v, 144. Thompson, Lizzie, the, case of , x, 217. Thompson, Poulett, iii, 311. Thompson, Richard W., on Bu chanan's course, xii, 281. Thompson, Smith, justice U. S. supreme court, Holmes vs. Jenni son, v, 237 ; on sale of vessels from necessity, viii, 252. Thompson, Waddy, min. to Mexico, vi, 36, 42, 298. Thompson, editor of Alcedo's geog. and hist, dictionary, viii, 123. Thompson, Maj.-Gen., appointed commissioner by governor of Georgia to ascertain head of St. Mary's river, ii, 4. Thompson, Mr., et al, letter to, de clines invitation of Philadelphia Democrats, iv, 1. Thompson, Mr., discovery of head waters of Columbia, vi, 218, 219, 251. Thomson, Edward, case of, ii, 15-16. Thomson, Mr., ii, 327. Thomson, Mrs., ix, 153. Three-league limit, viii, 173, 175. Thunderer, the, on Buchanan's presi dential candidacy, x, 98. Thurlow, Lord Chancellor, Brit ish-Spanish treaty of 1786, ix, 123. Times, northeastern boundary dis pute, iii, 483. Times, letter to editor of, from George Ticknor Curtis, on state coercion, xi, 44-54. Times, London, on relations with England, ix, 354, 433, 436, 439- 440, 445-446, 450, 454, 456, 460, 489, x, 10, 12, 15, 21, 27, 28, 37, 42, 52, 60, xi, 245, 504; on Bu chanan's presidential candidacy, x, 98. Timon, Rev. John, passport to Mexico, vii, 121. Tipton, John, senator, iii, 51, in, 113, 114, 209, 357, 364, 371, 372, 379, 425, 460, 464, 507. Titus, James H., and James W. White, letter to, address on Italian independence, vii, 482-483. Tiver, visit at, ii, 350. Tobacco, trade, vii, 179-180; French commercial restrictions on, viii, 162; German tariff on, viii, 238 (see, also, Duties). Toby, Simeon, letter to, Josephine claim against Colombia, vi, 452, vii, 69; same subject, vi, 175, vii, 84, viii, 67. Tod, David, minister to Brazil, vii, 264, 333, 345, 388, 403, 461-462, viii, 295, xi, 475; letters to: case of Lt. Davis, Mr. Lisboa, com mercial treaty, claims, slave trade, vii, 328-332; affairs of Lt. Davis and Mr. Wise, slave trade, vii, 404-406, 409; his reception by Brazilian emperor, claims against Brazil, case of Lt. Davis, vii, 462— 464; claims against Brazil, viii, 60-61; rescue of Americans by Brazilians, viii, 283-284. Tod, Governor, chairman of demo cratic national convention of i860, xii, 66. INDEX 467 Todd, Charles S., minister to Russia, letters to: import duties on American vessels, vi, 157-158; his recall, vi, 266; question of successor to, vi, 387. Todd, John, M. C, i, 82, 89, xii, 3°3, 3°9- Toland, Mr., ii, 397. Tom, John, xii, 289. Tomlinson, Gideon, M. C, iii, 109, no, 114. Tonawanda Indians (see Indians). Tonnage, American and foreign ton nage entering U. S. ports, i, 104— 105; tonnage duties (see Duties). Toombs, Robert, senator, xii, 116, 119, 120, 121, 143, 272. Topaz, the brig, vii, 187. Topeka convention, discussed in connection with Kansas, admission of, which see. Tornel, Mr., Mexican minister of war, Mexican-Texan war, vi, 35, 36-37- Torrearsa, Marquis of, recognition of Sicily, viii, 234. Totten, Brig. Gen. Joseph Gil bert, chief of corps of engineers, xi, 298. Totten, Col., the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal, i, 130. Toucey, Isaac, act. secretary of state, Americans imprisoned in Ireland, viii, 203-204; attorney general, letter to, diplomatic priv ileges, viii, 313, 327; letter to, President Taylor's administration, politics, viii, 362-363; Buchan an's candidacy for presidential nomination, viii, 451; spoken of for mission to England, x, 21; secretary of navy, naval cases, x, 223; letter to, American naval expedition to Paraguay, x, 226- 227; charge as to contracts, x, 441, xii, 233; Buchanan's reply to South Carolina commissioners, xi, 84—93 ; correspondence with, Bu chanan's defense, xi, 21 1-2 13; military and naval forces prior to March 4, 1861, xi, 214-216; the vindication, Holt, Dix, Stanton, 3d, 262-263; Gen. Scott, Gen. Cass, xi, 320; the vindication, Judge Black, Gen. Cass, xi, 361- 362; the vindication, Gen. Cass, xi, 363-364; Buchanan's defense, xi, 395-396; substitution of Star of the West for Brooklyn, xi, 397- 398; his proposed nomination at democratic national convention, i860, xii, 60; expedition to Fort Sumter, xii, 189-190; Fort Pick ens, xii, 195; visit and search of American vessels, xii, 240; the Paraguay expedition, xii, 243- 244; naval and land forces at outbreak of civil war, xii, 277; mentioned, x, 327, xi, 105, 163, 167, 176, 188, 243, 284, 292, 299, _ 3°7, 355, 366, 378, xii, 93, 95. Toucey, Mrs. Isaac, viii, 326, 363, xi, 213, 216, 262, 263, 321, 361, 362, 398. Town, T. B., et al. (see Andrews, Joshua) . Towner, Noble, consul at Barba- does, vii, 313, ix, 117. Townsend, Amos, et al, letter to (see Taylor, Nathaniel W.). Tracy, Albert H., as a member of congress, xii, 309. Tracy, Samuel F., claim of, vii, 418, viii, 69. Trade relations (see particular coun tries) . Train, Charles R., M. C, xii, 220, 226. Treason, liability of alien for, Irish rebellion cases, viii, 230-232, 264- 266, 270, 319-321, 337-338. Treasury, fifth auditor of, i, 277-278. Treasury, state of, 1841, iv, 452-453; 1857, x, 156-158; 1858, x, 265- 270; message on, x, 219-222; 1859, x, 365-369; i860, xi, 37-38, 42; during Buchanan's adminis tration, xii, 2 1 1-2 1 2 (see, also, Inde pendent treasury ; National debt). Treaties, treaty-making power, as to boundaries, northeastern bound ary, iii, 491-500; as to Oregon question, v, 443—446; as to ces sion or acquisition of territory, Texan annexation, vi, 9, 19-20, 40, 97-100; formalities, the alter- not, ii, 280-281; with de facto government, vii, 326-328; acces sion of Mecklenburg Schwerin to treaty with Hanover, vii, 493 ; Mr. Trist's conclusion of treaty of peace with Mexico, and his recall prior thereto, vii, 506-507; Polk's message submitting projet of convention for adjustment of Oregon question, vii, 6-7, 10, 11, 12; submission to senate of treaty for assent to postponement of date of ratification, 2, 338, 346- 348; submission to senate of informal claims convention with Venezuela, x, 388-389; exchange of ratifications, viii, 71-7.2; ex planatory declarations, viii, 305- 312, 318-319, 328-331, 340, 3507 354; explanatory note, extradi- 468 INDEX tion treaty with Hanover, ix, 329- 330; date of taking effect, vii, 106-107; operation of, viii, 206; appropriations by House of Repre sentatives to carry treaties into effect, i, 186-188, ii, 163-166; bill for review by United States courts of criminal proceedings in state courts involving, v, 205-240; en forcement of Texan annexation, vi, 20; execution of consular awards under commercial treaty with Prussia, July 11, 1799, vi, 207, 284- 285, 287-288, 332-333, 394, 395, 490-491; same subject, as to Aus trian treaty, vi, 490-491 ; execution of, dispensing with coupons under Spanish indemnity convention of 1834, vii, 447-448; payment of indemnity, vii, 489 ; repudiation b)^ Peru of claims convention ratified by previous administra tion, vi, 496-498; remarks on abrogation of treaties with Great Britain of 18 18 and 1827 relating to Oregon, v, 452-480; termina tion of, in connection with Texan annexation, vi, 21-22; termina tion of, by war, Nootka sound convention, vi, 198-199, 213-217, 234-235 ; effect ot war on, vii, 469; effect of treaty of peace on claims, vii, 469 (see, also, particular coun tries) . Tredegar iron- works, v, 447. Trent affair, xi, 231—232, 233—234, 236, 241, 243-244, 246. Trescot, William H., Gov. Pick ens' demand for surrender of Fort Sumter, xi, 71, 73. Treviso, Duke of, French ambas sador at St. Petersburg, ii, 200, 220, 237. Tribune, N. Y., on Buchanan's administration, xi, 166, 352; re futes article in, xi, 391; on Southern secession, xii, 81-82, 273. Tricoupi, Mr. and Mrs., x, 7. Trigueros, Mr., Mexican represen tative, signed . claims convention, Nov. 20, 1843, vi, 298. Trimble, David, M. C., i, 115, 136, 209. Tripoli, consular precedence in, vii, 96-98, 102; execution of treaty with, vii, 482. Trist, Nicholas P., peace commis sioner to Mexico, vii, 269, 270, 279— 280; letters to; his appointment, pro jet of treaty, vii, 271-279; quar rel with Gen. Scott, modifications in projct of treaty, vii, 343-344, 361- 366, 368-370; his negotiations, vii, 425-427; his recall, vii, 442-443, 444; rumor of financial proposal to Santa Anna for peace, vii, 484; the treaty of peace of Feb. 2, 1848, concluded by, vii, 503-504; the conduct of his mission, vii, 506-507, viii, 5, 6, 22, xi, 476. Troitza, monastery of, visit at, ii, 360-363, 367, 371. Trotter, James F., senator, iii, 425, 460, 464, 507. Troup, George McIntosh, governor of Georgia, on boundary between Georgia and Florida, ii, 5. Trousdale, Gov., viii, 507. Truce (see War). Trudeau, Don Zenon, lt. gov. of upper Louisiana, ii, 128 et seq. Trumbull, Lyman, senator, on Davis resolution, xi, 323, xii, 125. Tscherbatoff, Princess, ii, 242- 243- Tucker [George or Starling], M.C, i, 98. Tucker, Gideon I., et al, letter to, (see Henry, John T.). Tucker, J. Randolph, et al, letter to (see Committee of notification). Tucker, William T., ex-consul to Bermuda, letter to, his removal as consul, vi, 410. Tunis, execution of treaty with, vii, 482. Turkey, treaty of Adrianople with Russia, ii, 196, 245, 249, 250; treatywith, May 7, 1830, ii, 196,203, 208, 249; Russian aid to, in con flict with Egypt, ii, 309-311, 315, 316, 318, 326, 327, 329-330, 331, 336-33 7, 343, 3 55; Russia's influ ence in, ii, 391-392; cotton culture in, vi, 400-402, 433-434, 487, vii, 21, 62-63, 236, 434; present of books to Sultan, vii, 433—434, 437; extraterritorial jurisdiction in, viii, 176-177, 190, 201, x, 278, 282; blockade of Albania, vii, 434, 437; execution of treaty with, vii, 482; Crimean war, ix, 44-45, 54-55, 57-58, 64-65, 68, 77-78, 88, 89, 107, 108, 117, 177, 270, 279, 284, 285, 320-321, 330-331, 335-336, 35°, 354, 362, 365-366, 383, 419, 427, 435, 461; neutral rights dur ing the war, ix, 141-142, 145, 147-148, 154-156, 165-166, 169- 170, 172, 184, 190-192, 193, 194- 199, 201—202, 205—206, 206—207, 208, 209-211, 213, 214, 245-246, 259-260, 281, 297, 307-310, 328, 331, 347, 352-353, 366-367, 370, 378-379, 387, 397, 398, 472, x, 4, 89-90; neutrality of the United INDEX 469 States during the war, ix, 412, 417- 418, 438-439, 445, 449-454, 456; peace negotiations, ix, 470, 475— 477, 478, 484, x, 6, 10, 14, 23, 28, 33, 46-47, xi, 495, 496-497, 498, 500, 501, 504, 507; asylum of political refugees in, ix, 293-294; design of Alexander Ii on, ix, 330; relations with, i860, x, 29 (see, also, Koszta case). Turner, Commodore, vi, 166, vii, 464. Turrell, Mr., vi, 258. Turrill, Joel, consul at Honolulu, letter to, despatches, accounts for disabled seamen, vii, 349-352. Twiggs, Gen. David E., xi, 178, 179, 182, 219, 220. Twining, Alex. C, et al, letter to (see Taylor, Nathaniel W.). Twiss, Dr. Travers, ix, 436. Two Sicilies, French and Neapolitan indemnities, iii, 195-197; its com mercial concessions to Great Brit ain, France, and Spain, vi, 148- 152; commercial treaty, Dec. 1, 1845, vi, 148-152, 307-308, 362, 410, 450-451, vii, 298-299, viii, 258, 335; indirect trade with, vii, 298-299; claim of Messrs. Borie against, vi, 409—410, vii, 299—301; most - favored - nation treatment given to, vii, 77; refunding of excess duties on wines from, vii, 77; revolt of Sicily, viii, 140; recognition of Sicily, viii, 234—236. Tyler, Alexander H., consul at Bahia de San Salvador, slave- trade law violations, vi, 259. Tyler, John, candidate for presi dent, iv, 150, 288-320; his admin istration as president, policies and views, iv, 450-451, 459, 466, 489-490, 502, 505, v, 20-21, 25, 36, 40, 44, 48, 51, 56, 57, 58, 59, 61, 62-67, 68, 70, 71-72, 75-76, 81, 85, 87, 91, 95, 100, 109, 115, 127, 140, 143, 146, 224, 320-324, 348, 354, 357, 358, vi, 7, 120, 190, viii, 241, 242, 471, 472, 479; atti tude of whigs toward, v, 125, 143, 145-146, 190-191, 292-293, 294; his influence over congress, v, 125; his marriage to Miss Gardner, vi, 6 1 ; Virginia commissioner, Vir ginia peace negotiations, xi, 113, 114, 117, 172, xii, 186-188, 198, correspondence, same subject, xi, 113, 120— 121, 141— 143; president of Virginia peace convention, xii, 131, 132, 268; letter to, Wash ington's birthday military proces sion, xi, 150; mentioned, xi, 420. Tyler, Mrs. John, viii, 501, 502. Tyler, Robert, letters to: et al, transmission of proceedings to Pope, viii, 126; slavery in the territories, x, 325-326; his speech at a political meeting, senate printer, Pennsylvania politics, xi, 477—478; Buchanan's defeat for presidential nomination, slavery question, presidential election, xi, 478—479; presidential question, Van Buren's, xi, 489-490; loss of presidential nomination, Pierce and King, xi, 490; political mat ters, presidency, Crimean war, xi, 495-497; Wise's election, politics in England, the presidency, xi, 500-502; Henry A. Wise, xi, 510; Kansas, Philadelphia election, xi, 513; his conduct as chairman of state committee, xi, 513; federal officers in Philadelphia, Kansas, Wise's defection, xi, 513—514; prospects of democratic success in Pennsylvania, xi, 514-515; marine corps, surgeons at West Point, democratic national con vention at Baltimore, xi, 515-516; mentioned, ix, 106. Tyler, Mrs. R.obert, ix, 426, 468, 471, xi, 477, 490, 501, 502, 510, . 5*4- Tyler, Judge, v, 66. Tyson, J. R., George G. Leiper's attitude toward, v, 254; pre sented at court in London, ix, 361; mentioned, ix, 468. U Udree, Daniel, M. C, i, 98. _ Ugarte, Thomas, application for passport, viii, 121. Uhl, Jacob, et al, letter to, German prohibition against introduction of newspapers printed in German, vi, 3J3-3I4- _^ . . Umbrellas (see Duties). Underwood, John W. H., M. C, xii, 219. Unico, the, capture of Carmelita by, vii, 325-326, 334-342, 355-3S6. Union, false report of Buchanan's speech, iv, 323-324; Pennsylvania politics, 1844, vi, 66; relations with Great Britain, ix, 176-177, 470 INDEX 462, x, 78-79; directed by Col. Forney, ix, 465. Union, preservation of (see States). United States bank (see Banks). United States courts (see Courts). United States Telegraph, on election of 1825, i, 262-263, 266, 270. United States and Paraguay Navi gation Company, claim against Par aguay, x, 371, 397, xi, 145. United States vs. Hudson, i, 70. United States vs. Percheman, vii, 378. United States vs. Wiltberger, viii, 23 1. Upham, N. G., commissioner under British claims convention of 1853, ix, 193, 207, 311-312, 387. Upper California (see California). Upper Louisiana (see Louisiana). Upshur, Abel P., v, 449; secretary of state, Oregon question, vi, 190. Urquiza, Justo Jose de, Argentine President, x, 226. Usucaption, rule of, among nations, applied to boundary between Geor gia and Florida, ii, 8-9. Uruguay, Oriental Republic of, solici tation for aid, viii, 203 ; discriminat ing duties, viii, 282 ; claim of Muser & Co., viii, 321; impost on flour, viii, 321 (see, also, Monte Video). Utah, uprising in, x, 151-154, 167- 169, 196, 202-207, 217—218, 242- 245, xi, 36-37, xii, 212-218; mes sages on, x, 407, 424; establish ment of territory of, xii, 13. Utilla (see Bay Islands, colony of). Vail, Aaron, recommended for secretaryship of legation at Lon don, ii, 189; charge1 at London, ii, 201, 204, 205, 217, 220, 304, 314, 327, 329, 336, 339, 392, 393, 394, 395; charge1 to Spain, claims against Spain, vi, 464, 472-473; estate of Julia Vail, vii, 416; letter to, privateering, Louis Napoleon, x, 390-391. Vail, Mrs. Aaron, x, 391. Vail, Eugene A., ii, 320. Vail, Mrs. Julia, estate of, vii, 413-416. Valaze, Gen., French deputy, ii, 502. Valeton, James, memorial of, vii, 125- Valverde, Jose, claim of, viii, 298. Van Buren, John, ii, 396, viii, 426, 428, 429, ix, 32. Van Buren, Martin, letter to, assignment of offices, ii, 1 71-172; secretary of state, ii, 194, 262, 345, vi, 38, 99; minister to England, ii, 189, vi, 189-190, ix, 15; candidate for Vice-President, ii, 220; candi date for presidency, ii, 442-443, iii, 126, 128-129, 129— 130; his ad ministration as President, iii, 256, 258, 293, 306-313, 324, 337-338, 347, 37i, 372, 379, 380, 381, 383, 385, 510, 512, 522, iv, 32, 46-48, 72-73, 78, 98, 104, 122, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 150, 174-175, 186, 240—245, 247, 264, 288-320, 321, 346-347, 349-350, 354, 355- 380, 407-408, 413, 414, 418, 419, 421, v, 22, 144, 145, 171, 172, 187- 191, 220, vi, 17-20, 71, 472-473, vii, 134; letters to: Kentucky and presidential election politics in Pennsylvania, ii, 442-443 ; Van Buren's published "opinions," public lands, Pennsylvania politics, iii, 127; election prospects in Pennsylvania, iii, 128-129; Penn sylvania's representation in cab inet, iii, 220, 246-247; Mr- Petri- kin's claim to an office, iii, 248-249; banks and the public revenue, iii, 252—255; appointment of marshal for eastern district of Pennsyl vania, iii, 258—259; recommends Gen. Jones to, for governor of Iowa, iii, 478-479 ; recommends Mr. Engle for judgeship, iv, 31-32; recommends Mr. Bradford, Penn sylvania politics, British relations, iv, 1 1 9- 1 2 1 ; impending presidential election, 1840, district attorney ship for western district of Penn sylvania, iv, 322-323; letter from, offers Buchanan position of attor ney general, iv, 124; letter to, de clines position of attorney general, recommends Gen. Porter, iv, 124- 125; conversation with Buchanan on Pennsylvania politics, iv, 246- 247; attacks upon Buchanan for his support of, iv, 321; supported by executive officers, iv, 382, 383, 384; candidate for reelection as President, 1840, iv, 116, 118, 150, 288-320, vi, 64-65, 73; candidate for renomination to the presidency, 1844, vi, 2, 3-4, 6-7, viii, 368, xi, 472; candidate for President, 1848, viii, 448 ; Buchanan opposed by ad herents of, 1852, xi, 489; his visit INDEX 471 to England, 1855, ix, 357, 359-360; his meeting with Douglas, x, 320; mentioned, ii, 176, 393, 397, v, 26, viii, 365, 501. Vance, Joseph, i, 367, 392. Vancouver's Island, vi, 217, 246, 248, 249, vii, 10; messages on, x, 293, 3"- Vandeburg, Max, Texan consul at Antwerp, vi, 316. Vanderbilt, Cornelius, Nicaragua route, x, 335; mails between Atlantic and Pacific oceans, xi, 42- 43; mentioned, x, 328. Vanderlyn, John, artist, vi, 293. Van de Weyer, Madame, x, 68. Van Dyke, James C, viii, 500, ix, 106, 112, 114, 178, 426, 468, 471, x, 229, xi, 496; supports Buchanan for presidency, x, 41, 45, 64; Mrs. Van Dyke, ix, 426, 468, 471. Van Dyke Company, suspected of filibustering by Nicaragua, x, 328. Van Ness, Cornelius P., minister to Spain, vi, 1, 182. Van Ness, John P., letter from, continuance of banks in D. C, iv, 273- Vansant, Joshua, et al, letter to, invitation to deliver address, viii, 421—422. Van Vliet, Maj., Utah uprising, x, 153, xii, 213. Van Zandt, Isaac, Texan charge1, Mexican-Texan war, vi, 36. Vattel, cited, ii, 8; iv, 422, 423, 424, 425, 426, 432, 436, 438; vi, 19-20, 22, 23, 26—27, 34, 92, 93- Vaughan, Sir Charles Richard, Maine boundary dispute, iv, 95, 104. Vaux, Richard, et al, letter to, transmission of proceedings to Pope, viii, 126 (see, also, Andrews, Joshua, et al). Vaux, Robert, letter to, commis sion on use of the Delaware waters, ii, 400-401. Venezuela, claims against, vi, 175; Walter claim, vi, 184; Commodore Danels claim, vi, 273-274, vii, 79- 80, viii, 170-171; Josephine claim, vii, 69; claim of Dallett Bros., Art. 4, treaty of Jan. 20, 1836, vii, 111-112; commercial treaty, Jan. 20, 1836, vii, 184, viii, 346; claim of Bogart & Kneeland et al, vii, 266; cases of Josephine, Native, and Commodore Danels, vii, 355; revolution in, viii, 1, 26-28, 105, 159-160; cases of Josephine and Ranger, viii, 66; treaty with New Granada, Dec. 23, 1834, viii, 66; case of Morris, viii, 67; case of Native, viii, 67; complaint against Mr. Shields, charge1, viii, 157-158, 159-160; claim of Sarah Wilson, convention of April 12, 1848, viii, 304; message on Aves Island claims convention, x, 388-389; commercial treaty, Aug. 27, i860, xi, 93~94; claims convention, xi, 122-123. Venezuelan minister of foreign rela tions, letter to, Manrique, expedi tion, complaint against Mr. Shields, viii, 159-160. Veragua, state of, viii, 80, 91, 380. Vergara, Mr., Colombian minister of for. aff., claims convention, Nov. 25, 1829, viii, 66. Vergennes, Count de (Charles Gravier), v, 363, 364. Vermont, preference for presidential candidate, 1856, x, 23. Verona, assembly at, i, 183. Verplanck, Gulian C, M. C, i, 179; letter to, immigration, viii, 240. Vessels, crimes aboard, i, 124-125, ix, 187-189, 192-193, 243-244, 298; consular jurisdiction over crimes aboard, negotiation of consular convention with Great Britain, ix, 253-255, 255-257, 322-327, 328- 329, 336, 344-345, 363-364, 376- 378, 382-383, 385-387, 455; juris diction over mutiny aboard the Sovereign of the Seas, ix, 323; crimes aboard, Johnson extradi tion case, ix, 386-387, 388-389; restriction of neutral trade in, iii, 358—362, 390-396, 406; issue of papers to unregistered vessels, case of the Emile, vi, 346-347; de posit of register with consul, act Feb. 28, 1803, vii, 5-6, 13; con sular duties as to, engaged in slave trade, vii, 8; deposit of ship's papers, vii, 29; master's bond, act of Feb. 28, 1803, vii, 100-101; passports, vii, 283 ; registration of, acts of 1792 and 1803, vii, 317; registration, upon sale in foreign port, viii, 242-243 ; nationality of, viii, 285, 342; British postal laws, ix, 35-37, 4i, 42, 48-49, 51-52, 78-80, 98, 99; New South Wales act on desertions from, ix, 116- 117; (see, also, Consuls; Duties; National Jurisdiction; Visit and Search; Navigation; Navy). Vestal, H. B. M. S., ix, 448, 449. Veto messages (see Messages). Veto power (see Executive) . Vice consuls (see Intercourse of States) . 472 INDEX Vice-Presidency, Buchanan's pros pects for, ii, 397, 398; withdrawal of Buchanan's candidacy, iv, 16. Vice-President, letter to, statistics as to registered seamen, vii, 494 (see, also, Senate, letters to presi dent of). Victoria, Queen, ix, 34-35, 47, 152, 446, x, 65, xi, 233; her speech in 1856, x, 29; her speech on war with Russia, ix, 285; Buchanan's audience of leave with, x, 70-71, 72-75; correspondence with as to Prince of Wales' visit to U. S., x, 432, xi, 5-4, same subject, xii, 328-329. Viele, Mrs., letter to, autograph, xi, 360-361. Vigil, Donaciano, acting governor of New Mexico, vii, 314. Villanueva, Count de, Cuban im port duty claim, vi, 156. Villaverde, Jose, claim of, viii, 298. Vinton, Samuel F., letters to: com pensation to clerks for bankrupt act returns, vii, 205-206; examiner of claims for State Dept., viii, 102- 103 ; claim of Maine and Massa chusetts, viii, 109. Virginia, Madison's -report and reso lutions of 1798 and 1799 on state rights, ii, 60, 61, 62, iv, 66-67, 69, 84, 90, v, 93, 227, viii, 415, 431- 432, xi, 24, xii, 272; courts-martial of delinquent militiamen in, i, 2 1 ; Cumberland road, i, 49, 385, ii, 416, 418, xii, 303; in election of 1824-5, i, 120; cession of D. C, i, 396—397, iii, 21, 26, 37, 346-347, 349-35°, 352, iv, 26-27; instructions to senators on Jackson expunging resolution, iii, 191; law as to holding federal and state offices, iv, 78— 79; politics in, iv, 118, 120; con stitutional amendment as to elec tive franchise, iv, 290-291; elec tion of Wise as governor, ix, 355, 357, 359, 372; election in, 1855, xi, 496, 499, 500—501; Buchanan's support in, for the presidency, 1856, ix, 486; tonnage duties im posed by, x, 385; elections of i860, xi, 2; attitude toward secession, xi, 164, 166, 249, 416, xii, 71, 89, 143 ; federal protection and reenforcement of forts in, xi, 102, 103-104; peace commission from, xi, 113, 114, 116— 120, 120— 121, 141— 143, 172, 188, 190, 416, xii, 126-133, 152, 186, 188, 189, 190, 195, 198, 268-269, 278-279; Presi dent Lincoln's view on secession expressed to commissioners from, xii, 283; slavery in (see Slavery question) . Visit and search (see High Seas). Vivanco, General, President of Peru, vi, 497, x, 217. Vogdes, Capt. Israel, commands reenforcements for Fort Pickens, xi, 284-285, 299, 306, 307, xii, 194. Volunteer forces, remarks on, for frontier defense, iii, 59-60, 66-71. Von Gerolt, Baron (see Gerolt, Baron von). Von Holst, Hermann E., his criti cism as to Buchanan's belief in " higher law" refuted, xii, 332-333. Voorhees, Daniel W., xi, 252. Voorhees, Capt. Philip F., court- martialed for seizing Argentine blockading squadron, vi, 164, 283— 284. Voorhees, Mr., xi, 359. Voorhies, William V., post office agent in California, viii, 21 1-2 15. Voss, Emilio, agent to Mexico, Mexican indemnity, vi, 306, 311, 312, 326-327, vii, 30-32. Vroom, Peter D., minister to Prus sia, xi, 511. Vrouw Judith, the, case of, viii, 287. w Wade, Benjamin, senator, xi, 438, xii, 116, 125. Wade, Mrs., xi, 367. Wagner, W. F., U. S. marshal for dist. of La., letter to, capture of Mexican schooner Juanita, vii, 9. Wagner, engaged in British re cruitments in the United States, ix, 444- Wagoner, James, case of, vi, 272. Wagoner, Mr., x, 467. Wainright, Mr., ii, 192. Wales, Prince of, his visit to the United States, x, 432, xi, 3-4, 27, 254, xii, 328-329; charge as to pictures of royalty presented by him to Miss Lane, xi, 235-236, 237-238, 239, 240, 241, 243; letter from, presents portrait to Bu chanan, xi, 264-265. Walewski, Count, vii, 424; French ambassador at London, Crimean INDEX 473 war, ix, 156, 321; French minister for foreign affairs, ix, 350; rela tions between France and Argen tine Confederation, x, 62. Walker, Alfred, et al, letter to (see Taylor, Nathaniel W.). Walker, Isaac P., senator, xii, 17. Walker, Knox, viii, 426. Walker, Robert J., senator, iii, 51, 98-99, 109, no, 112, 113, 114, 198—199, 200, 202, 233, 247, 297, 353, 354, 357, 368, 371, 372, 410- 412, 413-414, 417, 418, 425, iv, 153, I96, 209, 266, 272, 274, 341, v, 14, 28, 30, 37, 151, 164, 183, 253, 272, 3°°> 3°i, 304-305, 321, 420, 432-433, vi, 56, viii, 471; secretary of the treasury, letters to: Texan tonnage duties on United States vessels, vi, 161; Portuguese claims for excess duties, vi, 432; Prus sian claim to refunding of duties, vii, 207; Trist's mission, vii, 279— 280; importation of persons pro hibited by law, vii, 308, 322-323; discriminating tonnage duty on Brazilian vessels, vii, 430-431, 432; authority to General Butler to draw against appropriation for peace negotiations, vii, 504-505; evidence of debt under treaty with Mexico, viii, 6; "passage of Dallas and Jefferson from Great Lakes, viii, 56; treaty with Mexico, viii, 120; payment to Mexico of $3,000,- 000, viii, 148; passage of vessels from Atlantic to Great Lakes, viii, 245; discriminating duties in Uruguayan ports, viii, 282; Mex ican tariff, vii, 290-292; appoint ment of J. B. Yates, viii, 179; reciprocity with Great Britain, xi, 488; governor of Kansas, x, 121, 147, 149, 180, 181, 182, 185, 192, xii, 23, 24, 27, 28; mentioned, ix, 14, 15- Walker, William, arrest of, in Nicaragua, x, 143-145, 170-175, 176, 177, 215, 283. Walker, Mr., vii, 371. Walker, Mrs., viii, 151, 278, 440. Wall, Garrett D., letters to, com mission on use of waters of the Delaware, ii, 399-400; same sub ject, ii, 401; senator, iii, 109, no, 114, 223, 328, 343, 425, 451, 460, 464, 507, iv, 120. Wall, James W., letter to, recon ciliation with Buchanan, x, 464; same subject, x, 321; letter to, his mission to Rome, politics, xi, 383-384- Wall, Mary, xi, 332, 333, 335. Walley, Samuel S., letter to, his plan for submarine defense, vi, 508-509. Walpole, Sir Robert, quoted, xii, 282. Walsh, Robert, consul at Paris, letter to, compensation for admin istration of Vail estate, vii, 413- 416. Walsh, Robert M., charge1 ad int. to Mexico, viii, 154. Walsh, Mr., nominated secretary of Kansas territory, x, 201. Walsh, Mr., vii, 345. Walter, Thomas W, claim against Venezuela, vi, 184. Walter, Mr., ii, 183. Walton, Octavia, ix, 427. Walworth, Reuben H., M. C, xii, 3°9- War, power to declare, viii, 155-156, 186; resolutions on Maine bound ary dispute, iv, 98-99, 100-111, 115; advance authorization of employment of forces, Spanish- American depredations, x, 360- 362; criminal liability for hostile acts, McLeod case, iii, 360, 362, iv, 409-427, 428-451, v, 208, 210, 219—223, 226, 231—240, 343, 347— 35°, 35S.-356, 375, 384, 467; effect on treaties, Nootka Sound conven tion, vi, 198—199, 213-217, 234- 235; effect on treaties, vii, 469; suspension of civil rights during martial law, General Jackson's fine, v, 241-251, 406-409; un civilized warfare waged by Mexico against Texas, vi, 26-27 ; armistice, between Mexico and Texas, vi, 33~37, 44; armistice during Mex ican war, vii, 39, 442—443, 444, 469; question of indemnity to Mexico for injuries done by American troops, vii, 471; treatment of private property during Mexican war, vii, 478—480; duties on im ports during military occupation of Mexican ports, vii, 471, 480; treatment of Spaniards in Mexico, viii, 282, 288-289, 298, 299; indemnity for destruction of pri vate property by British, i, 121- 125; exchange of prisoners and treatment of private property on land during Civil war, xi, 227; partial truce, at Charleston forts, xi, 291, xii, 175; blockades, in stances and questions of, i, 205, ii, 210, 214, 262, 342, 344, 406, vi, 484, 485, 486, vii, 9, 180-181, 240—241, 290—292, 301—302, viii, 70, 83-84, 88, 286-288, 289, ix, 165, 474 INDEX 194—197, 197—199, 205-206, 206- 207, 208, 209-213, 214, 246-247, 259-260, 281, 297, 328, 331, 347, 352-353. 366-367, 378-379, 387, 472, x, 4; enemy's property, case of Juanita and Susannah, vii, 9, 15; "free ships, free goods," instances of and proposals as to, i, 205, ii, 202-203, 210, 214, 341, 342, 344! ix, 141-142, 145, 147- 148, 154-156, 172, 201-202, 307- 3IQ, 352-3S3, 357, 365, 396-401, x, 89-90, xi, 218, 234—235; mari time rights, discussion and provis ion for, ii, 193—197, 201-203, 205- 210, 210-216, 230, 244, 256-258, 260-262, 335-338, 340-341, 342- 345, 346, 364, 374, 391-392; (see, also, Capitulation; Constitution; Maritime War; Military occupa tion; Privateering; Reprisals). War of 1812 (see Great Britain). War, report of secretary of, 1857, x, 158; 1858, x, 270; 1859, x, 369- 370; i860, xi, 42. Ward, Charles, consul at Zanzibar, letters to: his duties, vii, 7-8; treaty with Muscat, trial of cases involving American citizens, Sul tan's engaging in trade, vii, 428- 430- Ward, Christopher L., ix, 105. Ward, Israel, Jr., vii, 8. Ward, John E., minister to China, x, 346-348 (see, also, Committee of Notification). Ward, Capt., his expedition to Southern forts, xi, 289, 292, 363, xii, 175, 189-190. Ward, Mr., ix, no, 426, 469, 488. Ward, Mr., Alabama delegate to Breckinridge convention, i860, xii, 69. Ward, Miss, viii, 502. Ware, 0. K., complaint in regard to trade with Africa, x, 16-17; case of the S. W. Nash, x, 69. Warner, Capt. Henry, ix, 48, 51, 78. Warrens, Edward, consul at Trieste, vii, 248. Warrington, Capt., engaged in sup pressing West Indian piracy, xii, 305- Warrior, the, case of, viii, 161. Wash, Judge, case of Judge Peck, ii, 146, 153, 154, 156, 158. Washington, Judge Bushrod, i, 43 2 ; on federal jurisdiction over common law crimes, ii, 97. Washington, B. F., letter to, con struction of Pacific Railroad, x, 93-94- Washington, Benjamin, case of Lt. Davis, vii, 390 et seq., 459. Washington, George, policies of, i, 8, 9, xii, 317-320; remarks and resolution on erection of monu ment to, i, 78—81, xii, 304; on entangling alliances, i, 183, 184, 196, 206, 211, v, 356, x, 102—103; pay of Revolutionary officers, i, 213; political patronage, ii, 424, iv, 76, 77; admission of Tennes see, iii, 31-32, 44; his neutrality proclamation, iii, 59, viii, 193, ix, 362, 369, x, 144, 172; on defense, iv, 114; on a standing army, iv, 306, v, 109-110; Major Andr6, iv, 422; apportionment bill, v, 106, 253; on extradition, vi, 269-270; consults Senate as to pending nego tiations, vii, 6; refuses to communi cate to House correspondence on treaty negotiations with Great Britain, vii, 491-492; on naturali zation, viii, 482 ; mentioned, iv, 297, xii, 268. Washington, Lund, viii, 360. Washington, Mr., his opinion of Buchanan's administration, xi, 277. Washington, the, claim of, viii, 107- 108, ix, 279-280, 298, 303. Washington aqueduct, message on appropriation for, x, 452-455. Washington & Baltimore R. R. Co., iv, 257. Washington Association of Lan caster, Buchanan's oration before, July 4, 1815, i, 2, xii, 269-298, 3167320. Washington, the barge, case of the, vi, 229-230, 259—260. Washington, D. C. (see District of Columbia) . Washington, territory, geological sur vey of, x, 211. Water Witch, the, claim against Para guay, x, 145, 262-263, 361-362, xi, 145-147, xii, 242-244. Watson, Francis, case of, vii, 434- 437- Watson, Gilbert, application for passport, vi, 356. Watson, William J., extradition proceeding against, ix, 140. Watson, Mr., consular agent at Hamilton, viii, 198. Watterson, Eliza, letters to: life at Wheatland, viii, 412-413 ; presi dential nominees, viii, 418-419; Pennsylvania state election, viii, 4 2 4-4 2 5 ; presidential nomination, 1852, viii, 457-458; Gen. Pierce, viii, 491-492. INDEX 475 Watterson, Harvey M., special agent to Argentine, vi, 442. Watts, Beaufort T., charg£ to Colombia, claims against Colom bia, vi, 178. Watts, William, case of, ix, 187. Wayne, Judge James Moore, iv, 387; Holmes vs. Jennison, v, 237; Dred Scott case, x, 106, 107. Weaver, Thomas, iii, 388. Weaver, Lieut. William Augus tus, court-martial case of, i, 142. Weaver, Mr., viii, 357, 358, 359, ix, 113, xi, 204, 205—206. Webb, General, ix, 465. Webb, Mr., xi, 457. Webster, Daniel, M. C, i, 73, 75- 76, 89, 90, 93, 95, 97, 98, 102, 108, no, in, 125, 137, 141, 144, 145, 161, 179, 182, 189, 224, 335, ii, 97, 179-180, xii, 297, 307; corre spondence on act for relief of insolvent debtors, ii, 179-180; letter from, a. social visit, ii, 442 ; senator, ii, 405, 425, 432, 434, 435, 448, 482, 496, 497, 498, iii, 19, 83-94, 99, 109, no, in, 113, 114, 205, 263, 278, 279, 283, 284, 305, 3*4, 3*5, 3i6, 317, 318, 349, 357, 371, 372, 37-3, 374, 436, 454, 455, 460, 463, 464, 473, 479, 480, 481, 484, 502, 507-513, 518, 521, 523, 524, iv, 80, 105-108, no, 111, 119, 183, 184, 187, 188, 237, 251, 298- 299, 301, 327, 409-427, 428-451, v, 46, 47, 220, 221, 222, 226, 239, 343, 347-350, 355-356, 375, 384, 467, vii, 47, 197, viii, 373, 384, xi, 245, xii, 5; in presidential election, 1840-1, iv, 204, 206; secretary of state, v, 198, 458, vi, 30-31, 301, 360, 454—459, vii, 48, 186, 418, viii, 300, 497, ix, 18, 89, 90, 96, 136, 234, 245, 337; candidacy for presidential nomination, viii, 447, 453; Webster Whigs opposed to Lawrence Whigs, xi, 481; G. T. Curtis his biographer, xii, 274; aided in enacting "force bill," xi, 48; mentioned, ii, 334, xi, 439, xii, 278, 309. Webster [Daniel] -Ashburton treaty, Aug. 19, 1842, v, 341-388, 458-461, 483-484, 484-498, x, 309-310, 421; (see, also, Great Britain, references to treaty of Aug. 9, 1842, and to Oregon question). Webster, Daniel Fletcher, vii, 96. Webster, Mrs., xi, 459- Weed, Thurlow, on Gen. Scott, viii, 470, 471, 480; his story as to Bu chanan's cabinet crises, xi, 252- 253, 263, 265, 269, 270-272, 325, 327,. 348-349; Helper's "Impend ing Crisis," xii, 46; on secession, xii, 273, 279-280; mentioned, xi, 411. Weller, John B., boundary com missioner, letters to, instructions, viii, 293-294, 322-326. Wellesley, G. G., captain H. B. M. S. Cornwallis, xi, 434. Wellesley, Marchioness of, ix, 50, 61, 105. Wellington, Duke of, ii, 187, 188, 383, 384, v, 222, 460, ix, 105. Wells, Daniel H., participates in Utah uprising, x, 243, xii, 215. Wells, F. B., consul at Bermuda, vi, 410, viii, 198, ix, 317-318. Wells, Lemuel, consul at St. Catherines I., his claim of the Caroline, v, 349, viii, 69. Wells, Mr., ii, 350. Welsh, W. H., clerk of legation at London, ix, 50, 61, 66, 100, 178, 292-293, 294, 295, 468. Wendell, Mr., superintendent of public printing, xi, 426. Wentworth, Benjamin, ix, 43. Wergman, Mr., transportation agent of State Dept., vii, 200. Wesley, Mr., his interview with George III., v, 492. Wessenberg, Baron, ii, 394, 395. West, Capt. James, ix, 33, 149, 152, 160. West, Nathaniel, et al, letter to, views on national issues, 1843, v, 421—422. Westcott, James D., letter to, prohibited importation of persons of color, vii, 322; letter to, pass port application, viii, 121; men tioned, ix, 106; his character, x, 324; removed by Buchanan, x, 324- West Indies, negotiations between United States and Great Britain, as to trade with, i, 304, 341; Por ter's suppression of piracy in, xii, 305-306. West Point Military Academy, v, 336, SOI- West Tennessee, courts-martial of de linquent militiamen in, i, 21 (see, also, Tennessee). Western boundary (see Boundaries). Western rivers (see Navigation, west ern rivers) . Western national road, remarks on, i, 127—129. Wetherell, Price, ix, 22. Wharton, George M., letter to, Southern secession movement, 'xi, 66. 476 INDEX Wharton, Gen. John A., viii, in. Wharton, John O., et al, letter to, campaign issues, 1852, viii, 433- 435- Wharton, Lloyd, support of Muh lenberg for senatorship, iii, 129. Wharton, William, x, 90. Wharton, Mr. and Mrs., xi., 242. Wheat (see Duties). Wheatland, Buchanan's home at, viii, 87, 202, 254-255. Wheaton, Henry, letter from, asks aid to promotion in diplomatic service, ii, 401-402; minister to Prussia, on salary of consuls, v, 198; letter to, treaty with Ba varia as to inheritance and emi gration, vi, 129-130; letter to, his resignation, treaties with Prussia, Saxony and Bavaria, vi, 466-467; Panama canal, vi, 474; treaty with Bavaria, Jan. 21, 1845, vii, 60-61; convention with Hesse Cassel for abolition of droit d'- aubaine, vii, 432; mentioned, ii, 385; cited, viii, 2 2 0,ix, 209-211, 397. Wheeler, John H., minister to Nicaragua, reports as to Grey town, ix, 336-338, 343. Wheelwright vs. Depeyster, vii, 34i- Whig party, Buchanan opposed to, iv, 91; misrepresentation at a Whig meeting, of Buchanan's views on wages, iv, 286; on inde pendent treasury bill, iv, 287; discussed in speech, before Penn sylvania state democratic con vention, 1840, iv, 288-320; attacks of Whig press upon Buchanan, iv, 321 ; attitude of Whigs towards Buchanan, after election of 1840, iv, 3 2 5 ; on removal of executive of ficers, iv, 382-385; removals from office in Harrison-Tyler adminis tration, iv, 455-460; on national bank, iv, 464-466, 501-502; on fiscal corporation of U. S., v, 38, 48, 58-59, 60-62, 127; on board of ex chequer, v, 85 ; on constitutional amendment as to veto power, v, 100, 103; support of President Tyler, v, 125, 143, 145-146, 292- 293; "log-rolling" legislation of, v, 133; on suspension of specie pay ments, v, 156, 163 ; on the loan bill, v, 164, 185, 186; public debt during Whig administration, 1841— 1845, v, 171-174, 187-19 1 ; measures car ried by, during Tyler's administra tion, v, 186; the bankrupt bill, v, 187; dissensions with President Tyler, v, 190-191, 292-293, 294; Whig administration, 1841, tend ency toward centralization, v, 224- 225; Whig national convention, 1844, vi, 2; Oregon question, vi, 342; candidacy of Gen. Scott, viii, 460-491; national platform of 1852 on slavery question, xii, 14. Whipple, Capt. Amiel Weeks, in charge of St. Clair flats improve ment, x, 379—380. Whipple, Lt. J. W., viii, 323. Whiskey (see Duties). White, Albert S., senator, v, 503, 514, vi, 56. White, Campbell D., ii, 220. White, E. D., M. C, ii, 80. White, Hugh Lawson, candidate for President, 1836, ii, 442, 443; senator, ii, 433, iii, 51, 109, no, in, 113, 114, 184-185, 357, 371, 372, 425, 460, 464, 507. White, James W. (see Titus, Tames H.). White, Patrick, case of, vi, 272. White, R. G., iii, 388. White, Samuel, M. C, iii, 17. White, Mr. and Mrs., viii, 414. White House, remarks on appropri ation for repair of, i, 255-256; Buchanan's expenditures for, x, 214; charge against Buchanan as to furnishings in, xi, 251, 257; furnishing of, by Buchanan, xi, 418-41Q, 422. Whitington, G. T., letter from, offer of sale of grants in Mosquito, ix, 71-72. Whitney, Riley, case of, vi, 274-275. Whittlesey, Elisha, M. C, i, 420, ii, 40. Wickliffe, Charles A., i, 241, 243, 275, 380, 448, ii, 52; manager to impeach Judge Peck, ii, 41, 42, xi, 438; letter to, appointed confi dential agent to Texas, vi, 130-13 1. Wickliffe, Robert, Jr., charg6 to Sardinia, letters to: Oscanyan claim against Sardinia, vi, 504; agreement of Harris and Lester with Sardinia, vii, 89-90; leave of absence refused, vii, 239; case of Jeni Dunia, vii, 293-296. Wigfall, Louis T., senator, on Clark amendment to Crittenden compromise, xii, 125; ei al, senators, correspondence with Hayne, on Fort Sumter, xi, 126, 127—129, 129-132. Wigg, Major, claim of, ix, 257-258. Wight, Miss, x, 100. Wilcox, Miss, ix, 37, 38, 159. Wildfire, capture of the slaver, x, 42S-429. INDEX 477 Wilkes, Captain Charles, his ex ploring expedition, ix, 318, x, 294; seized Mason and Slidell, xi, 231- 232, 233-234, 236, 241, 243-244, 246. Wilkes, Mr., identified with prin- ?•¦ ciple of liberty of press, xi, 474. Wilkins, William, ii, 220, 397; presidential campaign, 1840, iv, 322; Buchanan invited to dinner by, v, 449. Wilkinson, Morton S., senator, xii, "5- Wilkinson, Gen., quarrel with Gen. Scott, viii, 468. Willcox, Mr., M. P., x, 41. William, King of Netherlands, arbi trator in northeastern boundary dispute, iii, 482, 491, iv, 15—16, 94, 101, 103, 108, v, 375. William III., veto of bill limiting duration of ParUament, v, 111-112. William IV., sentiment against, ii, 186, 188. William, capture of the slaver, x, 430. Williams, H. H., vii, 84, 168. Williams, Hezekiah, letter to, case of Ityades, viii, 106. Williams, Isaac, M. C, i, 116. Williams, John B., consul at Bay of Islands, letters to: uprising in New Zealand, vi, 340; insurrec tion at Bay of Islands, passports to vessels, vii, 283. Williams, Joseph L., M. C, letter to, claim of Carmick & Ramsey, x, 116— 117, 289. Williams, Lewis, M. C, ii, 40, xii, 300. Williams, Reuel, senator, iii, 357, 371, 372, 425, 460, 463, 464, 481, 495, 500, 507, iv, 100, 102, 104— 105, 127, 128, 129, 131, 133, v, 342. Williams, Thomas W., vii, 85. Williams, Capt., W. J., x, 16. Williams, Gen., pres. of Mich. convention, iii, 142. Wilmot, David, judge, ii, 89; men tioned, viii, 428; member of Vir ginia peace convention, xii, 131; Wilmot proviso (see Slavery ques tion) . Wilmot, Montague, governor of Nova Scotia, iv, 9. Wilson, Henry, senator, xii, 125; Judge Black's letters to, xii, 277. Wilson, Col. Henry, landing of General Paredes in Mexico, vii, 411, 444- ... Wilson, Joseph, his complaint against Michigan, vii, 71, 176-177, 178. Wilson, Mr., Brit. charg6 at Cara cas, complaint against Mr. Shields, viii, 157. Wilson, the brig, case of, vii, 308, 323. Wines (see Duties). Winnebago Indians (see Indians). Winslow, Warren, M. C, opposes Covode investigation, xii, 219, 220, 226. Winslow, Mr., ix, 172. Winter, James, consul in Turk's Island, ix, 479, x, 60. Winthrop, R. C, speaker of House, letters to: disbursements of de partment of state, vii, 465, 487, viii, 257-258; clerks in state department, viii, 281. Wirt, William, counsel for Judge Peck, ii, 81, 83, 99, 102. Wisconsin, survival of territorial laws beyond limits of state, viii, 127; fugitive slave law of, xi, 11. Wise, Henry A., minister to Brazil, relations with Paraguay, vi, 169; Brazilian slave trade, vi, 221, vii, 408, 508, viii, 349; claims, vii, 331; case of Lt. Davis, vii, 458, 463, 464, viii, 25-26; his recall, vii, ^88etseq., 460, xi, 47 5 ; letters to : the Porpoise affair, foreign slave-trade law, vi, 267-271; bearer of despatches, vii, 28; claims against Brazil, vii, 127- 128; case of Lt. Davis, vii, 207—208; recalled, vii, 260-265; audience of leave, conveyance, vii, 333-334; departure from Brazil; Lisboa, secretary of legation; Mexican war; Gen. Taylor, vii, 345-346; letters to, Buchanan's candidacy for pres idential nomination, viii, 436-437, 441—442; elected governor of Vir ginia, ix, 355, 357, 359, 372, xi, 496, 499, 500—501; supported for can didacy for presidential nomination, ix, 471; candidate for presidential nomination at Democratic na tional convention of i860, xii, 67; Buchanan's appreciation of, xi, 505, 510; his defection from Buchanan, xi, 514. Wise, O. Jennings, secretary of legation to France, x, 22. Wise, Sir William, ix, 237. Withers, Col., resignation of, xi, 164. Witmer, Mr., viii, 388. Wodehouse, Philip Edmond, lt. gov. of Bay Islands, ix, 97. Wodehouse, Lord, British under secretary of state for foreign affairs, x, 72, 73. Wolcott, Mr., involved in an inci dent in Shanghai, viii, 341. 478 INDEX Wolf, George, governor of Penn sylvania, ii, 403, 404-405, 443, iii, 126, 128, 325; division of Democratic party by friends of, iv, 454- Woll, General, in Mexican-Texan war, vi, 31, 35, 3 6-3 7 . Wolsey, Cardinal, ix, 50. Wood, Sir Charles, First Lord of the Admiralty, ix, 451, 453-454, x, 19- Wood, Fernando, despatch agent at New York, vi, 407; mentioned xi, 329. Wood, Henry, consul at Beyrout, ' letter to, complaint as to conduct of Mr. Finn, British consul at Jerusalem, ix, 314, 317. Wood, Silas, M. C, i, 227. Wood, Bishop, xi, 232. Wood, Mr., viii, 139. WOODBERRY, Mr., ii, 341. Woodberry, master of Albert, case of, vi, 230, 259—260. Woodbridge, William, senator, v, 514, vi, 56; letter to, appropri ation for boundary commissioners, treaty Aug. 9, 1842, vii, 199-200. Woodbury, Charles Levi, letter from, Buchanan's course in' Char leston, xi, 67-68. Woodbury, Levi, secretary of treas ury, iii, 64, 76-77, 249; senator, iv, 265-266, 508, v, 64, 201, 203, 204, 253, 294, 299, 357, 389-390, 514, vi, 56, 81, 82, viii, 471; eligi bility for Senate, vii, 197; judge, viii, 443, xi, 47, 401. Woodville, Mr. and Mrs., ix, 61. Woodward, George W., iii, 388; nominee for senator from Penn sylvania, vi, 138; candidate for governor of Pennsylvania, xi, 340, 342, 347; judge, letter to, the conscription law, xi, 346-347. Wool, Gen. John E., commander of Pacific department, x, 198-199, xi, 344. Wool, Mr., New York member of Virginia peace convention, xii, 131. Wool (see Duties). Woollens (see Duties). Woolsey, Theodore D., et al, letter to (see Taylor, Nathaniel W.) . Worcell, Stanislaus, member Pol ish central democratic committee, 207, 216. Worcester vs. State of Georgia, v, ix, 178, 179. Worth, Samuel A., chairman of a committee, letter to a union meet ing, support of the Civil war, xi, 222—223, 224. Worth, Gen. William Jenkins, quarrel with Gen. Scott, viii, 468. Worthington, Thomas, M. C, iii, i7- Wrecks, remarks on indemnifying naval officers and seamen for losses in, v, 503-504. Wright, H. B., et al, letter to, Buchanan's third election to Sen ate, candidacy for presidential nomination, v, 415—417, 438. Wright, John C, M. C, i, 223, 224, 284, 329. Wright, Robert, M. C, i, 24-43, iii, 17; Buchanan's estimate of, xii, 3I4-3I5- Wright, Samuel, iv, 192. Wright, Silas, Jr., senator, ii, 422, 446, iii, 23, 47, 51, 73, 74, 77, 81, 82, 83, 95, 96, 99, 104, 105, 109, no, in, 114, 140, 195, 263, 337, 357, 37i, 372, 380, 381, 382, 384, 396, 397, 425, 459, 460, 464, 473, 503, 5°7, iv, 35, J93, 231-232, 234, 235, 256-257, 267, 283, 453, 5°5, 5°8, v, 52, 149-150, 156, 180, 200-201, 264, 277, 338, 339, 505, 514, vi, 2, 56; in Senate, viii, 471; mentioned, viii, 365, 366, 367, xi, 274, 440; death of, xi, 476. Wright, Col., Pa. state senator, commended to President Van Buren, iv, 325. Wright, Gov., of Indiana, Buchan an's presidential campaign, x, 92. Writs of error and appeal, i, 426. Wurts, John, M. C, i, 145; Mr. and Mrs., ix, 437. Wyck, Mr., instructions to, in regard to Nicaragua and Hon duras, x, 336. Wyld, James, geographer, ix, 221. Wynan, Mr., xi, 515. Wynkoop, Mr., ix, 14. Wyvil, Capt., vii, 95. Yancey, William Lowndes, sen- Yates, James Buchanan, v, 152, ator, xii, 272. 437, viii, 179. Yankee, the, claim of, against New Yates, Mary, v, 436, 437. Granada, vi, 176, 319, vii, 4-5, Yates, Dr., v, 436. 83-85. Yates, Mr., viii, 179. INDEX 479 Yeats, John Levett, ix, 297. Yell, A., bearer of instructions as to Texan annexation, vi, 120. Yell, Archibald, gov. of Arkansas, viii, 242. "York estate," fictitious, xi, 492. Yost, Mr. and Mrs., viii, 422. Young, Brigham, Mormon leader, Utah uprising, x, 152, 153, 243, 318, xii, 212-218. Young, John, Gov., of N. Y., letter to, navigation of waters connect ing Missisquoi Bay with Riche lieu, viii, 47-48. Young, McClintock, act. sec. of treas., letter to, passage of Dallas and Jefferson from Great Lakes, viii, 49. Young, Richard M., senator, iii, 33o, 332, 334, 357, 37i, 372, 425, 460, 464, 507, iv, no, 111, 246, 302-305, 310-311. Young, Mr., performance by, in tragedy of "Ihe Revenge," ii, 187. Yturbide, Madame de, letter to, written permission to return to Mexico refused, vii, 505. Yucatan, position in Mexican war, vii, 222-223, 485-486; Polk's mes sage on, viii, 54-55; relations with, viii, 55, 56-59, 74; suppression of Indians in, viii, 155; proposal of protectorate over, viii, 378-379. Yulee, David Levy, senator, vii, 130, viii, 368, xi, 124 (see, also, Wigfall, Louis T.). Zabicki, Anthony, member Polish central committee, ix, 178. Zamboni, Monsignore, diplomatic relations with Papal States, viii, 45- Zantzinger, Mr., viii, 358. Zanzibar, relations with, vii, 8. Zevely, A. N., third asst. post master general, Arthur Edwards claim, ix, 420. Zienkowicz, Leo, member Polish central committee, ix, 178. Zoll-Verein (see Germanic states). Zuloaga, General Felix, Mexican dictator, x, 353, 354, xi, 32-34, xii, 245-249.