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ADDRESS

LONDON : PRINTED BY
BP0TTI8WO0DE AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARE
AND PARLIAMENT STREET

ADDEESS

DELIVERED BEFOBE

THE BEITISH ASSOCIATION

ASSEMBLED AT

BELFAST

WITH ADDITIONS BY
JOHN TYNDALL, F.R.S.
PRESIDENT

LONDON
LONGMANS, GEEEN, AND CO.
1874

' There is one God supreme over all gods, diviner than mortals,
Whose form is not like unto man's, and as unlike his nature ;
But vain mortals imagine that gods like themselves are begotten,
"With human sensations and voice and corporeal members ;
So, if oxen or lions had hands and could work in man's fashion,
And trace out with chisel or brush their conception of Godhead,
Then would horses depict gods like horses, and oxen like oxen,
Each kind the divine with its own form and nature endowing.'
Xenophanes of Colophon (six centuries B.C.), * Supernatural Religion,' Vol. I. p. 76.

( It were better to have no opinion of God at all, than such
an opinion as is unworthy of Him ; for the one is unbelief, the
other is contumely/ Bacon.

W^i

o

T97

PEEFACE.

At the request of my Publishers, strengthened by the
expressed desire of many Correspondents, I reprint, with
a few slight alterations, this Address.
It was written under some disadvantages this year in
the Alps, and sent by instalments to the printer. When
read subsequently it proved too long for its purpose, and
several of its passages were accordingly struck out. Some
of them are here restored.
It has provoked an unexpected amount of criticism.
This, in due time, will "subside ; and I confidently look
forward to a calmer future for a verdict, founded not on
imaginary sins, but on the real facts of the case.
Of the numberless strictures and accusations, some of
them exceeding fierce, of which I have been, and con
tinue to be, the object, I refrain from speaking at any
length. To one or two of them, however, out of respect
for their sources, I would ask permission briefly to refer.
An evening paper of the first rank, after the ascrip
tion of various more or less questionable aims and
motives, proceeds to the imputation, that I permitted the
cheers of my audience to ' stimulate ' me to the utterance

vi Preface.
of words which no right-minded man, without a sense
of the gravest responsibility, could employ. I trust the
author of this charge will allow me in all courtesy to assure
him that the words ascribed by him to the spur of the
moment were written in Switzerland ; that they stood in
the printed copy of the Address from which I read ; that
they evoked no ' cheers,' but a silence far more impressive
than cheers ; and that, finally, as regards both approba
tion and the reverse, my course had been thought over
and decided long before I ventured to address a Belfast
audience. A writer in a most able theological journal represents
me as ' patting religion on the back.' The thought of
doing so is certainly his, not mine. The facts of religious
feeling are to me as certain as the facts of physics. But
the world, I hold, will have to distinguish between the
feeling and its forms, and to vary the latter in accordance
with the intellectual condition of the age.
I am unwilling to dwell upon statements ascribed
to eminent men, which may be imperfectly reported in
the newspapers, and I therefore pass over a recent ser
mon attributed to the Bishop of Manchester with the
remark, that one engaged so much as he is in busy
and, I doubt not on the whole, beneficent outward life,
is not likely to be among the earliest to discern the more
inward and spiritual signs of the times, or to prepare
for the condition which they foreshadow.
In a recent speech at Dewsbury, the Dean of Man
chester is reported to have expressed himself thus : —
' The Professor (myself) ended a most remarkable and
eloquent speech by terming himself a material Atheist.'
My attention was drawn to Dean Cowie's statement

Preface. vii
by a correspondent, who described it as standing ' con
spicuous among the strange calumnies ' with which my
words have been assailed. For myself I use no language
which could imply that I am hurt by such attacks. They
have lost their power to wound or injure. So likewise as
regards a resolution recently passed by the Presbytery
of Belfast, in which Professor Huxley and myself are
spoken of as ' ignoring the existence of God, and advo
cating pure and simple materialism ; ' had the possessive
pronoun ' our ' preceded ' God,' and had the words ' what
we consider ' preceded ' pure,' this statement would have
been objectively true ; but to make it so this qualification
is required. Cardinal Cullen, I am told, is also actively engaged
in erecting spiritual barriers against the intrusion of
' Infidelity ' into Ireland. His Eminence, I believe, has
reason to suspect that the Catholic youth around him. are
not proof to the seductions of science. Strong as he is,
I believe him to be impotent here. The youth of Ireland
will imbibe science, however slowly ; they will be leavened
by it, however gradually. And to its inward modifying
power among Catholics themselves, rather than- to any
Protestant propagandism, or other external influence, I
look for the abatement of various incongruities ; among
them, of those medieval proceedings which, to the
scandal and amazement of our nineteenth century in
telligence, have been revived among us during the last
two years.
In connexion with the charge of Atheism, I would
make one remark. Christian men are proved by their
writings to have their hours of weakness and of doubt, as
well as their hours of strength and of conviction ; and

viii Preface.
men like myself share, in their own way, these variations
of mood and tense. Were the religious views of many
of my assailants the only alternative ones, I do not know
how strong the claims of the doctrine of 'Material
Atheism ' upon my allegiance might be. Probably they
would be very strong. But, as it is, I have noticed
during years of self- observation that it is not in hours
of clearness and vigour that this doctrine commends
itself to my mind ; that in the presence of stronger and
healthier thought it ever dissolves and disappears, as
offering no solution of the mystery in which we dwell,
and of which we form a part.
To coarser attacks and denunciations I pay no atten
tion ; nor have I any real reason to complain of revilings
addressed to me, which professing Christians, as could
readily be proved, do not scruple to use towards each
other. The more agreeable task remains to me of
thanking those who have tried, however hopelessly, to
keep accusation within the bounds of justice, and who,
privately, and at some risk in public, have honoured me
with the expression of their sympathy and approval.
John Tyndall.
Athenaeum Club,
September 15, 1874.

ADDEESS, ETC.

An impulse inherent in primeval man turned his thoughts
and "questionings betimes towards the sources of natural
phenomena. The same impulse, inherited and intensified,
is the spur of scientific action to-day. Determined by
it, -by a process of abstraction from experience we form
physical theories which lie beyond the pale of experience,
but which satisfy the desire of the mind to see every natural
occurrence resting upon a cause. In forming their notions
of the origin of things, our earliest historic (and doubtless,
we might add, our prehistoric) ancestors pursued, as far as
their intelligence permitted, the same course. They also
fell back upon experience, but with this difference — that
the parlicular experiences which furnished the weft and
woof of their theories were drawn, not from the study of
nature, but from what lay much closer to them, the obser
vation of men. Their theories accordingly took an anthro
pomorphic form. To supersensual beings, which, ' however
potent and invisible, were nothing but a species of human
creatures, perhaps raised from among mankind, and retain
ing all human passions and appetites,' l were handed over
the rule and governance of natural phenomena.
Tested by observation and reflection, these early notions
failed in the long run to satisfy the more penetrating intel-
1 Hume, Natural History of Religion.
B

2 Address.
lects of our race. Far in the depths of history we find
men of exceptional power differentiating themselves from
the crowd, rejecting these anthropomorphic notions, and
seeking to connect natural phenomena with their physical
principles. But long prior to these purer efforts of the
understanding the merchant had been abroad, and rendered
the philosopher possible ; commerce had been developed,
wealth amassed, leisure for travel and speculation secured,
while races educated under different conditions, and there
fore differently informed and endowed, had been stimulated
and sharpened by mutual contact. In those regions where
the commercial aristocracy of ancient Greece mingled with
its eastern neighbours the sciences were born, being nur
tured and developed by free-thinking and courageous men.
The state of things to be displaced may be gathered from
a passage of Euripides quoted by Hume. 'There is
nothing in the world ; no glory, no prosperity. The gods
toss all into confusion ; mix everything with its reverse,
that all of us, from our ignorance and uncertainty, may
pay them the more worship and reverence.' Now, as
science demands the radical extirpation of caprice and
Lthe absolute reliance upon law in nature, there grew with
the growth of scientific notions a desire and determination
to sweep from the field of theory this mob of gods and
. demons, and to place natural phenomena on a basis more
congruent with themselves.
The problem which had been previously approached
from above was now attacked from below ; theoretic effort
passed from the super- to the sub-sensible. It was felt
that to construct the universe in idea it was necessary to
have some notion of its constituent parts — of what Lucretius
subsequently called the ' First Beginnings.' , Abstracting
again from experience, the leaders of scientific speculation
reached at length the pregnant doctrine of atoms and

Address. 3
molecules, the latest developments of _ whidL were set
forth with such power and clearness at the last meeting
of the British Association. Thought, no doubt, had
long hovered about this doctrine before it attained the
precision and completeness which it assumed in the
mind of Democritus,1 a philosopher who may well for a
moment arrest our attention. 'Few great men,' says
Lange, a non-materialist, in his excellent 'History of*
Materialism,' to the spirit and to the letter of which I
am equally indebted, ' have been so despitefully used by
history as Democritus. In the distorted images sent
down to us through unscientific traditions there remains
of him almost nothing but the name of " the laughing
philosopher," while figures of immeasurably smaller sig
nificance spread themselves out at full length before us.'
Lange speaks of Bacon's high, appreciation of Democritus
— for ample illustrations of which I am indebted to my
excellent friend Mr. Spedding, the learned editor and
biographer of Bacon. It is evident, indeed, that Bacon con
sidered Democritus to be a man of weightier metal than
either Plato or Aristotle, though their philosophy ' was
noised and celebrated in the schools, amid the din and
pomp of professors.' It was not they, but Genseric and
Attila and the barbarians, who destroyed the atomic philo
sophy. 'For at a time when all human learning had
suffered shipwreck these planks of Aristotelian and Pla
tonic philosophy, as being of a lighter and more inflated
substance, were preserved and came down to us, while
things more solid sank and almost passed into oblivion.'
The son of a wealthy father, Democritus devoted the
whole of his inherited fortune to the culture of his mind.
He travelled everywhere ; visited Athens when Socrates
and Plato were there, but quitted the city without making
' Born 460 B.C.
b2

4 Address.
himself known. Indeed, the dialectic strife in which
Socrates so much delighted had no charms for Democritus,
who held that ' the man who readily contradicts and uses
many words is unfit to learn anything truly right.' He
is said to have discovered and educated Protagoras the
sophist, being struck as much by the manner in which
he, being a hewer of wood, tied up his faggots as by the
sagacity of his conversation. Democritus returned poor
from his travels, was supported by his brother, and at
length wrote his great work entitled ' Diakosmos,' which
he read publicly before the people of his native town. He
was honoured by his countrymen in various ways, and
died serenely at a great age.
The principles enunciated by Democritus reveal his
uncompromising antagonism to those who deduced the
phenomena of nature from the caprices of the gods.
They are briefly these : — 1. From nothing comes nothing.
Nothing that exists can be destroyed. All changes are
due to the combination and separation of molecules. 2.
Nothing happens by chance. Every occurrence has its
cause from which it follows by necessity. 3. The only
existing things are the atoms and empty space ; all else
is mere opinion. 4. The atoms are infinite in number
and infinitely various in form ; they strike together, and
the lateral motions and whirlings which thus arise are the
beginnings of worlds. 5. The varieties of all things
depend upon the varieties of their atoms, in number, size,
and aggregation. 6. The soul consists of fine, smooth,
round atoms, like those of fire. These are the most
mobile of all. They interpenetrate the whole body, and
in their motions the phenomena of life arise. The first
five propositions are a fair general statement of the atomic
philosophy, as now held. As regards the sixth, Democritus
made his fine smooth atoms do duty for the nervous

Address. 5
system, whose functions were then unknown. The atoms
of Democritus are individually without sensation ; they
combine in obedience to mechanical laws ; and not only
organic forms, but the phenomena of sensation and thought
are the result of their combination.
That great enigma, ' the exquisite adaptation of one
part of an organism to another part, and to the con
ditions of life,' more especially the construction of the
human body, Democritus made no attempt to solve.
Empedocles, a man of more fiery and poetic nature, in
troduced the notion of love and hate among the atoms to
account for their combination and separation. Noticing
this gap in the doctrine of Democritus, he struck in with
the penetrating thought, linked, however, with some wild i
speculation, that it lay in the very nature of those com-")
binations which were suited to their ends (in other words, ;<
in harmony with their environment) to maintain them-? i
selves, while unfit combinations, having no proper
habitat, must rapidly disappear. Thus more than 2,000
years ago the doctrine of the ' survival of the fittest,'
which in our day, not on the basis of vague conjecture,
but of positive knowledge, has been raised to such ex
traordinary significance, had received at all events partial
enunciation.1 Epicurus,2 said to be the son of a poor schoolmaster ;
at Samos, is the next dominant figure in the history of '
the atomic philosophy. He mastered the writings of •
Democritus, heard lectures in Athens, went back to Samos,
and subsequently wandered through various countries.
He finally returned to Athens, where he bought a garden,
and surrounded himself by pupils, in the midst of whom
he lived a pure and serene life, and died a peaceful death.
Democritus looked to the soul as the ennobling part of
1 Lange, 2nd edit., p. 23. 2 Born 342 B.C.

6 Address.
man; even beauty without understanding partook of
animalism. Epicurus also rated the spirit above the
body ; the pleasure of the body was that of the moment,
while the spirit could draw upon the future and the
past. His philosophy was almost identical with that of
Democritus ; but he never quoted either friend or foe.
One main object of Epicurus was to free the world from
superstition and the fear of death. Death he treated
with indifference. It merely robs us of sensation. As
long as we are, death is not ; and when death is, we are
not. Life has no more evil for him who has made up his
mind that it is no evil not to live. He adored the gods,
but not in the ordinary fashion. The idea of divine
power, properly purified, he thought an elevating one.
Still he taught, ' Not he is godless who rejects the gods of
the crowd, but rather he who accepts them.' The gods
were to him eternal and immortal beings, whose bles
sedness excluded every thought of care or occupation of
any kind. Nature pursues her course in accordance with
everlasting laws, the gods never interfering. They haunt
' The lucid interspace of world and world
Where never creeps a cloud or moves a wind,
Nor ever falls the least white star of snow,
Nor ever lowest roll of thunder moans,
Nor sound of human sorrow mounts to mar
Their sacred everlasting calm.' '
Lange considers the relation of Epicurus to the gods
subjective ; the indication probably of an ethical require
ment of his own nature. We cannot read history with
open eyes, or study human nature to its depths, and fail
to discern such a requirement. Man never has been, and
he never will be, satisfied with the operations and products
of the Understanding alone ; hence physical science cannot
1 Tennyson's Lucretius.

Address. 7
cover all the demands of his nature. But the history of the
efforts made to satisfy these demands might be broadly
described as a history of errors — the error, in great
part, consisting in ascribing fixity to that which is fluent,
which varies as we vary, being gross when we are gross,
and becoming, as our capacities widen, more abstract and
sublime. On one great point the mind of Epicurus was
at peace. He neither sought nor expected, here or here
after, any personal profit from his relation to the gods.
And it is assuredly a fact that loftiness and serenity of
thought may be promoted by conceptions which involve
no idea of profit of this kind. ' Did I not believe,' said
a great man to me once, ' that an Intelligence is at the
heart of things, my life on earth would be intolerable.'
The utterer of these words is not^, in my opinion, ren
dered less noble but more noble by the fact that it was
the need -of ethical harmony here, and not the thought
of personal profit hereafter, that prompted his observa
tion. There are persons, not belonging to the highest
intellectual zone, nor yet to the lowest, to whom perfect
clearness of exposition suggests want of depth. They
find comfort and edification in an abstract and learned
phraseology. To some such people Epicurus, who spared
no pains to rid his style of every trace of haze and
turbidity, appeared, on this very account, superficial. He
had, however, a disciple who thought it no unworthy
occupation to spend his days and nights in the effort to
reach the clearness of his master, and to whom the Greek
philosopher is mainly indebted for the extension and
perpetuation of his fame. A century and a half after
the death of Epicurus, Lucretius1 wrote his great poem,
'On the Nature of Things,' in which he, a Boman,
i Born 99 b c.

8 Address.
developed with extraordinary ardour the philosophy of
his Greek predecessor. He wishes to win over his friend
Memnius to the school of Epicurus ; and although he has
no rewards in a future life to offer, although his object
appears to be a purely negative one, he addresses his
friend with the heat of an apostle. His object, like that
of his great forerunner, is the destruction of superstition ;
and considering that men trembled before every natural
event as a direct monition from the gods, and that ever
lasting torture was also in prospect, the freedom aimed at
by Lucretius might perhaps be deemed a positive good.
' This terror,' he says, ' and darkness of mind must be
dispelled, not by the rays of the sun and glittering shafts
of day, but by the aspect and the law of nature.' He
refutes the notion that anything can come out of nothing,
or that that which is once begotten can be recalled to
nothing. The first beginnings, the atoms, are indestruc
tible, and into them all things can be resolved at last.
Bodies are partly atoms, and partly combinations of
atoms ; but the atoms nothing can quench. They are
strong in solid singleness, and by their denser combina
tion all things can be closely packed and exhibit enduring
strength. He denies that matter is infinitely divisible.
We come at length to the atoms, without which, as an
imperishable substratum, all order in the generation and
development of things would be destroyed.
The mechanical shock of the atoms being in his view
the all-sufficient" cause of things, he combats the notion
that the constitution oT nature has been in any way deter
mined by intelligent design. The inter-action of the atoms
throughout infinite time rendered all manner of com
binations possible. Of these the fit ones persisted, while
the unfit ones disappeared. Not after sage deliberation
did the atoms station themselves in their right places, nor

Address, 9
did they bargain what motions they should assume. From
all eternity they have been driven together, and after
trying motions and unions of every kind, they fell at
length into the arrangements out of which this system of ¦
things has been formed. ' If you will apprehend and
keep in mind these things, nature, free at once, and rid of
her haughty lords, is seen to do all things spontaneously
of herself, without the meddling of the gods.' l
To meet the objection that his atoms cannot be seen,
Lucretius describes a violent storm, and shows that the
invisible particles of air act in the same way as the
visible particles of water. We perceive, moreover, the
different smells of things, yet never see them coming to
our nostrils. Again, clothes hung up on a shore which
waves break upon become moist, and then get dry if
spread out in the sun, though no eye can see either the
approach or the escape of the water particles. A ring,
worn long on the finger, becomes thinner ; a water-drop
hollows out a stone ; the ploughshare is rubbed away in
the field ; the street pavement is worn by the feet ; but
the particles that disappear at any moment we cannot
see. Nature acts through invisible particles. That
Lucretius had a strong scientific imagination the fore
going references prove. A fine illustration of his power
in this respect is his explanation of the apparent rest of
bodies whose atoms are in motion. He employs the
image of a flock of sheep with skipping lambs, which,
seen from a distance, presents simply a white patch upon
the green hill, the jumping of the individual lambs being
quite invisible.
1 Monro's translation. In his criticism of this work, Contemporary
Review, 1867, Dr. Hayman does not appear to be aware of the really
sound and subtile observations on which the reasoning of Lucretius,
though erroneous, sometimes rests.

10 Address.
His vaguely-grand conception of the atoms falling
eternally through space suggested the nebular hypothesis
to Kant, its first propounder. Far beyond the hmits of our
visible world are to be found atoms innumerable, which
have never been united to form bodies, or which, if once
united, have been again dispersed, falling silently through
immeasurable intervals of time and space. As every
where throughout the All the same conditions are re
peated, so must the phenomena be repeated also. Above
us, below us, beside us, therefore, are worlds without
end ; and this, when considered, must dissipate every
thought of a deflection of the universe by the gods. The
worlds come and go, attracting new atoms out of limit
less space, or dispersing their own particles. The reputed
death of Lucretius, which forms the basis of Mr, Tenny
son's noble poem, is in strict accordance with his philo
sophy, which was severe and pure.
During the centuries lying between the first of these
three philosophers and the last, the human intellect was
active in other fields than theirs. The sophists had run
through their career. At Athens had appeared Socrates,
Plato, and Aristotle, who ruined the sophists, and whose
yoke remains to some extent unbroken to the present hour.
Within this period also the School of Alexandria was
founded, Euclid wrote his ' Elements,' and made some ad
vance in optics. Archimedes had propounded the theory
of the lever and the principles of hydrostatics. Pytha
goras had made his experiments on the harmonic inter
vals, while astronomy was immensely enriched by the
discoveries of Hipparchus, who was followed by the his
torically more celebrated Ptolemy. Anatomy had been
made the basis of Scientific medicine ; and it is said by

Address.- 11
Draper J that vivisection then began. In fact, the science
of ancient Greece had already cleared the world of the
fantastic images of divinities operating capriciously through
natural phenomena. It had shaken itself free from that
fruitless scrutiny ' by the internal light of the mind
alone,' which had vainly sought to transcend experience
and reach a knowledge of ultimate causes. Instead of
accidental observation, it had introduced observation with
a purpose ; instruments were employed to aid the senses ;
and scientific method was rendered in a great measure
complete by the union of Induction and Experiment.
What, then, stopped its victorious advance ? Why
was the scientific intellect compelled, like an exhausted
soil, to lie fallow for nearly two millenniums before it
could regather the elements necessary to its fertility and
strength ? Bacon has already let us know one cause ;
Whewell ascribes this stationary period to four causes —
obscurity of thought, servility, intolerance of disposition,
enthusiasm of temper — and he gives striking examples of
each.2 But these characteristics must have had their
antecedents in the circumstances of the time. Bome
and the other cities of the Empire had fallen into moral
putrefaction. Christianity had appeared, offering the
gospel to the poor, and, by moderation if not asceticism
of life, practically protesting against the profligacy of the
age. The sufferings of the early Christians, and the
extraordinary exaltation of mind which enabled them to
triumph over the diabolical tortures to which they were
subjected,3 must have left traces not easily effaced. They
scorned the earth, in view of that ' building of God, that
1 History of the Intellectual Development of Europe, p. 295.
3 History of the Inductive Sciences, vol. i.
3 Depicted with terrible vividness in Kenan's Antichrist.

12 Address.
house not made with hands, eternal in the heavens.' The
Scriptures which ministered to their spiritual needs were
also the measure of their Science. When, for example,
the celebrated question of antipodes came to be discussed,
the Bible was with many the ultimate court of appeal.
Augustin, who flourished a.d. 400, would not deny the
rotundity of the earth ; but he would deny the possible
existence of inhabitants at the other side, 'because no
such race is recorded in Scripture among the descendants
of Adam.' Archbishop Boniface was shocked at the
assumption of a ' world of human beings out of the reach
of the means of salvation.' Thus reined in, Science was
not likely to make much progress. Later on the political
and theological strife between the Church and civil
governments, so powerfully depicted by Draper, must
have done much to stifle investigation.
Whewell makes many wise and brave remarks regard
ing the spirit of the Middle Ages. It was a menial spirit.
The seekers after natural knowledge had forsaken that
fountain of living waters, the direct appeal to nature by
observation and experiment, and had given themselves
up to the remanipulation of the notions of their predeces
sors. It was a time when thought had become abject,
and when the acceptance of mere authority led, as it
always does in science, to intellectual death. Natural
events, instead of being traced to physical, were referred
to moral causes ; while an exercise of the phantasy, almost
as degrading as the spiritualism of the present day, took
the place of scientific speculation. Then came the mys
ticism of the Middle Ages, Magic, Alchemy, the Neo-
platonic philosophy, with its visionary though sublime
abstractions, which caused men to look with shame upon
their own bodies as hindrances to the absorption of the
creature in the blessedness of the Creator. Finally came

Address. 13
the Scholastic philosophy, a fusion, according to Lange,
of the least-mature notions of Aristotle with the Christi
anity of the West. Intellectual immobility was the result.
As a traveller without a compass in a fog may wander
long, imagining he is making way, and find himself after
hours of toil at his starting-point, so the schoolmen,
having ' tied and untied the same knots and formed "and
dissipated the same clouds,' found themselves at the end
of centuries in their old position.
With regard to the influence wielded by Aristotle in
the Middle Ages, and which, though to a less extent, he
still wields, I would ask permission to make one remark.
When the human mind has achieved greatness and given
evidence of extraordinary power in any domain, there is
a tendency to credit it with similar power in all other
domains. Thus theologians have found comfort and as
surance in the thought that Newton dealt with the ques
tion of revelation, forgetful of the fact that the very
devotion of his powers, through all the best years of his
life, to a totally different class of ideas, not to speak of any
natural disqualification, tended to render him less instead
of more competent to deal with theological and historic
questions. Goethe, starting from his established great
ness as a poet, and indeed from his positive discoveries
in Natural History, produced a profound impression
among the painters of Germany when he published his
' Farbenlehre,' in which he endeavoured to overthrow
Newton's theory of colours. This theory he deemed so
obviously absurd that he considered its author a charla
tan, and attacked him with a corresponding vehemence
of language. In the domain of Natural History Goethe
had made really considerable discoveries ; and we have
high authority for assuming that, had he devoted himself
wholly to that side of science, he might have reached in

14 Address.
it an eminence comparable with that which he attained
as a poet. In sharpness of observation, in the detection
of analogies, however apparently remote, in the classifica
tion and organization of facts' according to the analogies
discerned, Goethe possessed extraordinary powers. These
elements of scientific inquiry fall in with the disciphne of
the poet. But, on the other hand, a mind thus richly
endowed in the direction of natural history may be
almost shorn of endowment as regards the more strictly
called physical and mechanical sciences. Goethe was in
this condition. He could not formulate distinct mechan
ical conceptions ; he could not see the force of mechanical
reasoning ; and in regions where such reasoning reigns
supreme he became a mere ignis fatuns to those who
followed him.
I have sometimes permitted myself to compare Aris
totle with Goethe, to credit the Stagirite with an almost su
perhuman power of amassing and systematizing facts, but
to consider him fatally defective on that side of the mind
in respect to which incompleteness has been just ascribed
to Goethe. Whewell refers the errors of Aristotle, not
to a neglect of facts, but to 'a neglect of the idea
appropriate to the facts ; the idea of Mechanical cause,
which is Force, and the substitution of vague or inap
plicable notions, involving only relations of space or
emotions of wonder.' This is doubtless true ; but the
word 'neglect' implies mere intellectual misdirection,
whereas in Aristotle, as in Goethe, it was not, I believe,
misdirection, but sheer natural incapacity which lay at
the root of his mistakes. As a physicist, Aristotle dis
played what we should consider some of the worst at
tributes of a modern physical investigator — indistinctness
of ideas, confusion of mind, and a confident use of lan
guage, which led to the delusive notion that he had really

Address. 15
mastered his subject, while he had as yet failed to grasp even
the elements of it. He put words in the place of things,
subject in the place of object. He preached Induction :
without practising it, inverting the true order of inquiry
by passing from the general to the particular, instead of
from the particular to the general. He made of the
universe a closed sphere, in the centre of which he fixed
-the earth, proving from general principles, to his own
satisfaction and to that of the world for near 2,000 years,
that no other universe was possible. His notions of motion
were entirely unphysical. It was natural or unnatural,
better or worse, calm or violent — no real mechanical
conception regarding it lying at the bottom of his mind.
He affirmed that a vacuum could not exist, and proved
that if it did exist motion in it would be impossible. He
determined a priori how many species of animals must
exist, and shows on general principles why animals must
have such and such parts. When an eminent contem
porary philosopher, who is far removed from errors of
this kind, remembers these abuses of the a, priori method,
he will be able to make allowance for the jealousy of
physicists as to the acceptance of so-called a priori truths.
Aristotle's errors of detail, as shown by Eucken and
Lange, were grave and numerous. He affirmed that only
in man we had the beating of the heart, that the left
side of the body was colder than the right, that men
have more teeth than women, and that there is an empty
space at the back of every man's head.
There- is one essential quality in physical conceptions
which was entirely wanting in those of Aristotle and his fol
lowers. I wish it could be expressed by a word untainted
by its associations ; it signifies a capability of being placed
as a coherent picture before the mind. The Germans ex
press the act of picturing by the word vorstellen, and the

16 Address.
picture they call a Vorstellung. We have no word in Eng
lish which comes nearer to our requirements than Imagi
nation, and, taken with its proper limitations, the word
answers very well ; but, as just intimated, it is tainted
by its associations, and therefore objectionable to some
minds. Compare, with reference to this capacity of
mental presentation, the case of the Aristotelian who
• refers the ascent of water in a pump to Nature's abhor
rence of a vacuum, with that of Pascal when he proposed
to solve the question of atmospheric pressure by the
ascent of the Puy de Dome. In the one case the terms
of the explanation refuse to fall into place as a physical
image ; in the other the image is distinct, the fall and
rise of the barometer being clearly figured as the balanc
ing of two varying and opposing pressures.
During the drought of the Middle Ages in Christen
dom, the Arabian intellect, as forcibly shown by Draper,
was active. With the intrusion of the Moors into Spain,
he says, order, learning, and refinement took the place
of their opposites. When smitten with disease, the
Christian peasant resorted to a shrine, the Moorish one
to an instructed physician. The Arabs encouraged trans
lations from the Greek philosophers, but not from the
Greek poets. They turned in disgust ' from the lewdness
of our classical mythology, and denounced as an unpar
donable blasphemy all connexion between the impure
Olympian Jove and the Most High God.' Draper traces
still further than Whewell the Arab elements in our scien
tific terms, and points out that the under garment of
ladies retains to this hour its Arab name. He gives
examples of what Arabian men of science accomplished,
dwelling particularly on Alhazen, who was the first to
correct the Platonic notion that rays of light are emitted
by the eye. He discovered atmospheric refraction, and

Address. 1 7
points out that we see the sun and the moon after they
have set. He explains the enlargement of the sun and
moon, and the shortening of the vertical diameters of
both these bodies, when near the horizon. He is aware
that the atmosphere decreases in density with increase of
elevation, and actually fixes its height at 58.^ miles. In the
Book of the Balance Wisdom, he sets forth the connexion
between the weight of the atmosphere and its increasing
density. He shows that a body will weigh differently in
a rare and dense atmosphere : he considers the force with
which plunged bodies rise through heavier media. He
understands the doctrine of the centre of gravity, and
applies it to the investigation of balances and steelyards.
He recognises gravity as a force, though he falls into the
error of making it diminish simply as the distance in
creased, and of making it purely terrestrial. He knows the
relation between the velocities, spaces, and times of falling
bodies, and has distinct ideas of capillary attraction. He
improved the hydrometer. The determination of the densi
ties of bodies as given by Alhazen approach very closely
to our own. ' I join,' says Draper, in the pious prayer
of Alhazen, ' that in the day of judgment the All-Mer
ciful will take pity on the soul of Abur-Baihan, because
he was the first of the race of men to construct a table of
specific gravities.' If all this be historic truth (and I
have entire confidence in Dr. Draper), well may he
' deplore the systematic manner in which the literature
of Europe has contrived to put out of sight our scientific
obligations to the Mahommedans.' 1
The strain upon the mind during the stationary period )
towards ultra-terrestrial things, to the neglect of problems ,
close at hand, was sure to provoke reaction. But the
reaction was gradual ; for the ground was dangerous, a
1 Intellectual Development of Europe, p. 359.
C

18 Address.
power being at hand competent to crush the critic who
went too far. To elude this power and still allow oppor
tunity for the expression of opinion, the doctrine of
' twofold truth ' was invented, according to which an
opinion might be held ' theologically ' and the opposite
opinion ' philosophically.' x Thus in the thirteenth cen
tury the creation of the world in six days, and the
unchangeableness of the individual soul which had been
so distinctly affirmed by St. Thomas Aquinas, were both
denied philosophically, but admitted to be true as articles
of the Catholic faith. When Protagoras uttered the
maxim which brought upon him so much vituperation,
that ' opposite assertions are equally true,' he simply meant
that human beings differed so much from each other that
what was subjectively true to the one might be sub
jectively untrue to the other. The great Sophist never
meant to play fast and loose with the truth by saying
that one of two opposite assertions, made by the same
individual, could possibly escape being a lie. It was not
' sophistry,' but the dread of theologic vengeance that
generated this double dealing with conviction ; and it is
astonishing to notice what lengths were possible to men
who were adroit in the use of artifices of this kind.
Towards the close of the stationary period a word-
weariness, if I may so express it,' took more and more
possession of men's minds. Christendom had become
sick of the School philosophy and its verbal wastes, which
led to no issue, but left the intellect in everlasting haze.
Here and there was heard the voice of one impatiently
crying in the wilderness, ' Not unto Aristotle, not unto
subtle hypothesis, not unto church, Bible, or blind tradi
tion, must we turn for a knowledge of the universe, but
to the direct investigation of Nature by observation and
1 Lange, 2nd edit. pp. 181, 182.

Address. 19
experiment.' In 1543 the epoch-making work of Coper
nicus on the paths of the heavenly bodies appeared. The
total crash of Aristotle's closed universe with the earth
at its centre followed as a consequence, and ' the earth
moves ! ' became a kind of watchword among intellectual -
freemen. Copernicus was Canon of the Church of Frauen-
burg, in the diocese of Ermeland. For three-and-thirty
years he had withdrawn himself from the world and
devoted himself to the consolidation of his great scheme
of the solar system. He made its blocks eternal ; and
even to those who feared it and desired its overthrow it
was so obviously strong that they refrained for a time
from meddling with it. In the last year of the life of
Copernicus his book appeared : it is said that the old
man received a copy of it a few days before his death, J>
and then departed in peace. *
Tha Italian philosopher Giordano Bruno was one of
the earliest converts to the new astronomy. Taking '.
Lucretius as his exemplar, he revived the notion of the
infinity of worlds ; and, combining with it the doctrine
of Copernicus, reached the sublime generalization that
the fixed stars are suns, scattered numberless through
space and accompanied by satellites, which bear the
same relation to them that our earth does to our sun, or
our moon to our earth. This was an expansion of
transcendent import; but Bruno came closer than this
to our present line of thought. Struck with the problem
of the generation and maintenance of organisms, and duly
pondering it, he came to the conclusion that Nature in
her productions does not imitate the technic of man.
Her process is one of unravelling and unfolding. The
infinity of forms under which matter appears were not
imposed upon it by an external artificer ; by its own
intrinsic force and virtue it brings these forms forth.

20 Address.
Matter is not the mere naked, empty capacity which
philosophers have pictured her to be, but the universal
mother who brings forth all things as the fruit of her
own womb.
This outspoken man was originally a Dominican
monk. He was accused of heresy and had to fly, seeking
refuge in Geneva, Paris, England, and Germany. In
1592 he fell into the hands of the Inquisition at Venice.
He was imprisoned for many years, tried, degraded, ex
communicated, and handed over to the civil power, with
the request that he should be treated gently and ' without
the shedding of blood.' This meant that he was to be
burnt ; and burnt accordingly he was, on the 16th of Feb
ruary, 1600. To escape a similar fate Galileo, thirty-three
years afterwards, abjured, upon his knees, and with his
hand upon the holy gospels, the heliocentric doctrine
which he knew to be true. After Galileo came Kepler,
who from his German home defied the power beyond
the Alps. He traced out from pre-existing observations
the laws of planetary motion. Materials were thus pre
pared for Newton, who bound those empirical laws to
gether by the principle of gravitation.
In the seventeenth century Bacon and Descartes, the re
storers of philosophy, appeared in succession. Differently
educated and endowed, their philosophic tendencies were
different. Bacon held fast to Induction, believing firmly
in the existence of an external world, and making collected
experiences the basis of all knowledge. The mathematical
studies of Descartes gave him a bias towards Deduction ;
and his fundamental principle was much the same as that
of Protagoras, who made the individual man the measure
of all things. ' I think, therefore I am,' said Descartes.
Only his own identity was sure to him ; and the develop
ment of this system would have led to an idealism in

Address. 21
which the outer world would be resolved into a mere
phenomenon of consciousness. Gassendi, one of Descartes's
contemporaries, of whom we shall hear more presently,
quickly pointed out that the fact of personal existence
would be proved as Well by reference to any other act as
to the act of thinking. I eat, therefore I am ; or I love,
therefore I am, would be quite as conclusive. Lichtenberg
showed that the very thing to be proved was inevitably
postulated in the first two words, ' I think ; ' and that no
inference from the postulate could by any possibility be
stronger than the postulate itself.
But Descartes deviated strangely from the idealism
implied in his fundamental principle. • He was the first
to reduce, in a manner eminently capable of bearing the
test of mental presentation, vital phenomena to purely
mechanical principles. Through fear or love, Descartes
was a good churchman ; he accordingly rejects the
notion of an atom, because it was absurd to suppose that
God, if he so pleased, could not divide an atom ; he puts
in the place of the atoms small round particles and light
splinters, out of which he builds the organism. He
sketches with marvellous physical insight a machine, with
water for its motive power, which shall illustrate vital
actions. He has made clear to his mind that such a
machine would be competent to carry on the processes of
digestion, nutrition, growth, respiration, and the beating of
the heart. It would be competent to accept impressions
from the external sense, to store them up in imagination
and memory, to go through the internal movements of
the appetites and passions, the external movement of
limbs. He deduces these functions of his machine from
the mere arrangement of its organs, as the movement of a
clock or other automaton is deduced from its weights and
wheels. ' As far as these functions are concerned,' he

22 Address.
says, ' it is not necessary to conceive any other vegetative
or sensitive soul, nor any other principle of motion or of
life, than the blood and the spirits agitated by the fire
which burns continually in the heart, and which is in no
wise different from the fires which exist in inanimate
bodies.' Had Descartes been acquainted with the steam-
engine, he would have taken it, instead of a fall of water,
as his motive power, and shown the perfect analogy which
exists between the oxidation of the food in the body and
that of the coal in the furnace. He would assuredly
have anticipated Mayer in calling the blood which the
heart diffuses ' the oil of the lamp of life ; ' deducing all
animal motions from the combustion of this oil, as the
motions of a steam-engine are deduced from the combus
tion of its coal. As the matter stands, however, and
considering the circumstances of the time, the boldness,
clearness, and precision with which he grasped the problem
of vital dynamics constitute a marvellous illustration of
intellectual power.1
During the Middle Ages the doctrine of atoms had to
all appearance vanished from discussion. In all proba
bility it held its ground among sober-minded and
thoughtful men, though neither the church nor the
world was prepared to hear of it with tolerance. Once,
in the year 1348, it received distinct expression. But
retractation by compulsion immediately followed, and, thus
discouraged, it slumbered till the seventeenth century, when
it was revived by a contemporary and friend of Hobbes
and Malmesbury, the orthodox Catholic provost of Digne,
Gassendi. But before stating his relation to the Epicurean
doctrine, it will be well to say a few words on the effect,
1 See Huxley's admirable Essuy on Descartes. Lay Sermons, pp.
364, 365.

Address. 23
as regards science, of the general introduction of mono
theism among European nations.
' Were men,' says Hume, ' led into the apprehension of
invisible intelligent power by contemplation of the works
of Nature, they could never possibly entertain any concep
tion but of one single being, who bestowed existence and
order on this vast machine, and adjusted all its parts to
one regular system.' Keferring to the condition of the
heathen, who sees a god behind every natural event, thus
peopling the world with thousands of beings whose
caprices are incalculable, Lange shows the impossibility
of any compromise between such notions and those of
science, which proceeds on the assumption of never-
changing law and causality. ' But,' he continues, with
characteristic penetration, ' when the great thought of
one God, acting as a unit upon the universe, has been
seized, the connexion of things in accordance with the
law of cause and effect is not only thinkable, but it is a
necessary consequence of the assumption. For when I
see ten thousand wheels in motion, and know, or believe,
that they are all driven by one, then I know that I have
before me a mechanism the action of every part of which
is determined by the plan of the whole. So much being
assumed, it follows that I may investigate the structure
of that machine, and the various motions of its parts.
For the time being, therefore, this conception renders
scientific action free.' In other words, were a capricious
God at the circumference of every wheel and at the end
of every lever, the action of the machine would be incal
culable by the methods of science. But the action of all
its parts being rigidly determined by their connexions
and relations, and these being brought into play by a
single self-acting driving wheel, then, though this last prime

24 Address.
mover may elude me, I am still able to comprehend the
machinery which it sets in motion. We have here a
conception of the relation of Nature to its Author which
seems perfectly acceptable to some minds, but perfectly
intolerable to others. Newton and Boyle lived and worked
happily under the influence of this conception ; Goethe
rejected it with vehemence, and the same repugnance to
accepting it is manifest in Carlyle.1
The analytic and synthetic tendencies of the human
mind exhibit themselves throughout history, great writers
ranging themselves sometimes on the one side, sometimes
on the other. Men of warm feelings and minds open to the
elevating impressions produced by Nature as a whole,
whose satisfaction, therefore, is rather ethical than logical,
lean to the synthetic side ; while the analytic har
monizes best with the more precise and more mechanical
bias which seeks the satisfaction of the understanding.
Some form of pantheism was usually adopted by the one,
while a detached Creator, working more or less after
the manner of men, was often assumed by the other.
Gassendi is hardly to be ranked with either. Having for
mally acknowledged God as the great first cause, he
immediately dropped the idea, applied the known laws of
mechanics to the atoms, deducing thence all vital phe
nomena. He defended Epicurus, and dwelt upon his
purity, both of doctrine and of life. True he was a heathen,
but so was Aristotle. He assailed superstition and reli
gion, and rightly, because he did not know the true
religion. He thought that the gods neither rewarded nor
1 Boyle's model of the universe was the Strasburg clock with an
outside Artificer. Goethe, on the other hand, sang
' Ihm ziemt's die Welt im Innern zu bewegen
Natur in sich, sich in Natur zu hegeii.'
See also Carlyle, Past and Present, Chap, Vt

Address. 25
punished, and adored them purely in consequence of their
completeness ; here we see, says Gassendi, the reverence
of the child instead of the fear of the slave. The errors
of Epicurus shall be corrected, the body of his truth re
tained ; and then Gassendi proceeds, as any heathen might
do, to build up the world, and all that therein is, of atoms
and molecules. God, who created earth and water, plants
and animals, produced in the first place a definite number
of atoms, which constituted the seed of all things. Then
began that series of combinations and decompositions
which goes on at present, and which will continue
in future. The principle of every change resides in
matter. In artificial productions the moving principle is
different from the material worked upon ; but in Nature
the agent works within, being the most active and mobile
part of the material itself. Thus, this bold ecclesiastic,
without incurring the censure of the church or the
world, contrives to outstrip Mr. Darwin. The same cast
of mind which caused him to detach the Creator from his
universe led him also to detach the soul from the body,
though to the body he ascribes an influence so large as to
render the soul almost unnecessary. The aberrations of
reason were in his vieAv an affair of the material brain.
Mental disease is brain disease ; but then the immortal
reason sits apart, and cannot be touched by the disease.
The errors of madness are errors of the instrument, not of
the performer.
It may be more than a mere result of education, con
necting itself probably with the deeper mental structure
of the two men, that the idea of Gassendi above enunci
ated is substantially the same as that expressed by Pro
fessor Clerk Maxwell at the close of the very able lecture
delivered by him at Bradford last year. According to
both philosophers, the atoms, if I understand aright, are

26 Address.
the prepared materials which, formed by the skill of the
highest, produce by their subsequent inter-action all the
phenomena of the material world. There seems to be
this difference, however, between Gassendi and Maxwell.
The one postulates, the other infers his first cause. In his
' manufactured articles,' as he calls the atoms, Professor
Maxwell finds the basis of an induction which enables
him to scale philosophic heights considered inaccessible
by Kant, and to take the logical step from the atoms to
their Maker.
Accepting here the leadership of Kant, I doubt
the legitimacy of Maxwell's logic ; but it is impossible
not to feel the ethic glow with which his lecture con
cludes. There is, moreover, a very noble strain of elo
quence in his description of the steadfastness of the
atoms : — ' Natural causes, as we know, are at work, which
tend to modify, if they do not at length destroy, all the
arrangements and dimensions of the earth and the whole
solar system. But though in the course of ages cata
strophes have occurred and may yet occur in the heavens,
though ancient systems may be dissolved and new systems
evolved out of their ruins, the molecules out of which
these systems are built — the foundation stones of the ma
terial universe — remain unbroken and unworn.'
The atomic doctrine, in whole or in part, was enter
tained by Bacon, Descartes, Hobbes, Locke, Newton,
Boyle, and their successors, until the chemical law of mul
tiple proportions enabled Dalton to confer upon it an
entirely new significance. In our day there are secessions
from the theory, but it still stands firm. Loschmidt,
Stoney, and Sir William Thomson have sought to deter
mine the sizes of the atoms, or rather to fix the limits
between which their sizes lie ; while only last year the
discourses of Williamson and Maxwell illustrate the pre-

Address. 27
» /
sent hold of the doctrine upon the foremost scientific
minds. In fact, it may be doubted whether, wanting this
fundamental conception, a theory of the material universe
is capable of scientific statement.
Ninety years subsequent to Gassendi the doctrine of
bodily instruments, as it may be called, assumed immense
importance in the hands of Bishop Butler, who, in his
famous ' Analogy of Beligion,' developed, from his own
point of view, and with consummate sagacity, a similar
idea. The Bishop still influences superior minds ; and it
will repay us to dwell for a moment on his views. He
draws the sharpest distinction between our real selves and
our bodily instruments. He does not, as far as I remem
ber, use the word soul, possibly because the term was so
hackneyed in his day as it had been for many generations
previously. But he speaks of ' living powers,' ' perceiving '
or ' percipient powers,' ' moving agents,' ' ourselves,' in the
same sense as we should employ the term soul. He
dwells upon the fact that limbs may be removed, and
mortal diseases assail the body, the mind, almost up
to the moment of death, remaining clear. He refers to
sleep and to swoon, where the ' living powers ' are sus
pended but not destroyed. He considers it quite as easy
to conceive of existence out of our bodies as in them :
that we may animate a succession of bodies, the dissolu
tion of all of them having no more tendency to dissolve
our real selves, or ' deprive us of living faculties — the
faculties of perception and action — than the dissolution of
any foreign matter which we are capable of receiving
impressions from, or making use of for the common occa
sions of life.' This1 is the key of the Bishop's position ;
' our organized bodies are no more a part of ourselves
than any other matter around us.' In proof of this he

28 Address.
calls attention to the use of glasses, which ' prepare objects'
for the ' percipient power ' exactly as the eye does. The
eye itself is no more percipient than the glass ; is quite
as much the instrument of the true self, and also as foreign
to the true self, as the glass is. ' And if we see with our
ejTes only in the same manner as we do with glasses, the like
may justly be concluded from analogy of all our senses.'
Lucretius, as you are aware, reached a precisely op
posite conclusion ; and it certainly would be interesting,
if not profitable, to us all, to hear what he would or could
urge in opposition to the reasoning of the Bishop. As a
brief discussion of the point will enable us to see the
bearings of an important question, I will here permit a
disciple of Lucretius to try the strength of the Bishop's
position, and then allow the Bishop to retaliate, with the
view of rolling back, if he can, the difficulty upon
Lucretius. The argument might proceed in this fashion : —
' Subjected to the test of mental presentation [Vorstel-
lung), your views, most honoured prelate, would present
to many minds a great, if not an insuperable difficulty.
You speak of " living powers," " percipient or perceiving
powers," and " ourselves ; " but can you form a mental
picture of any one of these apart from the organism
through which it is supposed to act ? Test yourself
honestly, and see whether you possess any faculty that
would enable you to form such a conception. The true
self has a local habitation in each of us ; thus localized,
must it not possess a form ? If so, what form ? Have
you ever for a moment realized it ? When a leg is ampu
tated the body is divided into two parts ; is the true self
in both of them or in one ? Thomas Aquinas might say in
both ; but not you, for you appeal to the consciousness
associated with one of the two parts to prove that the
L ,'j • ¦¦'-°-4C>~a ,.v i/iU i, IlUa>W\.(< • • / ,

Address. 29
other is foreign matter. Is consciousness, then, a necessary
element of the true self? If so, what do you say to the
case of the whole body being deprived of consciousness ?
If not, then on what grounds do you deny any portion of
the true self to the severed limb ? It seems very singular
that, from the beginning to the end of your admirable
book (and no one admires its sober strength more than I
do), you never once mention the brain or nervous system.
You begin at one end of the body, and show that its parts
may be removed without prejudice to the perceiving
power. What if you begin at the other end, and remove,
instead of the leg, the brain ? The body, as before, is
divided into two parts ; but both are now in the same
predicament, and neither can be appealed to to prove that
the other is foreign matter. Or, instead of going so far
as to remove the brain itself, let a certain portion of its
bony covering be removed, and let a rhythmic series of
pressures and relaxations of pressure be applied to the
soft substance. At every pressure " the faculties of per
ception and of action " vanish ; at every relaxation of
pressure they are restored. Where, during the intervals
of pressure, is the perceiving power? I once had the
discharge of a large Leyden battery passed unexpectedly
through ine : I felt nothing, but was simply blotted out of
conscious existence for a sensible interval. Where was
my true self during that interval ? Men who have re
covered from lightning-stroke have been much longer in
the same state ; and indeed in cases of ordinary concussion
of the brain, days may elapse during which no experience
is registered in consciousness. Where is the man himself
during the period of insensibility? You may say that I
beg the question when I assume the man to have been
unconscious, that he was really conscious all the time,
and has simply forgotten what had occurred to him. In

30 Address.
reply to this, I can only say that no one need shrink from
the worst tortures that superstition ever invented if only
so felt and so remembered. I do not think your theory
of instruments goes at all to the bottom of the matter. A
telegraph-operator has his instruments, by means of which
he converses with the world ; our bodies possess a nervous
system, which plays a similar part between the perceiving
power and external things. Cut the wires of the operator,
break his battery, demagnetize his needle : by this means
you certainly sever his connexion with the world ; but
inasmuch as these are real instruments, their destruction
does not touch the man who uses them. The operator
survives, and he knows that he survives. What is it, I
would ask, in the human system that answers to this con
scious survival of the operator Avhen the battery of the
brain is so disturbed as to produce insensibility, or when
it is destroyed altogether ?
' Another consideration, which you may consider
slight, presses upon me with some force. The brain may
change from health to disease, and through such a change
the most exemplary man may be converted into a de
bauchee or a murderer. My very noble and approved
good master had, as you know, threatenings of lewdness
introduced into his brain by his jealous wife's philter ;
and sooner than permit himself to run even the risk of
yielding to these base promptings he slew himself. How
could the hand of Lucretius have been thus turned against
himself if the real Lucretius remained as before ? Can
the brain or can it not act in this distempered way without
the intervention of the immortal reason ? If it can, then
it is a prime mover which requires only healthy regula
tion to render it reasonably self-acting, and there is no
apparent need of your immortal reason at all. If it cannot
then the immortal reason, by its mischievous activity in
operating upon a broken instrument, must have the credit

Address. 31
of committing every imaginable extravagance and crime.
I think, if you will allow me to say so, that the gravest
consequences are likely to flow from your estimate of the
body. To regard the brain as you would a staff or an
eyeglass — to shut your eyes to all its mystery, to the per
fect correlation of its condition and our consciousness,
to the fact that a slight excess or defect of blood in
it produces the very swoon to which you refer, and
that in relation to it our meat and drink and air and
exercise have a perfectly transcendental value and signi
ficance — to forget all this does, I think, open a way to
innnumerable errors in our habits of life, and may possibly
in some cases initiate and foster that very disease, and
consequent mental ruin, which a wiser appreciation of
this mysterious organ would have avoided.'
I can imagine the Bishop thoughtful after hearing this
argument. He was not the man to allow anger to
mingle with the consideration of a point of this kind. After
due reflection, and having strengthened himself by that
honest contemplation of the facts which was habitual
with him, and which includes the desire to give even
adverse facts their due weight, I can suppose the Bishop
to proceed thus : — ' You will remember that in the
" Analogy of Keligion," of which you have so kindly
spoken, I did not profess to prove anything absolutely,
and that I over and over again acknowledged and in
sisted on the smallness of our knowledge, or rather the
depth of our ignorance, as regards the whole system of
the universe. My object was to show my deistical friends,
who set forth so eloquently the beauty and beneficence
of Nature and the Ruler thereof, while they had nothing
but scorn for the so-called absurdities of the Christian'
scheme, that they were in no better condition than we
were, and that, for every difficulty found upon our side,
quite as great a difficulty was to be found upon theirs. I

32 Address.
will now, with your permission, adopt a similar line of argu
ment. You are a Lucretian, and from the combination and
separation of insensate atoms deduce all terrestrial things,
including organic forms and their phenomena. Let me
tell you, in the first instance, how far I am prepared to go
with you. I admit that you can build crystalline forms
out of this play of molecular force ; that the diamond,
amethyst, and snow-star are truly wonderful struc
tures which are thus produced. I will go further
and acknowledge that even a tree or flower might in
this way be organized. Nay, if you can show me an
animal without sensation, I will concede to you that it
also might be put together by the suitable play of mole
cular force.
' Thus far our way is clear ; but now comes my diffi
culty; Your atoms are individually without sensation,
much more are they without intelligence. May I ask
you, then, to try your hand upon this problem ? Take
your dead hydrogen atoms, your dead oxygen atoms,
your dead carbon atoms, your dead nitrogen atoms, your
dead phosphorus atoms, and all the other atoms, dead
as grains of shot, of which the brain is formed. Imagine
them separate and sensationless, observe them running
together and forming all imaginable combinations. This,
as a purely mechanical process, is seeable by the mind.
But can you see, or dream, or in any way imagine, how
out of that mechanical act, and from these individually
dead atoms, sensation, thought, and emotion are to arise ?
Are you likely to extract Homer out of the rattling of dice,
or the Differential Calculus out of the clash of billiard-balls ?
I am not all bereft of this Vorskllungs-Kraft of which you
speak, nor am I, like so many of my brethren, a, mere
vacuum as regards scientific knowledge. I can follow a
particle of musk until it reaches the olfactory nerve ; I can

Address. 33
follow the waves of sound until their tremors reach the
water of the labyrinth and set the otoliths and Corti's
fibres in motion ; I can also visualize the waves of ether
as they cross the eye and hit the retina. Nay more, I
am able to pursue to the central organ the motion thus
imparted at the periphery, and to see in idea the very
molecules of the brain thrown into tremors. My insight
is not baffled by these physical processes. What baffles
and bewilders me, is the notion that from those physical
tremors things so utterly incongruous with them as sensa
tion, thought, and emotion can be derived. You may
say, or think, that this issue of consciousness from the
clash of atoms is not more incongruous than the flash of
light from the union of oxygen and hydrogen. But I beg
to say that it is. For such incongruity as the flash pos
sesses is that which I now force upon your attention.
The flash is an affair of consciousness, the objective
counterpart of which is a vibration. It is a flash only by
your interpretation. You are the cause of the apparent
incongruity, and you are the thing that puzzles me. I
need not remind you that the great Leibnitz felt the dif
ficulty which I feel, and that to get rid of this monstrous
deduction of life from death he displaced your atoms by
his monads, which were more or less perfect mirrors of the
universe,, and out of the summation and integration of
which he supposed all the phenomena of life — sentient,
intellectual, and emotional — to arise.
' Your difficulty, then, as I see you are ready to
admit, is quite as great as mine. You cannot satisfy the
human understanding in its demand for logical continuity
between molecular processes and the phenomena of con
sciousness. This is a rock on which materialism must
inevitably split whenever it pretends to be a complete

34 Address.
philosophy of life. What is the moral, my Lucretian ?
You and I are not likely to indulge in ill-temper in the
discussion of these great topics, where we see so much
room for honest differences of opinion. But there are
people of less wit or more bigotry (I say it with humility)
on both sides, who are ever ready to mingle anger and
vituperation with such discussions. There are, for ex
ample, writers of note and influence at the present day
who are not ashamed to assume the " deep personal sin "
of a great logician to be the cause of his unbelief in a
theologic dogma. And there are others who hold that
we, who cherish our noble Bible, wrought as it has been
into the constitution of our forefathers, and by inheritance
into us, must necessarily be hypocritical and insincere.
Let us disavow and discountenance such people, cherish
ing the unswerving faith that what is good and true in
both our arguments will be preserved for the benefit of
humanity, while all that is bad or false will disappear.'
I hold the Bishop's reasoning to be unanswerable, and
his liberality to be worthy of imitation.
It is worth remarking that in one respect the Bishop
was a product of his age. Long previous to his day the
nature of the soul had been so favourite and general a
topic of discussion, that, when the students of the Uni
versity of Paris wished to know the leanings of a new
Professor, they at once requested him to lecture upon the
soul. About the time of Bishop Butler the question was
not only agitated but extended. It was seen by the
clear-witted men who entered this arena that many of their
best arguments applied equally to brutes and men. The
Bishop's arguments were of this character. He saw it, ad
mitted it, accepted the consequences, and boldly embraced
the whole animal world in his scheme of immortality.

Address. 35
Bishop Butler accepted with unwavering trust the
chronology of the Old Testament, describing it as ' con
firmed by the natural and civil history of the world,
collected from common historians, from the state of the
earth, and from the late inventions of arts and sciences.'
These words mark progress ; and they must seem somewhat
hoary to the Bishop's successors of to-day.1 It is hardly
necessary to inform you that since his time the domain of
the naturalist has been immensely extended — the whole
science of geology, with its astounding revelations regard
ing the life of the ancient earth, having been created. The
rigidity of old conceptions has been relaxed, the public
mind being rendered gradually tolerant of the idea that
not for six thousand, nor for sixty thousand, nor for six
thousand thousand thousand, but for asons embracing
untold millions of years, this earth has been the theatre of
life and death. The riddle of the rocks has been read by
the geologist and palaeontologist, from subcambrian depths
to the deposits thickening over the sea-bottoms of to-day.
And upon the leaves of that stone book are, as you know,
stamped the characters, plainer and surer than those
formed by the ink of history, which carry the mind back
into abysses of past time compared with which the periods
which satisfied Bishop Butler cease to have a visual angle.
The lode of discovery once struck, those petrified
forms in which hfe was at one time active increased to
multitudes and demanded classification. They were
grouped in genera, species, and varieties, according to
the degree of similarity subsisting between them. Thus
confusion was avoided, each object being found in the
1 Only to- some ; for there are dignitari es who even now speak of
the earth's rocky crust as so much building material prepared for man
at the Creation. Surely it is lime that this loose language should eease.
d2

36 Address.
pigeon-hole appropriated to it and to its fellows of similar
•.- morphological or physiological character. The general
fact soon became evident that none but the simplest
forms of life lie lowest down, that as we climb higher
among the super-imposed strata more perfect forms
appear. The change, however, from form to form
was not continuous, but by steps — some small, some
great. 'A section,' says Mr. Huxley, 'a hundred feet
thick will exhibit at different heights a dozen species of
Ammonite, none of which passes beyond its particular
zone of limestone, or clay, into the zone below it, or into
that above it.' In the presence of such facts it was not
possible to avoid the question : — Have these forms,
showing, though in broken stages and with many irre
gularities, this unmistakable general advance, been sub
jected to no continuous law of growth or variation ?
Had our education been purely scientific, or had it been
sufficiently detached from influences which, however
ennobling in another domain, have always proved hin
drances and delusions when introduced as factors into
the domain of physics, the scientific mind never could
have swerved from the search for a law of growth, or
allowed itself to accept the anthropomorphism which
regarded each successive stratum as a kind of mechanic's
bench for the manufacture of new species out of all rela
tion to the old.
Biassed, however, by their previous education, the
great majority of naturalists invoked a special creative
act to account for the appearance of each new group of
organisms. Doubtless there were numbers who were
clear-headed enough to see that this was no explanation
at all, that in point of fact it was an attempt, by the intro
duction of a greater difficulty, to account for a less. But
having nothing to offer in the way of explanation, they

Address. 37
for the most part held their peace. Still the thoughts of
reflecting men naturally and necessarily simmered round
the question. De Maillet, a contemporary of Newton,
has been brought into notice by Professor Huxley as one
who ' had a notion of the modifiability of living forms.'
In my frequent conversations with him, the late Sir Ben
jamin Brodie, a man of highly philosophic mind, often
drew my attention to the fact that, as early as 1794,
Charles Darwin's grandfather was the pioneer of Charles
Darwin.1 In 1801, and in subsequent years, the cele
brated Lamarck, who produced so profound an impression
on the public mind through the vigorous exposition of his
views by the author of the ' Vestiges of Creation,' endea
voured to show the development of species out of changes
of habit and external condition. In 1813 Dr. Wells, the
founder of our present theory of Dew, read before the
Boyal Society a paper in which, to use the words of
Mr. Darwin, ' he distinctly recognises the principle of
natural selection ; and this is the first recognition that
has been indicated.' The thoroughness and skill with
which Wells pursued his work, and the obvious indepen
dence of his character, rendered him long ago a favourite
with me ; and it gave me the liveliest pleasure to alight
upon this additional testimony to his penetration. Pro
fessor Grant, Mr. Patrick Matthew, Von Buch, the author
of the ' Vestiges,' D'Halloy, and others,2 by the enunciation
of opinions more or less clear and correct, showed that the
question had been fermenting long prior to the year 1858,
when Mr. Darwin and Mr. Wallace simultaneously but
1 Zoonomia, vol. i. pp. 500-510.
2 In 1855 Mr. Herbert Spencer (Principles of Psychology, 2nd edit.
vol. i. p. 465) expressed ' the belief that life under all its forms has
arisen by an unbroken evolution, and through the instrumentality of
what are called natural causes.'

38 Address.
independently placed their closely concurrent views upon
the subject before the Linnean Society.
These papers were followed in 1859 by the publication
of the first edition of ' The Origin of Species.' All great
things come slowly to the birth. Copernicus, as I informed
you, pondered his great work for thirty-three years. New
ton for nearly twenty years kept the idea of Gravitation
before his mind ; for twenty years also he dwelt upon his
discovery of Fluxions, and doubtless would have continued
to make it the object of his private thought had he not
found that Leibnitz was upon his track. Darwin for two
and twenty years pondered the problem of the origin of
species, and doubtless he would have continued to do so
had he not found Wallace upon his track.1 A concen
trated but full and powerful epitome of his labours was
the consequence. The book was by no means an easy one ;
and probably not one in every score of those who then
attacked it had read its pages through, or were competent
to grasp their significance if they had. I do not say this
merely to discredit them ; for there were in those days
some really eminent scientific men, entirely raised above
the heat of popular prejudice, willing to accept any con
clusion that science had to offer, provided it was duly
backed by fact and argument, and who entirely mistook Mr.
Darwin's views. In fact, the work needed an expounder ;
and it found one in Mr. Huxley. I know nothing more
admirable in the way of scientific exposition than those
early articles of his on the origin of species. He swept
the curve of discussion through the really significant points
of the subject, enriched his exposition with profound
original remarks and reflections, often summing up in a
single pithy sentence an argument which a less compact
1 The behaviour of Mr. Wallace in relation to this subject has been
dignified in the highest degree.

Address. 39
mind would have spread over pages. But there is one
impression made by the book itself which no exposition of
it, however luminous, can convey ; and that is the impres
sion of the vast amount of labour, both of observation and
of thought, implied in its production. Let us glance at its
principles. It is conceded on all hands that what are called varie- )
ties are continually produced. The rule is probably with- '
out exception. No chick and no child is in all respects
and particulars the counterpart of its brother and sister ;
and in such differences we have ' variety ' incipient. No
naturalist could tell how far this variation could be carried;
but the great mass of them held that never by any amount
of internal or external change, nor by the mixture of both,
could the offspring of the same progenitor so far deviate
from each other as to constitute different species. The
function of the experimental philosopher is to combine
the conditions of nature and to produce her results ; and
this was the method of Darwin.1 He made himself
acquainted with what could, without any manner of doubt,
be done in the way of producing variation. He associated
himself with pigeon-fanciers — bought, begged, kept, and
observed every breed that he could obtain. Though derived
from a common stock, the diversities of these pigeons were
such that ' a score of them might be chosen which, if
shown to an ornithologist, and he were told that they were
wild birds, would certainly be ranked by him as well-
defined species.' The simple principle which guides the
pigeon-fancier, as it does the cattle-breeder, is the selection
of some variety that strikes his fancy, and the propagation
1 The first step only towards experimental demonstration has been
taken. Experiments now begun might, a couple of centuries hence,
furnish data of incalculable value, which ought to be supplied to the
science of the future.

40 Address.
of this variety by inheritance. With his eye still directed to
the particular appearance which he wishes to exaggerate,
he selects it as it reappears in successive broods, and thus
adds increment to increment until an astonishing amount of
divergence from the parent type is effected. The breeder in
this case does not produce the elements of the variation. He
simply observes them, and by selection adds them together
until the required result has been obtained. ' No man,'
says Mr. Darwin, ' would ever try to make a fantail till he
saw a pigeon with a tail developed in some slight degree
in an unusual manner, or a pouter until he saw a pigeon
with a crop of unusual size.' Thus nature gives the hint,
man acts upon it, and by the law of inheritance exaggerates
the deviation.
Having thus satisfied himself by indubitable facts that
the organization of an animal or of a plant (for precisely
the same treatment applies to plants) is to some extent
plastic, he passes from variation under domestication to
variation under nature. Hitherto we have dealt with the
adding together of small changes by the conscious selection
of man. Can Nature thus select ? Mr. Darwin's answer
I is, ' Assuredly she can.' The number of hving things pro
duced is far in excess of the number that can be supported ;
hence at some period or other of their lives there must be
a struggle for existence ; and what is the infalhble result?
If one organism were a perfect copy of the other in regard
to strength, skill, and agility, external conditions would
decide. But this is not the case. Here we have the fact
of variety offering itself to nature, as in the former instance
it offered itself to man ; and those varieties which are least
competent to cope with surrounding conditions will infal
libly give way to those that are most competent. To use
a familiar proverb, the weakest comes to the wall. But
the triumphant fraction again breeds to overproduction,

Address. 41
transmitting the qualities which secured its maintenance,
but transmitting them in different degrees. The struggle
for food again supervenes, and those to whom the favour
able quality has been transmitted in excess will assuredly
triumph. It is easy to see that we have here the addition
of increments favourable to the individual still more rigor
ously carried out than in the case of domestication ; for
not only are unfavourable specimens not selected by nature,
but they are destroyed. This is what Mr. Darwin calls
' Natural Selection,' which ' acts by the preservation and
accumulation of small inherited modifications, each profit
able to the preserved being.' With this idea he inter
penetrates and leavens the vast store of facts that he and
others have collected. We cannot, without shutting our
eyes through fear or prejudice, fail to see that Darwin is
here dealing, not with imaginary, but with true causes ;
nor can we fail to discern what vast modifications may be
produced by natural selection in periods sufficiently long.
Each individual increment may resemble what mathema
ticians call a ' differential ' (a quantity indefinitely small) ;
but definite and great changes may obviously be produced
by the integration of these infinitesimal quantities through
practically infinite time.
If Darwin, like Bruno, rejects the notion of creative
power acting after human fashion, it certainly is not be
cause he is unacquainted with the numberless exquisite
adaptations on which this notion of a supernatural artificer
has been founded. His book is a repository of the most
startling facts of this description. Take the marvellous
observation which he cites from Dr. Criiger, where a
bucket with an aperture, serving as a spout, is formed in
an orchid. Bees visit the flower : in eager search of
material for their combs they push each other into the
bucket, the drenched ones escaping from their involuntary

42 Address.
bath by the spout. Here they rub their backs against the
viscid stigma of the flower and obtain glue ; then against the
pollen-masses, which are thus stuck to the back of the bee
and carried away. ' When the bee, so provided, flies
to another flower, or to the same flower a second time,
and is pushed by its comrades into the bucket, and then
crawls out by the passage, the pollen-mass upon its back
necessarily comes first into contact with the viscid stigma,'
which takes up the pollen ; and this is how that orchid
is fertilized. Or take this other case of the Catasetum.
' Bees visit these flowers in order to gnaw the labellum ;
in doing this they inevitably touch a long, tapering, sensi
tive projection. This, when touched, transmits a sensation
or vibration to a certain membrane, which is instantly
ruptured, setting free a spring, by which the pollen-mass
is shot forth like an arrow in the right direction, and
adheres by its viscid extremity to the back of the bee.'
In this way the fertilising pollen is spread abroad.
It is the mind thus stored with the choicest materials
of the teleologist that rejects teleology, seeking to refer
i these wonders to natural cases. They illustrate, according
to him, the method of nature, not the " technic ' of a man
like Artificer. The beauty of flowers is due to natural
selection. Those that distinguish themselves by vividly
contrasting colours from the surrounding green leaves are
most readily seen, most frequently visited by insects, most
often fertilized, and hence most favoured by natural selec
tion. Coloured berries also readily attract the attention
of birds and beasts, which feed upon them, spread their
manured seeds abroad, thus giving trees and shrubs
possessing such berries a greater chance in the struggle
for existence.
With profound analytic and synthetic skill, Mr. Darwin
investigates the cell-making instinct of the hive-bee. His

Address. 43
method of dealing with it is representative. He falls back
from the more perfectly to the less perfectly developed
instinct — from the hive-bee to the humble bee, which
uses its own cocoon as a comb, and to classes of bees of
intermediate skill, endeavouring to show how the passage
might be gradually made from the lowest to the highest.
The saving of wax is the most important point in the
economy of bees. Twelve to fifteen pounds of dry sugar
are said to be needed for the secretion of a single pound of
wax. The quantities of nectar necessary for the wax must
therefore be vast ; and every improvement of construc
tive instinct which results in the saving of wax is a direct
profit to the insect's life. The time that would otherwise
be devoted to the making of wax, is now devoted to the
gathering and storing of honey for winter food. He passes
from the humble bee with its rude cells, through the
Melipona with its more artistic cells, to the hive-bee with
its astonishing architecture. The bees place themselves
at equal distances apart upon the wax, sweep and excavate
equal spheres round the selected points. The spheres
intersect, and the planes of intersection are built up with
thin laminae. Hexagonal cells are thus formed. This
mode of treating such questions is, as I have said, repre
sentative. He habitually retires from the more perfect
and complex to the less perfect and simple, and carries
you with him through stages of perfecting, adds increment
to increment of infinitesimal change, and in this way
gradually breaks down your reluctance to admit that
the exquisite climax of the whole could be a result of
natural selection.
Mr. Darwin shirks no difficulty ; and, saturated as the
subject was with his own thought, he must have known
better than his critics the weakness as well as the strength
of his theory. This of course would be of little avail

44 Address.
were his object a temporary dialectic victory instead of
the establishment of a truth which he means to be ever
lasting. But he takes no pains to disguise the weakness
he has discerned ; nay, he takes every pains to bring it
into the strongest light. His vast resources enable him to
cope with objections started by himself and others, so as
to leave the final impression upon the reader's mind that,
if they be not completely answered, they certainly are not
fatal. Their negative force being thus destroyed, you are
free to be influenced by the vast positive mass of evidence
he is able to bring before you. This largeness of know
ledge and readiness of resource render Mr. Darwin the
most terrible of antagonists. Accomplished naturalists
have levelled heavy and sustained criticisms against
him— not always with the view of fairly weighing his
theory, but with the express intention of exposing its weak
points only. This does not irritate him. He treats every
objection with a soberness and thoroughness which even
Bishop Butler might be proud to imitate, surrounding
each fact with its appropriate detail, placing it in its proper
relations, and usually giving it a significance which, as
long as it was kept isolated, failed to appear. This is done
without a trace of ill-temper. He moves over the subject
with the passionless strength of a glacier ; and the grind
ing of the rocks is not always without a counterpart in
the logical pulverization of the objector.
But though in handling this mighty theme all passion
has been stilled, there is an emotion of the intellect incident
to the discernment of new truth which often colours and
warms the pages of Mr. Darwin. His success has been
great ; and this implies not only the solidity of his work,
but the preparedness of the public mind for such a revela
tion. On this head a remark of Agassiz impressed me more
than anything else. Sprung from a race of theologians,

Address. 45
this celebrated man combated to the last the theory of
natural selection. One of the many times I had the
pleasure of meeting him in the United States was at Mr.
Winthrop's beautiful residence at Brookline, near Boston.
Kising from luncheon, we all halted as if by a common
impulse in front of a window, and continued there a dis
cussion which had been started at table. The maple was
in its autumn glory ; and the exquisite beauty of the
scene outside seemed, in my case, to interpenetrate without
disturbance the intellectual action. Earnestly, almost
sadly, Agassiz turned, and said to the gentlemen standing
round, ' I confess that I was- not prepared tb see this
theory received as it has been by the best intellects of our
time. Its success is greater than I could have thought
possible.' In our day grand generalizations have been reached.
The theory of the origin of species is but one of them.
Another, of still wider grasp and more radical significance,
is the doctrine of the Conservation of Energy, the ultimate
philosophical issues of which are as yet but dimly seen —
that doctrine which ' binds nature fast in fate ' to an
extent not hitherto recognized, exacting from every
antecedent its equivalent consequent, from every con- /
sequent its equivalent antecedent, and bringing vital as i
well as physical phenomena under the dominion of that
law of causal connexion which, so far as the human
understanding has yet pierced, asserts itself everywhere in
nature. Long in advance of all definite experiment upon
the subject, the constancy and indestructibility of matter
had been affirmed ; and all subsequent experience justified
the affirmation. Later researches extended the attribute
of indestructibility to force. This idea, applied in the
first instance to inorganic, rapidly embraced organic
nature. The vegetable world, though drawing almost all its

46 Address.
nutriment from invisible sources, was proved incompetent
to generate anew either matter or force. Its matter is
for the most part transmuted gas ; its force transformed
solar force. The animal world was proved to be equally
uncreative, all its motive energies being referred to the
combustion of its food. The activity of each animal as
a whole was proved to be the transferred activity of its
molecules. The muscles were shown to be stores of
mechanical force, potential until unlocked by the nerves,
and then resulting in muscular contractions. The speed
at which messages fly to and fro along the nerves was
determined, and found to be, not as had been previously
supposed, equal to that of light or electricity, but less
than the speed of a flying eagle.
This was the work of the physicist : then came the
conquests of the comparative anatomist and physiologist,
revealing the structure of every animal, and the function
of every organ in the whole biological series, from the
lowest zoophyte up to man. The nervous system had
been made the object of profound and continued study,
the. wonderful and, at bottom, entirely mysterious, con
trolling power which it exercises over the whole organism,
physical and mental, being recognized more and more.
Thought could not be kept back from a subject so pro
foundly suggestive. Besides the physical life dealt with
by Mr. Darwin, there is a psychical life presenting similar
gradations, and asking equally for a solution. How are
the different grades and order of Mind to be accounted
for ? What is the principle of growth of that mysterious
power which on our planet culminates in Beason ? These
are questions which, though not thrusting themselves so
forcibly upon the attention of the general public, had not
only occupied many reflecting minds, but had been
formally broached by one of them before the ' Origin of
Species ' appeared.

Address. 47
With the mass of materials furnished by the physicist
and physiologist in his hands, Mr. Herbert Spencer,
twenty years ago, sought to graft upon this basis a system
of psychology ; and two years ago a second and greatly
amplified edition of his work appeared. Those who have
occupied themselves with the beautiful experiments of
Plateau will remember that when two spherules of olive-
oil, suspended in a mixture of alcohol and water of the
same density as the oil, are brought together, they do not
immediately unite. Something like a pellicle appears to
be formed around the drops, the rupture of which is im
mediately followed by the coalescence of the globules
into one. There are organisms whose vital actions are
almost as purely physical as that of these drops of oil.
They come into contact and fuse themselves thus together.
From such organisms to others a shade higher, and from
these to others a shade higher still, and on through an
ever-ascending series, Mr. Spencer conducts his argument.
There are two obvious factors to be here taken into
account — the creature and the medium in which it lives,
or, as it is often expressed, the organism and its environ
ment. Mr. Spencer's fundamental principle is that
between these two factors there is incessant interaction.
The organism is played upon by the environment, and is
modified to meet the requirements of the environment.
Life he defines to be ' a continuous adjustment of internal
relations to external relations.'
In the lowest organisms we have a kind of tactual
sense diffused over the entire body ; then, through im
pressions from without and their corresponding adjust
ments, special portions of the surface become more
responsive to stimuli than others. The senses are
nascent, the basis of all of them being that simple tactual
sense which the sage Democritus recognised 2,300 years

48 Address.
ago as their common progenitor. The action of light, in
the first instance, appears to be a mere disturbance of the
chemical processes in the animal organism, similar to that
which occurs in the leaves of plants. By degrees the
action becomes localized in a few pigment-cells, more
sensitive to light than the surrounding tissue. The eye
is here incipient. At first it is merely capable of reveal
ing differences of light and shade produced by bodies
close at hand. Followed as the interception of the light
is in almost all cases by the contact of the closely adjacent
opaque body, sight in this condition becomes a kind of
' anticipatory touch.' The adjustment continues ; a slight
bulging out of the epidermis over the pigment-granules
supervenes. A lens is incipient, and, through the opera
tion of infinite adjustments, at length reaches the perfec
tion that it displays in the hawk and eagle. So of the
other senses ; they are special differentiations of a tissue
which was originally vaguely sensitive all over.
With the development of the senses the adjustments
between the organism and its environment gradually
extend in space, a multiplication of experiences and a
corresponding modification of conduct being the result.
The adjustments also extend in time, covering continually
greater intervals. Along with this extension in space
and time the adjustments also increase in specialty and
complexity, passing through the various grades of brute
life, and prolonging themselves into the domain of reason.
Very striking are Mr. Spencer's remarks regarding the
influence of the sense of touch upon the development of
intelligence. This is, so to say, the mother-tongue of all
the senses, into which they must be translated to be of
service to the organism. Hence its importance. The
parrot is the most intelligent of birds, and its tactual
power is also greatest. From this sense it gets know-

Address. 49
ledge unattainable by birds which cannot employ their
feet as hands. The elephant is the most sagacious of
quadrupeds — its tactual range and skill, and the conse
quent multiplication of experiences, which it owes to its
wonderfully adaptable trunk, being the basis of its saga
city. Feline animals, for a similar cause, are more
sagacious than hoofed animals — atonement being to some
extent made, in the case of the horse, by the possession
of sensitive prehensile lips. In the Primates the evolu
tion of intellect and the evolution of tactual appendages go
hand in hand. In the most intelligent anthropoid apes we
find the tactual range and delicacy greatly augmented, new
avenues of knowledge being thus open to the animal. Man
crowns the edifice here, not only in virtue of his own
manipulatory power, but through the enormous extension
of his range of experience, by the invention of instruments
of precision, which serve as supplemental senses and sup
plemental limbs. The reciprocal action of these is finely
described and illustrated. That chastened intellectual
emotion to which I have referred in connexion with
Mr. Darwin is not absent in Mr. Spencer. His illustra
tions possess at times exceeding vividness and force ;
and from his style on such occasions it is to be inferred
that the ganglia of this Apostle of the Understanding
are sometimes the seat of a nascent poetic thrill.
It is a fact of supreme importance that actions the
performance of which at first requires even painful effort
and deliberation may by habit be rendered automatic.
Witness the slow learning of its letters by a child, and
the subsequent facility of reading in a man, when each
group of letters which forms a word is instantly, and
without effort, fused to a single perception. Instance the
billiard-player, whose muscles of hand and eye, when
he reaches the perfection of his art, are unconsciously
E

50 Address.
coordinated. Instance the musician, who, by practice, is
enabled to fuse a multitude of arrangements, auditory,
tactual, and muscular, into a process of automatic manipu
lation. Combining such facts with the doctrine of here
ditary transmission, we reach a theory of Instinct. A
chick, after coming out of the egg, balances itself correctly,
runs about, picks up food, thus showing that it possesses
a power of directing its movements to definite ends. How
did the chick learn this very complex coordination of eye,
muscles, and beak ? It has not been individually taught ;
its personal experience is nil ; but it has the benefit of
ancestral experience. In its inherited organization are
registered all the powers which it displays at birth. So
also as regards the instinct of the hive-bee, already re
ferred to. The distance at which the insects stand apart
when they sweep their hemispheres and build their cells
is ' organically remembered.'
Man also carries with him the physical texture of his
ancestry, as well as the inherited intellect bound up with it.
The defects of intelligence during infancy and youth are
probably less due to a lack of individual experience than to
the fact that in early life the cerebral organization is still
incomplete. The period necessary for completion varies
with the race and with the individual. As a round shot
outstrips a rifled one on quitting the muzzle of the gun, so
the lower race in childhood may outstrip the higher. But
the higher eventually overtakes the lower, and surpasses it
in range. As regards individuals, we do not always find
the precocity of youth prolonged to mental power in
maturity; while the dulness of boyhood is sometimes
strikingly contrasted with the intellectual energy of after
years. Newton, when a boy, was weakly, and he showed
no particular aptitude at school ; but in his eighteenth
year he went to Cambridge, and soon afterwards aston-

Address. 51
ished his teachers by his power of dealing with geo
metrical problems. During his quiet youth his brain was
slowly preparing itself to be the organ of those energies
which he subsequently displayed.
By myriad blows (to use a Lucretian phrase) the
image and superscription of the external world are
stamped as states of consciousness upon the organism,
the depth of the impression depending upon the number
of the blows. When two or more phenomena occur in
the environment invariably together, they are stamped
to the same depth or to the same relief, and indissolubly
connected. And here we come to the threshold of a
great question. Seeing that he could in no way rid him
self of the consciousness of Space and Time, Kant assumed
them to be necessary ' forms of intuition,' the moulds and
shapes into which our intuitions are thrown, belonging to
ourselves solely and without objective existence. With
unexpected power and success Mr. Spencer brings the
hereditary experience theory, as he holds it, to bear upon
this question. 'Tf there exist certain external relations
which are experienced by all organisms at all instants of
their waking lives — relations which are absolutely con
stant and universal — there will be established answer
ing internal relations that are absolutely constant and
universal. Such relations we have in those of Space and
Time. As the substratum of all other relations of the
Non-Ego, they must be responded to by conceptions that
are the substrata of all other relations in the Ego. Being
the constant and infinitely repeated elements of thought,
they must become the automatic elements of thought —
the elements of thought which it is impossible to get rid
of — the " forms of intuition." '
Throughout this application and extension of the ' Law
of Inseparable Association,' Mr. Spencer stands upon his
e2

52 Address.
own ground, invoking, instead of the experiences of the
individual, the registered experiences of the race. His
overthrow of the restriction of experience to the indi
vidual is, I think, complete. That restriction ignores the
power of organizing experience furnished at the outset to
each individual ; it ignores the different degrees of this
power possessed by different races and by different indi -
viduals of the same race. Were there not in the human
brain a potency antecedent to all experience, a dog or
cat ought to be as capable of education as a man. These
predetermined internal relations are independent of the
experiences of the individual. The human brain is the
' organised register of infinitely numerous experiences
received during the evolution of life, or rather during the
evolution of that series of organisms through which the
human organism has been reached. The effects of the
most uniform and frequent of these experiences have been
successively bequeathed, principal and interest, and have
slowly mounted to that high intelligence which lies latent
in the brain of the infant. Thus it happens that the
European inherits from twenty to thirty cubic inches more
of brain than the Papuan. Thus it happens that faculties,
as of music, which scarcely exist in some inferior races,
become congenital in superior ones. Thus it happens
that out of savages unable to count up to the number
of their fingers, and speaking a language containing
only nouns and verbs, arise at length our Newtons and
Shakespeares.' At the outset of this Address it was stated that phy
sical theories which lie beyond experience are derived
by a process of abstraction from experience. It is in
structive to note from this point of view the successive
introduction of new conceptions. The idea of the attrac-

Address. 53
tion of gravitation was preceded by the observation of the
attraction of iron by a magnet, and of light bodies by
rubbed amber. The polarity of magnetism and electricity
appealed to the senses ; and thus became the substratum
of the conception flhat atoms and molecules are endowed
with definite, attractive, and repellent poles, by the play of
which definite forms of crystalline architecture are pro
duced. Thus molecular force becomes structural. It re
quired no great boldness of thought to extend its play into
organic nature, and to recognize in molecular force the
agency by which both plants and animals are built up. In
this way out of experience arise conceptions which are
wholly ultra-experiential. None of the atomists of
antiquity had any notion of this play, of molecular polar
force, but they had experience of gravity as manifested
by falling bodies. Abstracting from this, they permitted
their atoms to fall eternally through empty space. De
mocritus assumed that the larger atoms moved more
rapidly than the smaller ones, which they therefore
could overtake, and with which they could combine.
Epicurus, holding that empty space could offer no re
sistance to motion, ascribed to all the atoms the same
velocity ; but he seems to have overlooked the conse
quence that under such circumstances the atoms could
never combine. Lucretius cut the knot by quitting the
domain of physics altogether, and causing the atoms to
move together by a kind of volition.
Was the instinct utterly at fault which caused Lucretius
thus to swerve from his own principles? Diminishing
gradually the number of progenitors, Mr. Darwin comes
at length to one ' primordial form ; ' but he does not say,
as far as I remember, how he supposes this form to have
been introduced. He quotes with satisfaction the words
of a celebrated author and divine who had ' gradually

54 Address.
learnt to see that it is just as noble a conception of the
Deity to believe He created a few original forms, capable
of self-development into other and needful forms, as to
believe that He required a fresh act of creation to supply
the voids caused by the action of His laws.' What Mr.
Darwin thinks of this view of the introduction of life I
do not know. But the anthropomorphism, which it
seemed his object to set aside, is as firmly associated
with the creation of a few forms as with the creation of
a multitude. We need clearness and thoroughness here.
Two courses and two only, are possible. Either let us
open our doors freely to the conception of creative
acts, or, abandoning them, let us radically change our
notions of Matter. If we look at matter as pictured
by Democritus, and as defined for generations in our
scientific text-books, the notion of any form of life
whatever coming out of it is utterly unimaginable. The
argument placed in the mouth of Bishop Butler suffices,
in my opinion, to crush all such materialism as this. But
those who framed these definitions of matter were not
biologists but mathematicians, whose labours referred only
to such accidents and properties of matter as could be
expressed in their formulae. The very intentness with
which they pursued mechanical science turned their
thoughts aside from the science of life. May not their
imperfect definitions be the real cause of our present
dread ? Let us reverently, but honestly, look the ques
tion in the face. Divorced from matter, where is life to
be found ? Whatever our faith may say, our knowledge
shows them to be indissolubly joined. Every meal we
eat, and every cup we drink, illustrates the mysterious
control of Mind by Matter.
Trace the line of life backwards, and see it approach
ing more and more to what we call the purely physical

Address. 55
condition. We come at length to those organisms which
I have compared to drops of oil suspended in a mixture
of alcohol and water. We reach the protogenes of
Haeckel, in which we have ' a type distinguishable
from a fragment of albumen only by its finely granular ¦
character.' Can we pause here ? We break a magnet
and find two poles in each of its fragments. We
continue the process of breaking, but, however small the
parts, each carries with it, though enfeebled, the polarity
of the whole. And when we can break no longer, we
prolong the intellectual vision to the polar molecules. Are
we not urged to do something similar in the case of life ?
Is there not a temptation to close to some extent with
Lucretius, when he affirms that ' nature is seen to do all
things spontaneously of herself without the meddhng of
the gods? ' or with Bruno, when he declares that Matter
is not ' that mere empty capacity which philosophers
have pictured her to be, but the universal mother who
brings forth all things as the fruit of her own womb ? '
Believing as I do in the continuity of Nature, I cannot
stop abruptly where our microscopes cease to be of use.
Here the vision of the mind authoritatively supplements
the vision of the eye. By an intellectual necessity I cross
the boundary of the experimental evidence, and discern
in that Matter which we, in our ignorance of its latent
powers, and notwithstanding our professed reverence for
its Creator, have hitherto covered with opprobrium, the
promise and potency of all terrestial Life.
If you ask me whether there exists the least evidence
to prove that any form of life can be developed out of
matter, without demonstrable antecedent life, my reply is
that evidence considered perfectly conclusive by many has
been adduced; and that were some of us who have pon
dered this question to follow a very common example, and

56 Address.
accept testimony because it falls in with our belief, we
also should eagerly close with the evidence referred to.
But there is in the true man of science a wish stronger
than the wish to have his beliefs upheld ; namely, the
wish to have them true. And this stronger wish causes
him to reject the most plausible support if he has reason
to suspect that it is vitiated by error. Those to whom I
refer as having studied this question, believing the evi
dence offered in favour of ' spontaneous generation ' to be
thus vitiated, cannot accept it. They know full well that
the chemist now prepares from inorganic matter a vast
array of substances which were some time ago re
garded as the sole products of vitality. They are inti
mately acquainted with the structural power of matter as
evidenced in the phenomena of crystallization. They
can justify scientifically their belief in its potency, under
the proper conditions, to produce organisms. But in
reply to your question they will frankly admit their
inability to point to any satisfactory experimental proof
that life can be developed save from demonstrable ante
cedent life. As already indicated, they draw the line
from the highest organisms through lower ones down to
the lowest, and it is the prolongation of this line by the
intellect beyond the range of the senses that leads them to
the conclusion which Bruno so boldly enunciated.1
The ' materialism ' here professed may be vastly
different from what you suppose, and I therefore crave
your gracious patience to the end. ' The question of an
external world,' says Mr. J. S. Mill, ' is the great battle
ground of metaphysics.'2 Mr. Mill himself reduces
external phenomena to ' possibilities of sensation.' Kant,
as we have seen, made time and space ' forms ' of our
1 Bruno was a ' Pantheist,' not an < Atheist ' or a ' Materialist.'
2 Examination of Hamilton, p. 154.

Address. 57
own intuitions. Fichte, having first by the inexorable
logic of his understanding proved himself to be a mere
link in that chain of eternal causation which holds so
rigidly in Nature, violently broke the chain by making
Nature, and all that it inherits, an apparition of his own
mind.1 And it is by no means easy to combat such
notions. For when I say I see you, and that I have not
the least doubt about it, the reply is, that what I am
really conscious of is an affection of my own retina. And
if I urge that I can check my sight of you by touching
you, the retort would be that I am equally transgressing
' the limits of fact ; for what I am really conscious of is,
not that you are there, but that the nerves of my hand
have undergone a change. All we hear, and see, and
touch, and taste, and smell, are, it would be urged, mere
variations of our own condition, beyond which, even to
the extent of a hair's breadth, we cannot go. That any
thing answering to our impressions exists outside of
ourselves is not a fact, but an inference, to which all
validity would be denied by an idealist like Berkeley, or
by a sceptic like Hume. Mr. Spencer takes another line.
With him, as with the uneducated man, there is no
doubt or question as to the existence of an external
world. But he differs from the uneducated, who think
that the world really is what consciousness represents it
to be. Our states of consciousness are mere symbols of
an outside entity which produces them and determines
the order of their succession, but the real nature of which
we can never know.2 In fact, the whole process of evolu
tion is the manifestation of a Power absolutely inscrutable
1 Bestimmung cles Menschen.
2 In a paper, at once popular and profound, entitled Recent Pro
gress in the Theory of Vision, contained in the volume of Lectures by
Helmholtz, published by Longmans, this symbolism of our states of

58 Address.
to the intellect of man. As little in our day as in the
days of Job can man by searching find this Power out.
Considered fundamentally, then, it is by the operation of
an insoluble mystery that hfe on earth is evolved, species
differentiated, and mind unfolded from their prepotent
elements in the immeasurable past. There is, you will
observe, no very rank materialism here.
The strength of the doctrine of evolution consists, not
in an experimental demonstration (for the subject is hardly
accessible to this mode of proof), but in its general har
mony with scientific thought. From contrast, moreover,
it derives enormous relative strength. On the one side
we have a theory (if it could with any propriety be so
called) derived, as were the theories referred to at the
beginning of this Address, not from the study of Nature,
but from the observation of men — a theory which con
verts the Power whose garment is seen in the visible
universe into an Artificer, fashioned after the human
model, and acting by broken efforts, as man is seen to
act. On the other side, we have the conception that all
we see around us, and all we feel within us — the pheno
mena of physical nature as well as those of the human
consciousness is also dwelt upon. The impressions of sense are the
mere signs of external things. In this paper Helmholtz contends
strongly against the view that the consciousness of space is inborn ;
and he evidently doubts the power of the chick to pick up grains of
corn without preliminary lessons. On this point, he says, further ex
periments are needed. Such experiments have been since made by
Mr. Spalding, aided, I believe, in some of his observations by the
accomplished and deeply lamented Lady Amberly ; and they seem to
prove conclusively that the chick does not need a single moment's
tuition to enable it to stand, run, govern the muscles of its eyes, and
to peck. Helmholtz, however, is contending against the notion of pre-
established harmony ; and I am not aware of his views as to the
organisation of experiences of race or breed.

Address. 59
mind — have their unsearchable roots in a cosmical life, if
I dare apply the term, an infinitesimal span of which
is offered to the investigation of man. And even
this span is only knowable in part. We can trace the
development of a nervous system, and correlate with it
the parallel phenomena of sensation and thought. We
see with undoubting certainty that they go hand in hand.
But we try to soar in a vacuum the moment we seek to
comprehend the connexion between them. An Archi
medean fulcrum is here required which the human mind
cannot command ; and the effort to solve the problem, to
borrow a comparison from an illustrious friend of mine,
is like the effort of a man trying to lift himself by his own
waistband. All that has been here said is to be taken
in connexion with this fundamental truth. When ' nascent
senses ' are spoken of, when ' the differentiation of a tissue
at first vaguely sensitive all over ' is spoken of, and when
these processes are associated with ' the modification of
an organism by its environment,' the same parallelism,
without contact, or even approach to contact, is implied.
Man the object is separated by an impassable gulf from
man the subject. There is no motor energy in in
tellect to carry it without logical rupture from the one to
the other.
Further, the doctrine of evolution derives man in his
totality from the interaction of organism and environ
ment through countless ages past. The Human Under
standing, for example — that faculty which Mr. Spencer
has tinned so skilfully round upon its own antecedents — ¦
is itself a result of the play between organism and envi
ronment through cosmic ranges of time. Never surely
did prescription plead so irresistible a claim. But then
it comes to pass that, over and above his understanding,

60 Address.
there are many other things appertaining to man whose
perspective rights are quite as strong as those of the un
derstanding itself. It is a result, for example, of the
play of organism and environment that sugar is sweet
and that aloes are bitter, that the smell of henbane dif
fers from the perfume of a rose. Such facts of con
sciousness (for which, by the way, no adequate reason
has yet been rendered) are quite as old as the under
standing ; and many other things can boast an equally
ancient origin. Mr. Spencer at one place refers to that
most powerful of passions — the amatory passion — as one
which, when it first occurs, is antecedent to all relative
experience whatever ; and we may pass its claim as being
at least as ancient and valid as that of the understand
ing. Then there are such things woven into the tex
ture of man as the feeling of Awe, Beverence, Wonder
— and not alone the sexual love just referred to,
but the love of the beautiful, physical, and moral, in
Nature, Poetry, and Art. There is also that deep-set
feeling which, since the earliest dawn of history, and
probably for ages prior to all history, incorporated itself
in the Beligions of the world. You who have escaped
from these religions into the high-and-dry light of the
intellect may deride them ; but in so doing you
deride accidents of form merely, and fail to touch the
immovable basis of the religious sentiment in the
nature of man. To yield this sentiment reasonable
satisfaction is the problem of problems at the present
hour. And grotesque in relation to scientific culture as
many of the religions of the world have been and are — dan
gerous, nay destructive, to the dearest privileges of free
men as some of them undoubtedly have been, and would,
if they could, be again — it will be wise to recognize them
as the forms of a force, mischievous, if permitted to

Address. 61
intrude on the region of knowledge, over which it holds
no command, but capable of being guided to noble
issues in the region of emotion, which is its proper and
elevated sphere.
All religious theories, schemes and systems, which
embrace notions of cosmogony, or which otherwise
reach into the domain of science, must, in so far
as they do this, submit to the control of science, and
relinquish all thought of controlling it. Acting other
wise proved disastrous in the past, and it is simply fatuous
to-day. Every system which would escape the fate of
an organism too rigid to adjust itself to its environment
must be plastic to the extent that the growth of know
ledge demands. When this truth has been thoroughly
taken in, rigidity will be relaxed, exclusiveness dimin
ished, things now deemed essential will be dropped, and
elements now rejected will be assimilated. The lifting of
the life is the essential point ; and as long as dogmatism,
fanaticism, and intolerance are kept out, various modes
of leverage may be employed to raise life to a higher
level. Science itself not unfrequently derives motive
power from an ultra-scientific source. Whewell speaks
of enthusiasm of temper as a hindrance to science ; but
he means the enthusiasm of weak heads. There is a
strong and resolute enthusiasm in which science finds
an ally ; and it is to the lowering of this fire, rather
than to the diminution of intellectual insight, that the les
sening productiveness of men of science in their mature
years is to be ascribed. Mr. Buckle sought to detach
intellectual achievement from moral force. He gravely
erred ; for without moral force to whip it into action, the
achievements of the intellect would be poor indeed.
It has been said that science divorces itself from
literature; but the statement, like so many others, arises from

62 Address.
lack of knowledge. A glance at the less technical writ
ings of its leaders — of its Helmholtz, its Huxley, and its
Du Bois-Beymond — would show what breadth of literary
culture they command. Where among modern writers
can you find their superiors in clearness and vigour of
literary style? Science desires not isolation, but freely
combines with every effort towards the bettering of man's
estate. Single-handed, and supported not by outward
sympathy, but by inward force, it has built at least one
great wing of the many-mansioned home which man in his
totality demands. And if rough walls and protruding
rafter-ends indicate that on one side the edifice is still
incomplete, it is only by wise combination of the parts
required with those already irrevocably built that we can
hope for completeness. There is no necessary incon
gruity between what has been accomplished and what
remains to be done. The moral glow of Socrates, which
we all feel by ignition, has in it nothing incompatible
with the physics of Anaxagoras which he so much
scorned, but which he would hardly scorn to-day.
And here I am reminded of one amongst us, hoary, but
still strong, whose prophet- voice some thirty years ago, far
more than any other of this age, unlocked whatever of
life and nobleness lay latent in its most gifted minds  one
fit to stand beside Socrates or the Maccabean Eleazar, and
to dare and suffer all that they suffered and dared — fit,
as he once said of Fichte, ' to have been the teacher of
the Stoa, and to have discoursed of Beauty and Virtue
in the groves of Academe.' With a capacity to grasp
physical principles which his friend Goethe did not possess,
and which even total lack of exercise has not been able to
reduce to atrophy, it is the world's loss that he, in the
vigour of his years, did not open his mind and sympathies

Address. 63
to science, and make its conclusions a portion of his
message to mankind. Marvellously endowed as he was —
equally equipped on the side of the Heart and of the
Understanding — he might have done much towards teach
ing us how to reconcile the claims of both, and to enable
them in coming times to dwell together in unity of spirit
and in the bond of peace.
And now the end is come. With more time, or
greater strength and knowledge, what has been here said
might have been better said, while worthy matters here
omitted might have received fit expression. But there
would have been no material deviation from the views set
forth. As regards myself, they are not the growth of a
day ; and as regards you, I thought you ought to know
the environment which, with or without your consent, is
rapidly surrounding you, and in relation to which some
adjustment on your part may be necessary. A hint of
Hamlet's, however, teaches us all how the troubles of com
mon life may be ended ; and it is perfectly possible for
you and me to purchase intellectual peace at the price of
intellectual death. The world is not without refuges of
this description ; nor is it wanting in persons who seek
their shelter and try to persuade others to do the same.
The unstable and the weak will yield to this persuasion,
and they to whom repose is sweeter than the truth. But I
would exhort you to refuse the offered shelter and to scorn
the base repose — to accept, if the choice be forced upon
you, commotion before stagnation, the leap of the torrent
before the stillness of the swamp.
In the course of this Address I have touched on debat
able questions and led you over what will be deemed dan
gerous ground — and this partly with the view of telhng you
that as regards these questions science claims unrestricted ,

64 Address.
right of search. It is not to the point to say that the
views of Lucretius and Bruno, of Darwin and Spencer,
may be wrong. Here I should agree with you, deeming
it indeed certain that these views will undergo modifica
tion. But the point is, that, whether right or wrong, we
ask the freedom to discuss them. For science, how
ever, no exclusive claim is here made ; you are not
urged to erect it into an idol. The inexorable advance of
man's understanding in the path of knowledge, and those
unquenchable claims of his moral and emotional nature
which the understanding can never satisfy, are here equally
set forth. The world embraces not only a Newton, but
a Shakespeare — not only a Boyle, but a Baphael — not
only a Kant, but a Beethoven — not only a Darwin, but a
Carlyle. Not in each of these, but in all, is human nature
whole. They are not opposed, but supplementary — not
mutually exclusive, but reconcilable. And if, unsatis
fied with them all, the human mind, with the yearning
of a pilgrim for his distant home, will turn to the Mystery
from which it has emerged, seeking so to fashion it as to
give unity to thought and faith ; so long as this is clone,
not only without intolerance or bigotry of any kind, but
with the enlightened recognition that ultimate fixity of
conception is here unattainable, and that each succeeding
age must be held free to fashion the Mystery in accord
ance with its own needs — then, casting aside all the
restrictions of Materialism, I would affirm this to be a field
for the noblest exercise of what, in contrast with the
knowing faculties, may be called the creative faculties of
man. ' Fill thy heart with it,' said Goethe, ' and then name
it as thou wilt.' Goethe himself did this in untranslate-
able language.1 Wordsworth did it in words known to
1 Procemium to ' Gott und Welt.'

Address. 65
all Englishmen, and which may be regarded as a forecast
and religious vitalization of the latest and deepest scientific
truth, — ' For I have learned
To look on nature ; not as in the hour
Of thoughtless youth ; but hearing oftentimes
The still, sad music of humanity,
Nor harsh nor grating, though of ample power
To chasten and subdue. And I have felt
A presence that disturbs me with the joy
Of elevated thoughts ; a sense sublime
Of something far more deeply interfused,
Whose dwelling is the light of setting suns,
And the round ocean, and the living air,
And the blue sky, and in the mind of man :
A motion and a spirit, that impels
All thinking things, all objects of all thought,
And rolls through all things' '
1 Tintern Abbey.

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' The public on this side of the Atlantic
will doubtless welcome Professor T.ynd all's
Lectures on Light with scarcely less gladness, if
with, somewhat less wild enthusiasm, than that
with which they were greeted on their delivery
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read they have but to supply from memory
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The Lectures, cast now into a more continuous
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INDEX

Acton's Modern Cookery  44
Aird's Blackstone Economised  44
Alpine Club Map of Switzerland  38
Alpine Guide (The)  38
Althaus Medical Electricity  27
Amos' s Jurisprudence  10
 Primer of the Constitution  11
Anderson's Strength of Materials  20
Armstrong's Organic Chemistry  20
A mold's Manual of English Literature ... 13
Arnould's Life of Lord Denman  7
Atherstone Priory  39
Authority and Conscience  36
Autumn Holidays of a Country Parson ... 14
Ayre's Treasury of Bible Knowledge  43
Bacon's Essays, by Whately  n
 Life and Letters, by Spedding ... n
 Works  ri
Bain's Mental and Moral Science  12
 on the Senses and Intellect  12
Balls Guide to the Central Alps  38
 Guide to the Western Alps  38
 Guide to the Eastern Alps  38
Bayldon's Rents and Tillages  32
Becker's Charicles and Gallus  39
Benfey's Sanskrit-English Dictionary  17
Black's Treatise on Brewing  44
Blackley's German-English Dictionary  16
Blaine's Rural Sports  41
Bloxam's Metals  20
Boase and Courtney's Bibliotheca Cornu-
biensis  7
Boultbee on 39 Articles  32
Bourne's Catechism of the Steam Engine . 30
 Handbook of Steam Engine  30
 Treatise on the Steam Engine ... 30
 Improvements in the same  31
Bowdlers Family Skdkspeare  41
Bramley-Moore' s Six Sisters of the Valley . 39
Bra,nde's Dictionary of Science, Literature,
and Art  24
Bray's Manual of Anthropology  23
 Philosophy of Necessity  12
Brenchley's Cruise of the ' Curapoa'  37
Brinkley's Astronomy  18
Browne's Exposition of the 39 Articles  32
Brunei s Life of Brunei  8
Buckle's History of Civilisation  3
 Posthumous Remains  12
Bull's Hints to Mothers  44
 Maternal Management of Children . 44
Bunsen's Prayers  36
Burgomaster's Family (The)  39
Burke's Rise of Great Families  9

Burke's Vicissitudes of Families  9
Burton's Christian Church  6
Busk's Folk-lore of Rome  39
Butlers Physical Geography  20
Cabinet Lawyer  44
Campbell's Norway  37
Cates's Biographical Dictionary  9
 and Woodward's Encyclopaedia ... 5
Cats and Farlie's Moral Emblems  28
Changed Aspects of Unchanged Truths ... 14
Chesney' s Indian Polity  :.  3
 Modern Military Biography  3
 Waterloo Campaign  3
Christ the Consoler  36
ClougKs Lives from Plutarch  4
Codrington s (Admiral) Memoirs  7
Colenso on Moabite Stone &c  36
 ' s Pentateuch and Book of Joshua. 36
 Speaker's Bible Commentary ... 36
Collins' s Perspective  30
Colomi' s Slave Catching in the Indian Ocean 36
Commonplace Philosopher in Town and
Country, by A. K. H. B  • 14
Comte's Positive Polity  9
Comyn's Elena  39
Congreve s Essays  9
 Politics of Aristotle  n
Conington' s Translation of Virgil's ^Sneid 41
¦  — -Miscellaneous Writings  15
Contanseau ' s Two French Dictionaries ... 15
Conybeare and Howson's Life and Epistles
of St. Paul  33
Cooke's Grotesque Animals  27
Copland's Dictionary of Practical Medicine 27
Cotton's Memoir and Correspondence  8
Counsel and Comfort from a City Pulpit... 14
Cox's (G. W.) Aryan Mythology  4
 Crusades  6
 History of Greece  4
 Tale of the Great Persian
War  4
—  Tales of Ancient Greece ... 39
 and f ones' s Romances  39
 :  Teutonic Tales 39
Crawley's Thucydides  4
Creasy on British Constitution  3
Cresy's Encyclopaedia of Civil Engineering 30
Critical Essays of a Country Parson  14
Crookes s Chemical Analysis  25
 ¦ Dyeing and Calico-printing  31
Culley's Handbook of Telegraphy  30
Cusack's Student's History of Ireland  3

Davidson's Introduction to New Testament 35

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Dove's Law of Storms  19
Doyle's Fairyland  28
Drew's Reasons of Faith  33
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 Hints on Household Taste  29
Eden's Queensland  38
Edwards' s Rambles among the Dolomites 37
Elements of Botany  23
Ellicott's Commentary on Ephesians  33
 Galatians  33
 Pastoral Epist. 33
 Philippians, &c. 33
 Thessalonians . 33
 Lectures on Life of Christ  32
Epochs of History  6
Erichsen's Surgery  26
Evans's Ancient Stone Implements  23
Ewalds Antiquities of Israel  34
 History of Israel  34
Fairbairn's Application of Cast and
Wrought Iron to Building... 31
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 Treatise on Mills and Millwork 31
Farrar s Chapters on Language  13
 Families of Speech  13
Fitzwygram on Horses and Stables  42
Forsyth's Essays  9
Fowler's Collieries and Colliers  44
Francis's Fishing Book  41
Freeman's Historical Geography of Europe 6
From January to December  14
Fronde's English in Ireland  1
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Gairdner s Houses of Lancaster and York 6
Gamgee on Horse-Shoeing  42
Ganot's Elementary Physics  20
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Gardiner's Thirty Years' War  6
Garrod's Materia Medica  27
Gilbert's Cadore  38
 — and Churchill's Dolomites  37
Girdlestone' s Bible Synonyms  33
Goldsmith s Poems, illustrated  41
Goodeve's Mechanics  20
 Mechanism  20
 Steam Engine  20
Grant's Ethics of Aristotle  n
Graver Thoughts of a Country Parson  14
Gray's Anatomy  26
Griffin's Algebra and Trigonometry  20
Griffith's Fundamentals  32
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Grove on Correlation of Physical Forces ... 20
Guyot's Earth and Man  23
Gwilt's Encyclopaedia of Architecture  29
Harding's Texts and Thoughts  32

Hare on Election of Representatives  15
Hartwig' s Harmonies of Nature  22
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Haughton's Animal Mechanics  20
Hayward's Biographical and Critical Essays 8
Helmholtz s Scientific Lectures  20
Helmsley's Trees, Shrubs, and Herbaceous
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Herschel's Outlines of Astronomy ...,  19
Hodgson's Time and Space  12
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Holland's Recollections  7
Holmes's Surgical Treatment of Children . 25
 System of Surgery  26
Howitt's Rural Life of England  37
 Visits to Remarkable Places  38
Hiibner's Pope Sixtus the Fifth  8
Humboldt's Life  8
Hume's Essays  12
 Treatise on Human Nature  12
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Ingelow's Poems  41
Jameson's Legends of Saints and Martyrs . 28
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Jenkins Electricity and Magnetism  20
Jerram's Lycidas of Milton  40
Jerrold's Life of Napoleon  1
Johnstons Geographical Dictionary  17
KaliscKs Commentary on the Bible  34
Keith's Evidence of Prophecy  33
Kenyon' s (Lord) Life  7
Kerls Metallurgy, by Crookes and Rohrig. 31
Kirby and Spence's Entomology  22
Lang's Ballads and Lyrics  40
Latham's English Dictionary  15
Laughton's Nautical Surveying  19
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Lawrence on Rocks  23
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Lewes' s Biographical History of Philosophy 6
Liddell and Scott's Greek-English Lexicons 16
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Lloyd's Wave-Theory of Light  2r
Longman's Chess Openings  44,
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 Miscellaneous Writings 13
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McCulloch's Dictionary of Commerce  17
Macleod's Principles of Economical Philo
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Markham's History of Persia  4
Marshall's Physiology  26
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Marshman's History of India  3
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Martineau's Christian Life  35
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 Geographical Treasury  43
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Maxwells Theory of Heat  20
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Melville's Digby Grand  39
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Mendelssohn's Letters  8
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Merrifield 's Arithmetic and Mensuration... 20
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Pereira's Elements of Materia Medica  27
Perkins Profitable Book on Domestic Law 44
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Prendergast' s Mastery of Languages  16
Present-Day Thoughts, by A. K. H. B. ... 14
Proctor s Astronomical Essays  r8
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Public Schools Atlas   17
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Ranken on Strains in Trusses  31
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Recreations of a Country Parson  14
Redgrave's Dictionary of Artists  28
Reilly's Map of Mont Blanc  37
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Rich' s Dictionary of Antiquities  16
River's Rose Amateur's Guide  24
Rogers's Eclipse of Faith  33
 Defence of Eclipse of Faith  33
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Roget's Thesaurus of English Words and
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Seaside Musing, by A. K. H. B  14
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Sewell's History of the Early Church  5
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Sharp's Post-office Gazetteer  17
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 Application of Heat  20
Short's Church History  6
Simpson's Meeting the Sun  37
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 Wit and Wisdom  13
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Sneyds Cyllene  39
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Stanley's History of British Eirds  23
Stephen's Ecclesiastical Biography  8
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Stirling's Secret of Hegel  12
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Stockmar's Memoirs  2
Stokes's Lectures on Fever  27
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Stonehenge on theDog  42
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Sunday Afternoons at the Parish Church of
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Taylor's History of India  3
 [Jeremy) Works, edited by Eden. 35
Text-Books of Science  20
Thirhvall's History of Greece  4
Thomson's Laws of Thought  11
Thorpes Quantitative Analysis  20
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Thudichum' s Chemical Physiology  25
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Ueberweg's System of Logic  12
Unwin's Machine Design  20
Ure's Dictionary of Arts, Manufactures,
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Walker's (Patricius) Rambles  37
Walters' s Home and Rural Life of Shak-
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Watson's Geometry  20
 Principles and Practice of Physic 25
Watts' s Dictionary of Chemistry  25
Webb's Objects for Common Telescopes ... 19
Weinhold's Experimental Physics  21
Wellington s Life, by Gleig  8
West on Children's Diseases  27
Whately's English Synonymes  15
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 Rhetoric  11
White and Donkin s English Dictionary... 16
 and Riddle's Latin Dictionaries ... 16
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 St. John's Gospel  34
Whitworth on Guns and Steel  31
Wilcocks's Sea-Fisherman  42
Williams's Aristotle's Ethics  n
Willis's Principles of Mechanism  30
Willoughby s (Lady) Diary  39
Wood's Bible Animals  24
 Homes without Hands  22:
 Insects at Home  23
 Insects Abroad  23
 Out of Doors  22
 Strange Dwellings  22
Wordsworth's Christian Ministry  33
Yonge's History of England  3
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