Addres.s, cc;lebration of the birthday
of William McKinley,
Willi ara H.Taft
Cleveland, 1912.

)*
«ii .^

>i

J ^v/ III '

-¦.* f

z'^rtj,-

;v ^

/^ ¦"">

"i

-1>Y.
^498
7-
„' ,51
+ 1.
"/give theft Books
for the fot^Ttding cf a College en. thi^ Colony'

62DCoNQREas) ot^MAm7 /DOCUMENT
£d Session \ SiiNAll!. | -^^^ 292

ADDRESS

or

PRESIDENT WILLIAM H. TAFT

AT THE BANQUET OF THE TIPPECANOE CLUB
CLEVELAND, OHIO, JANUARY 29, 1912
IN CELEBRATION OF THE
BIRTHDAY OF
EX-PRESIDENT WILLIAM McKINLEY

#

PRESENTED BY MR. SMOOT
February 5, 1912. — Ordered to be printed.

t

WASHINGTON 1912

CdlG/^39(

ADDRESS OF PRESffiENT TAFT AT THE BANQUET OF THE TIPPECANOE
CLUB, CLEVELAND, OHIO, JANUARY 29, J9I2.

I consider it greaf good fortune to be present as a guest at your
celebration of McKinley's birthday. Every memorial day is most
grateful whicb' brings back into our lives most vividly that sweet
nature, that tender heart, that clear-headed exponent of common
sense, that embodiment of love of country and love of human land
whom we knew as William McKinley, and cherished as a product of
Ohio. His was a nature which grew with the exigencies he had to
meet, and developed its greatness in the trials of war and its conse
quences. His foresight, his patience, his firmness, and liis grasp of
the new questions presented in dealing with the Spanish dependen
cies which passed into our hands have given him a fixed, permanent,
and most honorable place in history.
Such a celebration as this of McKinley's memory is full of personal
interest to me because it was he who induced me to leave the calm
and peaceful atmosphere of the court house and the consultation
room to enter upon a political career, first in the Orient, and then in
Washington, which has brought me to the responsibility of the ofiice
whose duties I am now trying to discharge.
I siQcerely hope that reverence for McKinley's memory and the
fond affection that it awakens may furnish the motive for a long life
of patriotic usefulness to this club and for the preservation of those
Repubhcan principles of which Wilham McKinley was a great
exponent. The last national election was in November, 1908. The next one
will be in November, 1912. The conventions for the selection of
the candidates to represent the two parties are to be held in June,
and the time is ripe for the beginning of the discussion which will be
continuous between now and November as to the proper party to
whom to entrust the administration of the Government for the next
four years.
The victory at the polls in November, 1908, was decisive, and it
left the Repubhcan Party in control, not only of the Executive but
of both Houses of Congress, and in such a situation that there was
no hindrance to its putting into effect and performing the promises
contained in its platform adopted in its convention of 1908 upon the
faith of which the mandate of power was extended to it.
The four months' campaign which is usually conducted between
the holding of the conventions and the election, early in the following
November, is an educational and clarifying process for the benefit
of the Ajnerican people. The possible candidates are reduced to
two in number, and the doctrines, purposes, and promises of each
3

4 BIETHDAY OF EX-PRESIDENT WILLIAM McKINLEY.
party are set out in specific detail in its platform. The issues are
thus clearly defined, and throus-h the press and through the party
speakers, the people are generally brought to a clear understanding
of what constitutes the difference between the two parties, and are
given a full opportunity to judge which, on the whole, would be the
better trustee of the public interest in the administration of the
Government for the next four years.
I do not think that we generally attribute sufficient importance to
the educational ( ff jct of this campaign. It has often happened that
the confusion and ignorance of the pubhc mind as to the real issues were
such in June of the presidential year, that, had an election then
taken place, the result would have been different froni what it was
in November after four months' discussion of the campaign. Usually
the question whether the party whose administration is just ceasing
shall be continued in power rests ultimately upon the question
whether its accomplishments during its lease of power have been
commensurate with its promises, and whether the results have been
of such value to the country at large as to assure continued satisfac
tion and progress in the four years to come. In other words, the
question is generally determined by close examination and considera
tion of the legislative and executive acts of the party incumbent in
the current four years. It must rest upon its record thus made. If
that record be a satisfactory one, the country in its sober second
thought and after a careful consideration of it in detail, will give its
approval by a reelection of the same party; but if it has been found
wanting, if its promises have not been kept, if its administration
has not been satisfactory, and the promises of the opposing party are
fair and reasonably adapted to meet the defects shown in the incum
bent administration, the change is made, and then the smooth opera
tion of our plan of popular government is demonstrated by the ease
with which the change takes place by the acquiescence of the retiring
administration in the victory of its opponent, and by the continuance
of the Government as a unified whole, with new leaders, but under the
same constitution, the same laws and the same political limitations.
What I wish to discuss to-night is whether after the convention in
June we of the Republican Party have anything to fear in that close
examination of our political record of the current four years which
is ,the chief function of the presidential campaign. The adminis
tration is usually made responsible under three heads.
First, under the head of legislative enactment. It matters not
how little influence the Executive may actually exercise over the
deliberations of the two legislative branches of the Government,
the people seem to treat the three branches of the administration,
if of uniform pohtical color, as a whole and do not discriminate be
tween the Executive and Congress in weighing the value of its legis
lative achievements.
The second head is the conduct of foreign affairs. This is left
largely to the Executive so far as the initiative is concerned, and
only when treaties are to be made is the confirming power of two-
thirds of the Senate invoked.
The third head is that of purely executive action, in which the
Executive exercises the authority given by the Constitution or laws
without restraint of the legislature.

BIRTHDAY OF EX-PEESIDENT WILLIAM McKINLEY. 5
LEGISLATION.
Coming now first to the legislative enactments of the present
administration, I ought to point out that we agreed in the platform
of 1908 that the tariff should be revised on the protective principle
that only enough tariff should be retained to equal the difference
between the cost of production of the merchandise when made here
and when made abroad, and the platform promised that an extra
session would be called for immediate revision. The extra session
was called, and after four months of hard work the so-called Payne
tariff bill was enacted into law. That bill was subjected to bitter
attack not only by our Democratic opponents but also by certain
Representatives and Senators from our own ranks, who contended
that the rates fixed were not in accord with the standard of revision
promised in the platform. I need hardly say that this result was
greatly aided by misunderstanding and misrepresentation of the
facts in respect to the Payne bill, for while the Payne bill was not a
full compliance with the promise there were substantial revisions in
the bill, and the resulting act did not deserve the anathema and
abuse to which it was subjected. The bill as a whole contained many
most useful provisions, and it is quite remarkable how many notable
and useful legislative changes in the policy of the Government are
to be traced to it.
In the first place, it simplified and greatly shortened the pro
cedure necessary to secure the authoritative construction of the
tariff act by the creation of a Court of Customs Appeals whose
jurisdiction is final, and to which appeals lie directly from the Gen
eral Appraisers In the second place, it offered to the Executive
in dealing with other countries the alternative of two tarifl's — the
one 25 per cent higher than the other — in order to compel the other
country by a threat of the higher tariff to stop its discriminations
against American trade. This required making a treaty with every
one of our international associates, and under these treaties conces
sions were secured which have been among the chief contributing
causes to the growth of our foreign trade beyond the figures of
the past.
A third provision of the law enabled me to appoint what grew
to be known as a Tariff Board, and what, under the additional appro
priations of Congress, began a series of investigations into the cost
of production of articles abroad and of articles at home. The devel
opment of this board was a growth, but it met the public need.
With the principle established of enacting tariff legislation only upon
exact information derived from investigations of an impartial board,
one of the corollaries which followed and was approved by conven
tions of the Republican Party was that requiring revision and amend
ment of the schedules of the traiff by separate schedules.
These two changes in the method of dealing with the tariff have
met the hearty support of the business communities of the country.
They, more than any other persons, appreciate the disadvantage of
the halt and disturbance in all business circles and in the prosperity
of the country that attends a general revision of the tariff, and
they know, better than anyone else, how much that alarm and disturb
ance can be reduced by a system which proceeds upon the principle

6 BIETHD.IY OF BX-PEESIDENT WILLIAM McKINLEY.
of exact information as to its effect before amendment, and which
deals with one subject at a time.
Nothing has come into the politics of this country of more prac
tical importance than the present united attitude of the Republican
Party in favor of an impartial, nonpartisan tariff board, with full
opportunity and means to investigate the facts and find the truth
with reference to imported merchandise, the cost of manufacture
abroad and the cost of manufacture here, and all the other circum
stances that ought to affect the rate and imposition of the duties.
Our Democratic friends at first accepted the principle, and many of
them voted for such a board as I have described; but a section of
their party was able, by filibustering, to prevent the final passage of
a bill which had passed both Houses by a good majority. Conse
quently, I had to have recourse to the provisions of the Payne bdl
and to an appropriation which was voted by Congress in order to
provide a substitute for the statutory tariff board which failed.
The reason for the importance of this instrumentahty is found in the
fact that it touches the nerve of the people, wliich was irritated after
the passage of the Payne bill, and which resulted in a Republican
defeat and a Democratic victory.
Our Democratic friends are in the habit of claiming that the elec
tions of 1910 were a repudiation of the doctrine of protection and a
return on the part of the people to the principle of a tariff for revenue
only. They are mistaken. It was not a declaration in favor of a
tariff for revenue or free trade. This is shown by the fact that the
Democratic vote was less rather than greater than it had been in
the presidential election. The defeat of the Repubhcan Party came
not from an increase in Democratic votes, but from a defection of
Republican votes, i. e., of its own members who stayed at home and
refused to stand by the party in what they regarded as a failure to
redeem its pledges. In order, therefore, that in future revisions
there should be some honest, accurate, and rehable standard by
which the degree of the revision might be known, I appointed the
Tariff Board which has served, and the business men of the country
formed an association to press for legislation creating a permanent
tariff board or bureau, by which there should always be at hand an
accurate yardstick to tell what in fact the tariff is, what the effect
of the proposed amendment is hkely to be, and how near in efi'ect it
measures the difference between the cost of the production of the
merchandise in question at home and abroad.
CHANGE OF DEMOCRATIC FAITH.
Our Democratic brethren have departed from the faith on a
tariff board which a majority of them once embraced and in the
extraordinary _ session of last year, they passed three tariff bills
without the aid of information from a tariff board, drawn in such
an unscientific, -unsystematic, and reckless way that I did not hesi
tate to veto them, in order that they might await the coming in of
the report by the Tariff Board upon schedule K, wool and woolens
which one tariff bill affected, and upon cotton and cotton manu
factures, which another tariff bill affected. We should be entirely
willing, upon the issue whether those bills ought to have passed in
the form in which they were drawn, \vith the little mformation as

BIRTHD.AY OF EX-PEESIDENT WILLIAM McKINLEY. 7
to their effect which Congress had, or was able to furnish the Execu
tive, to go before the country and invite a verdict of the people.
The reports of the Tariff Board as to the cost of production of print
paper in Canada and in the United States was a luminous exposition
of the elements of cost and the circumstances surrounding the trade
in each country, but a greater and much more comprehensive report
has recently been filed on the subject of the cost of raising raw wool
in all parts of the world, including the United States, and on the cost
of manufacturing woolens in Europe and in this country. This
report is so fair, so comprehensive, so full of the most valuable infor
mation, and so lacking in partisan quality that it has commended
itself to the country at large, and has elicited little if any criticism
from those who might be expected to attack it. With this full infor
mation upon which a tariff bill might be framed and from which it
would be entirely possible to infer its effect upon the wool and woolen
industry of this country, the Democratic majority in the House has
as yet taken no action, but has proposed to consider other schedules
with respect to which the report of the Tariff Board must be long
delayed, or, in the absence of a suitable appropriation by Congress,
may never reach completion.
I wish, as far as possible, to emphasize the issue which is thus
presented between the two parties as to the importance of knowledge
before action in respect to the tariff, for I think, my Repubhcan
friends, that this is the issue upon which we may safely go before the
country and prove our good faith in regard to a desire to lower duties
as far as possible consistent with the protective principle already
stated. It brings us to the question whether, in reducing duties, we
are to reducfe them with a -view to the preservation of our industries
and giving them a chance to live, or whether we are to q,ct recklessly
without information and without regard to a probably disastrous
effect upon an important part of our business. For one, I am very
confident that on this issue the people will be with us, and that our
friends, the enemy, are entirely mistaken in their interpretation of
recent popular expression. We do not ask for any industry a rate
which shall give it an opportunity to enjoy undue profit in competition
with the foreign manufacturer, or which shall tempt our manu
facturers to form a monopoly in order to secure the artificial benefit
of a rate that is higher than the difference in productive conditions.
As an evidence of our good faith, we are ready and anxious to abide
the judgment as to the facts of a board of scientific investigators who
know no party and no party interest in their researches, and only act
as judges of the f:ict to find the truth.
It is said that our Democratic brethren intend to withhold the
appropriation for the continuing of the Tariff Board. I do not know
whether this is true or not. If it is, it will only accentuate the issue
between the two parties and only make more clear the difference in
their attitude, ancl in my judgment will only emphasize the advantage
which we have in our position on tliis general matter.
To recur again to the advantages that proceeded from the Payne
bill. By a section in that bill with certain limitations upon the
amount of importations of sugar and tobacco, we gave for the first
time to the Philippines free trade and full access to our market. The
effect of this generous but just treatment was almost instantaneous,
and the growth of the business between the two countries has been

8 BIRTHDAY OP EX-PRESIDENT WILLIAM McKINLEY.
such as to vindicate those of us who for 10 years last past have been
working for this end, and such as to show the lack of foundation tor
the fears of those who opposed the pohcy. The trade of the Philip
pines has grown apace, and prosperity which had br n a stranger to
the islands since we went there seems to have established itself per
manently in those gems of the Pacific.
Another feature of the Payne bill was the passage as an amendment
to that act of the corporation tax. I claim and assume full respon-
sibihty for the adoption of that tax. It taxes success and not failure.
It imposes a small percentage upon the net earnings of a corporation
before they are distributed in dividends. It affects every business
corporation in the country, and the collection is made by our present
internal-revenue machinery at a cost that is inconceivably small. It
has the advantage that it can be doubled by making it 2 per cent and
trebled by making it 3 per cent, and all with no substantial increase m
the cost of collection. Its incidence is at a point where those who
pay the tax feel it least and under conditions that render an evasion
of it almost impossible. Its passage was accompanied by the adopt-
tion of a concurrent resolution amending the Constitution to permit
the levying of a Federal income tax, which is still under considera
tion by the States. Whether that power be given or not, for the
present at least the corporation tax is a sufficient income tax to meet
the public requirements.
I have thus reviewed the benefits conferred upon the country by the
Payne tariff bill. I think Republicans generally concede that there
are certain schedules, certainly the woolen schedule, possibly the cot
ton schedule, that need amendment; but they insist, and properly
insist, that the amendments should be intelligent and not destructive.
There may he other schedules of the tariff bill that need revision and
further consideration, but they ought not to be made except in the
light of full and accurate information. We are not wedded to any
particular rates, and we are quite willing as a party to reexamine any
rates in the liglit of proper information should the mandate of power
be again given to the Republicans, so that the party shall control the
Executive and both Houses. I do not doubt that almost the first bill
to be introduced would be one establishing a permanent tariff com
mission or bureau of information, whose duty it would be to continue
the work of the present tariff board, preparing a glossary of the terms
of the tariff and making ;i,s full as possible a statement of the elements
of cost at home and abroad of the mes-chandise covered by the sched
ules of the tariff, with directions to keep this information up to date
and to make such communications to Congress and the Executive as
a change in the conditions from time to time would make appropriate.
RAILROADS.
The platform of 1908 declared in favor of additional restrictions
and regulations of the interstate railroads, with a view to the better
and more uniform enforcement of the interstate commerce law. The
Repubhcan Party has carried out that promise to the letter. I
invited a board, consisting of the chairman of the Interstate Commerce
Commission, Commissioner Lane, Senator Townsend, then a member
of the Interstate Commerce Committee of the House, the Attorney
General, the Sohcitor General, and possibly some others, to investi-

BIRTHDAT OP EX-PRESIDENT WILLIAM McKINLEY. 9
gate the reports of the Interstate Commerce Commission and make a
report to me of the improvements that might be effected in existing
liaw on this subject. This was done, and they made recommenaations
which were substantially embodied in a bill drafted by the Attorney
General, -with such amendments from time to time proposed by par
ties in interest as seemed just. Congress took that bill, amended it
in certain particulars, but left the general effect of the bill the same
as when I outlined it in a speech at Des Moines, and recommended it
to Congress in my message. The chief improvement in the law was
giving life and effect to the orders of the Interstate Commerce Com
mission, so that they could not be ignored or minimized by the rail
road companies, and in giving the commission an opportunity to pre
vent a raising of rates until after investigation into the fairness of such
action. That was the feature of my recommendations to Congress
and of the .bill as it was adopted.
Another new and important feature was the creation of a Commerce
Court, to which was transferred all the jursidiction which had there
tofore been exercised by the circuit courts in some 60 or 70 different
districts of the United States. It was thought that by combining
all this jurisdiction in one court of five men with experience it would
greatly expedite the final judgment and bring to the Supreme Court
quickly these cases which were subject to review there. I observe
now that some of the decisions of the Commerce Court have been
contrary to the Interstate Commerce Commission and that this has
been made the basis of complaints against the Commerce Court, and
a ground for suggesting its aboMtion. It seems to me this would be
the most foolish step possible. If the Commerce Court has decided
improperly as to its jurisdiction in issuing orders enjoining action
by the Interstate Commerce Commission that can easily be remedied
by the cases now pending in the Supreme Court, decisions in which
will show exactly what the jurisdiction of the Commerce Court is;
but the abolition of the Commerce Court would not in any degree
avoid the intervention of a court after the orders of the Interstate
Commerce Commission, for the right of the railroads to invoke the
action of the court for a judicial investigation into the legal or con
fiscatory matter of -the order of the commission could not be taken
away. The Commerce Court is only a concentration of 70 jurisdic
tions into one maldng for greater expedition, and a more summary
disposition of the causes, and this is the great desideratum in the
machinery for the regulation of interstate commerce.
I need not stop to invite attention to the other increasingly regu
lative pro-yisions of the interstate commerce amendment of 1910.
It is sufficient to say that at present the regulation seems to be
effective and calls for little if any amendment.
Growing out of the passage of this bill, a commission was appointed
to report upon the -wisdom of regulating the issue of stocks and
bonds by interstate cmnnerce railroads. The report made recom
mends certain conservative legislation, but sets forth the principles
that ought to govern in such a satisfactory way as to have attracted
the commendation of all.
The sessions of 1910 and 1911 of the Sixty-first Congress were
productive of additional pro-visions for safety appliances on railroads
to prevent injury to employees, for the reenactment of an employers'
hability law which has now stood the test of examination by the

10 BIRTHDAY OF EX-PRESIDENT WILLIAM McKINLEY.
Supreme Court, of the appointment of a commission to make report
upon a workmen's compensation biU to secure something like insur
ance for aU workmen in interstate commerce, and for a mining
bureau, adopted chiefly to promote the cause of humanity in mining
by the expenditure of money in research to determine the best
method of preventing those distressing losses of life among the
miners which from month to month shock the community.
Again, the same Congress carried out the platform of the Republican
Party and created machinery for the establishment of postal savings
banks. These institutions are ser-ying already a most useful purpose
and are gathering in the savings of the poor at a rate of $1,000,000 a
month. They are being extended into those parts of the country
where banking facilities are denied to the people, and are furnishing
at a less rate of interest than savings banks pay inducements to
deposit for people who will only trust the Government. The exten-
tion of the system is going on, and its success is assured.
Another position taken by the Repubhcan Party and carried out
by it, but not completed, is that of conservation. The Sixty-first
Congress gave the President the express power to withhold from
further absorption vast tracts of the public domain covering coal,
phosphate, water-power sites, and oil, and we look to this Congress
to take the steps which shall open to reasonable development under
control of the Government the mineral and agricultural resources of
Alaska, as well as those which still remain within the governmental
control in the United States.
There is forming a plan for the betterment of our currency, a plan
which has been given exact formulation by the Monetary Commis
sion, but which is of course subject to discussion and amendment by
Congress. The necessity for the adoption of this general principle,
I think all Republicans will concede. The question is whether the
details provided secure the objects admitted to be of capital impor
tance, to wit, the increasing and decreasing of currency according
to the needs of business under the control -of a bureau or executive
tribunal so constituted as not to feel the influence of Wall Street and
not to be completely -mthin the governmental control at Wash
ington. The discussion is going on, and the Republican Party, if
given power, can be trusted to reach a conservative conclusion in
this regard.
The Postmaster General and I have recommended the taking of
initial steps toward a general parcel post and the improvement of
the opportunity presented in the rural deliveries for the instant
beginning of the carriage of parcels at a moderate rate from the
points where the rural routes begin to the country patrons of those
routes. A report is just now about to be made by a tribunal of the
highest character, Mr. Justice Hughes, President Lowell, of Harvard,
and President Wheeler, of the Chicago Association of Commerce.
They have made an exhaustive study as to the proper rate for sec
ond-class mail matter, which the Postmaster General has been of
opinion is too low as compared -with the rates paid for other classes.
I think it will be found m studying the platform of the Republican
Party that we are in a position to say to the people of the country
that we have performed to the letter most of our promises, and with
respect to those where fulfillment does not seem complete we are in
position now, if given power, more fully to redeem them than ever.

BIRT5:DAY op ex-president WILLIAM McKINLEY. 11
In matters of foreign policy we have every reason to congratulate
ourselves. The problem which was before us in foreign matters was
the ending by its terms of the Japanese treaty and the necessity for
a new one. The happy solution was brought about through a policy
adopted by the Japanese Government of its own motion and carry
ing out, and by a treaty which has no offensive -w«rd in it. There
never was a time in the history of the two countries when we were
on more friendly terms, and this has been largely due to the success
ful settling of the treaty by Secretary Knox.
We have treaties pending with Honduras and Nicaragua to carry
out the policy of the treaty with Santo Domingo and they ought to
be ratified. The responsibility for bad government in those Central
American States and for revolution and disturbances must faU upon
thfe shoulders of those who defeat the treaties. The treaties of gen
eral arbitration with France and England I shall not stop now to
discuss, except to say that they are a very decided step forward
beyond anything else in the history of the world toward universal
arbitration and peace. They are pending in the Senate, and it is
the hope of all of us that -within a reasonable time after full discus
sion they may receive the approval of the necessary two-thirds of
that body.
In respect of the Executive we have a right to say, I think, that
last year the new Democratic Congress used every possible macliine
of investigation into the manner of the conduct of the departments of
the Government, and that up to this time at least nothing of detri
ment or dishonor has been discovered. It is not too much to say that
the departments have been run with the sole purpose of making them
effective to discharge the functions imposed upon them by law. In
the first place, as rigid economy as practical was enforced in the mak
ing of the estimates of the departments. In the first year of this ad
ministration they were cut upwards of $50,000,000. Taking this cut
with the increased revenue or the Payne tariff bill we have been able
to turn a deficit on the first of July, 1909, of $58,000,000 to a surplus
for this year of more than $40,000,000.
In the Post Office Department the saving has been such that for the
first time in twenty-five years there has been no deficit, but a surplus
of the earnings over the expenditures of $1,000,000.
The mobihzation of the troops on the Mexican border for the pur
pose of protecting American rights and steadying the maintenance of
law and order in our neighboring RepubHc showed a capacity for quick
mobihzation, which was very satisfactory.
A review of our great Navy in New York Harbor produced a fleet
second to but one in the world.
The laws have been enforced. The interstate commerce law and
the antitrust law. Indictments have been found, and bills in equity
have been filed in cases that seemed to call for governmental action,
and they have proceeded to judgment in due course, and the judg
ments have been enforced.
For a time at the culmination of this policy an outcry was made
against the -wisdom of the antitrust law. That, however, has sub
sided and I think that the business community are reaching the con
clusion that by foUo-wing the judgments of the court, by studying the
distinctions made in the decisions of the varying cases, a rule perfectly
plain to be followed may be known of all men, and that business,

12 BIRTHDAY OP EX-PRESIDENT WILLIAM McKINLEY.
ha-ving squared itself with the rules laid down as to what is just and
what is unjust business in interstate commerce, may go to further
triumphs of legitimate combination and industrial success.
Looking back over the record of what has been done in these four
years, it seems to me that we are armed with the facts and -with
things accomphs^ied sufficient to meet our enemy in the open field,
and to overcome him in the judgment of an impartial umpire. It
seems to me that there is no occasion for the RepubHcans of this
country to fear the issue, -with their knowledge of the progress that
has been made in the last four years, -with their adoption of progres
sive principles indicated in their platform of 1908, and in the proposals
of the administration since that time. They must, if they would
serve the country well, discriminate between what is really progres
sive and useful and what is utterly at variance with sound, constitu
tional, governmental, and economic pohcy.
Should the Republican Party take up the judicial recall as one of
its tenets, it would and ought to lose caste as a defender of our ci-vili-
zation, a maintainer of the Constitution, and an upholder of justice.
When we depart from the principle of the independence of the judi
ciary, and by independence I mean not only independence of individ
ual interests but independence of majorities, we shall lose the
valuable essence of the administration of justice, and we shall retro
grade to the point where the history of the decadence of republics
begins. On this, the natal day of William McKinley, let us take new
vows in behalf of the Grand Old Party, standing by the Constitution,
standing by the rights of liberty and property of the individual,
and -willing to face defeat many times in oenalf of the cause of sound
constitutional government. o

YALE UNIVERSI-TY LIBRARY

3 9002 08305 0063

,' ^ ^. .'V » '•*•}.-* •j^-v 3-1, - I^ '1 ' « * •

:i- .'

"f '¦?" " <-'-¦

¦Ji'l-"

r

'¦.^'^'^*

.J«-
<J
' '-'¦-7;
, i
%
?< '
J ^ '
^