PAGANISM

AND

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED.

LONDON:
PRINTED BY C EOWOBTH, BELL YARD,
TEMPLE BAH.

•^

PAGANISM AND
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED.
IN A COURSE OF LECTURES
TO THE KING'S SCHOLARS, AT WESTMINSTER,
IN THE YEARS 1806-7-8.

BY JOHN IRELAND, D.D.
DEAN OF WESTMINSTER.

A NEW EDITION.

LONDON: .
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET.
MDCCCXXV.

PREFACE.

THE preparation of the following course of
Lectures devolved on me by an accident, with
which it is not necessary to trouble the Reader.
Whether the performance be entitled to any
degree of public esteem, must be left to the
determination of others. For the motives which
suggested it, I can decidedly answer. I was
desirous of being useful to the Institution which
I was called to serve; of shewing a mark of
attachment to the Church to which I have the
honour to belong; and of presenting to the
Young Men, whom it became my province to
instruct, something which might tend to the
formation of the Christian Scholar.
But, unacquainted with the mode of address
which my office might require, it was necessary
to obtain some better direction. On such an
occasion, it was impossible to apply to an higher

VI PREFACE.
authority than the Dean of Westminster.
With that attachment to the welfare of the
School, which so strongly marks Dr. Vincent,
he entered into my wishes, and described what
would be most calculated to fix attention and
do good. History, literature, occasional criti
cism, were desirable for the first purpose; and
the second would be answered, if these were
united with Religion.
In conformity with these suggestions, was
planned the following composition. As it ad
vanced, a large portion of it was submitted to
his private inspection. He has uniformly encou
raged me to proceed, by contributing his ad
vice, and the benefit of his occasional remarks ;
and when at length a determination was taken
to print the Lectures, he signified his cordial
concurrence and approbation, in terms too flat
tering to me to be repeated to the Public.
The subject is chiefly historical, and divides
itself into two parts. The event which serves as
the foundation of the whole, is the capture of
Rome by Alaric, in the beginning of the fifth
century. Out of this arises, in the first part, a
defence of the Character of the Church against
the slanders of Paganism. The true causes of
the decay of the Empire are contrasted with the

PREFACE. Vll
false ; the impotence of the Heathen deities, to
whom the prosperity of Rome had been attri
buted, is exposed in the arguments employed
by the ancient apologists of the Faith ; and the
beneficial tendency of the Gospel is asserted,
in its connection with the condition of Man in
the present life. This part may therefore be
called a Vindication of the civil Character of
Christianity in the Roman empire, during the
first four centuries.
The second part is employed in discussing the
opinions of the Pagans concerning the Worship
of a Deity, and the pursuit of Happiness, as it
was prescribed by the Philosophical sects. It
may be termed a view of mythological and mo
ral notions, as they are opposed to the everlast
ing promises of the Gospel ; and it contains an
examination of some of the more eminent Sys
tems of Theology, and the Summum Bonum,
which prevailed in the Heathen world.*
* In some parts of this examination, I have crossed the
path of Leland. But whoever will take the trouhle of a com
parison, will soon be satisfied that our methods are very dif
ferent. I am happy, indeed, in agreeing with that excellent
man in his fundamental principle of the superiority of Revela
tion to all the efforts of natural wisdom ; and the necessity of
it to the welfare of mankind. His style wants compression

Vlll PREFACE.
With these are interwoven occasional ap
peals to the superior doctrines of the Scriptures ;
and to this purpose is also dedicated the first,
or introductory, chapter; which presents a ge
neral statement of the blessings annexed to the
sincere profession of Christianity, in the " life
which now is, and in that which is to come."
Some perhaps may wish, that a larger and
more regular plan of Revelation had been pre
pared, in contrast with the vain search after
God and Happiness by the efforts of Philoso
phy. This indeed was once intended. But,
on a revision, it appeared, that many notices,
tending to this purpose, were interspersed
through the body of the work, as immediate
correctives of the Heathen doctrines which had
been described in the lectures of each term;
that, to remove them from their present places,
would be injurious to the subjects amidst which
they stand ; and that, to repeat them in a gene
ral statement, would be tedious and superfluous.
and force ; his taste is not delicate.; and he appears to me to
employ several of his quotations in a manner which betrays
too much dependence upon the collections of others. But his
views are generally accurate; his learning is respectable; and
his genuine piety throws a sacred charm over all his other at
tainments.

PREFACE. IX
However, lest it should still be objected, that
only half my task is accomplished, and that
the refutation of Paganism is not the proof of
Revelation ;— ne quisquam nos aliena tantum
redafguisse, non autem nostra asseruisse repre-
hendat;* a determination has been already
taken to begin another course of Lectures
which shall look to this as their principal ob
ject ; describe, in a regular manner, the scheme
of Revelation; and impress more fully on the
young hearers its doctrines and its duties.
It is hoped that this will be accepted as an
apology for the attempt which has been made
in the subject now presented to the public.
There are, however, certain classes of persons,
to whom this mode of treating it may be in
want of farther vindication.
The fanatic, a portion of whose spirit has
been lately reviving amongst us, seems to value
religion, in proportion to the ruggedness of its
appearance. He indulges his own barbarous
and repulsive jargon, and rejects the assistance
of profane learning, as if it tended to impair the
character of Evangelical truth. To him I
would suggest, that he entirely mistakes the
* August. Retract, lib. ii. c. 43.

X PREFACE.
nature and influence of that literature which is
taught in our schools. Our faith is not injured
by the accession of classical taste. Mythology
neither taints the purity of the Gospel, nor en
dangers our salvation. Indeed, it suggests new
methods of defending Revelation, the superiority
of which is rightly inferred from an exposure
of the weakness of the religion of nature. We
dwell for a while in classic ground. In our
more mature judgment, we compare the imagi
nations of men with Divine truth. We turn
our collections to Christian profit, and offer the
fruits of our studies on the altar of God.
On the other hand, the too fastidious scholar
would for ever confine his attention to those
writings which exhibit the purest classical lan
guage. He turns, therefore, with disgust and
disdain from ruder models, and shuns the less
polished phraseology of declining taste. This
is an antient feeling. Eusebius mentions a re
port concerning Tatian, that his literary nicety
led him to correct the compositions of St. Paul.*
And when the eloquent Triphyllius was re-
TS de -&7totoA8 (f>ao-i roXjirjo-ai. rivag avrby pera^paaai
Qioyaq, £>g emStopdi/iEvov avriov rf)v rfJQ (ppaatug avvTai/.v.
Hist. Eccl. lib. iv. c. 29.

PREFACE. XI
quested to preach on a solemn occasion, and
had chosen one of the miracles of Christ for
his subject, he altered a term in his text which
appeared too homely for his use.*
Something may be pardoned to those, who,
in an early age of the Church, had to surrender
the prejudices of an Heathen education, and the
philosophy in which they were bred. They
lingered for a while within the borders of the
schools, and their opinions concerning the doc
trines of the Gospel were sometimes marked
with errors and imperfections, which the charity
of criticism will readily excuse. The same in
dulgence, however, cannot be extended to the
scholar of the present day: to him we must
urge the sacred nature of Ecclesiastical truth,
and the duty of pursuing it wherever it may be
found ;— the peculiar interest which attends the
warfare of the Church with the early race of in
fidels, and its importance to the history of our
Faith. We may also urge, in favour of the Chris
tian writers, that, at the least, they are as.wor-
* Cum in solenni Episcoporum conventu rogatus esset Tri-
phyllius ut ad populum concionem haberet, et dictum illud
Salvatoris in medium proferret, "Apov <rS to- Kpafifiarov ml
¦irepnrarei, vice rS Kpafiftaru, quasi vocabuli minus elegantis,
Sic/ /«roc"a substituit. Cave, Hist. Litt. in voc. Triph.

Xli PREFACE.
thy of perusal, for the sake of style alone, as the
Pagan authors who, in the same age, opposed the
Gospel. Perhaps no literary specimen can be
produced from Heathenism, of so humble a cast
as the instructions of Commodianus. But Her-
mias is as neat as Lucian.* Symmachus is sur
passed by Ambrose. Lactantius writes with
far more taste and elegance than Am. Marcelli-
nus; and in his own times, whatever be his
defects,. Augustin is without a rival. After the
revival of literature, much narrowness prevailed
on this subject, and the captious critic was
ready to prove the force of his taste by snarling
at the latinity of the antients themselves, f But
sober learning, and sound piety, triumphed over
the efforts of spleen and affectation ; nor ought
we to acquiesce in any attempt to revive a
spirit, which, while it professes an extraordi
nary reverence for letters, tends to circumscribe
their influence, undervalues the materials of
Ecclesiastical History, and sacrifices truth to
sound. * See the concluding note to chap. 7.
f De summorum virorum laudibus ob unam alteramque
vocem minus puram, adeo detractasse constat, ut Gkammatici
Canis nomen communi suffragio retulerit (Scioppius). Mo-
sheim. Preface to Folieta.

PREFACE. Xlll
It only remains to mention the statute which
appoints the Lecturer in Theology; to explain
the reasons on which the present course has
been prepared, and to state what has been
offered to the public by my predecessors in
this office. :,
" Est illud in omni re atque negotio qu6
bmnes actiones nostrae consiliaque spectare de-
bent, ut Omnipotentis Dei regnum quaeratur,
hominum mentes recte instituantur et infor-
mentur, ©innesque ad veram salutis cognitionem
perveniant, quae non aliunde quam ex verbo
Dei haurienda petenddque est. Proinde sta-
tuimus et ordinamus ut sit in Ecclesi*! nostra
praedicta Theologiae Lector per Decanum et
Capitulum eligendus, qui sit sanctae et ortho-
doxae Fidei, bonae famae, et ab omni non solum
haeresi, sed haerese6s etiam suspicione alienus;
nee doctus modd et eruditus, sed Doctrinae
praetere*k titulo insignitus, hoc est, Sacrae The-
ologiae Professor Baccalaureusve, aut saltern in
Artibus Magister. Lectoris munus et officium
erit Sacram Scripturam ad plebis et auditorum
iaedificationem, modo et tempore in Statuto de
cultu Dei inferiias prSescriptis, lingua verna-
cula, in Choro Ecclesiae nostrae, interpretari;
cujus Lectionibus intersint administri et pau-

XIV PREFACE.
peres, presbyteri, clerici cseterfque Ecclesiae
sub poena pecuniari& judicio Decani autProde-
cani infligenda."
If it should be objected, that the following
Lectures are not prepared with the simplicity
supposed by the Statute, the only answer is, that
I have acted according to circumstances. At
present, there is no audience except the school.
To young men therefore, in a train of education
for the Universities, the Lecturer is at liberty
to address himself in a literary manner, and to
recommend a religious subject by the attractions
of their scholastic studies. If it should be said
that much of the subject is beyond the present
powers of the young men, I would suggest, that
their capacity is greater than the objection sup
poses; and that, upon a private inquiry con
cerning their comprehension of the argument,
the result, generally speaking, has been satis
factory. Perhaps a few points have been less
obvious than others; and this may be supposed
chiefly of the doctrines of the Platonic school,
discussed in the sixth and seventh chapters.
But in an extensive subject, all the parts will
not be alike; and some may be so abstruse or
complicated in their nature, as to bid defiance
to the simplification which is demanded.

PREFACE. XV

Into others, by way of compensation, I have
thrown as much amusement as was consistent
with the nature of my subject; and some rea
ders perhaps may accuse me of having occa
sionally indulged too light a vein of narration
and argument.
The Institution has produced few printed
works.— In 1749, Dr. Heylin published his In
terpretation of the Four Gospels, with Lectures
on select parts of St. Matthew. The book is
well known, and maintains its place in Eccle
siastical collections. In 1785, appeared the
Lectures of Dr. John Blair on the Canon of the
Scriptures ; a work creditable to the ability of
the writer, though certainly not calculated to
attract much attention from a youthful audience.
The subject is not complete ; and the volume
was published by his family, after his death.
I am not acquainted with any other publica
tion. What rank may be assigned to the pre
sent volume by some succeeding Lecturer, I
know not. I would only beg to suggest to
him, that it was produced amidst the calls of
other business ; that I am engaged in the dis
charge of professional duties, in a large and
populous parish;* and that the Lectures were
* Croydon in Surrey.

XVI PREFACE.
prepared, from time to time, as the intervals of
local employments allowed, or as the approach
of Term compelled me.
< Such as the work is, I offer it to the School,
with a zealous attachment to its welfare, a sin
cere admiration of its literature and discipline,
and a fervent prayer that it may always pre
serve the union of Religion and Learnings

Westminster,
February 1st, 1809.

PREFACE
TO THE NEW EDITION.

IN the original Preface it was stated, that the
preparation of this work devolved on me by an
" accident," with which it was not then deemed
necessary to trouble the reader. At present,
however, when the controversy concerning the
state of religious instruction, in our great pub
lic schools, appears to be at rest, — when some
of the combatants are in their graves, — and
when the angry feelings of the survivors, it may
~be hoped, are calmed by time and more mature
¦reflection, it may be allowed me to say, that
the following course of Lectures sprung from
that controversy.
It is well known, that Dr. Vincent undertook
to vindicate the character of the school of West
minster, and incidentally, of the other great
schools of England, against certain writers, who
b

XV111 PREFACE.
had stigmatised them, as conducted without
Christian principles, and on a system which
might almost be called exclusively Pagan.
While society yet resounded with this warfare,
I became acquainted with him, having suc
ceeded him in his Prebendal stall, in the year
1802, when he was raised to the Deanery of
Westminster. Not long after this, with an ex
press reference to the recent controversy, he
opened his mind to me concerning the theo
logical Lecture founded in the Church of West
minster by the Statutes of Queen Elizabeth.
His earnest desire was, to support the honour
of the foundation, and to offer to the school a
course of Lectures which should unite the at
tractions of Literature with the principles and
feelings of Christianity; and he informed me,
that the office of Lecture^ would be vacant for
me, as soon as I should consent to accept it.
For a while, I endeavoured to excuse myself,
engaged as I was in the service of a very large
and populous parish. He returned however to
the subject, and urged his wishes with increased
earnestness. By this time, his frank disposition
and honesty of mind had begun to excite in me
a feeling of sincere friendship towards him. It
gave me pain to continue the refusal of his re-

PREFACE. XIX
peated requests in such a cause ; and under the
united influence of a personal regard for him
self, and a duty to the establishment to which
I belonged, I finally acquiesced. After some
deliberation on a proper subject, I began a
course of Lectures, which did not terminate
with those that are contained in the present
volume, and were first printed in 1809, but ex
tended to another and larger subject, and was
not finally dropped till the summer of the year
1812. Such were the motives which led to the
formation of the present volume. Whether
these details have any interest for the general
reader, I know not. To myself, at least, they
are pleasing, as they bring to my recollection a
long and happy intercourse with a person whom
I so much esteemed, and exhibit him acting
under the influence of an honourable anxiety
for the establishment over which he then pre
sided, and in the service of which he had passed
the chief part of his life. To those perhaps
who wish to trace the origin of any literary at
tempt, it may not be unacceptable to observe,
how great is the effect of the kindly feelings of
the heart. While the cold, the selfish, and un
generous temper damps all ardour, anddiscou-
b2

XX PREFACE.
rages all exertion, the more open and attractive
disposition inspires confidence, and is able to
excite even the doubtful to action.
If it is inquired, why the present Edition is
offered to the public, the answer is plain. Ap
plication having been made to Mr. Murray for
a copy of the Lectures, his reply was, that
" not a single one was left." This led to other
questions; and he farther informs me, that, for
some time past, more inquiry than usual has
been made for the Volume, and that it might be
useful to reprint it. Such a statement was suf
ficient to persuade me to a new Edition.
As to the favour thus shewn to the volume,
it can be attributed only to the happy influence
which Religion has lately acquired in society,
and which now displays itself more openly in
our literature. It is of peculiar importance,
that this union of saered and secular know
ledge should not only grow in our public
schools, but receive the full sanction of our
Universities. Oxford already acts on the
principle, that a knowledge of the Gospel
shall he an indispensable qualification for the
first degree, and that no other acquirements,
in literature or science, shall be deemed to
compensate for the want of it. A grateful

PREFACE. XXI
nation acknowledges the salutary effects of this
high principle; and we pray for the divine
blessing on all the studies of a place, which
makes Religion its primary attainment, and
solemnly proclaims, that the admission to the
temple of its honours shall be only through the
portal of the Church of Christ. — Gifted and
honoured seat! — " Excellent things are spoken
of thee." Thou hast dedicated thyself to God.
On the "forefront" of thy Diadem thou hast
engraven " Holiness to the Lord."* Pursue
thy great career! accomplish the benefits which
Providence calls thee to administer; and receive
the blessings of a world, at once enlightened
and sanctified by thy cares!
With this tribute of feeling I would willingly
end; but to a numerous class of inquirers I am
bound to give an explicit account of the result
of the promise which was made in the Preface
to the first Edition. It was there said, " a de-
" termination has been already taken to begin
" another course of Lectures, which shall de-
" scribe, in a regular manner, the scheme of
"Revelation, and impress more fully on the
" young hearers, its doctrines and its duties."
* Exod. xxxix. 30. Lev. viii. 9.

XXII PREFACE.
This promise was performed. I have already
intimated, that my services did not terminate
when the present Volume first appeared, but
were continued till the year 1812. The sub
ject of the second course of Lectures was, " The
History and Principles of Revelation." It
forms a much larger work than the present
Volume. However, I had never promised to
print it, as has been kindly supposed. The
pledge given was only, that I would describe
the scheme of Revelation, for the benefit of the
school; and this pledge, as I have said, was
redeemed. Whether the second work should
follow the original Volume to the press, was to
be left entirely to circumstances. And unfor
tunately for its farther progress, about the time
mentioned, some private events occurred which
severely affected my mind and health, and took
from me all inclination, while their influence
lasted, to continue my theological labours at
Westminster, or to accept the office of Professor
of Divinity at Oxford, which was offered to me
in the year 1813, when Dr. Howley was pro
moted from thence to the see of London. The
Lectures in question remain therefore as they
dropped from my hands at that moment.
What has been stated will be sufficient per-

PREFACE. XX111
haps to account for the re-appearance of the
Volume first published in 1809. Since that
time, what an unexpected event has happened
to myself! I date this second Preface from the
House to which my excellent Predecessor once
invited me for the purpose of obtaining my
promise of the original work ! I cannot express
the gratitude which I must always feel for the
honour thus conferred on me by the Royal
condescension. What remains of my Life will
be dedicated to the watchful care of an esta
blishment, over which I am appointed to pre
side; and when that last moment comes, —
which cannot be very distant, — I can only pray,
that a successor may be selected, whose zeal
and qualifications may repair any defect or
error, from which the foundation may have suf
fered, during my superintendance, either in its
temporal concerns, or its sacred services.

Deanery, Westminster,
April 7th, 1825.

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER I.
Promises of the Gospel. . .Persecution of it by Romans,
Greeks, and Jews. . .Faith and patience of the primi
tive Christians ... Parallel from our Reformation...
General happiness of believers ... Rival pretensions
of Paganism  Page 1 — 46
CHAPTER II.
Two classes of Pagan worshippers . . . Claim of tempo
ral happiness by the first class . . - Grounds of it . . .
Refuted by an appeal to the general temper of Pa
ganism . . . Specimens from Eusebius, Arnobius, Am
brose, 'Prudentius ... Cause of the Gospel farther
vindicated by Orosius and Augustin . . . Their Cha
racters  Page 46 — 85
CHAPTER III.
The real causes which disposed the Empire to its fall,
traced to its Heathen depravity... Goths... Their
capture of the City prepared by earlier successes
while the Empire was Pagan . . . Vindication of the
Gospel  Page 85—123
CHAPTER IV.
Disastrous origin of the Romans . . . Theh1 Gods twice
c

XXvi CONTENTS.
vanquished at Troy . . . Impotent guardians of Italy
...Fate not more serviceable to the Romans than
their Gods . . . Better faith of Christians . . . Inference
that Paganism does not confer temporal good . . .
Conclusion of the first part. . . Page 123— 175
CHAPTER V.
Pretension of Paganism to the promise of the " Life
to come". . . Disproved through the insignificance of
the Heathen Gods . . . Inquiry into the nature of Ju
piter . . . Soul of the World . . . Analysis of the The
ology of Varro ... Remarks: . . Page 175 — 219
CHAPTER VI.
Plato supposed to teach higher doctrmes than other
Pagans . . . Indisoreet admiration of him . . . School of
Alexandria . . . His doctrine concerning the Deity . . .
Secondary Gods . . . Demons . . . From none of these
could eternal life be derived. . . Page £19 — 283
CHAPTER VII.
Plato continued. . .His principle of the immortality of the
Soul... His History of the Soul ... Inferences from
the whole . . . False creation ascribed to his Deity . . .
False immortality to the Soul. . Page 283 — 344
CHAPTER VIII.
Summum Bonum of Paganism ... Immortality no part
of it . . . System of Epicurus . . . The Stoics . . . Old
Academy... Varro's estimate of all possible sects...
Concluding Remarks  Page 344 — 434

PAGANISM AND
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED.
CHAPTER I.
PROMISES OF THE GOSPEL ... PERSECUTION OF IT BY
ROMANS, GREEKS, AND JEWS... FAITH AND PA
TIENCE OF THE PRIMITIVE CHRISTIANS. . .PARALLEL
FROM OUR REFORMATION... GENERAL HAPPINESS
OF BELIEVERS ...RIVAL PRETENSIONS OF PAGANISM.
ST. PAUL has affirmed concerning the god
liness of which he was an inspired teacher,
that it "is profitable to all things, having the
promise of the life that now is, and of that
which is to come."* His immediate intention
was to refute an erroneous notion, whether
-ascribed to certain heretics of the early ages,
or more prospectively to the Romish Church,
* 1 Ep. Tim. ch. iv. ver. 8.
B

2 PAGANISM AND
that the profession of the faith of Christ was
incompatible with the usual connections and
supports of common life. But his declaration
extends beyond the controversy itself, and as
serts, in universal terms, the happy condition
of believers under the Gospel. The " bodily
exercises," the unbidden austerities and mor
tifications, against which he argues, have little
influence in promoting the welfare of man : —
but true Christianity comprehends all good.
It unites the blessings of this world and the
next. In the present life it allows to us
whatever can be desired with innocence, or
used with thanksgiving to God ; and in the
life to come, it offers that transcendent hap
piness which is promised, in a more eminent
manner, through Jesus Christ. In this sense
the passage is interpreted by Vatablus, " lis,
qui pium Dei cultum amplexi fuerint, pro-
mittitur hie vita diutina et beata, et tandem
seterna."* It is impossible not to be struck with ad
miration, when we consider this assertion,
and compare it with the outward circum
stances of the Christian church in the age in
* Crit. Sacr. in loc.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 3
which the apostle wrote. The Saviour had
prepared the minds of his disciples for the
trials which awaited them in the execution of
their sacred commission — "Behold I send
you forth as lambs among wolves;"* and
those who conspire to hinder the propaga
tion of your doctrine, " will deliver you up to
the councils, and they will scourge you in
their synagogues. Ye shall be brought be
fore governors and kings for my sake, for a
testimony against them and the Gentiles ;
and ye shall be hated of all men for my
sake."f These denunciations were dreadfully veri
fied. Disastrous indeed was the condition
of the Gospel, not only while it was confined
within the borders of Judaea and Samaria,
but after it was announced to the world at
large. The propagators of the faith had to
make the melancholy confession, that dis
tresses of every kind were prepared for them
by the ready malice of their enemies. They
were openly punished, and privately defamed.
They suffered both " hunger and thirst, were
naked and buffeted, and had no certain
* Luke x. 3. t St. Matt. x. 17, IS.
B2

4 PAGANISM AND
dwelling-place."* For himself in particular,
St. Paul states his more abundant labours,
his frequent imprisonments, his various and
unceasing perils by sea and land, from his own
countrymen and from the heathen,t and the
" bonds and afflictions which awaited him in
every city. "J Yet amid circumstances so
unusually discouraging arose the steady as
sertion of the apostle ; and the Gospel, thus
persecuted and apparently forlorn, was still
declared to have the promise of the life that
now is, as well as of that which is to come !
Let us extend this view beyond the limits
of the apostolic age, and follow the Gospel in
its afflictions and its joys, its persecutions
and its determined triumphs. The con
tinued sufferings of the propagators of the
faith are abundantly proved in the descrip
tions which other writers have given us of the
hostile conduct of the Gentiles and Jews. In
the early defences of Christianity, nothing is
more frequent than the complaint, that the
mere confession of the faith was deemed suf
ficient ground of condemnation by the hea
then tribunals.
* 1 Cor. iv. 11. t 2 Cor. xi. 26. + Acts xx. 23.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 0
Justin Martyr, in his first apology,* relates
the cases of those who were summarily pu
nished on this account, and the conversations
which were held concerning them in the
Roman courts of justice. Ptolemaeus, a
convert, had been seized and thrown into
prison, upon information that he was a Chris
tian. When he was brought before Urbicius,
the prefect of the city, the only question
asked of him was, whether he professed the
faith of Christ ?*f This being acknowledged,
he was instantly ordered to be led away to
death. Among those who stood by, was
Lucius, another convert, who, in the bold
ness of innocence, asked the praefect, on
what grounds he condemned a man proved
guilty of no crime. Art thou also a Christian 1
demanded Urbicius. This was not denied ;
* I quote it as it is commonly printed, and as it appears
in the edition which I use 3 Frankfort, 1686. Perhaps, it
was only an appendix to the first ; and in this case it was
addressed chiefly to Antoninus Pius. If it be a second
apology, the emperor is Marcus Antoninus. After having
maintained the latter opinion, Grabe appeared to be per
suaded that the piece in question is rather an appendix than
a separate work.
t Taro ftovov ttyiTaodri, el t'ir\ UptziavOQ ; — lb. p. 42.

6 PAGANISM AND
and the same punishment was adjudged to
both.* In the time of TertuUian, no farther atten
tion seems to have been expected by the
Christians from the heathen tribunals. He
opens his spirited and argumentative apology
with the declaration that the door of justice
was shut to the cause of Christianity alone ;
and therefore nothing but the testimony of
private writing remained for those who were
not allowed to be heard in their defence.*!"
While these advocates of the faith justly
demand, that their lives and characters be
made the subjects of enquiry, before sentence
is passed upon them ; they boldly declare,
that they refuse not to die, if wickedness be
proved against them ; and they complain with
* A6ki6q rtg, Kal avrbg wv XpK-tavoe, bpSiv ri\v aXbywg
Snag yevopivifv Kpiaiv, irpbg tov 'OvpfitKiov E<pr}' Tig jj
atria, r5 pi/re povypv, pr\re iropvov, pyyre avSpocj>6vov, pr/re
\u>iro$vTt]v, firire flpiraya, pyre airXCig aSUripa ti Trpa.lp.VTa.
E\syj(6pEvov, ovoparog Se XpwiavS wpocriiivvpiav bpoKoyuvra
tov avdpioirov tStov EKoXaau) ; — Kali oc, ovBev aXKo cnroKptvd-
fievog, Kal irpbg tov A&kiov e<ftn, SoKEig poi Kal tru i ivat toiS-
Tog. Kat rS Abkis (jiriaavTog, jua\i?a, ttoXiv koA avrbv
aira)(6rjvat ekeXevgev. — Ib. p. 43.
t Liceat veritati vel occulta via tacitarum literarum ad
aures vestras pervenire.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 7
peculiar force of argument to a Roman ear,
that they have not the usual lot of subjects,
for whose prosperity the empire professed a
common and undiscriminating care. " If we
are guilty of any wickedness, (says Athena-
goras in his address to the Emperors M. Au-
relius and Commodus,) we do not refuse to be
punished ; nay, we call for the worst of pu
nishment. But if our only guilt be the name
of Christians, it is your duty to protect us
from the injuries which we suffer."*
Justin Martyr indulges the same complaint
in his second apology. " Other men acknow
ledge what gods they will, and you hinder
them not." Then, alluding to the Egyptian
worship, always deemed the opprobrium of
Paganism, and reprobating the senseless,
trifling, and disgusting objects of it, he points
out the differences of opinion concerning the
* Kai el fiiv Tig rjpag E\ey)(Eiv exu r) ptKpbv »} fteilflv afi-
KSvrag, KoXa^Eirdai u 7rapatr6ju£0a, ctWa Kal iJTig irtcporarj/
Kat avrjXerig Tiptapla, viriveiv afySpev' h Be pi^ptg ovopaTOg
y\ Kar-nyopia (itg yuv Trjv aripEpov fip.ipav ct ttEpl y\p5>v \oyo-
irotuaiv,fi Kotvr) Kal &KpiTOg tUv avSpiitnov $$\pr\' Kal s?£te
A.c'ikGiv XptTiaj'og L\ri\EyKTai) vputv ijBri 'ipyov tuiv pEyl^iav
Kat <j>tkavdpi)iru)v Kal (pi\opadEara.Tiov /3a<rt\eW, attoaKtvaaai
$ip&v vbfup rf/v iirripetav. — p. 3.

8 PAGANISM AND
worshippers themselves.* "Yet, even to
these sects, bigoted to their several deities,
and hostile to each other on their account,
you, Romans, shew an equal clemency, and
allow their discordant practices. To Chris
tians alone you object, that they worship not
the same gods with yourselves ; and you de
vote us to death, because we do not adore
dead men, and propitiate them by sacrifices,
and garlands placed upon their altars."
The arm of violence, thus uplifted against
the followers of Christ, was assisted by the
tongue of slander; and every evil was im
puted to those, against whom nothing could
be proved. To mark this with more horror,
their most sacred rites were selected as the
objects of the worst of defamation. Not only
were the believers accused of atheism, but of
* "AXAow aWa^S Kal SivSpa o-EJlopivtov, Kal nora/iug, Kal
pvg, Kat aiXupag, Kat KpoKoSiiXug, Kal t£>v aX6y(ov £&>h>y to.
iroXXa' Kat 8 tuiv avrSiv virb Tzavrtav Ttfitopivtov, aXXa &XXu>v
aXXa-xpo-c, (8t' Eivai d<r£/3ete aXXriXotg vavrag Sta to /irj to.
dura oijiEiv. p. 68. Ed. Frankfort, printed as 2d Apology. —
If Bishop Warburton had remembered this passage, he
would hardly have said, that the quarrel between the Om-
bites and Tentyrites of Juvenal was not, which of them wor
shipped a phantom, and which a god, but whose god was the
tutelar deity of the place. "Div. Leg. B. 2, 6.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 9
the renovation of the cruel feasts of Thyestes,
and the indulgence of personal impurity at
their religious meetings. It is impossible to
read, without emotion, the refutation of these
heinous charges in the embassy of Athena-
goras. He disproves, at length, and with
much animation and dignity, the charge of
atheism. The Christian adores a God sepa
rate from matter;* and the charge itself
seems to have arisen from this circumstance,
and the consequent refusal to worship the
statues of deified men. He mentions the
other imputations with an horror which will
not allow so circumstantial a vindication. He
justly supposes that the establishment of the
first point is sufficient for his purpose. They
who believed that none but the pure should
see God, could not allow themselves the
habits of pollution. They, whose conscience
forbade them even to look upon the exhi
bitions of gladiators, could not be supposed
to delight in feasts of human flesn : and the
persuasion, that the will of an holy and just
* 'Hp'tv Se, Statpatriv diro Tijg i/Xjjg tov Qebv, Kal SeiKviatriv
ETtpov piv ti elvat ttiv vXr)v, &XXo Se tov Beov — /xijn bk d\q~
yiog to rijg dOtdri/roc iinKaXaain.ovona. — p. 5.

10 PAGANISM AND
God ought to be the sole rule of their lives,
was an equal security against sensuality and
cruelty, the guard not only of their actions,
but of their most secret thoughts.* But
these accusations were suggested by the
grossest ignorance, and the foulest malice.
In the first ages of the Gospel, the weekly
celebration of the Lord's supper took place
in the night ; partly through fear of the pagan
persecutor,! and partly for the sake of a more
strict observance of the time when our Sa
viour took his last supper with the disciples,*};
before his suffering. This circumstance, to
gether with a perversion of the principal
passage in that solemnity, " Take, eat, this
is my body ;" probably gave rise to the horrid
imputation of secret infanticide. Nor is it
* Oie o /3t0£ <Se -Jrpoc "sdOpniv tov ©toy xavovi^ETai, OTrwg
avvjrdvrtog Kal avEirlX-nitTOg IkoVb l/pw)' avOptoirog avrty
yEvovro, "vse rirag jxrfi iig ivvotav itote t5 /3pax"rar8 eXevoo-
liivug Stpaprfiparog. — p. 35.
t This is observed by Origen, in his answer to the first
charge of Celsus, that the Christians were fond of nightly
meetings — h pdr-nv tuto iroiaaiv, &te StuidipEvot rriv ETrnpT-n-
\ikvr\v avrolg SiKnv th davdra. Lib. I. p. 5. Ed. Spenc.
% Dominica ccena h. nostris majoribus eadem fere hord
qua Christus cum discipulis novissime ceenavit, ex ejus mo-
nitis celebrabatur. Not. in TJert. Apol. e. 7. Ed. Basil. 1550.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 1 1
all creditable to the critical sagacity of the
Romish church, to have adopted a literal
sense for this passage, and thus to remind us
of the strange notion of the Pagans, utterly
careless as to the meaning of the religion
which they persecuted.* As to the remain
ing imputation of licentiousness, it evidently
arose from those outward marks of Christian
love, which were so visible in the conduct of
believers towards one another ; a spiritual
affection in the family of Christ, which was
beyond the understanding of the men of na
ture. They therefore viewed these mutual
tokens of charity, with the eye of impurity,
and traduced them with the tongue of defa-
mation.t * The same carelessness continued, with the same spirit of
persecution, to the time of Arnobius : Quae omnia vos gesta ne-
que scitis, neque scire voluistis,neque unquamvobis necessaria
judicastis. Lib. 2, p. 50, Ed. Lugd. Bat. 1621. The Ro
manists, who draw arguments for transubstantiation from the
literal interpretation of the Pagans, ought to have observed,
that while the Christian writers disclaim, with every mark of
horror, the imputation of an human sacrifice, they make no
attempt to explain the passage in question, as if it still meant
the substantial eating of the flesh of Christ, though under
cover of the accident of bread.
t Sed ejusmocli vel maximfe dilectionis operatio notam
nobis inurit penes quosdam. Vide, inquiunt, ut se invicem
diligant ! Tert. Apol. c. 39.

12 PAGANISM AND
As the Gospel extended itself, these charges
were multiplied by the growing hatred of
Paganism. Others are mentioned in the
curious and interesting dialogue of Minucius
Felix, in the apology of TertuUian, and in
many controversial writings of the fathers :
but it will be sufficient for the- present pur
pose, to have named those which are refuted
by Athenagoras.*
Concerning the enmity of the Greeks to
the Gospel, and the consequences of it to the
harassed Christians, we have some curious
particulars from sacred antiquity. It may be
observed in general, that, all power being in
Roman hands, the Christians pleaded with
them chiefly for liberty, property, and life it
self. With the Greeks, their disputes were
commonly of a philosophical nature. Some
times, indeed, the arguments are mingled;
but if those which were chiefly calculated
for the latter people, are occasionally addres
sed to the former, it is for the sake of coun
teracting the influence which Grecian preju-
* Tpla ETrt<priplfe<riv fip~tv EyKXripara, dOedrr/ra, Qvi^Eia
§E~tTva, 'OiSiiroMug fitfytg. p. 4. The terms employed
against the Christians are drawn from the early fables of the
poets, or the subjects which the stage had made familiar.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 13
dices might have, when conveyed through
Grecian literature, upon the Roman tribunals.
It would appear, from the manner in which
Tatian conducts his oration against the Greeks,
that one of the principal causes of their hos
tility to the Gospel, was the injury supposed
to be done by Revelation to their philosophy.
By a strange vanity, which had long distin
guished that people, and which no calamities
or disgraces of their own could extirpate,
they had imagined themselves to be the first
of men,* the original possessors of their soil,
perhaps the produce of it : and they fondly
cherished the notion, that from their genius
flowed, or ought to flow, to the rest of man
kind, the knowledge of all art and science.
This pretension was completely overthrown
by the superior claim of the Scriptures, which
therefore became the object of their hatred and
detraction. No argument is more common
with the defenders of the faith, than that its
origin ascended beyond the highest historical
* This is the grave decision of Laertius, after noticing
the claims made by some in favour of the Barbarians —
Xavddvvo-t &' avrag rd t&v 'EXXr/vtav KaropBiipara, a<j> uV
firj on ye (jiiXoaoijiia, aXXd Kal yevog avdp&trtav flpi,e, papjia-
potg TrpoodirTOVTEg. — Proem.

14 PAGANISM AND
ages of Greece. In order to strengthen this
assertion, they point out the foreign deriva
tion of Grecian knowledge, both civil and
mythological. Which of your arts and insti
tutions, says Tatian, has not taken its rise
among the Barbarians whom you so much
despise?* Athenagoras, too, well knowing
the influence of the Grecian pretensions on
those whom he addressed,! triumphantly
quotes the testimony of Herodotus, who con
fesses that Hesiod and Homer, not more than
four hundred years before his time, were, the
first who sung the genealogy of their Gods,
assigned to them their names, honours, and
characteristic employments, and described
their sexes and figures. "J As to the statues,
they were the late produce of time and acci-
* Ilo'wv yap £iriTri$Evpa Trap' vpiv, njv av^aatv uk aird.
(iappdpiav i&TrjaaTO; Orat. ad Gra;c. c. 1.
t Having given to M. Aurelius and Commodus, the titles
of ApfiEvtaKotg and "EapparlKotg, he carefully adds, to Be
fiiyi^ov, (piXoaoipotc.
I 'HaioBov yap Kal 'Op-npbv fjXiKi-nv TErpaKoaiotg etebi
Bokeu) irpeo-ftvTEpag EfiS yEviaQat Kal 6v irXiujat, rug Kal yivq
Kal ovopara Bbvrag' Stoi Be ewiv ot trovnaavTEg BEoyovlrjV
"EWtjo-t, Kat rotirt Oeolat rag itriawixlag BovrEg, Kal Ttudg te
Kal TExvag BtEXovTEg, Kal .s'tBea avrSiv atiprivavrEg. — Leg.
pro Christ, p. 1 6.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 15
dent ; and the Gods who were to be moulded,
or painted, or chiselled for the adoration of
men, were obliged to wait* till Saurias of
Samos, Crato of Sicyon, and Cleanthes and
Core of Corinth were born, and had learnt
or invented their arts. And in opposition to
the supercilious charge, that the Scriptures
were the produce of yesterday,! the Christian
writers are particularly earnest and success
ful in establishing the priority of the claim
of Moses, both in point of time and of reli
gious authority. This argument, concerning
antiquity, was urged by many ; by Irenseus,
Clement of Alexandria, Cyprian, Arnobius,
and Lactantius. Theophilus was, perhaps,
the first who attempted a complete view of
the chronology of the world, in opposition to
the assumptions of Grecian vanity, and pre
pared the way for the labours of Eusebius.
* At B' kiKoveg, pixpi jKijiTO irXaTiK/) Kat ypa^iK?) Kat hy-
BpvavTOirotrjTiKrl i\aav, uBt kvopltfivro. — Ib.
f 'Hp~tv Be ovufiaXiiv, 'in Xrjpov i'iyij rvyxavetv tov Xdyov
Tijg d\jj0£tae, otofisvoQ irpoaipdT&s Kal vewTEptKag etvat rag
¦trap' r'tp'tv ypaipdg. — Theoph. lib. 3. p. 117. Amobius' puts
the same objection in the mouth of his opponents — Sed an-
tiquiora, inquitis, nostra sunt, ac per hoc fidei et veritatis
plenissima. Lib. 1 . p. 34.

16 PAGANISM AND
Having therefore the advantage of this supe
rior antiquity, they are frequent in the men
tion of an opinion which must have been
particularly galling to the Greeks ; that cer
tain parts of their knowledge had been de
rived to them from the Hebrews, that the
writings of Moses were the source from which
they had drawn their higher philosophy, and
that their sophists secretly availed them
selves of an assistance which they affected
to disown, and which they did not always
understand. They wished to reconcile ori
ginality with their plagiarism ; they therefore
called in the ornaments of rhetoric and fable,
and sought to disguise what they had sub
stantially borrowed.* This supposition, which
was very prevalent in the early church, was
calculated to increase the enmity of the
Greeks to the Gospel : and never did wound
ed vanity shew a more implacable resent-
* IIoMoi yap ot Kar avrug croiju^al KEXprtfiivot TTEpiEpyla,
Ta oaa ircpl tuiv Kara Mwea, Kal tS>v bfioliog avra (piXoao-
i]>6vt(i>v iyvtaaav, h ko.1 irapaxapdrTEiv ETCEtpdaQnaav' irpHrov
fiev, tva n XiyEiv IBtov vofiilitovTaC BevTEpov Be, oirvg rd oo-a
fifl ovvleoav, Bta Ttvog EirurXdra pijToXoyiag TrapaKaXunro)/-
TEt, rate pvOoXoylatg rr\v dXiiOtiav ¦KapairpEofiEvtaai. — Tat.
Orat. cont. Graecos, c. 61.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 17
ment. The persecutions which they excited
against the Christians Were so considerable
as to furnish Dodwell with an argument for
altering the age of Theophilus, who records
them; for bringing him down to the third
century, and placing him under the intolerant
reign of SeverUs.* But, whatever the Greeks
could not accomplish by the sword, they en
deavoured to effect by the force of impious
language ; and such was the madness with
which they were inflamed, that they proposed
rewards and honours to such of their poets
and sophists as should write with most wit
and elegance in opposition to the one, true
and incorruptible God,f from whom descend-

* "En pt)v Kal Tbg atfiofievug dvrbv {Qebv) kBiw^av, Kal to
Kaff f/pipav BtiiKaaiv. Lib. iii. p. 140. Cave rightly con
tends against Dodwell, that these expressions do not neces
sarily refer to a persecution like that of Severus. Poterant
esse persecutiones roTriKat Kat peptKal, hinc, inde excitatre,
qu arum in historia ecclesiastics non pauca habentur exem-
pla. In voc. Theophil. This well agrees with the sentiment
of the text, which alludes rather to the effects of local ma
lice, harassing the professors of the faith, than to one of the
general persecutions.
f S fii/v dXXct Kal TOig evtywvuig vfipii,uat tov Qrbv, aOXa
xal Tifidg TiQiairt. — Theoph. lib. 3. p. 140.
C

18 PAGANISM AND
ed to mankind the gift of eternal happiness,
through Jesus Christ.
As to the Jews, they present to u& a picture
of persecution more disgusting, if possible,
than that of the Pagans. Their temple over
thrown ; their ancient polity finally dissolved ;
their nation scattered abroad ; their persons
despised ; and their very name abhorred by
the people among whom they dwelt; they
yet drew a malignant satisfaction from the
hatred with which they pursued the believers
of the Gospel. They had crucified the author
of the faith, and driven the faith itself beyond
the borders of their country. Still they saw
with envy and alarm, the progress which the
Gospel was making, under distresses and
persecutions of every sort; for " the work
was of God, and men could not bring it to
nought." Indeed, it is highly probable, from a
passage of Justin Martyr's dialogue, that they
sometimes obtained from the Roman govern
ment, the liberty of destroying Christians, or
thatthey destroyed them with impunity.* But
* 'Aura te ekeivo (Xptse) Kat t&v ktg ekeivov TcvzEvovrbm
KarapaaOe, Kat oTrdrav itpaiav Eyrrrt, avatpe'tTE. Dial, cum
Tryph. p. 323. This can hardly be confined to the cruci
fixion of Christ ; bnt if it involves the occasional destruction

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 19
in general, they could only excite others to
the work of death ; and this was done with too
fatal a success. " Ye pour out curses in
your assemblies on all who believe in Christ,"
adds Justin ; " and other nations, giving a
deadly effect to your imprecations, destroy
those who merely confess his name."*
But there is one instance of Jewish per
secution, which goes beyond the rest ; and
the manner in which Justin mentions it,
throws no small light on certain passages of
Scripture. St. Matthew says, c. 28, 15, that,
after the astonishment occasioned by the re
surrection of Christ, the chief priests gave
money to the soldiers to report, that he was
stolen away by his disciples, " while they
of his followers by Jewish hands, the Roman government
was grown more lavish of Christian blood than in the time
of St. Paul.
* "YfXE~tg yap kv Taig nvvayioycCig vfiiov Karapacrds ttavTwV
twv air ekeivu yevopivtov XpiTiavw)', Kai rd aXXa e6vi) (this
is an evident allusion to the Romans) a Kal kvEpyfj rr)v Kara-
pav kpyaffivrat, avcttpavrai rac fjtbvov bpdXoyavrag eavrug
Itvai Xpi?iav&g. Dial, cum Tryph. p. 323. That the
Jews were willing assistants at the execution of Christians
by the Gentile persecutors, we see in the Epistle of the
Church of Smyrna, concerning the martyrdom of Polycarp
— /tdXtsxt 'l8o*atW Trpodvpwg, 'JIS "E0O2 'AYTOI2, tt'c
Tavra virapyivTwv. C. 13, Patr. Apostol. Ed. Cotel.
c2

20 PAGANISM AND
slept." In his reference to this fact, Justin
grafts upon it another of far greater extent,
an universal mission for the express purpose
of counteracting the propagation of the faith
of Christ ! Having dwelt on the denuncia
tions of Jonah against the impenitence of
Nineveh, a type of the vengeance threatened
by Christ to Jerusalem, " but you, O Jews,"
says he, " though ye knew these things, did
not repent, notwithstanding the mercy of God, .
who would have accepted your return to him.
But after the resurrection of Christ, you ap
pointed chosen men of your own, and sent
them into all the world,* with a declaration

* "AvBpag xEiporovriaavTEE EKXtKT&q, Etg iraaav ry\v o'iku-
fikvriv ETTETTEpipaTe. Dial, cum Tryph. p. 335. The charge
of Atheism was sufficiently strange in the Pagans. From
the Jews it was by no means to be expected. Yet there
are several ways in which it may be explained. Perhaps
the term was used in order to accommodate the prejudices
of the Gentiles, to whom the Jewish mission was partly
sent. There were also heretical Christians, who rejected so
much of the essential doctrines of the Gospel, that Justin
himself calls them adiug Kal do-EjSelfi aipEaiuiTag. The or
thodox therefore might be conveniently branded with the ill
character of these sectaries. But the most probable cause
of this charge was, the strange persuasion of the Jews, that
the Christians had forsaken God, and put, their trust in man.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 21
that an atheistical and lawless heresy had
been excited by Jesus, a Galilean impostor ;
that you had crucified him, but that his dis
ciples stole him by night from the tomb, and
deceived mankind with the fiction that he
had risen from the dead, and ascended into
Heaven." In a subsequent passage, he states
the same fact, that the high priests and
teachers of the people had caused the name
of Christ to be profaned and blasphemed,
through all the earth.* Indeed, he frequent
ly upbraids Trypho with it ; and he speaks
of the Anti-Christian mission, as if the effects
of it were felt in his time.
With this mention of the Jewish embassy,
he couples the character of the converts made
by it, and reminds us of another passage of
because th-ey confessed the divinity of Christ ! This appears
from the insulting question of Trypho — KaraXnrovTt Be tov
&eov, Kat £t£ avBpunrav kXir'taavTi, voia trt TrEpiXtiitETai
obiTipia; ib. p.' 226.
* §to ovojj.a ^E^rjXbiQfjvat Kara irdaav rrjv yfjv Kal jSXaa-
0»/jU£ii70ai ot apxtepeig r« Xau vpiov Kal StBdaKaXoi kipyaaavro
— ib. p. 345. In the Qusstiones ad Orthod. the passage
of St. Matthew is quoted without any mention of the cir
cumstances so often stated in the dialogue. This may be
one internal mark, among many others, that tbe work is not
Justin's.

22 PAGANISM AND
St. Matthew, c. 23, 15. There our Lord had
denounced the Scribes and Pharisees, whose
proselytes were " twofold more the children
of Hell than themselves." In the following
century, Justin described the actual circum
stances of the Jews and Christians. " Your
proselytes," says he to Trypho, " not only
do not believe in Christ, but blaspheme his
name with twofold more virulence than your
selves. They are ready to shew their mali^
cious zeal against us ; and, to obtain merit
in your eyes, wish to us reproach, and tor
ment, and death."* Our Lord's denuncia
tion must therefore be regarded as in a great
degree prophetical: and the conduct of the
Jews in the following age was one part of its
accomplishment.*! If the increased wickedness of the Jewish
proselytes is thus proved through the intem
perate blasphemy poured forth against the
name of Christ; the pains taken by those
* Ot Be wpotrijXvTOi « fidvov a TTttEvtHTiv, dXXd Bt7rXoTtpov
vpZv fiXaoty-qpuatv ktg to ovopa dvri, Kal 'qpag r«e ktg ekeIvov
TrvstvovTag Kat <[>oveveiv Kat aiKlfetv /3eAovrat. ib. p. 350.
t Justin brings it home to the Jews of his own age, NYN
ee BnrXoTEpov v'wl ytivvng, tie dvrbg E~nce, yiveadE — ib. p.
350.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 23
who "compassed sea and land," to make
one such proselyte, receive an illustration
from the fact already adduced. Grotius in
terprets this as a proverbial expression, de
noting a certain degree of labour, and anxious
search.* But it is something more. In its
reference to the event so particularly pointed
out by Justin, it is entitled to a stricter inter
pretation. The Anti- Christian mission was,
as we have seen, actually sent throughout
the extent of the Roman empire ; and " seas
and lands" were literally "compassed," in
order to make proselytes, and to defeat the
propagation of the Gospel.
Such were the early miseries which the
Gospel suffered from the various enmity of
Romans* Greeks, and Jews. Such were th<
distresses and persecutions, amidst which
the propagators of the faith went forth to an
nounce to the wprld the glad tidings of sal
vation ; and such the fearful exactness with
which the denunciations of Christ were ful-

* Sollicitum inquirendi laborem significans. Apud Crit.
Sacr. He observes the similarity between the passage of
Justin and that of St. Matthew, but does not interpret the
latter with all the force, of which it appeals to be capable.

24 PAGANISM AND
filled in the experience of his followers.
Having paused for a moment, to look back
on the affecting scene, let us change the view.
.We have accompanied our religion in its early
difficulties and dangers. Let us now exult
with it in its patience and its triumphs.
It is very observable, that the Pagan su
perstition, which had been employed, with
so fatal an industry, in harassing the religion
of Christ, was itself unable to bear the pres
sure of calamity. It is the characteristic of
idolatry to shrink from the touch of misfor
tune. Teaching no rational confidence in
God, it leaves the miserable worshipper with
out resignation, and without courage, in the
hour of trial. This shall hereafter be more
particularly shewn. At present, let us attend
to the Gospel, and consider how patiently it
endured, how victoriously it surmounted the
distresses and difficulties which conspired to
hinder its progress.
We have heard the statement which St.
Paul made of his extraordinary sufferings.
Let us also hear his fortitude and his triumph.
" Blessed be God, even the Father of our
Lord Jesus Christ, the Father of mercies,
and the God of all comfort ; who comforteth

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 25
us in all our tribulation, that we may be able
to comfort them which are in any trouble,
by the comfort wherewith we ourselves are
comforted of God. For as the sufferings of
Christ abound in us, so our consolation also
aboundeth by Christ."* If troubled on every
side, " he is not distressed;" if " perplexed,
he is not in despair;" if persecuted, he is
"not forsaken;" if " cast down, he is not
destroyed."! And notwithstanding the pri
vations under which he labours, he boldly
and truly maintains, that the faith of Christ,
destitute as it may sometimes appear, has the
promise even of the present life, as well as
of that which is to come. The Christian has
peculiar consolations in adversity itself. The
very pressure of evil promotes the immediate
good of his soul, and augments the sense of
that future happiness, of which the present
supports of the Spirit of God, and the testi
mony of conscience are the sure and anima
ting pledges.
The Bishop of Antioch had to complain,
that his profession of Christianity had
estranged from him the former friend of his
i
* 2 Cor. i; 3—5. f 2 Cor. iv: 8, 9.

26 PAGANISM AND
bosom. " Thou still extollest thy idols,"
says he to Autolycus, " and upbraidest me
with the name of Christian which I bear, as
if it were something evil." Yet he glories
in this new title, and determines to forsake
every other for it. "I bear with all joy a
name dear to God, though odious to the
world, wishing only that I may become ac
ceptable to Heaven through the goodness
which my religion teaches."*
Justin Martyr has amply stated the strange
and various persecutions to which the Gospel
was subjected by the Roman government in
his age. But it is remarkable, that those
very persecutions were the means of his con-
* "Eft Be iptjg [IE, Kal Xpt?tavov fiig KaKov rivofia fopSvra.
'Eyiii fiiy av bpoXoyZ tlvai Xpt?tavo£, Kat tyopGi to $EO<piXkg
ovopa tSto, kXtriiiav Evxprj^og Ertvai, 7-w ©£«. Theoph. lib. i.
p. 69. Some of the early writers, either wishing to accom
modate themselves to the practice of the Pagans, who ge
nerally wrote the name of Christ, Chrestus ; or, intent per
haps on disputing successfully with them on their own terms,
derived the word Christian from xptitog. This is the foun
dation of the pious expression of Theophilus. This too is
the meaning of Justin Martyr, Xpistavol yap Itvat Kar»;yo-
pdpEda' to Be XpjjTOi/ fiWEtadat « BiKatov. Apol. 2. p. 55.
His argument is, that the accusers proved their own hatred
of goodness through their persecution of Christianity.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 27
version ; for the manner in which he saw
others bear them, gave to his mind the first
impulse of esteem for Christianity. " I, a
zealous follower of Plato," says he, " could
not look upon the fearless manner in which
the followers of the Gospel bore death, and
whatever was most terrible to human nature,
without the firmest persuasion of the inno
cence of their lives, and their superiority to
all vicious indulgence. For what man of
pleasure, what lover of intemperance, what
banquetter on human flesh, could so cheer
fully embrace death, and deprive himself of
all which he esteemed valuable ? Instead of
freely meeting destruction, would he not take
every method to escape the punishment
threatened by the magistrate, and to preserve
his life and its enjoyments ?"* Under the
* Kat yap dvrbg ky&t to'iq TYXdiriavog j(alpiav BtBdypaat,
BiafiaXXopiveg dxawv "Kpt^iavag, bp&v Be dtyofiag itpbg Srdva-
tov, Kat iraVra rd (aXXa) vopi^apEva (jiofispd, evevouv dBvva-
tov Itvai kv KaKta Kal QtXriBoviq. vTrdpxelv dvTbg' Tig yap
fiXijCovog, ?} okparijc, Kaii dvBpiimivtov eapKuiv ftopdv dyaBov
fiyh/iEvog, BvvaiT &v Sdvarov atnrdfeirBai, Snag t&v avru
dyaOiSv ^eprfiy: dXX' «K Ik jravroe lyv (piv) det t^v ivBdBt
j£Tt07»/y, Kat XavBavetv rug apxovrac kireipaTO- i\OTi yEtavrbv
KaT>iyye\Xt <povEvBntr6fiEvov ; Apol. J. p. 50.

28 PAGANISM AND
influence of this persuasion, he became a
Christian, and gloried in the name, whatever
was the derision or the danger which pur
sued it. And he sealed his testimony with
his blood. He fell a joyful victim to the
hatred of that philosophy which he had re
nounced for the sake of the Gospel.
In the pleading of Athenagoras are related
the losses, the reproaches, the torments en
dured for the sake of the faith. But the
grief which alone affects him, arises from the
injury done to the religion of Christ through
the imputations falsely laid against its pro
fessors. " It is not personal insult which
moves us ; for we have learned, that, if smit
ten on one cheek, we should turn the other
also. It is not the forfeiture of the goods of
this world, in which other men place their
happiness; for we have learned, that, if a
man take our cloak, we should give him our
coat. But when we have surrendered all
we possess, we are still the objects of their
relentless hatred ; and they heap upon us
the charges of crimes the very thought of
which is forbidden by our religion, and which
can only be found in the practices of their
own idolatry."*
* "Orav aTrtiiriopEV rote \piipaaiv, zmfiuXtvuo-iv yph\ ku-

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 29
The apology of TertuUian is a mixture of
indignation, strong reasoning, and irony. He
is generally serious, though sometimes spor
tive, and while he repels the calumnies of
the enemies of the faith, he can indulge a
vein of pleasantry.
He declares his belief with much force
and dignity. " Mangled by your cruelty,
and covered with our own blood, we still
proclaim aloud — We worship God through
Christ. Persist in your own opinion, and
deem him a mere man. Yet through him
God makes himself known; in him he will
be worshipped. But rather ought ye to en
quire, whether the divinity of Christ be not
the true divinity, the knowledge of which
leads the worshipper to all goodness, and
therefore compels him to reject the lying
pretensions of your idols."* Again, he spor-
Tao-KEBa£ovTEg ox^-ov kyKXripctTiov' a fipiv jxkv, &Be f-kxptg
VTtovoiag, rolg Be aBoXEax^at Kal to> EKEtviav TrpooEtt yivet.
Leg. pro Christ, p. 3.
* Dicimus, et pal am dicimus, et vobis torquentibus.
Lacerati et cruenti vociferamur, Deum colimus per Chris
tum. Ilium hoininem puta'te. Pereum, et in eo, secognosci
vult Deus, et coli. Quserite ergo, si vera est ista divinitas
Christi. Si ea est, qua cognita, ad bonum quis reformatur,
sequitur, ut falsa renuncietur quaevis alia contraria comperta :

30 PAGANISM AND
tively compares the idols themselves with
the mangled bodies of the Christians. " You
place us upon a cross, or the stump of some
tree; and on a frame of the like shape, you
fashion your gods of clay. You lacerate our
sides with hooks of iron ; with similar labour
do you employ axes, and saws, and augers
on your gods of wood. You throw us into
the fire; and in the fire you cast your gods
of metal. Or perhaps you send us to the
mines; but from thence come your best di
vinities. We are therefore under the like
circumstances with them ; and if divinity is
produced by hewing and mangling, our tor
tures are our consecration, and we are fit
objects of your worship."*
in primis ilia, quae delitescens sub nominibus et imaginibus
mortuorum, quibusdam signis et miraculis et oraculis fidem
divinitatis operatur. C . • 2 1 .
* Crucibus et stipitibus imponitis Christianos. Quod
simulachrum non priiis argilla deformat cruci et stipiti su-
perstructa? In patibulo primum corpus Dei vestri dedicatur.
Ungulis deraditis latera Christianorum. At in Deos vestros
per omnia membra validius incumbunt asciae, et runcinae, et
scobinae. Ignibus urimur. Hoc et illi ii prima quidem
massi. In metalla damnamur. Inde censentur Dii vestri.
Si per haec constat divinitas aliqua; ergo qui puniuntur,
consecrantur, et numina erunt dicenda supplicia. C. 12. —

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 31
Finally, Tatian shall bear his testimony,
a testimony which, notwithstanding his other
failings, is the more precious on account of
his intimate knowledge of Grecian learning*
" In vain do you advise me to consult my
personal safety. That knowledge of God
which the Scriptures have given me, I will
not conceal. That contempt of death which
you affect to derive from human philosophy,
I will truly shew through the profession of
my Christian faith. The Scriptures are more
worthy of my regard than the philosophy in
which I was bred. They are superior to it
in all things ; in antiquity, if we consider
the late origin of Grecian knowledge ; in au
thority, if we look at its errors. I am cap
tivated by their style, free from Grecian in
flation; the artless simplicity of the writers,
the satisfactory account of creation, the im-
pressiveness of the prophecies, the loftiness
of the precepts, and the general government
of God."* And in proportion to this zeal in
The modes in which the Christians were tortured, are fre
quently pointed out by him in this indirect way.
* XleptvoivTi Be fiot tci cmvBa~ta, owt'/Sri ypafyaig Ttaiv
hvTVT)(&v /3ap/3apMcai£, irpeo-fivTEpatg jiev, &>g irpbg to. 'EXX»'/-
viov Boyfiara' $EiDr£paig Be, tog irpug rriv ekeIviov irXavqV

32 PAGANISM AND
the propagators of the faith, this sacred con
tempt of danger and death itself for the sake
of Jesus Christ, was the actual extension of
the Gospel. Justin Martyr states the over
throw of Jerusalem, and the growing con
version of the Gentiles from all nations, as
the accomplishments of prophecy witnessed
by that age.* These conversions are again
mentioned in the dialogue, in which he la
bours to prove, that the benediction of Joseph
by Moses was then fulfilling itself in the ra
pid abandonment of those idolatrous practices
with which Satan had hitherto enslaved the
Heathen nations.! This went on with in
creasing success ; till, through the force of
the impression made on the government by
these private conversions, and the irresistible
Kat /jot 7T£i<T07}vat ravratg avvEpt], Bid te twv XeIeuiv to &tv-
(j>ov, Kat twv knroVTWV to avEiriTriBEVTOV, Kat rrjg tS iravrbg
iroifjaEiiig to EvzaTaX-nwTOV, Kal Ttov fiEXXovrtav to 7rpoyvw<rt-
kov, ital t&v TrapayyEXpariov to klfdatov, Kat tSv oXmv to
povapxtKov. Orat. cont. Graecos. C. 46.
* Kat Sruig yEj/ojUEva bpwfiev, yrjg fikv 'luBaitov kpfipuiatv,
Kal THg airb iravrog idvsg avdpunroiv Bid rrjg irapa t&v d?ro-
<tt6X(ov 6.vtu BiBaxve TTEiaBiVTag. Apol. 2. p. 88.
"j" 'Ek ttcivtuiv tSiv eBvUv Bid t6tb rS pvr-npts itg rr)v Beo-
rrEfieiav ETpcnrriaav curb twv paraaov kiBaXtov Kal Batjiovutv.
Dial, cum Tryph. ib. p. 318. Compare Deut. xxxiii. 17.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 33
credit obtained for the Gospel, the empire
was induced formally to accept the faith;
and, as Christ had foretold, the world be
lieved on him.*
Such again were the triumphs of the Gos
pel, in its early encounter with the hostility
of the world. Nor let it be imagined, that it
was an imitation of the Heathen schools, and
the vanity of maintaining a novelty of doctrine
which led those martyrs and confessors to
brave the established Paganism by the con
fession of the faith of Christ. On the con
trary, they exposed the unworthy motives of
those who pretended to despise danger for
the sake of philosophical opinions. There
were some sophists, who in a trembling imi
tation of Anaxarchus,! affected to maintain,
that death was not an evil to be feared.
Against the hollow pretensions of these men
the Christian writers successfully argued,
and either convicted them of secret cowardice
under the show of magnanimity, or called
* Totum orbem sibi crediturum esse praedixit; et totus
orbis, sicut praedictum est, credidit.' Aug. de Civ. Dei,
lib. 12., c. 10.
f TItvo-cte tov 'Ava£dpx*< BvXaKov, 'Avd^apxov oe ob
irXifTTEig. Laert. in vit. Anax. lib. 9.
D *

34 PAGANISM AND
upon them to die in a cause which alone
could justify it. Tatian naturally infers the
real fear of death in Crescens (one of these
philosophists, and as impure as he was cow
ardly) from his attempts against the life of
Justin and himself; since he must have re
garded that as an evil which he wished to
inflict on those whom he hated. On the
other hand, it was justly concluded by him,
that philosophical vanity is a miserable rea
son for the abandonment of life ; and hence
the Greeks were exhorted to that true forti
tude which has its only foundation in the
knowledge of God.* The conduct of the
early Christians therefore was far removed
from that of the Heathen schools. Indeed,
our own history presents to us a brilliant
proof of the same conscientious fidelity, the
same " resistance unto blood," in an age
when such motives had no existence, when
the question was not, whether a new faith
should be introduced into the world, but
whether the pure and primitive doctrines of
* Et '^ark firj BeIv BeBievui tov Sdvarov, KotvavovvTeg ypwv
Tcilg Boypaci, pit Bid ri/v avdp(inrh>r]v Bo^rjjjtaviav, (jg Avai*-
apxog, dTrodviiCKETE' xaP"* & TVe tov Qeov yvixrEwg, tov
^avdra KarafporrjThi ykvEirBE. Orat. cont. Graec. C. 32.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 35
the Gospel should be asserted and restored to
the church of Christ, or whether they should
remain for ever buried under the accumula
tions of that superstition which disfigured
their beauty, and destroyed their salutary
influence,* Nor were the labours and con
stancy of our reformers at all inferior to those
of the early propagators of the Gospel. Who
ever has admired the faith and heroic suffer
ings of Ignatius or Polycarp, must look with
no less satisfaction on those of Ridley, Lati
mer, Cranmer, and Hooper. And whoever
. will sit down to the serious perusal of their
history, must, I think, rise up the better
Christian; better prepared to meet the com
mon evils of life with resignation, and to sur-
* Qudd si docemus sacrosanctum Dei Evangelium, et
veteres Episcopos, atque Ecclesiam primitivam nobiscum
facere, nosque non sine justi causd, et ab istis discessisse,
et ad Apostolos, veteresque Catholicos patres rediisse, idque
non obscure aut vafrfe, sed bona* fide coram Deo, vere, in
genue, dilucide, et perspicue facimus ; si illi ipsi qui nostram
doctrinam fugiunt, et sese Catholicos dici volunt, aperte
videbunt omnes illos titulos antiquitatis, de quibus tant-
opere gloriantur, sibi excuti de manibus, et in nostrd causa
plus nervorum fuisse quam putarint, speramus, neminem
illorum ita negligentem fore salutis suae, quin velit aliquando
cogitationem suscipere, ad utros potius se adjungat. Bp.
Jewel's Apology, p. 28.
D2

36 PAGANISM AND
render life itself with joyfulness into the
hands of God who gave it. It is impossible
not to venerate their glowing piety, their
profound humility, their patience under suf
ferings, their praises of God under distresses
and privations of every kind, their prayers
for their persecutors, their exemplary and tri
umphant death. And whoever has any feel
ing for learning and the powers of reason,
must be particularly affected, when he sees
them exerted under circumstances the most
disastrous, the most calculated to depress
courage and to crush the resources of genius ; .
when books were withheld from the impri
soned saint, when the memory alone was to
supply its stores for the appointed debate,
and when the removal to the place of dis
putation was but the first and certain step
to the expecting flames!*
* Latimer complained at the Oxford Disputation, that
in prison he had been permitted to have " neither pen nor
ink, nor yet any book, but only the New Testament there
in his hand, which he had read, over seven times." Ridley
too had demanded time and books for the preparation of his
answer to the articles presented to him. This was pro
mised, but not granted ; and when the articles were sent,
he was informed that his answer must be drawn up the
same night. In the preface to his answer, he reminds his

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 37
It is true, that> in a certain sense, none of
these evils were necessary ; they might have
been avoided, in the one case, by disavowing
the name itself of Christian; and in the other,
by a base surrender of the vital doctrines of
Christianity to the demands of superstition
armed with power. And thus the profession
of the Gospel is the immediate and only
cause of its own sufferings. But, instead of
affording an imputation against Christianity,
as the timid or the worldly man is apt to
reason, this adds to its lustre and credit.
For what is it which prompts the professor
of the Faith to this intrepid encounter of
danger and death ; this cheerful submission
to evils which appal all other men? what but
the strong testimony of conscience resting on
the word of God, and more valuable in itself
than all the goods of life? what but the feel
ing of the Divine support, which lifts the
soul above the pains of the body ? what but
the joyful anticipation of that happiness to
judges of this harshness. Et quoniam gravis causa est,
quam agimus, et ad earn peragendam quam simus nunc in-
expediti, temporis nimirum angustid et librorum inopia op-
pressi, vobis omnibus ignotum esse non potest. G. Ridley's
Life of Ridley, pp. 492 and 675.

38 PAGANISM AND
which the martyr passes, through his brief,
though sharp, torment, when faith discovers
visions of approaching glory, and exclaims
from the scaffold and the stake, " Behold, I
see the heavens opened, and the Son of Man,"
who, through sufferings, went before to pre
pare a place for his true followers, " sitting
at the right hand of God ?"*
These are the extreme cases of human suf
fering ; and in providing for these in the tri
umphant manner here displayed, the Gospel
establishes, by consequence, in the hearts of
believers an effectual influence against the
common evils of life. The unbeliever, under
trials of the same sort with those which the
Christian well knows how to bear, has no
reasonable support for his mind. He suffers
therefore with sullenness and an inward re
sentment against the hand that afflicts him ;
or with open rage and undisguised profane-
ness he " curses God and dies."*!"
Nor is the superiority of the Christian seen
only in the better principles through" which
he bears the unavoidable evils of life. He has
a present happiness surpassing that of other
men. The Saviour had promised to the meek,
* Acts vii. 56. f Job ii. 9.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 39
that they " should possess the earth."* This
expression was meant to point out the advan
tages resulting from a Christian use of this
world ; the contentedness with which we
receive what God sees to be necessary or
convenient to our being, the happy freedom
from those malignant and destructive passions
which poison the enjoyments of other men,
the mildness of temper with which we sooth
every occurrence of life, and that lofty tran
quillity concerning the objects of the world,
which is the blessed effect of our sincere re
liance on the Divine providence. This, then,
is the foundation on which St. Paul grounds
his assertion, that the Christian has the pro
mise of " the life that now is." Sometimes
indeed this promise has been misunderstood
or misrepresented. In a former age of our
country, a puritanical profession of faith was
interpreted into a lawful claim to exercise
the powers of civil government ; and it re
quired time and argument to convince an
ambitious sainthood, that the grace of God
was not the necessary foundation of the do
minion of the world. On the other hand,
impiety has entered the lists with hypocrisy,
*St. Matt. v. 5.

40 PAGANISM AND
and endeavoured to wrest this promise to it
self. The laxity of morals which prevailed in
an early part of the last century, occasioned
a dispute which involved this question, To
whom fell the largest share of the common
enjoyments of life; to the man of religious
sobriety, or to the man of pleasure, the
glutton, the drunkard, and the sensualist?
The better cause was defended against the
false philosophy of the times by the acute
and pious Bishop Berkeley, in a part of his
Alciphron.* His chief argument is against
the strange notion of Mandeville and his
followers, who represented private vices as
public benefits ; and he infers, that before
they can be such, they must benefit the indi
viduals who practise them. But this being
false, the other cannot be true. Hence he
* Dialogue 2d. The notion, that present indulgence led
to happiness, had distinguished most of the Epicureans. This
too was well combated by the author of Anti-Lucretius,
who maintains, that the virtuous reserve and spiritual hopes
of the Christian give him a decided advantage over the man
of pleasure, even in the present life.
Ut videas, vel dum in terris hoc ducitur aevum,
Naturae donis potiora occurrere dona ;
Cultorcsque Dei jam te magis esse beatos.
Lib. i. 1018.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 41
satisfactorily demonstrates the superior ad
vantages possessed by the man of temperance.
His life is proved to be generally longer than
that of the reveller ; his enjoyments are more
perfect; and therefore his portion of the
blessings of this world is larger, while the
satisfaction which he draws from them is of
a more exquisite nature, and more delightful
to himself.
Nothing therefore is withheld from the
Christian; nothing but sin. Meanwhile,
pleasures the most ample, the most satisfac
tory which human life can admit, are his
portion and his recompense, — the pleasures
of innocence, of temperance, of thankfulness
to God, who deprives us of nothing which
does not also tend to deprive us df himself.
The free use of this world is permitted to us,
while God is the supreme* object of our
thoughts and affections ; while we have that
love towards the Author of our happiness,
which transcends the love, of all other things ;
and while we so " pass through things tem
poral, as not to lose the things eternal."
In all cases then it appears, that godli
ness has the promise of happiness. In the
common progress of human affairs, amidst

42 PAGANISM AND
which we generally pass the longest part of
life, the believer has an advantage over other
men. He receives with gratitude the good
which the opened hand of God pours upon
him ; he uses it with religious sobriety ; and
thus the effect of the blessing is increased,
while the use itself is prolonged. Under the
common evils of life, he experiences comforts
and supports unknown to other men. His
persuasion of a providence teaches him, that ,
whatever befalls him, is according to the
Divine will. In the hands of God are the
" issues" of all things, because from him they
had their beginning. He may " take away,"
because he. hath first "given," whatever we
possess. He may " kill," because he hath
first " made alive."* His name therefore is
to be equally the subject of our " blessing,"
under evil and under good ; in the moment
of death, as in the midst of life itself. And
that which thus invigorates the Christian, is
the happy influence of the spirit of God.
Hence he draws those private supports and
invisible consolations which prevent him from
sinking under the burden of evil. They si-
* 1 Sam. ii. 6.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 43
lently and gradually raise his soul from its
dejection ; they dispose him to religious tran
quillity, and at length impress upon him that
settled rest and godly satisfaction, against
which the " changes and the chances of this
mortal life" shall never more prevail. But
under the pressure of extraordinary dangers
and distresses arising from the maintenance
of* the Faith, the influence of faith is still
superior to the evils which it draws upon
itself. The evidence of Christian hope rises
as persecutions increase. The immediate
evil may indeed be avoided by the violation
of conscience ; but the believer prefers the
suffering of the body with the peace of the
soul. His affliction, which is " but for a
moment, is not to be compared with the glory
which shall be revealed in him hereafter."
He therefore joyfully lays down this mortal
life, in the sure and certain hope of the resur
rection to eternal happiness through Jesus
Christ. These we deem the peculiar privileges,
this the distinctive honour of Christian god
liness. It has the " promise of the life that
now is, and of that which is to come." But
the Gospel has not been without a rival in

44 PAGANISM AND
these pretensions. Paganism, the early
enemy of Christianity, has laid claim to the
same advantages ! A more full examination
therefore of the history and nature of this
claim, and a free exposure of the character,
temper, and doctrines of Paganism, shall be
the subject of the following course of lectures.
Nor perhaps can I discharge my duty in this
place, in a manner more proper for myself, or
more consonant with the peculiar studies of
my audience, than by the discussion of such a
question. The inquiry will carry us into
the midst of those subjects which ancient
history and mythology have made familiar to
every scholar ; and it will exhibit a curious
and interesting picture of Christian literature
combating with Paganism, and maintaining
the superiority of its doctrines during the
early ages of the Gospel. The cause of
Christianity will thus be promoted through
the meanness and insufficiency of the heathen
superstitions. That species of learning which
some regard as noxious in its nature, and
others, as at least useless in its tendency,
will be made to administer to our Christian
benefit. From the futility of the inventions
of nature, we shall learn to reverence still

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 45
more the Divine wisdom, which exhibited
Paganism in competition with the faith of
Christ, and finally convinced the world, that
the success of the Gospel was due to the
heavenly power which directed it, and to the
solid and ever-growing reason on which it
was founded.

46 PAGANISM AND

CHAPTER II.
TWO CLASSES OF PAGAN WORSHIPPERS... CLAIM OF TEM
PORAL HAPPINESS BY THE FIRST CLASS. ..GROUNDS OF
IT.. .REFUTED BY AN APPEAL TO THE GENERAL TEM
PER OF PAGANISM . . . SPECIMENS FROM EUSEBIUS,
ARNOB1US, AMBROSE, PRUDENTIUS . . . CAUSE OF THE
GOSPEL FARTHER VINDICATED BY OROSIUS AND AU-
GUST1N . . .THEIR CHARACTERS.
For our knowledge of the rivalship which
Paganism affected to maintain with the Gos
pel in the promise of happiness to its vota
ries, we are chiefly indebted to the early
Christian writers. In their disputations
with the enemies of the Faith, they have
stated the claims of idolatry with more full
ness and perspicuity than the idolaters them
selves. They have given form and consistency
to the desultory and uncertain notions of
Heathenism ; and with that fearlessness which
marks the conscious defence of truth, placed
the arguments of their opponents in a clearer
and more intelligible view, that they might
refute them in a more triumphant and con
vincing* manner.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 47
The inquiries of the Pagans into the effi
cacy of their own superstitions were directed
principally to the following points ; — whether
any good was to be expected from the wor
ship of the gods ? and, a good being admit
ted, of what nature it was? The first of
these questions needs not to be discussed on
the present occasion. We know, indeed,
that many of the antients, while they com
plied with the outward institutions of their
country, discarded the belief of the existence,
or the providence of any gods, and conse
quently, the hope of any recompense to be
derived from the acknowledgement of them.
But it was the profession of the heathen
world in general, that to the practice of ido
latry some benefit was attached. The great
difference took place therefore on the other
question, — of what nature this benefit was ?
On this point, two parties were formed,
whose motives are stated, and whose argu
ments are fully and circumstantially confuted
by Augustin.
1 . It is probable that the blind and igno
rant superstition of the vulgar Pagans ex
cluded nothing from their belief; and that,
without thought or inquiry, they expected

48 PAGANISM AND
every kind of good as the result of their ad
herence to the customary worship of the gods.
But into their gross and undistinguishing no
tions it is not intended to enter. The present
question is concerning those who aspired to
defend the cause of idolatry by some show of
reason and argument. The first of these par
ties, therefore, sufficiently raised above the
vulgar to despise their gross notions of futu
rity, yet so uninstructed or so sensual as to be
fully satisfied with the gratifications which
worldly objects could impart, professed to
serve their idols with no other view than that
of present prosperity.* This comprehended
both public and private welfare. Success in
war, indulgence in peace, wealth, beauty,
genius, honour, fame, and length of life, were
therefore the only motives of their prayers.
This description is confirmed in each of its
branches by the testimony of the Pagan wri
ters. What were the public benefits supposed
to be derived to the state from the practice of
idolatry, we see in the pleading of Symmachus
for the restoration of the ancient rites. He
* Res humanas ita prosperari volunt, ut ad hoc multo-
rum Deorum cultum, quos Pagani colere consueverunt,
necessarium esse arbitrentur. Aug. Retract, lib. ii.' c. 43.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 49
argues that, as souls are allotted to the indi
vidual bodies of men, separate genii are ap
pointed to preside over civil communities.*
On their fostering care therefore depends the
welfare of the state ; and consequently, the
beings, whose care is thus necessary to the
existence of empire, are to be rendered pro
pitious by outward acknowledgments of
their protection. This argument will by-and-
by be stated at greater length. At present,
it will be sufficient to notice the persuasion,
that to the long-continued favour of the
deities collectively worshipped by the super
stition of Rome, was to be ascribed her pos
session of the sovereignty of the world. f
Again, what were the private advantages
aimed at in the prayers of individuals, we are
sufficiently informed through the satire of
•
* Ut animae nascentibus, ita populis fatales genii divi-
duntur. Pro Sacr. Patr. apud Prudent.
T Hie cultus in leges meas orbem redegit. ib. It is
Rome that speaks. From TertuUian' s refutation, we see
how strong was the persuasion in his time, that Roman
greatness had arisen from piety to the Roman gods : Ro-
manos pro merito religiositatis diligentissimae in tantum
sublimitatis elatos. Apol. c. 25. Zosimus is rancorously
full of this notion. E

50 PAGANISM AND
Juvenal, who has enumerated the objects of
desire commonly named in the temples of
the godSj* and has pronounced of some, that
they are superfluous, and of others, that they
are pernicious.
Such were the sentiments of the first class
of idolaters mentioned by Augustin. To ob
tain worldly good, and to avoid worldly evil,
both in public and private life, were the
objects of their prayers.*!* Of this class of
* Honpres, — divitiae, — eloquium, — fama, — bellorum
exuviae, — spatium vitae, — forma. Sat. 1 0.
t The folly of importuning the gods for these purposes
was indeed pointed out by men of superior name. But
one general observation may be made on the very best rules
which Pagan wisdom has prescribed to the piety of men.
Particular requests for riches, power, and such things, are
sometimes forbidden, not through a genuine principle of
self-denial, or moral reserve ; not through a virtuous dis
trust of the objects themselves, a*hd a fear of their seductive
influence on the heart; but because the gods best know
whether they are suitable to our circumstances, and when
they should be bestowed. It is concluded therefore, that
the gods are to he complimented with the selection of the
objects, and the fortunate moment of applying them ; nor is
it safe to urge Heaven with importunate petitions, lest, in
a vein of malignant indulgence, it should resolve to ruin its
short-sighted worshippers by granting the very objects of
their desire.
This is the amount of the celebrated prayer of Socrates him-

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 51
worshippers therefore it must be supposed,
that from the disappointment of their san
guine hopes of present good, impatience and
indignation would commonly arise. And
these passions we shall hereafter find to have
been most strongly excited in the latter and
more disastrous age of the western empire.
Alarmed and irritated at the prevalence of
the common misfortunes, the natural and
necessary consequences of their inveterate
self : evxeto Be jrpoe T&g Bsag &TcXS>g t ayaBd BiBovat, (Je rag
Seug KaXXiora EtBorag bitdia uyaBa eotiv. Memor. lib. 1.
c. 3. In the first book of the Cyropaedia is a passage which in
principle agrees with this : "H yc d.vBpiimivi\ aofia uBkv fi&X-
Xov o'iBe to dptaTov dipEiaBai, jj si KXripufiEvog S,ti X&xoi,
tuto Tig TtpaTTOi, Bfol Be cue! ovTEg, irdvTa\aaaiTa yEytvn-
fiiva., koli rd ovrct, Kal o,ti e£ EKaoTa avrSiv hiropMjaETai. In
both passages the meaning is, that they are unwise who pray
expressly for riches, power, &c. because they are ignorant of
the temporal consequences which such objects may produce;,
and which may operate as a revenge upon success itself. In
this sense, the thought of Socrates is expressly applied by
Juvenal :
Permittes ipsis expendere numinibus, quid
Conveniat nobis, rebusque sit utile nostris.
On these and similar passages we sometimes look with a
Christian eye, and give them a borrowed sanctity. In order
to discover their real value, we must bring them to their
own standard> and interpret them upon principles strictly
Pagan.
e2

52 PAGANISM AND
vices, the Pagans sought their own excuse in
the crimination of the Christians. To that dis
countenance of idolatry, therefore, which was
the unavoidable result of the civil establish
ment of the Gospel, they imputed the decay
of the state, and all those evils from which
Rome was said to have been hitherto pre
served by the vigilance and power of its pro
tecting deities.
2. But there was a second class of per
sons, whose observation of the world, whose
knowledge of history, and whose freedom
from the more common prejudices, enabled
them to discover, and emboldened them to
confess, that these evils were not the exclu
sive produce of their own days. They knew
that disasters, both public and private, had
occurred in former ages ; and such was the
nature of men and things, that temporal evils
would always exist, in a greater or less
degree, as times, and places, and persons,
might conspire to produce themu* These
* Fatentur haec mala nee defuisse unquam, nee defutura
mortalibus ; et, ea nunc magna, nunc parva, locis, tempori-
bus, personisque variari ; sed Deorum multoruni cultum,
quo eis sacrificatur, propter vitam post mortem futuiam esse
utilem disputant. Aug. Retract, lib. ii. c. 43.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 53
men therefore approached the shrines of the
gods through other motives. They had ob
served, that security from present sufferings
was not the necessary consequence of their
prayers ; and as they still presumed, that
their worship was entitled to some recom
pense, nothing remained but to profess, that
they expected a benefit, however unknown
or undefined, in another state of things that
might succeed the present life.
These then were the two principal doc
trines of the Gentile superstition, as they are
described to us in the zealous and eloquent
refutations of them by the Christian writers.
The parties differed in opinion concerning
the nature of the benefits supposed to result
from the worship offered to their common
idols ; but between them both, they claimed
the same advantages which had been singly
attributed by the apostle to that "godliness"
which he taught. The first class professed
to gain the advantages of the " life that now
is;" the second looked to the rewards of
" that which is to come." Against both
these false claims was successfully raised
the voice of Christian antiquity ; and to both
we will give attention in their order.

54 PAGANISM AND
I. Paganism asserted the power of reward
ing its votaries with temporal prosperity.
This pretension is too extravagant to have
arisen from a dispassionate view of the na
ture of idolatry: it was rather created by
fortuitous circumstances, and increased in
proportion to the decline of the empire, and
the growth of those evils under which it
finally sunk. Accordingly we find, that the
events which gave the greater and more plau
sible encouragement to the claim in favour of
the gods, were the invasions of Italy, and the
capture of Rome, in the beginning of the
fifth century, by the Barbarians under Alaric*
The impatient temper of idolatry was now
particularly excited ; and a spirit of revenge
arose, the consequence of mortified pride
and baffled superstition. Expiring Paganism,
invidiously lamented the loss of qualities
which it never possessed ; and Christianity
was charged with mischiefs not its own.
* Roma Gothorum irruptione, ageutium sub rege Alaricd,
atque impetu magnae cladis eversa est j cujus eversionem
deorum falsorum multoriimque cultores, quos usitato nomine
Paganos vocamus, in Christianam religionem referre co-
nantes, solito acerbius et amarius Deum verum blasphemare
cceperunt. Aug. Retract. lib. ii. c. 43.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 55
That the truth of this statement may ap
pear, it will be necessary, in the first place,
to take a general view of the temper of
Heathenism. While this contrasts with the
mildness and resignation of the Gospel, it
will furnish us with a convincing inference.
If Heathenism was prone to impatience and
outrage against its own deities, before the
propagation of the faith of Christ; and if
this turbulent spirit was turned against the
professors of the faith before the civil esta
blishment of the Gospel, the complaint con
cerning the adverse influence of Christianity,
possessed of power, will be thus far refuted,
and, together with that, the claim in favour
of the temporal prosperity said to have been
:conferred by the gods of Rome.
The temper of Paganism has been always
the same. Versatile in its views, because
possessed of no rational confidence in a Su
preme Power ; and inflamed with resentment
at the pressure of unexpected misfortune, it
has been ready, in every age and country, to
transfer its interested worship from one idol
to another, as outward circumstances have
suggested. Sometimes, in expectation of
better treatment, the worshippers have

56 PAGANISM AND
adopted. the gods of more prosperous nations.
Upon this principle we are to interpret the
admission, from time to time, of the deities
or sacred rites of other countries, which the
Roman history describes : for, until the lust
of dominion swallowed up every other mo
tive, these incorporations were the mere effect
of some public calamity, which was to be
averted or removed by additional help from
new gods inscribed on the ritual. And hence
came, among others, the Epidaurian serpent
and the conic stone of JEsculapius, recom
mended by the Sibylline books.* The Scrip
ture itself furnishes an instance of a similar
disposition in Ahaz, an idolatrous king of
Jerusalem. " In the time of his distress
did he trespass yet more against the Lord :
for he sacrificed unto the gods of Damascus
which smote him ; and he said, Because the
gods of the kings of Syria help them, there
fore will I sacrifice to them, that they may
* This was a feature of Paganism carefully marked by tbe
Christian writers.— Tanta ac tarn intolerabilis pestilentia
corripuit civitatem, ut propter earn qudcunque ratione sedan-
dam libros Sibyllinos consulendos putarint, horrendumque
ilium Epidaurium coluhrum, cum ipso iEsculapii lapide
advexeriht ; quasi ver6 pestilentia aut ante sedata non sit,
aut post orta non fuerit. Oros. Hist. lib. iii. c. 22.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 57
help me."* Sometimes, these adoptions have
been made, to the utter abandonment of the
gods hitherto worshipped ;| and of this we
have well-accredited instances, in the history
of certain Pagan nations at the present day. J
But when the former deities were retained*
notwithstanding the occurrence of misfortune,
they were commonly subjected to chastise
ment and insult on account of the failure of
protection to their worshippers.
When Augustus, during the Sicilian war,
lost two of his fleets by storms, he is said to
have taken his revenge upon Neptune, by not
suffering him to be carried in procession with
* 2 Chron. xxviii. 22.
f The Persians had no new god to offer to Julian. But
it appears, that, when the omens were unfavourable to his
progress, he vowed never more to sacrifice to his own Mars.
Quibus visis, exclamavit indignatus acriter Julianas, Jo-
vemque testatus est, nulla Marti jam sacra facturum : nee
resecravit, celeri morte praereptus. Amm. Marcell. lib.
xxiv. c. 6.
"t Captain Cook found that the natives of the Society
Islands disregarded their gods, if they did not give them
success ; and the inhabitants of one of the islands having
been fortunate in war, their neighbours adopted their god,
to the exclusion of their own, in hopes of equal victory.

58 PAGANISM AND
the other gods at the Circensian games.*
And when the beloved Germanicus died, the
people of Rome were so much enraged, that
they stoned the very temples of the gods,
and overthrew their altars ; while some flung
their household divinities into the streets .f
Lucan draws a striking picture of the. rage
* Alii dictum factumque ejus criminantur, quasi, classi-
bus tempestate perditis, exclamaverit, etiam invito Neptuno,
victoriam se adepturum : ac die Circensium proximo solemn*
pompae simulachrum Dei detraxerit. Sueton. Aug. c. 1 6.
Probably this piece of spleen was intended as a convenient
insult to the family of the Pompeys too. They affected a
connection with Neptune; and after the destruction of
Augustus's ships, Sextus shewed a grateful attention to his
great relatiqn by wearing a vest of a cxruiean colour!
\ Quo defunctus est die, lapidata sunt templa, subversae
Deum arae, Lares a quibusdam familiares in publicum ab-
jecti. Sueton. Calig. c. 5. — I see no reason to doubt the
chains, the golden cup, &c. which Xerxes, in his different
moods, threw into the Hellespont. Herodot. 7. 35. 54.
He mentions another instance which has not been so much
noticed. Cyrus, in his way to Babylon, had lost one of the
white horses, sacred to the sun, in the river Gyndes. He
threatened the river, that, from that time, the women should
walk through it and not wet their knees ! lib. i. 1 19. — We
read of similar instances of impatience in modern Paganism.
Knox and others say, that the people of Ceylon revile their
deities, and trample them under foot, when their prayers do
not succeed, or when they have runs of bad luck, &c.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 59
of the people of Lesbos against Heaven, on
account of the defeat of their favourite Pom-
pey:
 littore toto
Plangitur ; infest* tenduntur in aethera dextrae.
Lib. viii. 149.
And our great poet Milton has, with the
utmost propriety, given the invention of these
attitudes of disappointment and rage to the
vanquished followers of Satan, the parent of
all idolatrous worship :

• highly they rag'd

Against the Highest, and fierce with grasped arms
Clash'd on their sounding shields the din of war.
Hurling defiance toward the vault of heaven. Book i. 663.
These instances will be sufficient to shew
the impatience and resentment inherent in
the temper of Paganism. Such then was the
disposition, at once superstitious and vindic
tive, which Christianity had to encounter, at
its first appearance in the Roman empire.
The persecutions, which have been already
related, were doubtless intended to prevent
the propagation of a faith which refused an
alliance with idolatry, and called upon man
kind to renounce these vanities for the " ser-

60 PAGANISM AND
vice of the living God."* Through the sup
port of Divine power, however, the sacred
work rapidly advanced, and the Gospel was
widely diffused. This unexpected success
sharpened anew the hatred of the Pagans,
who now found the Gospel to be an object,
on which every misfortune might be conve
niently charged. Accordingly, to the persons
of the believers was transferred all the exas
peration which had been commonly produced
by the adversities of the state, and which had
been occasionally directed against the temples
and statues of the gods themselves. Idolatry
was no longer answerable for untoward events,
whether public or private. On the contrary,
its character was maliciously extolled. It was
declared to be the only and proper source of
worldly happiness ; and therefore all civil
disasters, and all natural evils were to be
* The persecutions are charged by TertuUian to an unjust
hatred of the Gospel, and a wilful ignorance of its doc
trines : — Hanc itaque primam causam apud vos collocamus,
iniquitatis odium erga nomen Christianum. Quam iniqui-
tatem idem titulus et onerat et revincit, qui videtur excusare ;
ignorantia scilicet. Ita utrumque ex alterutro redarguimus,
et ignorare illos dum oderunt, et injuste odisse dum ignorant.
Apol. c. i.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 61
attributed to the pernicious introduction of
the faith of Christ. The gods retained their
power of protecting and rewarding their vo
taries ; but, as the influence of the Gospel
extended itself, a discredit was thrown upon
the ancient worship ; and the subjects of
Rome were withdrawn from the proper ac
knowledgment of the beings who had hitherto
watched over them, and prospered their
country. In consequence of this growing
defection, the Deities were offended, gradu
ally withdrew themselves from their accus
tomed care of mortal interests, and manifested
their displeasure in various temporal cala
mities !*
Among many other proofs of this species
of complaint, there is one which is found
among the early records of the empire, and
which appears to combine a public calamity
with the profession of the Gospel. It occurs
in the rescript attributed to Antoninus. Pius,
and preserved by Justin Martyr and Euse-
* Postquam esse in mundo Christiana gens ccepit, terrarum
orbem perisse, multiformibus malis affectum esse genus hu-
manum ; ipsos etiam ccelites, derelictis curis solennibus,
quibus quondam solebant invisere res nostras, terrarum ab
regionibus exterminatos. Arnob. adv. Gentes, lib. i.

62 PAGANISM AND
bius ;* from which we collect, that the Chris
tians of Asia, who had been suffering perse
cution on other accounts, were also exposed
to suspicion and ill treatment in consequence
of certain earthquakes which had happened
in that part of the empire ! f
* Doubts have been entertained concerning the emperor
who issued this rescript. Many have assigned it to M. Au
relius, whose name indeed is prefixed to it by Eusebius,
Hist. Eccl. lib. iv. c. 13 ; though in the preceding chapter
he gives it to Antoninus. This may have contributed in
some measure to the doubts concerning its authenticity.
The complimentary parts appear to be overstrained, . and
have the air of being not genuine. But the repetition of
the earthquakes is supported by history ; and the recent, or
actual existence of the calamity on which it dwells, is a
circumstance not likely to have been so distinctly pointed
out in a later age.
T A great earthquake which affected Bithynia and the
neighbourhood of the Hellespont, is attributed by Xiphili-
nus to the time of Antoninus Pius. Another, not less ter
rible, destroyed Smyrna in the reign of M. Aurelius. By the
former, the large and beautiful temple of Cyzicus was over
thrown. Both these events however are supposed by some
to have happened under the same emperor, M. Aurelius.
Dio. Cass. lib. Ixx. c. 3. It is remarkable, that the God of
Earthquakes was unknown. The propitiation was offered
at hazard; — Si Deo, si Deae; idque ex decreto pontificum
observatum esse M. Varro dicit ; quoniam et qua! vi, et per
quern Deorum Deariimve terra tremeret, incertum esset.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 63
The prince directs the community to whieh
he writes, not to take their own vengeance
on those who refused to worship the gods, but
rather to leave the offenders to the chastise
ment of Heaven ; especially, since no good
effects were to be expected from the punish
ments inflicted upon them, and death itself
seemed to be more acceptable than the aban
donment of their faith. He then cautions
the Pagans concerning their own behaviour
under these calamities ;* and bids them not
A. Gellius, lib. ii. c. 28. The authority of Varro (as we
shall hereafter see) was supreme at Rome on the subject of
rites and ceremonies. Compare lib. xvii. c. 7. of Am. Mar-
cellinus, in whose time the secret had not yet been disco
vered. * Ihpl Be t5>v aEiapSiv rSiv yEyovoriav KAI ONOMENIIN,
bk aroirov vytag vm-qvrjo-ai, d&VfiSvrag pkv orav jrep u>ai, ira-
pafiaXXovTagBi rd l/pe-epa irpbg Ta EcciVuv.Euseb. Hist.lib.i v.
c. 13. There is a considerable difference between this letter,
and that which stands at the end of Justin's Apology : and
some of the commentators, changing fipkrEpa into ipirEpa,
and new modelling tbe punctuation, make the emperor invite
the Asiatics to a comparison of their worship with that of
the Christians. Perhaps, the passage is best understood in
the sense given in the text, as it is expressive of the common
spirit of Paganism, unwilling to suffer the presence of any
religion different from its own, and imputing to it whatever
mischief may happen. Through this motive, the Egyptians,

64 PAGANISM AND
to fall into despair, or to draw revengeful
comparisons between their own worship and
that of the Christians ; but to increase their
attention to the gods. He enforces therefore
the injunction which had been given by
others before him, namely, that the faith of
the Christians was not, in itself, a sufficient
ground of persecution ; and that an offence
against the state was the only crime, of which
the tribunals could properly take cognizance.
If this order is disobeyed, he directs, that
the punishment intended for the Christian
who was needlessly accused, shall be inflicted
upon the informer.
From this time, however, notwithstanding
occasional checks of the vulgar violence by
better minds, we meet with the continued
and increasing alarms expressed by the Pa
gans concerning the dangerous nature of
Christianity; and Cyprian, TertuUian, Origen,
are said by Diodorus to have sent strangers out of their
country, — kdv pr) r«e aXXofiXug \iETaarr\auivTai, Kplaiv uk
Eaeodai t&v KaK&v. Frag. 1. 40. vol. 2. ed. Wesseling. It
is well known that the Mahometans, and Roman Catholics
of our own days, imitate the Pagans in this fanatical per
suasion, and that it sometimes leads to violence towards
strangers.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 65
Clemens Alexandrinus, and others, afford ample
testimony, that any calamity incident to man
was deemed a sufficient reason of accusation
against the followers of the Gospel. Arnobius,
who wrote his disputations about the end of the
third century, an age which resounded with
these complaints, has made them the express
object of his attack. The Pagan reasoners of
his days dated the origin of the disasters of the
empire from the inauspicious birth of ChristiT
anity. Bellona became averse from her once
favourite people, and engaged them in hostilities
longer and more bloody than before.* The ele
ments themselves partook in promoting the
Divine resentment, and either lost their whole
some qualities, or purposely confounded them.
* This is a strange complaint on the part of a restless and
blood-thirsty people, whose temple of Janus was shut no more
than twice from the foundation of Rome to the reign of Au
gustus ! Oros. Hist. lib. iv. c. 12. It is highly probable that
the worship so zealously offered to Bellona by Julian, was in
tended in some measure to pacify her wrath, and to regain for
the empire the favours which had been unhappily interrupted
by Christianity ! Before his profession of idolatry, he attended
the service of the church, lest he should disgust the army ;
but even then, as Am. Marcellinus tells us, he offered private
worship to Bellona, — placata ritu secretiore Bellona ; lib. xxi,
c. 5. F

6Q PAGANISM AND
Nay, the minutest creatures capable of destroy
ing or infesting the means of human subsistence,
were secretly instigated to a rival mischief, that
revenge might be more variously and convin
cingly taken on the contemners of the gods !
AH evil, says Arnobius, is supposed to come in
the train of the Gospel ; and inordinate blood
shed, pestilence, drought, famine, and tempests,
to be its proper consequences. Christianity
invited the swarms of locusts. Christianity en
couraged the late depredations of the vermin.*
This gives us a view of the sentiments of the
Pagans just before the civil establishment of
Christianity. After that event, the hatred of
those who yet stood aloof from the faith, was
probably increased, while the outward expres
sion of it was restrained. Of this a specimen
* Pestilentias, inquiunt, et siccitates, bella, frugum inopiam,
locustas, mures, et grandines, resque alias noxias, quibus ne-
gotia incursantur humana, Dii nobis important, injuriis vestris
exasperati. Adv..Gentes, lib. i. Of the same tendency is the
Well-known passage of TertuUian ;'¦ — Adversum sanguinem in-
nocentium conclamant, pretexentes sane ad odii defensionem,
illam quoque vanitatem, quod existiment omnis publicae cladis,
omnis popularis incommodi Christianos esse causam. Si Tiberis
ascendit ad moenia; — si Nilus non ascendit in arva, — si coelum
stetit, — si terra movit ; — si fames, si lues, — statim Christianos
ad leonem. Apol. c. 40.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 67
is afforded in the pleading of Symmachus, to
which allusion has already been made, for the
public restoration of the antient idolatry.
The Gentile superstition was now falling into
discredit and decay, under the mild ascendancy
of the Gospel, when, towards the close of the
fourth century, a circumstance occurred which
revived some of the ancient attachment to it,
and led to a solemn discussion of its nature and
efficacy. An altar of Victory, which had stood
in the vestibule of the Senate-house, to receive
the incense offered to it on behalf of the Sena
tors, and to witness their vows for the observ
ance of the laws and the welfare of the state,
had been removed* after the empire became
Christian. Internal faction now threatened the
public peace ; and the Barbarians, who, as we
shall hereafter more particularly see, had been
long formidable to the empire, were also pre
paring new incursions. Of the apprehension
* It seems to have been removed by Constantius; — Con-
stantius, augustas memoriae, nondum sacris initiatus mysteriis,
contaminari se putavit, si aram illam videret. Jussit auferri;
non jussit reponi. Ambr. Ep. 18. class. I. Perhaps it was
restored by Julian; for we find it again removed by Gratian : —
Haec Romae ii Gratiano sublata sunt, et datis antiquata rescrip-
tis. Ep. 17. ib.
f2

68 PAGANISM AND
occasioned by this coincidence, an apprehension
strengthened by the youth and inexperience of
the second Valentinian, advantage was taken
by the Pagans of Rome ; and Symmachus, the
praefect of the city, allowed by all parties to be
possessed of superior eloquence, was deputed*
by the Gentile part of the senate, to support
the cause of idolatry with the emperor, to re
quest the restoration of the altar of Victory,
* Symmachus points out his repeated commission j — Iterttm
me querelarum suanim jussit (Senatus) esse legatum. And
Ambrose, in a private letter to Valentinian, (in which he desires
a copy of Symmachus's petition, and advises that a reference
should be made to the opinion of Theodosius,) mentions a simi
lar attempt two years before; — ante biennium ferme, cum hasc
facere tentarent. It would appear, that, in both these instances,
the resolution was partial. In the former, there was a counter-
petition from the Christian part of the seriate, disclaiming all
participation in the affair; and in the latter, the act of a few
was imposingly stated as that of the senate at large : — Absit ut
hoc Senatus petisse dicatur : pauci Gentiles communi utuntur
nomine. Ambr. Ep. 18. In another part of the answer to
Symmachus, he points out the majority of the Christian sena
tors: — Hujus aram strui in urbis Romas curia petunt, hoc est,
quo plures corneniunt Christiani. The letter to Eugenius men
tions two attempts made in the reign of Valentinian, Ep. 57. ib.
and in the " Consolation" which Ambrose wrote on his death,
there is an earnest and affectionate remembrance of his Chris
tian constancy, amidst the solicitations of the Pagans both in
public and private. De Ob. Val,

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 69
and the general re-establishment of the antient
superstition. His expostulation, inflated and
weak, affected and querulous, is to be found
among his letters, and in the works of Ambrose,
bishop of Milan, who was appointed to answer
him ; and is refuted, sentence by sentence, in
the second book of Prudentius against Symma
chus. In a strain of false sentiment and vulgar
reasoning, the orator expatiates on the suppres
sion of the ancient rites, which had been so
beneficial to the state, and on the growing
rigour of the new establishment. The privi
leges of the Vestal virgins were now discon
tinued : and the expenses of the sacred cere
monies at the Pagan altars were no longer
furnished by the state. The anger of the gods
was justly due to this parsimony, and the pri
vation of their honours. Accordingly, a famine
had ensued, of a nature unknown to the empire
before the suppression of the antient worship !*
Lest his own remonstrance should fail of effect,
** Quid tale provincial pertulerunt, quum religionum minis-
tros honor publicus pasceret? Non sunt haec vitia terrarum;
nihil imputemus austris ^ nee rubigo segetibus obfuit, nee avena
fruges necavit ; sacrilegio annus exaruit ; necesse enim fuit
perire omnibus, quod religionibus negabatur. Sym. pro Patr.
Sacr.

70 PAGANISM AND
he introduces Rome herself regretting the glo
ries of her Paganism, and lamenting her recent
wrongs ; and finally represents the deified pa
rent of the young sovereign looking from the
clouds with commiseration on the tears of the
priests, now deprived of the privileges which
his beneficence had continued to them.
The arguments of Ambrose in answer to this
scenic declamation are directed against the
three principal points maintained by his adver
sary.* He denies that the Pagan rites were at
any time effectual to the welfare of the state.
Italy and Rome itself had fallen into the hands
of the enemy, while idolatry was in its full esta
blishment; and events had shewn, that, instead
of protecting their votaries, the gods had often
been indebted to them for their own safety,.
Against the claim, that the antient privileges
and immunities of the priests and vestals ought
to be restored, he argues with equal success :
When did a Pagan sovereign rear an altar to
* Tria igitur in relatione suavir clarissimus praefectus urbis
proposuit, quae valida putavit :— quod Romaveteres, ut ait, suos
cultus requirat ; et quod sacerdotibus suis virginibusque Vesta-
libus emolumenta tribuenda sint ; et quod emolumentis sacer-
dotum negatis, fames sequuta publica sit. Ambr. Ep. 18.
class. 1.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 71
Christ? what had been the constant treatment
of the believers of the Gospel at their hands, but
contempt, and stripes, and death ? We, more
mild and tolerant, withhold from Paganism,
only that which cannot be granted to it without
sin. The Gentiles yet sacrifice in their own
temples; and the statues of gods and heroes
are permitted to adorn their baths and porti
coes.* Let this suffice. A Christian senator
must not be constrained to witness an Heathen
sacrifice; nor can a Christian sovereign, con
sistently with his faith and salvation, do honour
to any other than a Christian altar. Lastly, he
bestows deserved ridicule on the assertion, that
the refusal of the stipends to the Pagan offici-
ators was the cause of the famine. The gods
have taken several years to consider of their
vengeance. The late scarcity too was only
partial; and the present year, in which the
preposterous complaint is uttered, is a season
of unusual plenty !f He concludes with an

* The prohibitory law of Theodosius was yet wanting for
the suppression of these practices. Leg. 12 de Paganis.
t Upon this he asks, Si superiore anno Deorum suorum
injurias vindicatas putant, cur praesenti anno contemptui
fuere? ib.

72 PAGANISM AND
earnest adjuration, that the prince will not Con
nive at those idolatrous practices in others, of
which he cannot himself partake. He infers
the necessity of a purer faith to the more ma
ture age of the empire, points out the- unhappy
end of the most illustrious among the Pagan
sovereigns and commanders, declares the inno
cence of his own views in the debate, and ex
horts his young sovereign to persevere in the
faith, to complete the work which the first Va
lentinian had left imperfect, and not to swerve
from the path which the good example of Gra-
tian had prescribed to him.
Prudentius employs some of the same argu
ments in his two books against Symmachus.
A few specimens of these shall also be given,
in order to convey some notion of his manner.
In the first book he lays the foundation of his
Christian cause in an exposure of the meanness
and pollutions of the Heathen superstition. He
draws portraits of the older gods, sometimes
with the stateliness and point of Claudian ;
and exposes their lewd and immoral exploits,
as recorded by the Pagan poets. He then
passes to the later deifications of the genius of
Rome itself; of its emperors, and their impure
connections; to the elements represented as

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 73
gods, and the demons worshipped with cruelty
and blood.*
Having thus prepared his argument, he more
particularly replies to Symmachus : When did
the statue of Victory procure victory ? Roman
valour was the antient cause of Roman triumph.
The public welfare therefore depends not on
imaginary protectors. The Heathen gods are
helpless in themselves, and cannot give assis
tance to others. He is the only Almighty who
is able to punish the wicked in soul and body,
who can reward them that obey him with the
blessings of the "¦ life that now is, and of that
which is to come."*t/ In him Rome now hap
pily believes. Nor does she abandon her
maxims of government by placing her present
faith in him. Her practice has ever been to
* Respice terrifici scelerata'sacraria Ditis,
Cui cadit infausta. fusus Gladiator areni :
Hae sunt deliciae Jovis Infernalis ;  Lib. i.
f  bona non tantum praesentia donat,
Sed ventura etiam ;  —
He contrasts the true God with the pagan deities, as if they
professed to give only temporal good.
.fliterna iEternus tribuit, — mortah'a confert
Mortalis, — 'divina Deus, — peritura caducus. Lib. ii.

74 PAGANISM AND
adopt new gods in the extension of her empire.*
Well then may she at length acknowledge the
great and good Being who alone can protect and
bless her. Here, he introduces the true God
declaring his own supreme properties, and
asserting, in opposition to the character of the
Heathen idols, his self-existence, and the free
and absolute exercise of his sole and undivided
power. He imitates also the manner of his
antagonist. Rome, now Christian, is therefore
called in to refute the superior prerogatives
falsely claimed for her antient Paganism. She
blames the restless spirit which formerly
prompted her to incessant war against the sur
rounding nations, and piously wishes to live
hereafter in peace. But, if the enemy will not
permit her to be at rest, she is yet able to avenge
her wrongs, through the Almighty Power which
supports her. In her Pagan times she had suf
fered repeated disasters in the field, and the
*  spoliis sibimet nova numina fecit,
Numina, qua? patriis cum mcenibus eruta, nullum
Praesidium potuere suis afferre sacellis. Ib.
This is one of the accommodating arguments which are so fre
quent in the early Christian writers, and which were extorted
from them by the peculiar circumstances of the times.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 75
Gauls had possessed themselves of her Capitol.
But now she can repel her foes at a distance ;
and the recent defeat of the Gothic invaders
proves that military triumphs divinely wait upon
her Christian arms.
The hostility of spirit which had called forth
these replies from the Christian writers, was the
more ready to appear as the public danger
increased. The last instance of it which re
quires to be mentioned, previously to the cap
ture of Rome by Alaric, occurs in the invasion
of Italy by the barbarian Rhadagaisus. He
was represented as particularly formidable to a
Christian state, on account of his open and fer->
vent attachment to the worship of the gods.
They had been unjustly proscribed at Rome.
They had felt the affront which had been offered
to them, and were now openly preparing to
revenge it. The city resounded with these
outcries as the enemy advanced towards it.*
* Hoc igitur Romanis arcibus imminente, fit omnium Paga-
norum concursus, host'em adesse* cum- iltique virium copia, turn
maxime praesidio Deorum potentem ; urbem autem ideo desti-
tutam, et mature perituram, quia Deos et sacra perdiderit.
Magnis querelis ubique agitur, et continue) de sacris repetendis
celebrandisque tractatur. Fervent tola urbe Masphemix ; vulgo
nomen Christi, tanquam lues aliqua praesentium temporum,
opprobriis gravatur. Oros. Hist. lib. vii. c. 37.

76 PAGANISM AND
The Pagans were every where in commotion,
and vehemently demanded the restoration of
idolatry, as the only means of their security.
The name of Christ- was openly blasphemed ;
and his followers were reviled as the authors of
all the dangers which threatened the empire.
In a contest with a Pagan enemy, no safety
was to be expected for the state, unless it were
defended by the gods its antient protectors :
they were therefore to be again acknowledged
ere the hostile armies should make their appear
ance before the walls. The vanity of these
reasonings was soon proved by the event. The
dreaded invader, as we shall hereafter see, was
easily defeated ; and Rome stood secure, not
withstanding the displeasure of the gods at the
establishment of -Christianity.
With such a disposition in the very nature of
Paganism to impute the misfortunes of the
times to the profession of the faith of Christ,
and to justify its own violence through its self-
opinion, it was not to be expected, that so
afflicting an event as the actual capture of the
"eternal city," (so she was fondly called,) should
be unproductive of calumny. Indeed we find,
that the passions of the Pagan party were in
flamed by it in an unusual manner. From

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 77
numberless passages in the writings produced
by that catastrophe, it appears, that society was
long embittered with complaints and reproaches,
and that the idolaters engaged in eager dis
putes with the Christians concerning the com
mon calamity, whenever business or accident
furnished them with an opportunity of remon
strance. That these personal criminations were
successfully refuted at the moment, we cannot
doubt ; but their frequency and violence made
something more than a private vindication
necessary to the character of the Gospel itself.
This necessity was also increased by the gross
ignorance of their own history which marked
the Roman people. They knew nothing of
past events, and were, therefore, ready to receive
the most perverse impressions, from those which
happened in their own times. We find too,
that the better instructed dissembled their
knowledge, and purposely abstained from ap
plying any correction to the popular prejudices :
and thus was the Gospel equally calumniated
through ignorance, and the malicious silence
of intelligence itself.*
* Sunt qui eorum studiis liberalibus instituti aniant historian),
qusi facillime ista noverunt. Sed ut nobis ineruditorum.turbas
infestissimas reddant, se n&sse dissimulant, atque hoc apud

78 PAGANISM AND
The representations thus made by the Chris
tian writers of the ignorance which prevailed
among the people of Rome, are confirmed by
the testimony of the Pagans. On account of
the dearness and scarcity of manuscripts, there
was very little reading, and consequently, but a
small portion of liberal knowledge. This state
of the public mind was accompanied, as it gene
rally is, with pursuits of the most debased and
profligate kinds. Ammianus Marcellinus, in
his description of the manners of Rome in the
latter part of the fourth century, . informs us,
that some, even of the first quality in the state,
hated learning as if it were poison ;* and that
vulgus nituntur, clades quibus per certa intervalla locoram et
temporum genus humanum oportet affligi, causa", accidere nomi-
nis Christiani. Aug. Civ. Dei, lib. ii. c. 3. Orosius, in his
dedication to Augustin, states the same cause as impelling him
to write : — Cum praeterita aut obliviscantur aut nesciant, prae-
sentia tantum tempora veluti malis extra solitum infestissima,
ob hoc solum, quod creditur Christus et colitur Deus, idola
autem minus coluntur, infamant.
* Quidam detestantes ut venena doctrinas, Juvenalem et
Marium Maximum curatiore studio legunt, nulla volumina
praeter haec in profundo otio contrectantes. Lib. xxviii. c. 4.
M. Maximus is mentioned by Spartian, in the life of Adrian.
He lived in the reign of Macrinus, by whom he was made
praefect of the city.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 79
their whole reading, when vanity or even idle
ness suggested it, was confined to Juvenal, and
Marius Maximus, who wrote the lives of he
Caesars. In general the higher classes were
given up to sloth, effeminacy, pride, and selfish
ness. And as to the common people, they
seemed to live only for the brutal purposes of
quarrelling, gaming, drunkenness, debauchery,
and, above all, for the amusements of the Circus,*
their temple, their home, their only place of as
sembly, the sole object of their desires.
In public refutation, therefore, of the false
and blasphemous accusations promoted, by these
and other causes, against the Gospel, the zeal
of Augustinf planned the memorable treatise
" Of the City of God;" one of the most va
luable works which the piety and literature of
the early Christian writers have transmitted to
us. He had now published the first ten books, %
* Hi omne quod vivunt vino et tesseris impendunt, et lus-
trjs, et voluptatibus, et spectaculis ; iisque templum, et habita-
culum, et concio, et cupitorum spes omnis Circus est Maximus.
Amm. Marcell. ib.
t Ego exardescens zelo domus Dei adversus eorum blasphe-
mias vel errores, libros de Civitate Dei scribere institui. Aug.
Retract, lib. ii. c. 43.
% Quorum jam decern orientes radii toto orbi fulserunt,
Oros. Dedic. ad Aug. The books were published separately, as
we find from several passages.

8 0 PAGANISM AND
when judging the Presbyter Orosius a fit as
sistant in his purpose, he enjoined him to form
his collection of History against the Pagans.
The object of this work was to compile* from all
former histories and annals, whatever calami
ties, common or extraordinary, natural or civil,
were recorded in the experience of mankind.
Nor was this undertaken through the melan
choly love of contemplating a mass of human
evils ; but for the sake of convincing the
Roman people, that the disasters, of which they
complained as unexampled in their nature, or
brought upon their own age and nation by the
malignant influence of Christianity, were long
since familiar, not only to the rest of the world,
but to themselves.
One circumstance attending. this work must
have struck the Pagans with novelty and sur
prise. The Gentile writers had commonly be
gun their histories from Ninus,f as if the earlier
* Praeceperas ergo ut ex omnibus historiarum atque anna-
lium fastis, quaecunque aut bellis gravia, aut corrupta morbis,
aut fame tristia, aut terrarum motibus terribilia, aut inundatio-
nibus aquarum insolita, aut eruptionibus ignium metuenda, aut
ictibus fulminum plagisque grandinum saeva, vel etiam parrici-
diis flagitiisque misera per transacta retro saecula reperissem,
ordinato breviter voluminis textu explicarem. Oros. ib.
f Omnes propemodum, tam apud Graecos quam apud Lati-

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 81
state of man were unknown to them, or were
utterly unworthy of research or record ; as if
the human race had no discoverable origin, or
had hitherto lived on an equality with the brutes
of the field, and had not attained civilization
sufficient for notice, till Ninus presented to
the world the first specimen of orderly and ra
tional government.
Orosius detects the fallacy of these opinions,
points out the comparatively recent establish
ment of the too celebrated Assyrian empire,
the long ylapse of time previous to it, and the
nature of the more ancient governments. He
carries the minds of his Pagan readers to the
Divine creation of man, and endeavours to im
press upon them the fall of Adam, as the point
from which began to flow the miseries of the
world; the first chastisements of sin. Hence
he infers the continual superintendance of a
Providence which acts by judgments as well as
nos, studiosi ad scribendum viri, initium- scribendi a. Nino,
Beli filio, rege Assyriorum, fecere ; qui cuin opinione caec4
mundi originem creaturamque hominum sine initio credi velint,
ccepisse ab hoc regna bellaque definiunt ; quasi verd eatenus
humanum genus ritu pecudum vixerjt, et tunc primum veluti
ad novam providentiam concussurgn suscitatiimque evigilarit.
Oros. Hist. lib. i. c, 1. G

82 PAGANISM AND
mercies, and executes its everlasting purposes
on the sons of men, under all the circumstances
of life. Finally, he turns their attention to
Christ, the Saviour of the world, and exhorts
them to look by faith towards Him, in whom
alone the sin of Adam could find its remedy ;
and to repent of the evils which the impious
persecution of his church upon earth had
brought upon the Roman empire, through the
righteous vengeance of Heaven.
Augustin is a writer of an higher order.*
While he reverts to the former history of Rome,
and of the world at large, he encounters the
Pagans with an animated and interesting dis
cussion of the radical meanness and viciousness
of polytheism ; the equal folly of the popular
mythology, and the philosophic religion of the
Romans. This he accomplishes, with perfect
success, in the first ten books. In the twelve
which follow, he proceeds to raise his Christian
superstructure on the ruins of Paganism. Be
ginning, therefore, from the situation of man in
* Let not this observation deprive Orosius of the reputation
so justly due to him. Mosheim calls him a writer in primis
aetatis suae erudito. Dissert. Ecclesiast. vol. i. p. 138. But he
is inferior to Augustin, in originality and comprehensiveness of
mind.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 83
Paradise, he traces the progress of Revelation
through the succeeding ages, its continued ex
istence, notwithstanding occasional restrictions
of its extent, till the appearance of Christ, in
whom the world was to believe.
From the accomplishment of the purposes of
God upon earth, he passes to the final judgment
of mankind at the last day ; describes the con
demnation and punishment of the enemies of
God, and expatiates on the everlasting happi
ness of the blessed; when Christ shall have
given up the kingdom of his mediatorship to the
Father, and God shall be " all in all."
But it is only the first part of the work which
applies to the subject before us.. And, without
entering into any of those opinions which nar
row or degrade the Christian system of Augus
tin ; in no writer, can we find a more copious,
or more interesting account of the state of
Paganism in the age in which he lived.
This account is the more curious, as it shows
us the opinions and practices of polytheism
after the civil establishment of Christianity in
Rome ; and holds up to our eyes a picture of
idolatry, when now declining, and indeed fast
verging to its extinction.
The religion of Christ had obtained its gra-
g2

84 PAGANISM AND
dual success through an invincible "patience
in well doing," and through sufferings of every
kind. Paganism lost its ancient hold of em
pire, and with that its principal means of sub
sistence. It was now expiring under the power
ful ascendancy of reason and faith. Yet it re
tained its characteristic fierceness. Like one
of its profligate and audacious sons described
by Sallust, it cast a malignant frown at the
hand which smote it, and impotently threat
ened revenge amid the struggles of death itself
— paulum etiam spirans, ftrociamque animi, quam
habuerat vivus, in vultu retinens.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 85

CHAPTER III.
THE REAL CAUSES WHICH DISPOSED THE EMPIRE TO ITS
FALL, TRACED TO ITS HEATHEN DEPRAVITY. . . GOTHS . . .
THEIR CAPTURE OF THE CITY PREPARED BY EARLIER
SUCCESSES WHILE THE EMPIRE WAS PAGAN . . .VINDICA
TION OF THE GOSPEL. i
The subject has been hitherto discussed
through a reference to the character and tem
per of Paganism. We have seen, that its pre
hension to reward its votaries with temporal
prosperity, was the united effect of superstition
and malice ; superstition, enamoured of its own
gods, and malice, enraged at the successful pro
pagation of the Gospel. Hence it has appeared,
that the argument so passionately urged against
the faith of Christ, on account of the capture of
Rome by the Barbarians, was unfounded. A
similar spirit of animosity and crimination had
prevailed in earlier times ; and turbulence and
intolerance were the common features of ido
latry. The success of Alaric, therefore, was not
to be imputed to the recent establishment of
Christianity.

86 PAGANISM AND
It will now be proper to ascertain the real
causes of those temporal evils which ended in
the overthrow of the Western empire, and
which were falsely attributed to our holy reli
gion. For this purpose it is necessary to refer to
the Roman history. This will teach us, that the
seeds of the public misfortunes were sown by
Rome herself, in a state of heathenism; and
that, notwithstanding appearances, the strength
of the empire was effectually broken before the
government became Christian.
I intend, therefore, to lay before you some of
those circumstances which predisposed the em
pire to its fall ; and some of those earlier suc
cesses of the Gothic nations, which naturally
led to their final possession of Italy.
When Christ began his ministry upon earth,
the power of the empire seemed to be at its
height. Its boundaries had been fixed by Au
gustus, at a triumphant extent : its internal
troubles were appeased ; and its supreme domi
nion was fully acknowledged by the subject
nations. To these appearances of prosperity
nothing was wanting but permanence ; and this
the Pagans fondly promised themselves from
the supposed power of their gods, whose past

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 87
protection of their country was habitually as
sumed as a certain pledge of the happiness
which awaited it in ages yet to come.
But a secret blow had been given to the
power of Rome, the consequences of which
might be disguised, but could not be averted.
That relaxation of principle which began before
the third Punic war, increased with a fatal ra
pidity, after the too prosperous conclusion of it.
Sallust, who seems to confess the existence of
an earlier tendency to depravity, dates the ex
traordinary growth of the civil disasters of the
state, from the overthrow of Carthage.* A ra
pacious pursuit of wealth now took place ; and
the success with which it was unhappily at
tended, soon led to a profuse indulgence of
vicious pleasures. This never ceased, but pro
fligately grew in proportion to the decay of
the empire, to which indeed it materially con
tributed. From private degeneracy, necessarily arose
public corruption. The unprincipled acquisi
tion of immoderate riches was followed by the
mad and insatiable love of power ; and the com-
* Discordia, et avaritia, atque ambitio, et caetera secuudis
rebus oriri sueta mala, post Carthaginis cxcidium maxime secuta
sunt. Apud Aug. Civ. Dei^lib. ii. c. 18. ,

88 PAGANISM AND
mon tranquillity was sacrificed to the desperate
efforts of ambitious chiefs contending for the so
vereignty of their country. Concord, says Au
gustin,* could not consist with a corrupt pro
sperity, and the extinction of an enemy which
had so long exercised the patience and the va
lour of Rome. Seditions began, which were
soon increased to civil wars. And now it ap
peared that the loss of principle was more de
structive than foreign hostility. They who had
hitherto feared mischief only from the enemy,
were suddenly overwhelmed by the content
ions of their fellow citizens. The vicious love
of dominion which had hitherto actuated the
people at large, seemed now to centre in the
* Deleta Carthagine, magno scilicet terrore Romanae Rei-
publicae repulso et extincto, tanta de rebus prosperis orta mala
continue subsequuta sunt, ut, corrupta diruptaque concordia,
prius saevis cruentisque seditionibus, deinde mox, malarum con-
nexione causarum, bellis etiam civilibus tantae strages ederentur,
tantus sanguis efftinderetur, tanta cupiditate proscriptionum ac
rapinarum, ferveret immanitas, ut Romani illi, qui, vita, inte-
griore, mala metuebant ab hostibus, perdita integritate vitae,
.crudeliora paterentur a civibus ; eaque ipsa libido dominandi,
quae inter vitia generis humani immoderatior inerat universo
R. P. posteaquam in paucis potentioribus vicit, obtritos fatiga-
tosque caEteros etiam jugo servitutis oppressit. Civ. Dei, lib. i.
c. 30.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED.

cJ9

inflamed bosoms of a few aspiring chiefs ; and
the fatal success of these was the subjugation
of all other men.
Cruelty, disdainful of every restraint on its
sanguinary purposes, and regardless of the
common welfare in its determined execution of
them, was the natural attendant on these strug
gles for political ascendancy; and no safety
was supposed to be attained, till every oppo
nent was cut off, by poison or the sword,
by open violence or secret treachery. Nay,
power, no longer disputed by a rival, indulged a
wantonness of rage, and drew a savage delight
from the blood of friends and foes sacrificed
together. We are informed by Valerius Max
imus, that the ears, and the hearts of the people
of Rome, were pierced at once by the expiring
cries of the four legions,* which had thrown
themselves on the mercy of Sylla, and were, in
consequence, deliberately murdered. To these
Orosius adds some thousands of other victims,
not only of the quiet and unoffending citizens,
but even of the party of Sylla himself !f Such
* Quarum lamentabiles quiritatus trepidae civitatis aures re-
ceperunt. Lib. ix. c. 2. In the epitome of Livy, lib. 88, the
number is said to have been eight thousand.
t Plurimi tunc quoque, ut non dicam innocentes, sed etiam

90 PAGANISM AND
indeed was the indiscriminate ferociousness of
this monster, whom Plutarch occasionally fa
vours on account of his attachment to Grecian
literature ; and whom Valerius Maximus, though
he sometimes brands him with the name of
Hannibal, yet compliments with the virtues
of a Scipio, that one of his principal friends*
openly reproached him with a disposition which
would leave no difference between peace and
war, and whieh threatened the utter extinction
of society.
But the circumstance chiefly to be observed,
is, that these ruinous consequences did not flow
from the contentions alone ; the accommodations
were almost equally destructive with the dis
putes ! It was the common character of both
the triumvirates, that they were founded alike
in perfidy and blood. In the first, Caesar pro
moted the reconciliation of his colleagues, that
he might more effectually ruin those friends
whom they basely abandoned to his vengeance.
ipsius Sullanae partis occisi sunt, quos fuisse plusquam novem
niillia ferunt. Hist. lib. v. c. 21.
* Igitur cunctis jam, quod singuli timebant, aperte fremen-
tibus, Q. Catulus (Plutarch says it was C. Metellus) palam
Sullae dixit, Cum quibus tandem victuri sumus, si in bello ar-
matos, in pace inermes occidimus ? Ores. Hist. lib. v. c. 21 .

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 91
In the second, this profligacy was more openly
avowed. With the scorn of every motive but
the love of power, Anthony* placed on the same
roll of condemnation, Cicero his enemy, and L.
Caesar his uncle ; and this, during the life of his
own mother ! Lepidus, perhaps, surpassed him
in this bloody infamy; and, actuated by the
same motives, was content to throw the name
of PauUus his brother, into the common list of
proscription and death ! These were the new
features of malignity engendered by the civil
wars; and not only were common justice and
humanity sacrificed, but friendship, hatred, af
fection, and consanguinity, were all confounded
in the insane pursuit of lawless and unhallowed
power. In a subsequent age, when the mild spirit of
Christianity had softened the asperity of civil
contentions, and shortened their duration, these
horrors were advantageously remembered ; and
Augustin, in his refutation of the calumnies of
the Pagans, has well contrasted the successes
* Ibi Antonius Tullium Ciceronero, inimicum suum ; ibi
L. Caesarem, avunculum suum ; et (quod exaggerando sceleri
accessit) viyS, mate, proscripserat : ibi Lepidus et Paullum
fratrem suum in eundem proscriptorum gregem conjecerat.
Oros. Hist. lib. vi. c. 18.

92 PAGANISM AND
of Theodosius, with those of the sanguinary and
revengeful leaders now mentioned. With that
great captain, equally distinguished by his va
lour and his faith, victory was the certain ter
mination of all hostility. The children even of
his Pagan enemies, that had fled for refuge to
the churches, he piously preserved.* Instead
of offering them up the victims of ambition or
cruelty, he converted them to Christianity. He
caused them to be baptized in the name of the
Lord Jesus ; and protected with his power those
whom he had saved by his charity. This was
a conduct far above the chiefs of Heathen
Rome; and it was the characteristic of Cinna
and Marius, and others engaged, like them,
in public contentions, to destroy with fury, or
betray with treachery, to confound all the dis
tinctions of nature and society, and to continue
the effects of hostility amid the professions of
peace and friendship !
Out of these circumstances of horror and de
solation, naturally grew that form of govern-
* Inimicomm etiam filios, quos non ipsius jussus sed belli
abstulerat impetus, etiam nondum Christianos ad ecclesiam
confugientes, Christianos hac occasione fieri voluit, et Christi
ana charitate dilexit ; nee privavit rebus, sed auxit honoribus.
Civ. Dei, lib. v. c. 26.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 93
ment which was established in Rome at the
time chosen by Divine wisdom for the appear
ance of our Saviour upon earth. The people
anxiously looked for a tranquillity which had
been so long denied to them, and were willing
•••• to believe that they had recovered their happi
ness in the imperial authority recently imposed
upon them. But vice had now made too long
and desolating a progress in public and private ;
and a government wholly depending on the
personal qualities of the emperor, could offer
little chance of benefit to subjects themselves
corrupted. Accordingly, it was soon found,
that the new despotism did but derive an in
creased malignity from the extinction of the
efficacy of all restrictive institutions; and the
people were confined to the helpless endurance
of those evils which are sure to flow from ty
ranny, and to revenge the folly and depravity
which gave it birth.
But though the people of Rome had to la
ment the failure of their expectations, the pur
pose of the Gospel was answered. This is a
circumstance, on which the Christian writers
fondly dwell. The long and successful labours
of kings and consuls were finally vested in the

94 PAGANISM AND
sole and undisputed sway of Augustus ;* and
in the settlement of the empire, and the wide
extent of its territory, they hail the preparations
divinely permitted in the kingdom of the earth;
for the more free and effectual agency of the
faith of Christ. It has been already observed,
that a general controul was exercised by the
governnTent of Rome over the Greeks and Jews,
and that these nations were not at liberty to act
against the Gospel at all times, as their malice
suggested. Generally speaking, licence for per
secution was to be obtained from the sovereign
power, which often checked them, and rescued
the Christians from their violence. If, there
fore, the neighbouring states had preserved
their independence, and with that the liberty of
opposing the progress of the Gospel, without
respect to the will of a superior, greater impe-
diments might yet have awaited the propagation
* Hoc (imperium) per reges et consules diu provectum,
postquam Asiae, Africae, atque Europae potitum est, ad unum
Imperatorera congessit (Deus) ; — ut in magno silentio ac pace
latissima novi nominis gloria, et adnuntiatae salutis velox fama
percurreret ; vel etiam, ut discipulis ejus, per diversas gentes
euntibus, ultroque per cunctos salutis dona offerentibus, obeundi
ac disscrendi, quippe Romanis civibus, inter cives Romanos,
esset tuta libertas. Oros. Hist, lib, vi. c. 1.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 95
of it. But these obstacles were removed by the
universal ascendancy of Rome. Its subjects,
converted to the faith, had a larger space in
which to display their zeal for the conversion of
others. They had also a freer course ; and a
path was now opened to them through nations,
which, however discordant from each other in
language, and modes of religion, acknowledged
the sway of one common government, and were
to embrace one common faith.* The privilege
of citizenship was now also rapidly extending
itself, and must have been favourable to the
extension of the Gospel. And the Roman name
itself was some security to the teachers of the
new doctrine. This we learn from the example
* Prudentius dwells on this as one of the purposes grafted
by Providence on the prosperity which had attended the Roman
arms. Vis dicam, quae causa tuos, Romane, labores
In tantum extulerit ? 
DiscOrdes Unguis populos, et dissona cultu
Regna volens sociare Deus, subjungier uni
Imperio, quicquid tractabile moribus esset,
Concordique jugo retinacula mollia ferre
Constituit, quo corda hominum. conjuncta teneret
Relligionis amor; nee enim fit copula Christo
Digna, nisi implicitas societ mens unica gentes.
Lib. ii. cont. Sy.m.

96 PAGANISM AND
of St. Paul; for the officer, who had bound
him at Jerusalem, was " afraid, after he knew
that he was a Roman."* These then were some
of the secular circumstances, which, under the
blessing of Providence, facilitated the extension
of the Gospel, within a short time, to the most
distant parts of the empire. Fearful indeed, as
we have already seen, were the trials to which
the faith was exposed, notwithstanding these
preparations. Yet it was destined to succeed ;
and its influence, finally reaching the seat of
sovereignty, was to be the seal of the Christian
triumph over the world at large.
Meanwhile, the imperial authority went on,
unconscious of the sacred purposes attached to
it by the Divine hand, and accomplishing on its
subjects those civil evils which resulted from
its own constitution. The foundation of the
miseries of the empire was laid in the adopted
house of Augustus ; and the inquiry into the
early causes of its degradation and ruin might
perhaps stop at the character of Nero, the last of
that fatal family. But, though the succession
was broken, the same mischief continued. Most
of the Roman or Italian Caesars (I gladly except
* Acts xxii. 29.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 97
Vespasian and Titus) were worthy to administer
a government which had dropped from the
haijids of Nero ; and rarely have the annals of
mankind furnished the view of a viciousness
more loathsome, or a tyranny more insupport
able, than in the line which ended with Do-;
mitian. After the extinction of the first twelve Caesars,
a few instances of virtue and vigour appeared,
for the consolation of the empire, in the persons
of Nerva, Adrian, Trajan, and some others. It
is observed, howeyer, by Aurelius Victor, who
marks the Cretan extraction of the former of
these sovereigns, that Rome had derived its
principal benefit from the virtues of those who
were born beyond her walls.* But, notwith
standing the outward lustre which adorned it,
a lustre never more dazzling than in the reign
of Trajan, the real strength of the state was
secretly enfeebled. This soon appeared in the
disastrous fortunes of his successors. Such
indeed was the general debasement of principle,
that the occasional interposition of better sen
timents and sounder plans of policy served rar
* Mihiaudienti multalegentique plane compertum est, urbem
Romam externorujm virtute, atque insitivis artibus praecipufc
crevisse. In DomLt. H

98 PAGANISM AND
ther to excite revenge, than to produce reform.
In vain would Pertinax* revive the stricter
morals of the ancient Romans, and appear the
rival of the Curii and Fabricii. In vain did
Severus-j- attempt the restoration of military
discipline. In vain did AurelianJ strengthen
the walls of Rome, while he enlarged their
circuit, and maintain with honour the distant
interests of the empire. The virtue and courage
of these princes outran the qualities of the age.
They were fatal to their possessors ; and murder
was ever at hand to revenge, the cause of law
lessness and rapine.
From the general weakness and wickedness
Which infected the government and the people,
necessarily resulted the neglect and injury of
the provinces. This mischief began indeed from
the destruction of Carthage, and raged with
* Hie doctrinae omnis ac moribus antiquissimis, immodice
parcus, Curios aequaverat Fabriciosque. Eum milites, quibus,
exhausto jam perditoque orbe, satis videtur nihil, fcedfe jugula-
v£re. A. Victor in Pert.
t Tumultuantes legionum plerasque constantissirae abjecit,
quod in prasens gloriae, mox exitio datum. Id. in Sev.
X His tot tantisque prospere gestis, ne unquam quae per Gal-
lienum evenerant, acciderent, muris urbem quam validissimis
laxiore ambitu circumsepsit : — ministri scelere circumventus
interiit. Id. in Aurel.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 99
great violence during the latter age of the re
public. But as yet the power of Rome was
not openly affected by it ; nor were the oppres
sions of the proconsuls immediiately followed
by the attempts of the enemy. At length,
however, this took place. Plundered and tor
tured by the hand from which they had justly
expected protection, the provinces became the
easier prey of the invader ; and the common
safety was exposed to continual and increasing
dangers from the enemies of the empire. The
extortions not only of the proconsuls, but of
their wives and attendants ; the compelled ser
vices of the unhappy subjects, and the jealous
system of information which was established
through the most distant parts of the state,
excited disaffection and revolt. What the de
clamation of Cicero had exposed in Verres ;
what the satire of Juvenal had lashed in the
profligate rapacity of Marius ; now became
common history. Salvian, who lived to see and
record the dreadful effects of this corrupt policy,
affords the best commentary on the alarm and
indignation of those writers. He presents us
with alternate pictures of the depravity of the
Romans, and the just successes of the Barba
rians. The rapine and cruelty of the governors
H 2

100 PAGANISM AND
were the true causes of the rebellion of the
provinces ; and the Goths and Vandals owed
their easy possession of Gaul and Africa, to the
injustice and inhumanity of Rome.*
But before these dangers reached their- ex
tremity, one favourable circumstance occurred,
which deserves particular notice. Byzantium,
which had been built by a Spartan king, when
Rome was in its infancy, was destined to protect
its declining years, to revive its glory under
another name, and amidst the acknowledgment
of a better faith. The seat of empire was
* Inter haec vastantur pauperes, viduae gemunt, orphan! pro-.
culcantur. Itaque passim vel ad Gothos, vel ad Bagaudas, vel
ad alios ubique dominantes barbaros migrant, et migrasse non
poenitet. — Of the Bagaudae themselves he says ; Vocamus re-
belies, vocamus perditos, qtios esse compulimus criminosos.
Quibus enim aliis rebus Bagaudae facti sunt nisi iniquitatibus
nostris, nisi improbitatibus judicum, nisi eorum proscription-
ibus et rapinis, qui exactionis publicae nomen in quaestus proprii
emolumenta verterunt, et indictiones tributarias praedas suas
esse fecerunt ? — De Gub. Dei, lib. v. — Such facts as these make
us remember, with increased interest and admiration, the warn
ing given by Juvenal to his country :
Curandum imprimis, ne magna injuria fiat
Fortibus et miseris. Tollas licet omne, quod usquam est
Auri, atque argenti ; scutum, gladiumque relinques,
Et jacula, et galeam ; spoliatis arma svpersunt. Sat. 8.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 101
opportunely removed to this place, augmented
and beautified, and now called Constantinople.*!
A rescue was thus obtained for at least one
branch of Roman power ; and it is the just de
light of the Christian writers to extol the felicity
bestowed by Providence on a foundation better
and more pure than that of the Pagan capital.**}"
They point out the rapid growth of the new
city, equal to Rome in her splendour, but with
out the experience of her crimes and miseries ;
and they dwell with rapture on the praises of
a daughter establishment freed from the super
stitions and pollutions of its corrupted mother ;
an establishment wholly dedicated to the true
God, where no temple arose for the worship of
the demons, no statue obtained a place to the
impious honour of deified mortals. J
* Haec autem Byzantium, quondam a, Pausania, rege Spar-
tanorum, condita, post autem a Constantino, Christiano Prin
cipe, in majus aucta, et Const an tinopolis dicta, gloriosissimi nunc
imperii sedes et caput totius Orientis est. Oros. Hist. lib. iii.
c. 13. A. Marcellinus calls it an Attic Colony ; lib. xxii. c. 8.
t Quae sola' expers idolorum, ad hoc, brevissimo tempore,
condita a Christiano Imperatore, provecta est, ut sola Romae,
tot saeculis miseriisque provectae, formal et potential merito possit
aequari. Oros. Hist. lib. vii. c. 28.
{ Cui etiam (Constantino) condere civitatem Romano Imperio
sociani, velut ipsius Romae filiam, sed sine aliquo Daemonum

102 PAGANISM AND
But meanwhile, the fate of the antient city
could not be averted -or delayed; and the Bar
barians, who had long since made successful
inroads into the distant parts of the empire,
were now preparing to pour into Italy, and to
seize upon Rome itself. Let us attend to their
history, endeavour briefly to ascertain their
situation, name, and origin, and point out some
of those early successes which prepared the way
for their final occupation of the West.
The situation of the Getse is said by Strabo,*
and other geographers, to have been in that
part of Europe beyond the Ister, which was
included between the Euxine Sea, the River
Tyras to the North, and the Pathissus to the
West. We are informed too, not only by poets,
templo simulacroque concessit (Deus). Aug. Civ. Dei, lib. v.
-e. 25. His great qualities were acknowledged by Pagans as
well as Christians. This appears from the general lamentation
for his death — quod sane P. R. aegerrimfe tulit, quippe cujus
armis, legibus, dementi imperio, quasi novatam uibem Roma-
nam arbitrarentur. A. Victor in Const.
* Mera^v Be rfjg TJovrUrig $aXarrt)s Trjg airb to "I^pu iirl Tipav,
fl Twv Tetiov kp-qfiia rrpoKEirat. lib. vii. p. 2 1 1 . Cluverius states this
as |jhe common opinion concerning the Getae ; — Quorum sedem
ultra Danubium fuisse, inter Pathissum amnem atque mare
Ponticum, ex adverso Pannoniae Mcesiaeque, satis e Strabone,
Ptoleniieb, atque aliis, in aperto est. Germ. Antiq. lib. iii.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 103
but historians and divines, whose attention was
particularly directed to the history of the Gothic
invaders of the empire, that they were the same
people to whom the Greeks had given the earlier
name of Getae. This appears from the testi
mony of Claudian and Ausonius, and from a
number of passages in Spartian, Jerom, Orosius,
Procopius, and others.
The Romans, however, generally gave the
name of Daci to the Barbarians beyond the
lower Danube, whether from the observation
that the Daci were of the family of the Getae,*
or that they both used the same language.*]"
But the Greeks, as we have just seen, placed
the Getae towards the mouths of the Ister, while
the Daciwere removed to the West. Different
names were also given to the river, according
to the difference of these settlements. Where
the Daci had possession of the banks, it was
called Danubius ; where it washed, or per-
* Daci soboles Getarum sunt. Justin. Hist. 32. 3.
f This is also observed by Strabo — bfJoyXairToi 3' kialv ol
Thai role Aaxoig. lib. vii. p. 211. Procopius marks the same
language in all the Gothic tribes that invaded the Roman em
pire — <j>u)vfj Tt avTO~ig ksl pia, TotBiky) \eyopivr). De Bell. Vand.
lib. i. c. 2. He thinks that they were all of the same stock,
and obtained different names from their generals or chiefs.

104 PAGANISM AND
vaded the seat of the Getae, it had the name of
Ister.* *
The origin of the Goths has also given rise to
much difference of opinion. Strabo states the
persuasion of the Greeks, that the Getae were
a Thracian people. He says too, that they and
the Mysians, who had the same origin, were
formerly inhabitants of both sides of the Ister .t
At the time however of the expedition of Alex
ander against the Thracians beyond the Haemus,
they were no longer on the south of the river:
for, being unable to make an impression on the
island Peuce, to which the leaders of the Tri-
balli had fled for refuge, yet willing to leave
behind him some terror of his name, he passed
the Ister, and made a short incursion into the
territory of the Getae.:}: On the other hand,
*. Ktti yap 7-5 jrorajuS ra fikv avia Kat irpbg rate wriyalg pipt,
pixpi t&v KarapaKTUV, Aavifitov 7rpoo~riy6pEvov, & pdXi^a Bid.
t&v AaKiav (jikpETaC ra Be Kara, fiixpi tS TIovtu ra irEpl Tag
Tlrag, KtiXuaiv "Itpov. Strab. lib. vii. p. 21 1 .
t OI rolvvv "EXXnvtg, T&g FErae, ©paicae vjrcXa/z/3a»w ipnuv
B? £0' EKaTEpa tu "I-rpa Kat otoi, Kal ot Nlvool, ©paVec ovreg Kal
aiirol, Kal Sq vvv Mvaug KaXSatv. lib. vii. p. 204.
X 'AXifyxvBpog b $t\t7nre, Kara rrlv kwl QpaKag rag virkp r«
A'ifia rpaTiav kfifiaXiiv etc TpifiaXXag, bpwv //e'xP' tS "I^p« *"a-
Br/Kovrag, Kal rijg kv aurp vr/aa TIeukjJe, ra iripav Be TiWag
i-ypvrag, a<fixBat Xtytrttt /^«XP' Bevpo' Kat kg fikv rf/v vijaov

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 105
the later ecclesiastical writers generally call
the Goths a Scythian race.* But Cluverius
wages war against all the testimony whicb
would identify the Goths with the Getae. He
asserts therefore, that the Goths of the later
authors were the Gotones mentioned by Taci
tus, and the Guttones of Pithy. He fixes their
original seat towards the mouths of the Vis
tula,*]" in which place they are last noticed by
Tacitus. After that time, in the reign of M.
Aurelius, he makes them remove to the lake
Maeotis, and from thence to the. Borysthenes
and the Euxine, and the borders of the Getae.
Here at length they settled, and, according to
their places of abode, obtained the subsequent
awo(irjvai fiij BvvaoBai oirdvti irXoiW eke'ioe yap Karafvyovra
tov t&v Tpi/3a\\(i>c fyaaiXta lippov, avritrxEiv xpoe rfjv kiriXEt-
prjcriv' kig Be Tag Tkrag Biafidvra, eXeiv TtfV avTtov iroXiv, Kat
avarpi^ai Bia Taxtav etc Tr)v oiKtiav. Strab. lib. vii. p. 208.
* Scythas eos adpellans (Jomandes) quemadmodum et Isi-
dorus in Chronico Gothorum. Cluv. Germ. Antiq. lib. iii.
c. 34. f The system of Jomandes brings them here too, but from
Scandinavia. Hence they remove to the Euxine ; and from
the Borysthenes descend to the Danube. — However, their pro
per origin is still supposed in poetry to be the neighbourhood of
Maeotis, which they first leave, under Odin, to repair to Scandi
navia !

106 PAGANISM AND
distinction of Ostrogoths and Westrogoths. It
follows from this supposition, that the Goths were
•German ; but the Getae were never reckoned
among the German nations. In the conduct of
this argument, Cluverius professes to follow
truth alone ; but he evidently labours under a
wish of claiming the conquest of the Western
empire for his countrymen ; and he congratu
lates them on the success of his discovery.*
But whatever may have been the disputes con
cerning the history of these Barbarians, we
will, for the present purpose, rest in the con
clusion, that the Goths were the Getae, and that
the place from which they issued for the pur
pose of conquest or plunder, was that which
has been already described.
Let us now attend to the transactions of the
Getae with the Romans.
Strabo dates the commencement of that good
fortune which attended them in their enter
prises against the empire, from the appointment
of a man of much talent and activity to be their
* Quos (Gothos) vera\, Germanaque origine hactenus per tot
saeculorum spatium abalienatos, suis tandem restituisse sedibus,
mihi gaudeo, communi vero patriae gratulor. Germ. Antiq. lib.
iii. c. 34. — Cluverius was born at Dantzick.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 107
leader. This was Bcerebistes.* He gave to
the nation a vigour and consistency unknown
before. Under him therefore, having subdued
several of the neighbouring tribes, they fear
lessly passed the Ister, and laid waste Thrace
to the borders of Macedonia and Illyricum ; nor
was it till after the death of this commander,
and the division of the force of the country
among several chieftains, that the Romans suc
ceeded in repressing them. They were still
numerous and formidable ; but it was soon
found, that their strength wanted direction ;
and Augustus seems to have greatly reduced, if
not to have nearly subjugated them all.f But
their warlike spirit, and particularly their se
cret connection with the German tribes;}: ever
* BotpE/3t?as avf/p Tirrfg, eVtTae eVI rije r« 'iBvug ktcesaaiav,
aveXafie KEKajaopkvag Tug avBpinrag virb avxv&v iroXipwy, Kal
toootov ewfipEv (kv) atricfioEt Kal v!)\pei, Kat r<*> irpoaExeiv to'ie
wpaypaatv, Hot oXiytov kr&v fiEydXr\v &px*tv KaTErtiaaro, Kal
t&v bfiopmv -ae irXttTae forcrai-e rate Orate- i)Bi} Be Kal 'Vupaioie
Qofiepbe "5***, ciafidivuv HBe&q TOv"\*pov, Kal njvQpaKJjv XeijXa-
tiSv fiEXpt- MaKeoovtac Kal Tfjg lXXvplBog. Lib. vii. p. 210.
t One word of Strabo marks the recent time of the expedition
against them : — Kal Bfl Kai NYN ?*>vtKa Ewtp-tytv kit avrag spa-
7£t'ay 6 2ej3oto£ Kattrap, &c. ib.
X "Ovtto) B' eIoiv viroxciptoi TEXttitg, But rag Ik t&v Ttppavwv
kXniSag, itoXejuiW ovriav roig'Tiapaioig. Lib. vii. p. 211. This

108 PAGANISM AND '
hostile to the Rofnan name, preserved them
from final submission ; and in the time of Domi
tian they seem to have recovered their strength
and importance. The war which they waged
with him in Moesia occasioned great and just
terror at Rome. Dio* describes the affected
pomp with which he endeavoured - to cohceai
his disgraces; and Juvenal assists in the history
of his defeat by the sarcastic mention of Fuscus;
whose entrails were reserved for the repast of
Dacian vultures.*]" ; However, they were again
triumphantly repressed by Trajan and Cara-
calla. The former was perhaps the only com
mander who, at that time, had carried the Ro
man arms beyond the Ister,*]: and subdued
remark of Strabo on the hopes which the Getae and Daci (for
he joins them together) had from the Germans, throws light on
the observation of Dio Cassius, that the Quadi and Marco-
manni refused to give Domitian any assistance in his Dacian
war; the very circumstance, we find, which led to his with
drawing from it.
* Lib. 67. 7. In compliance with the Roman custom, he
calls these enemies of Domitian Dacians, though certain Greeks
gave them the name of Getaj — 6k ayvo&v on 'EXXfivtav rivkg
Ferae avr^e Xiyaaiv, eit 6pB&g eite pr) XeyovTEg. — ib. 6.
T  vultiiribus servabat viscera Dacis
Fuscus  Sat. 4.
X Primus, aut solus etiam, vires Romanas trans Istruni pro-
pagavit, domitis in provinciam Dacorum pileatis Sacisque
nationibus, Decebalo rege. — Aur. Victor in Traj.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 109
these Barbarians on their own ground. But
this impression was soon removed ; and the
struggle recommenced with various success
under the older and younger Gorfdian. In the
time of Philip, they easily repassed the river,
and possessed themselves of Mcesia ; nor were
his immediate successors able to make them
return. At length, a composition was settled
with them by Gallus and Volusian. This how
ever wras soon dissolved by the incapacity of
Gajlienus ; and while the more western tribes
of Barbarians were bursting through Gaul to
Spain and Italy itself, the Goths spread without
difficulty over Thrace and Macedonia. Yet
signal victories were afterwards obtained over
them by Claudius, who devoted himself; ano
ther Decius, and acquired the title of Gothi-
cus;* by Aurelian, and finally, by Constantine.
* Aur. Victor sufiiciently conveys the formidable intimacy
which the Goths had now acquired with the empire ; <mos
diuturnitas nimis validos, ne prope incolas e'ffecerat. In Claud.
— How great a relief to the fears of Rome were the victories of
Claudius, may be seen in this as well as other passages of Trebi
Pollio. — Pugnatum in diversis regionibus, et ubique auspiciis
Claudianis victi sunt Gotthi, prorsus ut jam tunc Constantiq
Coesari nepoti futuro videretur Claudius securam parare Rem-
publicam. Apud Hist. Aug. in Div. Claud.

110 PAGANISM AND
He revived what had been the peculiar glory of
Trajan. He passed the Ister, and pursued the
Barbarians into Sarmatia ; and we may reason
ably suppose, that this is one of the circum
stances which have obtained for him so much
applause from the Christian writers.* In their
arguments with the Pagans, who maliciously
insinuated that the establishment of Christianity
was the decay of military glory, they success
fully appeal to his great deeds in arms, and
sometimes call him a second Trajan.
These were some of the principal actions of
the Goths with the Romans, while they sub
sisted as a people, and could be said to have a
country of their own. Not long after this, they
were compelled to quit their settlements by a
more strange and savage race which suddenly
descended upon them from the wilds of Sar
matia and the borders of the Tanais. The
causes which impelled the Huns forward from
their remoter regions to the banks of the Ister,
are not satisfactorily ascertained ; but the terror
of their name had preceded their arrival.*]" They
* Gothorum fortissimas et copiosissimas gentes in ipso bar-
barici soli sinu, hoc est, in Sarmatarum regione, delevit. Oros.
Hist. lib. vii*. c. 28.
t Fama late serpente per Gothorum reliquas gentes, quod

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. Ill
were represented as a raging whirlwind, issuing
from a quarter wholly unknown, and sweeping
away every thing which opposed their course.
In order to escape from the tempest which
threatened them, the chief part of the Gothic
nation sought an asylum within the borders of
the empire. An agreement was made; and
Thrace and Mcesia, which they had so often
plundered as enemies, were assigned to them
as suppliants. They had voluntarily offered to
Valens, as a condition of the grant, that they
would live peaceably, and assist in the defence
of the empire.* To this they added a proposal
of embracing Christianity, and requested that
bishops might be sent to instruct them in the
doctrines, and train them in the duties of the
Gospel.*]" But an accommodation, thus prac
ticable and beneficial, was soon overthrown.
inusitatum antehac hominum genus modd ruens, ut turbo mon-
tibus celsis, ex abdito sinu coortum opposita quaeque convellit
et corrumpit ; populi pars major quaeritabat domicilium rerao-
tum ab omni notitia barbarorum. Am. Marcell. lib. xxxi. c. 3.
* Missis oratoribus ad Valentem, suscipi se humili prcce
poscebant, et quietfe victuros se pollicentes, et daturas, si res
flagitasset, auxilia. ib. c. 4.
+ Gothi per legatos supplices poposcerunt, ut illis Episcopi,
a quibus regulam Christianas fidei discerent, mitterentui*. Oros.
Hist. lib. vii. c. 33.

112 PAGANISM AND
The Roman commissaries, appointed to assign
the lands, and to establish the settlers in them,
drove the barbarians to despair by their cruelties
and exactions. A war ensued within the empire
itself; and Valens, who marched in person
against the Goths, was defeated, taken prisoner,
and burnt alive ; a calamity which, as Marcel
linus reports, was pointed out by omens and
presages, of a strange and alarming nature.*
Inflamed with this success, they quickly spread
over the neighbouring provinces ; and, under the
temptation of a common plunder, were joined
by some of their late enemies, the Huns! — They
were not effectually repressed, till the distresses
©f the state induced Gratian to associate with
him in the government the great Theodosius,
one of the most eminent of Christian sovereigns
and commanders.
. While he lived, the Goths were kept in per
fect submission, and cheerfully fought for the
common safety under the Roman ensigns. But
at his death, the Eastern and Western empires
descended to his sons Arcadius and Honorius.
* Interea et Fortunae volucris rota, adversa prosperis semper
alternans, Bellonam furiis in societatem adscitis armabat, moes-.
tosque trans tulit eventus, quos adveutare praesagioi'um fides clara
monebat et portentorum. Lib. xxxi. c. 1.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 113
On account of their tender age, they were un
happily left under the guardianship of Ruffinus
and Stiiicho. These men, very unequal in
talents, were yet jealous of each other. The
name and actions of the latter might have
shielded him from reproach; yet both he and
his rival were accused of nourishing ambitious
hopes of sovereignty either for themselves or;
their families; and of secretly exciting the
Goths to take up arms,* that they might the
better promote their own interested views amid
the public confusion. Encouraged by these and
other hopes, two Barbarian chiefs successively
penetrated into Italy- the famous Alaric and
Rhadagaisus. The name of the latter is men
tioned with equal terror and exultation by the
Christian writers.*]" Orosius rates the number
of his army, on a moderate calculation,*]: at two
hundred thousand men, and Augustin is careful
* Cftm alius sibi, alius filio suo adfectans regale fastigium,
ut rebus repent^ turbatis, necessitas reipublicas scelus ambitus
tegeret, barbaros gentes ille immisit, hie fovit. ' Oros. Hist.
lib. vii. c. 37.
t Rhadagaisus omnium antiquorum praesentiumque hostium
longe immanissimus, repentino impetu totam inuridavit Italiam.
Oros. ib.
X Secundum eos qui parcissime referunt. ib. Zosimus
doubles it. I

114 PAGANISM AND
to point out the ferociousness which distih1
guished it.* But this terror was speedily and
unexpectedly dissipated. The unskilled. Barba
rian, having advanced into Etruria, and alarmed
Rome for its own safety, chose an unfavourable
positionfor his camp, among the hills of Fiesole.t
It was surrounded, or harassed and deprived of
supplies ; and the mighty force which filled it,
was rather consumed by famine, than destroyed
by the sword. Alaric was pot thus easily
checked. His approach had been watched with
anxiety, though the moment of his final success
was not yet arrived."}; Many battles were fought ;
and he did not retreat towards the Alps, till he
had exercised the valour, and wasted the force
of Rome.
These successes of the declining empire were
sung by the Pagan and Christian poets, with
* Agmine ingenti et immani. Civ. Dei, lib. v. c. 23.
f In Faesulanos montes cogit (Deus,) Oros. lib. vii. c. 37.
. "f-Tentayit Geticus nuper delere tyrannus
Italianx, patrio veniens juratus ab Istro
Has arces aequare solo, tecta aurea flammis
Solvere, mastrucis proceres vestire togatos :
Jamque mens Venetos turmis protriverat agros,
Et Ligurum vastarat opes, et amoena profundi
Rura Padi, Thuscumque solum victo amne premebat.
Prudent, contr. Symni.lib. ii.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 116
similar j oy , but Very different motives . Claudian
extols the courage of Stilicho, which defeated
the invaders, and his prudence which permitted
the escape of his enemies, rather than expose
the welfare of the state to the consequences of
their desperation;* and he depends on the
watchful care of Jupiter, which will always
preserve the temple of Numa, one of the great
parents of the Pagan rites, the antient seat of
Quirinus, and the dread arcanum of Rome,
perhaps its palladium, from the profanation
even of barbarous eyes.f
On the other hand/ it is the exultation of
Prudentius, that so many victories were ob
tained under ensigns no longer profane. From
the pious offering of their prayers at the altar
* This, if we may trust Orosius, is no other than a compliment
to cover his treachery. Taceo (says Orosius) de Alarico rege
cum Gothis suis saepfe victo, saepfe concluso, semperque dimisso.
Lib. vii. c. 37.
f  procul arceat altus
Jupiter, ut delubra Numae, sedemque Quirini
Barbaries oculis saltern temerare profanis
Possit, et arcanum tanti deprendere regni.
De Bell. Get. 100.
Symmachus has a similar persuasion, when he is pleading for
the restoration of the altar of Victory — multa victoriae debet
aeternitas vestra, et adhuc plura debebit.
12

116 PAGANISM AND*
of the true God, the commanders went to the
encounter of the Barbarians ; and those who
revenged at Pollentia, the ravages which had
desolated Pannonia during thirty years, were
the soldiers not only of Rome but of Christ.*
In the speech which he attributes to Rome,
exulting in her recent triumphs, she compares
Stilicho with those great commanders who had
defended her against her antient enemies. If
she confessed a just gratitude to the brave
Camillus, who had rescued her from the long
possession of the Gauls, what thanks were due
to the conqueror of the Goths, an enemy de
feated ere they had yet been able to view the
walls of the city! " Mount, therefore, thy tri
umphal chariot ;*(" bring hither thy spoils, and
* Hujus adoratis altaribus, et cruce fronti
Inscripta, cecinere tubae: prima hasta Draconis
Praecurrit, quae Christi apicem sublimior effert.
lllic terdenis gens exitiabilis annis
Pannoniae poenas tandem deleta pependit. Cont. Sym. lib. ii.
The thirty years here alluded to, are mentioned more frequently
and pointedly by Claudian. Both poets seem to date the ravage
of Pannonia from that settlement within the Ister which was
•almost immediately followed by the defeat and death of Valens.
f Scande triumph alem currum ; spoliisque receptis,
Hue, Christo comitante, veni.  ¦ — Prud. ib.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 117
the captives rescued from Barbaric hands ;
bring them in the power of Christ, whose fa
vour has conferred them on the worshippers of
his name."
But unavailing were the fond visions of per
manent safety for Rome, thus lately triumphant.
After a short interval, Alaric again made his
appearance. Either dissatisfied with the new
settlement which he had obtained by treaty, or
harassed and deceived by the arts of Stilichp,'
he once more took up arms, and with better
success. He penetrated into Italy, directed his
march against Rome, and, after repeated at
tempts, took it by stratagem* in the year 1 164,
from the foundation of the city, and in the year
410 of the Christian aera. This is the great
event, from which the present subject has
arisen. f To this the Pagans confidently ap
pealed, for the purpose of imputing the disas
ters of the state to the civil establishment of
the Gospel, and of asserting the efficacy of the
antient idolatry in the promotion of temporal
Welfare. The Western empire did indeed re
cover from this calamity for a while, and was,
* Procop. de Bell. Vandal, lib. i. c. 2.
f See p. 54;

118 PAGANISM AND
not extinguished till about sixty years after.
But the Barbarians had now found their way
to the capitol, nor did they cease till they had
fully established themselves in it.
From the history thus presented to you it is
necessary to draw a few inferences.
1 . It is of particular importance to observe,
that the foundation of the public evils of Rome
was laid before the ministry of Christ began.
To establish this point, was the object of the
Christian advocates ; for hence it results, that
the Gospel is free from the charge brought
against it by the Pagans : it was not the cause
of the overthrow of the empire. The princi
ples of sound government were previously lost;
and with them, the proper support of sove
reignty. Such is the punishment whieh, in the
divine order of things, is commonly annexed to
the violation of the rules of reason and virtue,
in public as well as private life ; and the nume
rous instances which have been adduced of the
growing wickedness and weakness of Rome,
and the gradual and alarming successes, of the
Barbarians against it, must convince us, that
there is a natural connection between vice and
misfortune, a strong and unavoidable tendency
of "public profligacy, to the loss of national
power.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 110
2. In the same events; we may also observe a
judicial punishment acting for a more peculiar
purpose. After the church of Christ had risen
within the empire, it suffered those long and
dreadful persecutions which have been already
related. In the diminution of the power of
Rome, the Christian writers have, therefore,
piously acknowledged the- just visitation of
Heaven. They have carefully compared the
calamities of the empire, with the intolerance
of the Pagan sovereigns ; and they point out to
us the marks of divine vengeance, in the tem
poral chastisements which followed each per
secution of the faith, from the time of Nero to
the conversion of Constantine; and the last of
the ten plagues directed against the cruelties
of Heathen- Rome, was the public suppression
of its beloved, but guilty, idolatry, the cause of
all the evils which had been inflicted on the
believers of the Gospel.*
3. Hence too we see the general subserviency
of the temporal power of Rome to the wants
of "the church of Christ. The extent of the
empire, and the authority which it exercised,
* Novissima poena est omnium idolorum perditio, qua? pri<-
mitus facta in primis amabant. Oros. Hist. lib. vii. c. 27.

(120 PAGANISM AND
were, without its intention, indeed, without its
•knowledge, the means, of a wider and more
effectual propagation of the Gospel ; . nor did
its outward decline take place till the interests
of the Faith were, in some measure, secured.
Nay, in the events which befel it after the so
vereigns became Christian, a similar purpose
is still discoverable. It was the standing policy
of the empire to convert to Christianity all the
Barbarians who were received within the bor
ders, or over whom the influence of civilization
could be in any manner exerted;* and it is the
grateful observation of Orosius, that the very
decay of the civil power wrought the increase
bf the church of Christ.*]" There is yet another
indication of the same Divine purpose. Euche-
rius, the son of Stilicho, for whom he designed
* Procopius makes the observation, and says of the Heruli,
that they became milder men and better subjects in consequence
of their conversion: — tt/v Biairav ettI to ripEp&TEpov pETafia-
XovTEg, rdig Xpt?taiw vofioig kir\ ttXeItov irpoaxtopEiv 'iyvwaav,
Kal'Ptopaioig rara to fyfifiaxtKov ra TroXXa £7rt r«e TroXsfilag
fyvrdo-o-avTai. De Bell. Goth. lib. ii. c. 14.
t Si ob hoc solum Barbari Romanis finibus immissi forent,
quod vulgo per Orientem et Occidentem ecclesiae Christi Hun-
nis et Suevis, Vandalis et Burgundionibus, diversisque et innu-
nieris credentium populis replentur, laudanda et adtollenda Dei
misericordia videretur. Hist. lib. vii. c. 41.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. J21
the empire of the West, was secretly connected
with the Pagan party within the walls of Rome.
We are distinctly informed, that, from his early
years, he had seen with dislike the public
change of the faith of the empire, and medi
tated the ruin of the Christians ;* and a re
vengeful pledge, was said to have been given to
the enemies of the Gospel, that his attainment
of the imperial power should be the restoration
of the temples of the gods, and the overthrow
of the Christian churches. f This wickedness
was frustrated by his own death, and that of
his father. Nor was Paganism promoted by the
success of the Barbarians themselves. Rhada
gaisus was an idolater;*]: and in his march to
wards the city, offered daily sacrifices to the
gods, his protectors..^ When Rome fell, it sub
mitted to an enemy, who, though imperfectly
instructed in the faith, was the least hostile to it.
* Jam inde Christianorum persecutionem a puero privatoque
meditantem. Oros. lib. vii. c. 38.
f Occisus est et Eucherius, qui ad conciliandum sibi favorem
Paganorum, restitutione templorum et eversione ecclesiarum
imbuturum se regni primordia minabatur. Oros. ib.
X Paganus et Scytha erat. Oros. Hist. lib. vii. c. 37.
§ Quotidianis sacrifices placabat atque invitabat Deos. Aug.
Civ. Dei, lib. v. c. 23.

122 PAGANISM AND
Alaric was himself a professor of Christianity,*
and the protector of it in others. The civil po
lity had performed its temporary office, and was
dissolved. The religion of Christ is eternal, and
amidst the destruction of all other authority,
the Gospel was yet respected and maintained.
* Duo tunc Gothorum popnli cum duobus potentissimis re-
gibus suis;, quorum unus Christianus, piropiorque Romano;
alius Paganus, Barbaras, et vere Scytha. Oros. Hist. lib. vii.
c. 37.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 123

CHAPTER IV.
DISASTROUS ORIGIN OF THE ROMANS . . .THEIR GODS TWICE
VANQUISHED AT TROY...IMPOTENT GUARDIANS QF ITALX
...FATE NOT MORE SERVICEABLE TO THE ROMANS THAN
THEIR GODS...BETTER FAITH OF CHRISTIANS...INEERENCE
THAT PAGANISM DOES NOT CONFER TEMPORAL GOOD . . .
CONCLUSION OF THE FIRST PART.
The argument, that the Deities of Pagan Rome.
were the. bestowers of temporal happiness,, and
that the calamities which befel the empire in
its later age, were occasioned by the civil esta
blishment of Christianity, has. been refuted by
an appeal to history. The veil which, covered
from the eyes of the people the earlier disasters
of the state, was removed by the advoeates of
the Gospel: From their diligence and zeal,
therefore, came the description of the vices
and growing miseries of Rome, while yet idol
atrous ; while, as Augustin remarks, her super
stitions were in their fullest maintenance;, while
her priesthood was publicly honoured, and the
mingled odours of garlands and Sabean frank
incense ascended from the altars of her gods.*
* Quando ilia mala fiebant, calebatit arae numinum Sabseo

124 PAGANISM AND
This perhaps might be deemed sufficient for
the vindication of the Gospel. But, not con
tent with this, the Christian writers laboured
to expose the general inefficacy of the Heathen
worship. They ascended to the origin of the
Roman deities, and proved them to have been
equally helpless in Asia and in Italy: they de
scribed the miseries which ambition had in
flicted on the world amid the acknowledgement
of so corrupt a mythology, and concluded, that
the dominion of Rome had been derived from
other causes, and conferred for other purposes.
Of this part of the literary warfare with idola
try, some specimens shall therefore be given.
The criticism of our own days may indeed
deem such contention unimportant, and the
statement of it superfluous. But our researches
into the transactions of other ages must be
regulated by the circumstances of ' the times
to which they belong. We do not want to be
convinced of the folly of polytheism. But, in a
contest between two great parties of Christians
and Pagans, the question was justly regarded
as of great moment. To suppress it, therefore,
thure sertisque recentibus halabant : clarebant sacerdotia, fana
renidebarit ; sacrificabatur, ludebatur, furebatur in templis.
Civ. Dei, lib; iii. c. 31.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 125
would be to mutilate historic truth, and to cast
away one great feature from; the portrait of the
age which we delineate. .
Nothing was more flattering to the Romans,
than the mention of their Trojan origin. Ac
cordingly, it is everywhere insisted upon in
their histories. Livy* describes the progress of
iEneas and Antenor from the captured city —
their arrival in different parts of Italy, "with no
other means of empire than their arms and ves
sels; and the fond revival of the name of Troy
in a double settlement.
Nor was this descent from a vanquished race
unacknowledged by the greatest or the most
fortunate of the Romans. It was the pride of
Julius Caesar to- deduce his name from lulus. t
And so powerful was the remembrance of the
origin of his family in the mind of Augustus,
that he is supposed by some critics to have
entertained the design of transferring his new
sovereignty to its antient cradle, and of reviving
the Trojan empire by the force of Roman hands.
* Lib. i. c. l.
t Ot Be 'Pupaloi Tov r* 'Atviiav apxtyernv f/yaVTai' nretra* re
'I6Xtoe airo 'I6Xb rtvoe T&v . irpoyovu v. EKE~ivog B> arrb 'l6Xa r^v
irpoaiowfilav eo~xe Tavrriv, t&v diroyoviav iig &v t&v dirb 'Aivelo.
Strab. lib. 13. p. 409.

12*8 PAGANISM AND
With a view to this rumoured intention, it has-
been conjectured, that Horace wrote the third
ode of his third book. Juno, the original enemy
of Troy, is employed to declare the renewal of
her vengeance, if the hated city shall be rebuilt.
She will allow the posterity of the exiles to
attain greatness and glory in a distant country,
and to extend their dominion at pleasure to the
frozen or the burning zone. But the herds of
the field must continue to graze where Paris lies ;
and the tomb of Priam must still be the haunt
of the wild beasts. Should a mistaken piety
seek to restore the fated town ; though Apollo
should thrice rear the brazen wall, thrice should
it be overthrown by her victorious Greeks ; and
thrice should the captive matron bewail her
slaughtered husband and extinguished family*
It appears then, that some of the deities which
afterwards obtained the chief honours of Pagan
Rome, and were now supposed to contribute
to its possession of the empire of the world,
had been the principal instruments of the de
struction of its parent city! Nor was their
* Ter si resurgat murus aheneus,
Auctore Phcebo, ter pereat meis
Excisus Argivis ; ter uxor
Capta, virum puerosque ploret. —

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 127
anger transient or local. They pursue the fu
gitives, and are irreconcilable in their hatred to
the race itself of Troy; Augustin informs us,
that, in his age, Virgil was commonly taught
to the Roman children.* And what, he asks,
did they learn from this model of taste and
mythology, concerning their ancestors? The
rooted enmity of Juno td the boasted parent of
Rome, and her extended plan of destruction
against him and his followers.
Gens inimica mihi Tyrrhenum iiavigat aequor,
Ilitira in Italiam portans, vict^sqiie Penates;
On the other hand, Cybele was the friend of
Troy, which she could not protect against the
Greeks. Yet she too Was honoured at Rome,
as one of its chief defenders. TertuUian had
witnessed this fervour of devotion towards her,
and expressed his contempt of it.f These
* Quern propterea parvuli leguiit, ut poeta magnus, omnium-
que praeclarissimus atque optimus, terieris ebibitus -annis, non
faeile oblivione pbssit aboleri. Civ. Dei, lib. i. 3. For the
particulars which follow in the text, consult this chapter of
Augustin, and the 25th chap, of Tertullian's apology,
•f Apol. c. 25, He mentions a notion which probably was
entertained by some zealous devotee of Cybele^hat she allowed
the fall of Troy, knowing the vengeance that would be taken
for it in the future subjugation of Greece! In return, he tells
a story not very creditable to the prescience of the goddess, ,

12$ PAGANISM AND
guardian deities, therefore, were imported into
Italy, some of them hostile to the welfare of the
race of Rome, and others already vanquished.
iEneas himself declares the mortifying truth,
and describes the priest of Apollo escaping in
distraction from a temple no longer to be de
fended, and carrying in his hands the helpless
and fugitive deities.
Pantheus Othryades arcis Phcebique sacerdos,
Sacra manu, victosque Deos, parvumque nepotem
Ipse trahit, cursiique amens ad littora tendit.
And, that no doubt may remain of the impo
tence of these protectors of empire, the shade
of Hector makes its appearance, and solemnly
recommends them to - the superior care of
iEneas. Sacra, suosque sibi commendat Troja Penates.
Nay, those. deities who succeeded in their war
fare against Troy were condemned to witness,
in their turn, the overthrow of their own fa
vourite cities. Juno, so powerful in Phrygia,
whose priest shed some of his own blood on the altar at Sir-
mium for the life of M' Aurelius, who had now been seven days
dead ! He desires her to obtain better intelligence hereafter, '
lest she and her agents should fall into disgrace. O nuncios
tardos, quorum vitio excessum imperatoris non ante Cybele cog
novit. Nae talem Deum riderent Christian^

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 129
was utterly helpless at Carthage.* She loved
it, even to the neglect of Samos. She medi
tated perpetual empire for it; but the fates
interposed with superior force, and destroyed
her fondest hopes.  :  hie illius arma,
Hie cuitus fuit, hie regnum Dea gentibus esse,
Si qua fata sinant, jam turn tenditque fovetque.
Indeed, the greatest of the gods was equally
impotent. Jupiter himself could not preserve
his own Crete, though it contained his own.
tomb, from the Roman arms ; and Tertulliant
well observes that he too was indebted to the
fates for any power which he might have.
 fato stat Juppiter ipse, —
Are these then the gods, through whose inter
ference Rome was to have been preserved from
* Juno et deorum quisquis amicior
Afris, inulta cesserat impotens
Tellure.  Hor. Carm. lib. ii. od. 1.
t Apol. c. 25. He reverts with much force and spirit to this
subject in the 29th chapter which refutes the charge, that the
Christians showed a disaffection to the emperor in their con
tempt of the gods. He claims a just precedence for the emperor.
The gods belong to him : they were fabricated from his mines,
and, together with their temples, are at his disposal. The gods
therefore do not protect Caesar. He is a protector to them ; —
yet not always : for Caesar is sometimes displeased, and many
of them have felt the effects of his ill humour. Multi Dii
K

130 PAGANISM AND
the fury of Alaric ? Is it to their ineffectual
displeasure that the fall of the city is to be
ascribed ? And is it for the sake of regaining
the assistance of such miserable defenders of
empire, that Christianity is to be rejected, and
the Pagan worship restored ? That they con
tinued during so many ages in possession of
their temples and altars, is due to the worship
pers alone. The gods never preserved Rome.
Rome has maintained them in their places by
•its valour and its superstition.
Such was the unhappy fate of the Trojan
gods before their banishment to Italy. But the
ill-protected Troy was again overthrown after
its connection with the Roman fortunes, and
amid the guardianship of their common deities.
The perjury of Laomedon,* and the injuries
offered to Menelaiis were urged as sufficient
causes of the former abandonment of the city
by the gods, the lovers of justice. But what
were the crimes to be revenged, when it fell
once more under the fury of the conqueror ?
habuerunt Caesarem iratum. Ita qui sunt in Caesaris potestate,
cujus et toti sunt, quomodo habebunt salutem Caesaris in potes
tate ? Compare pp. 57, 58.
* Priamo, inquiunt, sunt reddita Laomedontea patema per-
juria. Aug. Civ. Dei, lib. iii. c. 2.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 131
The inhabitants of Ilium, in -Strabo's time,
were disposed to maintain, with some show of
vanity, that their town stood upon the site of
the ancient Troy* But he places the second
Ilium at the distance of about thirty stadia from
the first.*]" It was an humble village ; and its
only boast was a temple of Minerva, small and
of plain construction. But the curiosity of
Alexander having drawn him thither after the
battle of Granicus, he made devotional offer
ings to the goddess, repaired and somewhat
enlarged the place, and honoured it with the
name of a city. He promised further favours,
which he did not live to bestow, but which
were remembered by some of his successors in
that branch of the Macedonian empire. — When
the Romans made their first appearance in Asia,
in the war against Antiochus the Great, they
found it a town of a moderate size, but fallen
into such poverty, that, according to the testi-
* Oi Be vvv 'I\i£*ie (piXoBoEpvTEg Kal BiXovrEg E~tvat ravTinv rf/v
TrdXatdv {ttoXiv) 7rapE0-x*)Ka'Tl ^byov rdlg ek rfjg 'Ofifipa Trotrio-Euig
TEKpaipofiivoig- 6v yapeoiKEV av-rj £lvai,ri Ka8"lOpr)pov. Strab.
lib. xiii. p. 408.
•f « yap kvravBa 'IBpvo-e (IXoe) T))v WXti/ oirs vvv k-ziv' aXXa
ax^Bbv ti TptaKovra <?aBtotg avwripo) 7rpbg eo) Kal irpoe rrjv "lBt)v,
Kal t-jjv AapSavtav, KardTrjv vvv KaXupivnv 'IXieW Ktofxr)v. ib.
K 2

132 PAGANISM AND
mony of an eye-witness, the houses had not
even the luxury of tile coverings. Through the
kindness of Rome, however, it soon received
much enlargement and beauty. And in this
improved and happy condition it was found by
Fimbria in the Mithridatic war. The writers
who attempt to describe the character of this
ferocious partisan of Cinna, seem almost at a
loss for words to express it.* He went out as
lieutenant or friend, with V. Flaccus the consul,
whom, at length, he murdered, with no ordinary
marks of cruelty if and it was with the army,
of which he had obtained.the command by this
act of treachery and blood, that he assaulted
Ilium which had reserved itself for Sylla, and
refused to admit Fimbria within its walls.
The innocent city was now treated with far
* In the Epitome of Livy, lib. Ixxxii. he is called a man
ultimae audaciae. And by Augustin he is branded with the
just distinction of viro spurcissimo Romanorum. Civ. Dei,
lib. iii. c. 7.
t Appian thus mentions the event:— 6 Be $i/j.f}ptdg avrby
etteXBuv EKTEtvev, virarov te ovra 'Pwpaltov, Kal ^parriyuv tSSe
th TroXkpa, IBiiirrig avrbg &v, Kal wg fiXa keXevovti avvEXrjXvBwg'
EKTEpuiv Be Tr)v KE<paXr)v avrS, jiEBrJKEV kg BdXaaaav, Kal to
Xonrbv draajov EKpl\j/ag, avrbv avroKparopa aTrifrjVE Ta ^parS.
De Bell. Mithrid.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 133
more cruelty than by the Greeks of old.* We
are distinctly informed, that before he entered
the place, Fimbria proclaimed his inhuman re
solution that nothing should be spared :*]* and
the manner in which he proceeded to execute
his vengeance is circumstantially related by
Appian. He slew all whom he met, and burnt
the city itself. On those who were concerned
in sending the offer of its services to Sylla, he
inflicted various torments. Not even the altars
of the gods were spared ; and those who had
fled for refuge to the temple of Minerva,
perished in the fire which consumed the temple
itself. The very walls were overthrown, and
on the day following the execution, Fimbria
made a circuit round the ruins, in order to ob
tain with his own eyes the dreadful satisfaction
that nothing was left standing. %
* Quid miserum commiserat Ilium, ut ii Fimbria Mariana-
rum partium homine pessimo everteretur, multo ferocius atque
crudelius quam olim a Graecis ? Aug. Civ. Dei, lib. iii. c. 7.
The same is the observation of Appian : — >; pkv Br), x^pova
t&v ettI 'AyafiifJ-vovt naBaaa vtto ovyyEvag, BwX&Xei' Kal oikotte-
Bov 6Bkv avriig, »S' upbv, aB' ayaX/ia etl fjv. De Bell. Mithrid.
•f" Fimbria prius edictum proposuit ne cui parceretur ; atque
urbem totam, cunctosque in ea homines incendio coucremavit.
Aug. ib.
X Appian supposes indeed that Fimbria took a treacherous

134 PAGANISM AND
It had been zealously contended by the Pa
gans in excuse of the gods, who had protected
the first Troy, that the town was not destroyed
till they had quitted their stations in it.
Excessere omnes, adytis arisque relictis,
Di, quibus imperium hoc steterat 

But the second Ilium fell while all its deities
remained within the walls. The antient city
was lost because the Palladium was removed :
but Augustin informs us, on the authority of
Livy, whose words time has not spared to us,
that the image of Minerva alone kept its place,
while every other was overthrown ; and that it
was afterwards found erect and entire, under
the ruins of her own -temple !*
vengeance, after he had requested admission as a relation : —
ecteXBuiv Be rag kv iroal Tvavrag ekteive, Kal wdvTa EVE-n-ijXTrp-n, Kal
rag irpEajoEvaavrag kg rbv 2i/XXaj> kXvf.ialvETO TrotKtXoig, Ste t&v
lep&v <pEtB6fiEvog, Ste t&v kg tov vewv rfjg ABrjvblg KaraQvyovridv,
fie dvTiip Tig ve& KaTETrpna-E' KaricKaTrre Be Kal ra teixVi Kal rijg
Ewiaarie ripevva TZEpii&v, jifi rl gvve<tt]ke rrjg iroXeue 'in. DeBell.
Mithrid. * Eversis quippe et incensis omnibus cum oppido simula-
chris, solum Minervae simulachrum, sub tanta ruina templi
illius, ut scribit Livius, integrum stetisse perhibetur. Civ. Dei,
lib. iii. c. 7. Appian cannot refrain from hinting, that this
might have been the Palladium deposited there by Diomede
and Ulysses ! — Perhaps the posture in which it was found, may

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 135
Such, retorted the Christian writers, are the
fortunes of the twice vanquished Troy. It
equally suffers, whether its gods be present or
absent ; from the enmity of the Greeks, and
the alliance of the Romans its friends, its pro
tectors and kindred.* It was therefore altoge
ther unadvisable to trust the guardianship of
Rome to deities which had so shamefully failed
at the first Troy. Nor indeed did they succeed
better in protecting the establishments com
mitted to their care, after their arrival in Italy.
Augustin reminds us, that Lavinium, which had
kindly received them fugitive and forlorn, v^as
soon abandoned for Alba ; and that Alba, the
nearer parent of Rome, was deserted and de
stroyed for the sake of Rome itself.*]" Nor was
serve to determine the dispute about its antiquity. Homer's
Minerva was sitting. This is remarked by Strabo, who adds,
that such was her antient attitude in several places : IloXXa
Be t&v apxdwv r% 'ABrjvdg ipdvtav KaBfipsva BiiKwrai, KaBa-
¦KEp kv $a)Kata, MeorfraXta, 'Ptujur;, Xt'w, Kal aXXatg ttXeioo-iv, &c.
lib. xiii. p. 413.
* 'QkeXevo-e Be Kal avrbv, bvra 'Pwpdtov, Eiaia BixEoBaC ca-
TEipavEvadfiEvog n Kal rfjg avyyEvitag Trjg Scr-ng kg 'Pwpdiag
'IXtEvaiv. App. de Bell. Mithrid,
t Alba subversa est, ubi post Ilium, quod Graeci everterunt,
et post Lavinium, ubi rex Latinus eum regem, peregrinum
atque fugitivum, constituent, tertio loco habitaverunt numina
illaTrojana. Civ. Dei, lib. iii. c. 14.

136 PAGANISM AND
Rome more secure, through their assistance,
than the places from which the gods were
already driven. The victorious Gauls repeat
edly exhibited before the descendants of the
Trojans that picture of desolation which had
been presented to the eyes of their ancestors by
the vengeance of the Greeks ; and Livy con
fesses that the guardian powers of Rome which
could not be removed from the fury of Brennus,
were buried in the earth by their worshippers,*
and that the temples and houses were plundered
and burnt by the conqueror.
From the inauspicious descent therefore of
the Roman gods, and the repeated failure of
protection to their votaries, it was safely con
cluded, that the evils which befel the city
through the hostility of Alaric, were not occa
sioned by the establishment of Christianity, and
the consequent displeasure of the neglected
idols. Long before the appearance of Christ
upon earth, they were equally unable to defend
their worshippers, at Troy, the parent and the
daughter of Rome, and at Rome itself.
With this argument was connected another
which proved the superior sufferings of the
* Optimum ducunt, condita in doliolis defodere. Lib. v.
c. 40.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 137
Pagans in a state of war. We have heard their
complaint, that the favour of Bellona was re
cently withdrawn from them, and that the hos
tilities in which the empire now engaged, were
more destructive than before. This was well
refuted by contrasting the influence of idolatry
and the Gospel under the same circumstances,
and by appealing to the merciful conduct of
Alaric. Sallust has somewhere said, that the Romans
were a people naturally just.* Indeed, nothing
is more extolled by their writers than their love
of equity, their mildness and forbearance, and
their disposition to pardon injuries rather than
revenge them by unnecessary war. And from
this spirit of flattery came the celebrated com
pliment of Virgil -which was so long remem
bered, and so fondly quoted at Rome as the
proper characteristic of its temper and genius.
To excel in arts, in oratory, or science, might
be allowed to the Greek ; the proper business
of the Roman was imperial; to extend his go
vernment over the world, and to prescribe the
laws of peace ; to quell resistance, but never to
withhold mercy from the suppliant ; to cherish
* Jus bonumque apud eos non legibus magis quiim natura
valebat. Apud Aug. Civ. Dei, lib. ii. c. 18.

138 PAGANISM AND
the submissive, and to chastise only those who
presumed to rise up against his rightful and
universal dominion.* But what was the mili
tary practice of a people thus naturally just,
thus prone to forgiveness ? The same Sallust
too well informs us in the description which
Caesar gives of the cruelties of Catiline and the
conspirators : — " Murder, conflagration, chil
dren torn from the embraces of their parents ;
the parents themselves slain, or made the vic
tims of the conqueror's will ; houses and tem
ples plundered, arms and dead bodies lying in
promiscuous heaps, every place disfigured with
blood and resounding with lamentation !"| Are
these only the sanguinary excesses of civil
rage ? Look then to the usual effects of their
unrelenting hostilities against every nation.
It is a dreadful fact in the history of the Ro
mans, that, when the town of an enemy was
* Tu regere imperio populos, Romane, memento,
(Hze tibi erunt artes,) pacisque imponere morem ;
Parcere subjectis, et debellare superbos.
f Rapi virgines, pueros j divelli liberos a parentum am-
plexu, matres-familiarum pati quae victoribus collibuisset, fana
atque domos spoliari, caedem et incendia fieri ; postremo armis,
cadaveribus, cruore, atque luctu omnia compleri. Apud Aug.
Civ. Dei, lib. i. c. 5.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 13&
taken, no protection was publicly allowed. In
the wars which their desolating ambition waged
during so many ages of Paganism, it was no
part of their system to show mercy to man or
piety to the gods, by abstaining from blood in
places the most sacred. They sternly pursued
their destructive object, and sacrificed their
helpless victims in the temples and at the very
altars.* Augustin boldly refers his opponents
to the conduct of those commanders whose
clemency and piety had been most extolled.
Marcellus is represented by the Roman writers
at the siege of Syracuse with all the amiable
ness which national flattery could bestow on
him ; and they carefully mention the tears
which he shed at the thoughts of the misery
which the city was about to suffer at his hands.
But Marcellus, deceitfully humane, proclaimed
no asylum for the wretched inhabitants. The
custom of Roman war took its fatal course ;
and we read of no mercy experienced by the
vanquished, of no shrine that was spared! The
piety of Fabius at Tarentum was equal to this
* Quando tot tantasque urbes, ut late dominarentur, ex-
pugnatas captasque everterunt, legatur nobis, quae templa exci-
pere solebant, ut ad ea quisquis confugisset, liberaretur > Civ.
Dei, lib. i. c. 6.

140 PAGANISM AND
boasted humanity. He sacked the town, and
made a promiscuous slaughter of the citizens.
He rifled the temples, and took prisoners the
gods themselves.* But these lessons of atrocity
had been taught long since to their ancestors at
Troy. The Greeks had ravaged the temples of
all the gods. The shrine of Juno herself was
made the depository of the images and holy
vessels collected from her kindred deities ; and
instead of restraining an impious plunder, she
was compelled to preserve it.f Indeed, some
of the most affecting poetry of Virgil is em
ployed in describing the slaughter of the aged
and feeble Priam at the very altar of Jupiter
Herceeus. ** The gods which he did not cany away, he left with a
sneer : — Cum ei scriba suggessisset, quid de signis Deorum,
quae multa capta fuerunt, fieri juberet, continentiam suam etiam
jocando condivit. Quaesivit enim, cujusmodi essent ; et cum ei
non solum multa giandia, verum etiam renunciarentur armata ;
Relinquamus, inquit, Tarentinis Deos iratos. Civ. Dei, lib. i.
c. 6. For the boasted mercy of iEmilius Paullus, — the
seventy towns in Epirus given up to plunder, and 150,000 of
the inhabitants sold for slaves, see Livy, lib. xiv. § 34.
t Custodes lecti Phoenix et dirus Ulysses
Praedam asservabant : hue undique Troi'a gaza
Incensis erepta adytis, mensaeque Deorum,
Crateresque auro solidi, captivique vestis
Congeritur.  iEn. ii.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 141
From this disgusting picture of ambition
urging its way through every obstacle, let us
turn to the better practice of the Barbarians.
Even the imperfect notions of Christianity
which had been entertained by Alaric, pro
duced consequences more merciful than were
ever furnished by the boasted, but sophistical
humanity of Pagan Rome. The trembling city
expected nothing but destruction at his hands ;
but when his army was on the point of enter
ing it, two proclamations were issued,* that
unnecessary slaughter should be avoided ; and
that inviolable protection should be granted to
all who took refuge in the churches, and par
ticularly in those which were dedicated to the
apostles St. Peter and St. Paul. We know,
that this was religiously observed. The holy
places were filled with a mixed multitude of
fugitives who sought the promised safety, and
who found it there. Within that sanctuary,
the arm of violence, was not lifted against the
* Adest Alaricus, trepidam Romam obsidet, turbat, irrumpit.
Dato tamen praecepto prius, ut si qui in sancta loca, praeci-
pueque in sanctorum apostolorum Petri et Pauli basilicas con-
fugissent, hos in primis inviolatos securosque esse sinerent.
Turn deinde, in quantum possent, prsedae inhiantes, a sanguine
temperarcnt. Oros. Hist. lib. vii. c. 39.

142 PAGANISM AND
suppliant; from those altars no captive was
dragged to death or slavery; nay, we read,
that the pitying enemy, of his own accord,
placed within the Christian asyla,* those Pa
gans whom he might have slain, and who, by
the practice of Roman warfare, would have
been considered just objects of vengeance within
the temples of their own false deities. Shall
the infidelity of our own days, an infidelity
worse than Pagan, insinuate a malicious doubt
of the mercy of Alaric ? It might be amply
illustrated from the records of the military
transactions of those barbarians, who, in a sub
sequent age, contended for the possession of
Italy against the arms of the Eastern empire.
If the zeal of Augustin or Orosius be repre
sented as receiving, with too much readiness,
a testimony flattering to the cause of Christi
anity, who shall attribute such a bias to the
mind of Procopius ? Yet, whoever peruses his
account of the Gothic war, will meet with more
instances of genuine mercy, continence, and
generosity, on the part of the barbarians alone,
* Ibi accipiebat limitem trucidatoris furor : illuc duceban-
tur a, miserantibus hostibus, quibus etiam extra ipsa loca pe-
percerant, ne in eos incurrerent, qui similem misericordiam
non habebant. Civ. Dei, lib. i. c. 1.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 143
than can be furnished by the entire military
history of Pagan Rome.*
It appears then, that the sufferings of the
city from the hands of Alaric, could not, at the
utmost, be greater than the custom of Roman
* In another siege of Rome, the Goths would not injure the
church of St Paul,, which stood without the walls, and was
connected with it by a long colonnade, though their own
operations were impeded by it: but divine service was ad
ministered there as usual. The same reverence was shown
to the church of St. Peter. "EWt Be Tig Kal dtBiag 7rpbg Tavra Brl
ret tepci rote YorBotg' kg aBirEpov •ySj' to'iv wirozoXoiv veu>v, 7rapd
iravra tov Ta 7toXejxh Kaipbv, a^api ti irpbg dvr&v yiyovEV.
De Bell. Goth. lib. ii. c. 4. When Totilas afterwards went
to the siege of the city, he treated the inhabitants of the coun
try with great mildness, and when he had taken Rome, having
gone to pray in the church of St. Peter, he issued orders to
stop all further effusion of blood, ib. lib. iii. c. 13 — 20. The
conduct of the same barbarian at the capture of Naples had
been singularly humane. The inhabitants having been nearly
famished during the siege, he himself prescribed, that a moderate
quantity of food should at first be given to each of them. He
accustomed them gradually to the use of sustenance so long
withheld, and prevented the mischiefs which would have re
sulted from a sudden and voracious indulgence. When he had
saved their lives, he set them at liberty, not excepting even the
garrison. Procopius is so struck with this extraordinary hu
manity, that he seems to doubt the credibility of it in an enemy
and a barbarian: — §CXavBpu>iriav kg rag fiXoiKorag ETTEcVSaro,
Ste TToXEfittf, Ste /3apj3dp<p dvSpl irpiiraimv. lib. iii. c. 8.

144 PAGANISM AND
war allowed ; but that the new features of hu
manity were the immediate and happy effects
of the religion of Christ.* Yet, says Augustin,
the Pagans persist in attributing their misfor
tunes to the civil establishment of the Gospel !
In the moment of danger, they abjured their
useless gods ; and in order to conciliate the
barbarian soldier, tremblingly pronounced the
name of Christ. The danger being removed,
they now return to their heathen impiety, and
again blaspheme that sacred Name to which
they owe their unmerited safety. The common
evils which have attended the capture of the
city they perversely impute to our holy reli
gion : the benefits which they have unexpect
edly experienced, they arrogantly ascribe to
their own fate ! f
* Quicquid igitur vastationis, trucidationis, depraedationis — -
in ista, recentissima Romana clade commissum est, fecit hoc con-
suetudo bellorum. Quod autem more novo factum est, ut am-
plissimae basilicas implendae populo cui parceretur, eligerentur
et decernerentur, ubi nemo feriretur, unde nemo raperetur, quo
liberandi multi a miserantibus hostibus ducerentur, unde capti-
vandinulli nee ii crudelibus hostibus abducerentur; hoc Christi
nomini, hoc Christiano tempori tribuendum, quisquis non videt,
caecus ; quisquis videt, nee laudat, ingratus ; quisquis laudanti
reluctatur, insanus est. Aug. Civ. Dei, lib. i. c. 7.
t Sic evas'erunt multi, qui nunc Christianis temporibus de-

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 145
Had then the fate of the Romans that influ
ence in their preservation which the gods did
not possess ?
Augustin gives us a view of the notions
Which were entertained in his time concerning
the influence of fate, and that consequent
knowledge of events which might be obtained
from the practice of astrology. It was stren
uously maintained by some,, that the stars had
a certain virtue of their own,* and that they
portended what they pleased through their po
sition, — a position exclusive of the will of the
gods, or at least superior to it. This had been
noticed by Cicero as a doctrine which had many
followers in his age ; and a decisive influence
over the birth and fortunes of individuals was
superstitiously attributed to the zodiac. f It is
evident, that the tendency of such an opinion
was to destroy the belief, or the worship, of the
trahunt ; et mala, quae ilia civitas perttflit, Christo imputant ;
bona vero quae in eos ut viverent, propter Christi honorem facta
sunt, non imputant Christo nostro, seifato suo. ib. lib. 1. c. 1.
* Aliqui — intelligunt vim positionis siderum, qualis est
quandp.quis nascitur, sive concipitur, quod aliqui alienant a
Dei voluntate. Civ. Dei, lib. v. c. 1.
f Vim quandam esse aiunt signifero in orbe, qui Graeco
faBiaKbg dicitur. De Divinat. lib. ii. c. 42.
E

146 PAGANISM AND
gods altogether :* for all rational supplication
is directed to an object of supposed power ; but
if the gods had only a subordinate and permit
ted direction of events, their altars must soon
be deserted for those of their superiors. This
inconvenient consequence was perceived by
another class of persons, who therefore at
tempted to preserve the credit of the stars and
the gods together. Their argument was, that
although human events were immediately indi
cated by the position and aspect of the stars,
yet the real directors of these appearances
were the gods from their remoter situations, f
They impressed certain impulses on the face of
the heavens ; and these Were communicated to
mortals through the observation of the stars.
In this sense therefore, the stars were only a
convenient medium of the will of the gods, the
instruments of their sovereign pleasure. But
here again it is evident, that, if all human ac-
* This was also the conclusion of Eusebius, or rather of
Origen, from whom he quotes : — ktyhp KarrivayKaiaiTaBE nvd
yEvioBat, Kal ol asipEg Trota&ev, aBkv Be rrapd Tijv Tanav vpbg
aXX^Xsc £7ri5rXoicjyj' Bvvarat yEviaBai, Seov aXoyl^wg afyaptv
rdBs nvd tipiv BupiioaoBai. Praep. Evang. lib. vi. c. 1 1 .
t Dicuntiir stellae significare potius ista quam facere. Civ.
Dei, lib. v. c. 1.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 147
tions are determined by the will of the gods,
the gods are chargeable with all the crimes and
calamities of mankind ; an opinion, from which
Plato shrunk with so much horror, that he pur
posely committed the formation of mortals to
the lesser gods, lest his Demiurge should suffer
a just reproach from the moral irregularities
which might follow.* But indeed the whole
language of Roman astrology was equally ad
verse to this interpretation ; and the terms of
the Mathematici, as they were called, asserted
in the strongest manner, that events were for
tunate or otherwise, and actions were good or
evil, by the positive determination of the
stars. f Upon this, as well as every other
branch of divination practised at Rome, Cicero
poured all the force of his ridicule. Arid in
deed, the absurdity inherent in the art itself,
was often found to be highly embarrassing to
the professors. One of these perplexities we
see in the account of Nigidius, a man deemed
of sufficient genius and learning to be named
* tva rfjg eireiTa 'lit) Kadag EKa^ig avatnog. Plutarch. De
Eato, c. 9.
•j- Non quidem ita solent loqui Mathematici, ut dicant, Mars
ita positus homicidam significat, sed homicidam facit. Civ.
Dei, lib. v. c. 1.
L2

148 PAGANISM AND
together with Varro.* He was driven to a
strange method of maintaining the credit of his
opinions. In order to explain the different
fates of twin brothers, he exhibited the notable
experiment of the wheel, from which he ob
tained the name of Figulus. As the wheel
turned rapidly round, he marked it with ink,
at two quick strokes. When the wheel stop
ped, the marks were found at almost the oppo
site parts of the circle. " Thus it is," said he,
" with the rotation of the circle of the heavens.
This also is so rapid, that children born, as it
were, at the same moment, have very different
parts of the heavens presented to them ; and
thus is their dissimilarity explained !"f
* A. Gellius, lib. xix. c. 14. Lucan speaks of him, as
might be expected, with much reverence. —
At Figulus, cui cura Deos, secretaque coeli
Nosse fuit, quem non stellarum jEgyptia Memphis
^Equaret visu, numerisque moventibus astra.
Aut hie errat (ait) nulla cum lege per aevum
Mundus, et incerto discurrunt sidera motu ;
Aut, si fata movent, orbi, generique paratur
Humano matura lues  Lib. i. v. 639.
f Sic, inquit, in tanta coeli rapacitate, etiam si alter post
alterum, tanta celeritate nascatur, quanta rotam bis ipse per-
cussi, in coeli spat'io plurimum est. Hinc sunt, inquit, quae-
cunque dissimillima perhibentur in moribus, casibusque gemi-
norum. Aug. Civ. Dei, lib., v. c. 3.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 149
The same uncertainty and contradiction is
found in all the systems of the Pagans concern
ing fate, providence, and the events of human
life. Some appeared to exclude a providence
by the establishment of fate ; and others, giving
the supreme rank to providence, made fate
consequential to it, and dependent upon it.
This, the more lofty of the opinions of antiquity,
was taught by Plato. According to the view
taken of this part of his philosophy by Plutarch,
he establishes a triple providence. The first*
consists in an union of the intelligence and
beneficence of the prime Deity, and the appli
cation of these qualities to the beauty, order,
and perfection of every thing divine. The next
resides in the secondary gods. These make
their progress through the heavens indeed ; but
their office is to preserve the order assigned to
mortal affairs, and to provide for the safety and
continuance of things in their kinds. The last
providence is that which is exerted by the De-
* "E-rtv av ttpbvoia, r) jxev 'AviaraTW Kal TIp&Tn, ra irpfora 0£»
vo-naig, eite Kal fidX-qaig baa, Evepying airavrtav, KaB' ifr irpfoTiag
EKata t&v Bittov Btawavrbg api^d te ko.1 KaXXfra KEKoapnrat. 'H
Be AEvripa, BEvripuiv Se&v t&v Kar ovpavov "iovtuiv, KaB' rjv to. te
Svnrd yivETai TETay/xkviMig, Kal baa Tipbg Biafiovrjv Kal aiorripiav
EKarwv t&v yEj/wy. Tpt'rJj B av e'ikoti priBsir] icpovotd te Kal wpo-
priBEia t&v oaoi Ttepl yrjv Baifiovsg TETay/ikvot t&v hvBpumlvwv
TTpdifw <pvXaKE£ te Kal kmoKOTroi Etatv. De Fato, c. 9.

150 PAGANISM AND
mons. To these is committed the inspection
of the actions of individuals ; and, for the more
convenient discharge of this office, they are
placed near to the earth, and around it. Fate
therefore is here subjected to the primary pro
vidence, or the result of it. And this conclusion
is drawn from the doctrine expressed by Timseus
concerning the formation of the world. For,
when the Demiurge had extracted the present
order of things from the confusion in which
they lay, he taught to the souls which were
next provided, and placed in the stars, the
nature of all things, and the law which they
were to follow. And in these settled injunc
tions consists the declaration of fate. But it
would be unprofitable, and indeed endless, to
pursue the opinions of the most enlightened of
the Heathens concerning a supreme will and
the consequent nature of human events. Some
maintained, that those things only were possible,
which were certainly to take place hereafter,
while others asserted the possibility, though
the things should never happen. Some, as we
have seen, could not understand the condition
of man without calling in the controul of fate ;
while others contended, that what might be
satisfactorily explained through the laws of
nature and the accidents of fortune, ought to

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. - 151
exclude the interference of fate. Some affirmed
all past events to have been necessary, and
thence concluded, that future events connected
with those must be necessary also. Other
philosophers denied both positions.* There is
only one more of these notions which shall be
noticed, on account of the part which the
Christian writers took in the refutation of it.
It was the system of those, who, abandoning
the agency of the stars, asserted a physical fate
in an eternal series and concatenation of causes
and effects.*]" This, however, they still referred
to the will of the gods ; and thus was produced
a necessity in mortal affairs through a divine
predestination, notwithstanding the distinctions
invented by Chrysippus,*}; in order to rescue
his doctrine from that reproach.
* These and many other notions of the same kind, are to
be found in the fragment of Cicero De Fato. This with the
two books of Divination, and the Treatise of the Nature of the
Gods, will give a good view of the opinions of the antients on
the subjects in question.
f Qui non astrorum constitutionem, sed omnium connexio-
nem seriemque causarum qua fit omne quod fit, Fati nomine
appellant. Civ. Dei, lib. v. c. 8.
{ Chrysippus autem, cum et necessitatem improbaret, et
nihil vellet sine praepositis causis evenire, causarum genera dis-
tinguit, ut et necessitatem effugiat, et retineat fatum. Cic. de

152 PAGANISM AND
This opinion had been encountered by Cicero;
and in one part of his argument against the
Stoics he is supported by Augustin. Cicero
maintained the freedom of human will ; and it
was in defence of this favourite position, that
he denied the power of foretelling future events,
the point which his brother Quintus was so
anxious to prove.* Augustin concurs with him
in the assertion of the free will of man, but
corrects his imperfect notions of the prescience
of God.t Cicero seems to have feared that
future events could not be foreseen, except
through the supposition of a fate. While there
fore he reprobated the doctrine of a fate, and,
at the same time, the knowledge of futurity, he
destroyed the perfections of the Deity. But
Augustin informs him, that God, by his nature,
necessarily knows whatever will be done, yet
that man is subject to no fate. The Divine
prescience has no influence on human actions ;
and man himself, not knowing future events,
labours to produce them with the full freedom
Fato. This distinction was between proximate and principal,
efficient and antecedent causes, &c.
* Cic. De Divinat.
f This important point is carefully discussed in the 9th and
10th Chapters of the 5th Book of Civ. Dei.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 153
of his will. Nor is this freedom violated be
cause the order of things is foreseen. Our wills
are themselves a part of that order; and though
the actions flow from them, and are their fore
seen effects, they are, as to man, substantially
and properly free.*
This appeal then to the assistance of fate,
whether separate from Providence, or in con
currence with it, is proved to be of no avail to
the cause of Paganism ; and the question is
brought round to the point from which it
began ; namely, the protection afforded to the
empire by the gods of Rome. That these were
unable to support the state, was first proved ;
and when, for the sake of an escape, recourse
was had to the supposition of a fate, this has
also appeared to be nugatory. Cicero deter
mined against the Stoics, the nullity of fate ;
and while he refuted others, he was himself
corrected by Augustin, who, having maintained
with him the freedom of human actions, esta-
* Non est autem consequens, ut si Deo certus est omnium
ordo causarum, ideo nihil sit in nostrae voluntatis arbitrio. Et,
ipsae quippe nostrae voluntates in causarum ordine sunt, qui
certus est Deb, ejusque praescientia continetur : quoniam et
humanae voluntates humanorum operum causae sunt. Civ. Dei,
lib. v. c. 9.

154 PAGANISM AND
blished against him the compatibility of the
Divine prescience with our moral liberty.* The
result is, therefore, that those Pagans who were
preserved at the capture of Rome, had no more
obligation to their fate, than the empire at large
owed to its gods. What the rest of the inha
bitants suffered at the hands of Alaric, was the
usual treatment of war, or the proper punish
ment of their sins. — Still there were a few cir
cumstances connected with the fall of the city,
from which the vindictive disposition of Hea-
* This is the subject of one of Bo'ethius's conversations;
and the result is similar ; — Haec igitur etiam praecognita liberos
habent eventus. De Consolat. Philos. lib. v. Pros. 4. The
same conclusion had been drawn by Origen : to rijv irpbyvbtaiv
Ta 0eS fir) E~ivai KaravayKa^tKriv t&v irpoeyvUHTfiEVbiv irdvTiag.
The question is treated at length in the 6th Book of Eusebius's
Preparation. See particularly c. 6 and 1 1 . Milton endeavours
to give the highest authority to this doctrine, by ascribing it
to the Almighty, concerning the fallen angels.
 they themselves decreed
Their own revolt, not 1 ; if I foreknew,
Foreknowledge had no influence on theh- fault,
Which had no less prov'd certain, unforeknown.
So without least impulse or shadow of fate,
Or aught by me immutably foreseen,
They trespass, authors to themselves in all,
Both what they judge and what they choose. Book iii.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 155
thenism drew a malignant satisfaction ; and they
shall here be noticed, chiefly for the sake, of
pointing out the sentiments of the early writers
of the Church, on one of the most important
articles of our religion.
There were two classes of persons who rea
soned in this hostile manner. Some, as was
lately observed, had been saved from instant
death by the influence of the name of Christ.
Hence was drawn an argument of singular per-
verseness, that to preserve an enemy was un
worthy of the Deity ; and that, in an indulgence
granted in common to the believers of Christ,
and the haters of his name, a want was betrayed
either of sagacity to perceive a just distinction,
or of power to enforce it!* To these blasphe
mers it was answered, that they wholly mis
took the moral government of God upon earth,
and that they ought to view it in analogy with
his natural Providence. " He maketh the sun
to shine upon the evil and the good ; and send-
eth rain on the just and on the unjust."*]" Of
the civil blessings, therefore, which are poured,
in so liberal a manner, from the opened hand of
* Cur ergo ista divina misericordia etiam ad impios ingra-
tosque pervenit? Civ. Dei, lib. i. c. 8.
f St. Matt. v. 45.

156 PAGANISM AND
God, a portion falls on the evil and undeserving.
But this goodness is not the effect of weakness
or imprudence in the great Author of it. His
object is, to soften the hearts of those who share
his bounty, and to bring them to repentance.*
And it is pleasing to observe, that, while so
many Pagans hardened themselves against the
experience of Divine mercy, and became more
obnoxious to punishment in another world,
some of them were effectually touched with re
morse by their unexpected deliverance. They
repented of their past sins, forsook the worship
of their idols, were converted to the faith, and
openly justified the preservation which had
been extended to their persons.*]"
The other class dwelt on an accusation of a
different kind, which led, without their inten
tion, to the most satisfactory defence of the
Gospel. The idolater, unable to vindicate his
own deities, whose helplessness was proved by
so many convincing instances, thought that
* The same thought is applied by the apostle to the Divine
purpose, in the revelation of his will. " Despisest thou the
riches of his goodness, not knowing that the goodness of God
leadeth thee to repentance ?" Rom. ii. 4.
t Quidam eorum ista cogitantes, poenitendo ab impietate se
corrigunt. Civ. Dei, lib. i. c. 8.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 157
their honour might yet be preserved, if he
could implicate the God of the Christians in
the same failure of protection. It was retorted
therefore, with much appearance of triumph,
that during the siege, and in the assault of the
city, the Christian inhabitants had suffered to
gether With the worshippers of the false gods.
They had been wasted with the common famine,
and many were slain in the contest, or had fallen
into the hands of the Barbarians.* To these
objectors, it was replied with equal force of
truth, that the sufferings of the Christian are
to him no cause of despondency, no proof either
of the weakness or malevolence of the Deity
whom he serves. The Providence of God has
placed him in this world as a candidate for
greater happiness in another and eternal state :
and knowing that this high reward is reserved
for him, he does not expect a present exemp
tion from the evils of life; he patiently waits
for that final judgment which shall separate the
servants of God, from those that obey him not;*]"
* Multos, inquiunt, etiam Christianos fames diuturna vasta-
vity — multi etiam interfecti sunt, — multi etiam captivi ducti
sunt. Civ. Dei, lib. i. c. 1 1-: — 14.
f This ' had also been the argument of TertuUian against
those, who, in his time, objected to the Christians, that their

158 PAGANISM AND
and meanwhile makes his very trials conducive
to his future happiness. They correct his er
rors, sober his passions, purify his heart, and
tend to preserve him in the fear and favour of
God. While, therefore, he joyfully acknow
ledges blessings, which excite his best gratitude
to Heaven, and surpass all the impure enjoy
ments of wicked men; while he is thankful for
the supports and consolations of his daily life,
for the testimony of his conscience, and the
animating certainty of his Christian hopes, he
also confesses, that the very disasters which are
allowed to befall bim, however misinterpreted
by the profane observer, are equally designed
for his benefit. His welfare is promoted by
the experience of evil, as well as of good; and
his superior fortitude arises from his faith. To
the insulting question, therefore, " Where is
thy God?"* he triumphantly replies — " My
God made no visible distinction between them and the Pagans,
in the common events of life; — qui enim semel aeternum judi
cium destinavit, post sasculi finem, non praecipitat discretionem,
quae est conditio judicii, ante saeculi finem. Apol. c. 41.
* Illi .probationi ejus insultant, eique dicunt, cum forte in
aliqua temporalia mala devenerit, Ubi est Deus tuus? — Deus
meus ubique praesens est, ubique totus, nusquam inclusus, qui
possit adesse secretus, abesse non motus. Ille cum me adver-
sis rebus exagitat, aut merita examinat, aut peccata castigat,

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 159
God, different in all his attributes from the
false and impotent gods of the Heathen, is to
be found wherever his worshippers are. If I
am carried into captivity, his consolations shall
yet reach me; if I lose the possessions of this
life, my precious faith shall still supply their
want; and if I die, not as the suffering Heathen
dies, by his own impatient and impious hand,
but, in obedience to the will of God,* my great
reward begins ; I shall enter upon a life which
will never more be taken from me ; and thence
forth all tears shall be wiped from my eyes."
Such is the superiority of the Ghristian under
the worst of present evils. The Pagan wor
ships his gods for the sake of temporal good.
When, therefore, he falls into calamity, he
misses the great object of his prayers. And
hence comes his complaint of the want of Pro
vidence, and his profligate attempt to confound
mercedemque mihi aeternam pnrtoleratis pie malis temporali-
bus servat. Civ. Dei, lib. i. c. 29. See also c. 10.
* This was a triumphant argument with the primitive
writers. Some of the greatest and wisest of the Pagans had
fled to suicide, as a remedy of evil allowed and dictated by
philosophy itself, and were followed with profligate or unthink
ing admiration. The Christian bore all sufferings through the
support of faith; and the inviolable Tule was, that life should
never be quitted till God called for it in his due time.

160 PAGANISM AND
the cause of the Almighty with the worship of
his own helpless idols.
And here occurs the circumstance* to which
particular allusion was just now made. In the
tumult and distress which followed the capture
of the city, not only were many Christians
slain, but the usual respect could not be paid
to the dead ; and the bodies of the faithful had
wanted burial.* The Pagans had long observed
the religious attention with which the mortal
remains of believers were interred. From the
recent privation of these pious ceremonies.
therefore, they drew an argument of additional
insult, and inferred, that the God of the Chris
tians was indifferent to the protection of his
followers, in death as well as in life.
The piety of Christian antiquity has conveyed
to us the motives from which proceeded a reli
gious attention to the dead bodies of believers.
While living, these had been the temples of the
Holy Spirit; and through his guidance, they
were impelled to the performance of works ac
ceptable to God. In this sense was interpreted
the expostulation of St. Paul to the Corinthians,

* At enim in tantfi strage cadaverum, nee sepeliri potuerunt.
Civ. Dei, lib. i. c. 12.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 161
" Know ye not, that your body is the temple
of the Holy Ghost which is in you, which ye
have of God, and ye are not your own?"*
Those members, therefore, which had been
employed as the instruments of the Divine will
upon earth, were, though mortal in their na
ture, to be treated with signal respect, on ac
count of the reverence due to that sacred Guest
which had deigned to inhabit, and direct them
to the purposes of salvation.*]- Yet consolation
was not wanting to believers, though the desired
burial could not be procured. And this resulted
from the sure and certain hope of the resurrec
tion of the body to eternal life. J They might,
and they did, successfully argue with the Pa-
* 1 Cor. vi. 1 9.
t Nee ided contemnenda et abjicienda sunt corpora defunc-
torum, maximeque justorum atque fidelium, quibus tanquam
organis et vasis ad omnia bona opera Sanctus usus est Spiritus.
Civ. Dei, lib. i. c. 13. Augustin interprets the words of the
Saviour concerning the woman who anointed him, as involving
a recommendation of this case. " Why trouble ye the woman ?
For she hath wrought a good work upon me ! for in that she
hath poured this ointment on my body, she did it for my
burial."— Matt. 26. 10.
X Ad Dei providentiam, cui placent talia pietatis officia,
corpora mortuorum pertinere significant, propter fidem resur-
rectionis adstruendam. Civ. Dei, lib. i. c. 13.
M

162 PAGANISM AND
gans on inferior principles; and, in a manner
which is characteristic of the writings of those
ages, they adapted their reasonings to the mo
tives which they knew to be more familiar to
the men of nature, than the sublime discoveries
of the Gospel.
Much praise had been bestowed on the sen
timent of Lucan, that the soldiers of Pompey
who lay neglected in the plain of Pharsaiia,
and whose ashes wanted an urn, had the nobler
vault of Heaven for a covering.* Lucan had
been preceded in this imagery by the magnifi
cent eulogium, which Xenophon bestowed, with
so much art, upon the military life of the Per
sians, whose house was the earth and the sky,
and whose places of repose were the ground
which nature abundantly supplied. f This was
the admired reasoning of a patriotic philosophy ;
* Libera Fortunae mors est : capit omnia tellus
Quae genuit;— Coelo tegitur qui non habet urnam. Lib. vii.
f Gobrias being asked by Cyrus, whether the Persians or
his own people had most beds, tents, houses, &c. ? is made to
convey a skilful compliment to the former: — vpiv, vri tov At",
ev olS' oti Kat ^pmjiara ttXeIio ki Kal Kkivat, Kal otKla y£ ttoXv
fUifov f) bfiETEpa Ttjg kpf^g' oi y£ otct'a pk\v x?h"BE yy te Ka\
obpaviji, KXlvai B' v/iiy Etaiv bizoaat yivoivT av Ei/va! etti yrjg.
Cyrop. lib. v.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 163
and armies were taught to look forward with
magnanimity to fatigues and dangers during
life, and to the ^abandonment of their bodies
after death, through the force of motives merely
political.* How superior is the privilege of the
Christian! Though his mortal part should re
main unburied, though it should become the
prey of beasts, or though its particles should be
scattered through all the elements ; yet he re
tains his sure and certain hope of the resurrec
tion through Jesus Christ. He knows that God
is faithful, who hath promised to restore him at
the last day ; and from the bosom of the earth,
from the distant regions of the air, and the most
secret recesses of all nature, shall his Almighty
power once more collect the parts so long dis
severed. The man shall, in a moment of time,
be formed anew, and substantially stand before
* Sepulturae curam etiam eorum philosophi contempserunt :
et saepe universi exercitus, dum pro terrena patria morerentur,
ubi postea jacerent, vel quibus bestiis esca fierent, non curave-
runt. Licuitque de hac re poetis plausibiliter dicere, " Ccelo
tegitur qui non habet urnam." Quanto miuus debent de cor-
poribus insepultis insultare Christianis, quibus et ipsius carnis
et membrorum omnium reformatio non solum ex terra, verum
etiam ex aliorum elementorum secretissimo sinu, quo dilapsa
cadavera recesserunt, in temporis puncto reddenda, et redinte-
granda promittitur? Civ. Dei", lib. i. c. 12.
M 2

164 PAGANISM AND
his Maker, to receive the eternal reward of his
faith and obedience.
It will be of importance te> remark in this
place, that the same fundamental doctrine which
was thus supported by Augustin, had been
asserted against the objections of unbelievers,
from the first age of Christianity. In the ar
gument of Tatian against the Greeks, who re
garded the belief of the resurrection as no
more than the fond dream of a mistaken piety,
he compares the restoration of the body for
future judgment, with the wonderful production
of the race of mankind out of their original
nothing, and argues that the power of God is
equally capable of both operations. You may
burn this body; and, by depriving it of the
burial which we desire, attempt to scatter its
particles beyond the reach of Divine Provi
dence. But you cannot send them beyond the
limits of the world itself; and the world belongs
to God, and all that it contains, Although,
therefore, I should be consumed with fire, or
wasted with floods, or torn in pieces by the
wild beasts which you may let loose against
me, my remains are still laid up in the reposi
tory of God. They cannot escape his sight,
though they should lie hid from every human

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 165
eye; and in his own appointed time he will re
store them to that connexion and unity, which
you impiously labour to dissolve.*
Athenagoras, in his treatise of the Resurrec
tion, united with the authority of Scripture,
such philosophy as his age could furnish, in
order to prove that the body would be restored
to the soul, and that both would exist together
in a state of future rewards and punishments.
And he drew his reasoning alternately from the
constitution of man, from the evident purpose
* Kav 7rvp ktyityaviori irdv to aapKiov, klfn piaBEiaav ty\v
vXrfv b Koa\iog KEKwpriXEV Ktpv kv TTSTapolg, Kifv kv BaXdaaatg
EKBairavnB&, K<pv inrb B-npiu>v Bta(ntaaB&, TAMEIOI2 kvaitb-
KEtfiai TrXaa'ta tWirore' Kal b fiiv tttwxos Kal a&sog ok oiBe ra
awoKEtpEva. 0eoc Be b flaaiXEiiiov, ote flaXErai, Trjv bparriv
avrip povo) viro^aatv cnroKaTa^riaEi irpbg to apxaiov. Contr.
Grasc. c. 9, 10. This, among many other instances, will
serve to suggest the sense in which we are to understand
the burning of the early Christians by their Pagan persecutors.
Death was inflicted in a manner, which conveyed a defiance of
the doctrine of the resurrection of the body. One of tbe most
striking examples of this anti-Christian enmity is seen in the
account which Eusebius gives of the martyrdom of Polycarp.
The fire not readily consuming him, he was stabbed at the
stake. His friends now earnestly begged the body; but the
Centurion, instigated also by the Jews, resolved to burn it.
Hist. Eccl. lib. iv. c. 15. Compare St. Paul's supposition, 1
Cor. xiii. 3.

166 PAGANISM AND
of his existence in this life, and from the power
and the will of God. This too was the doc
trine of Minucius Felix and TertuUian. The
former makes Ca^cilius caution his opponent
against the vulgar notion, that things not capa
ble of being seen by man, do not appear to the
eye of God; for whatever is dispersed, passes
into the elements, and these are all subject to
the Divine inspection and controul.* The lat
ter, in several parts of his Apology, argues with
the Gentiles on the ground of their philosophy,
and upbraids them with a ready reception of
every improbability taught by their own so
phists, and an obstinate disbelief of the great
and salutary truths of the Scriptures.*]" He well
knew the perverse spirit of Paganism. The
time had been, when he indulged against Chris-
* Tu perire et Deo credis, si quid oculis nostris hebetibus
subtrahitur? Corpus omne, sive arescit in pulverem, sive in
humorem solvitur, vel in cinerem comprimitur, vel in ardorem
tenuatur, subducitur nobis ; sed Deo, elementorum custodi, re-
servatur. Dial. p. 326.
t Si quis philosophus aflirmet, ut ait Laberius de sentential
Pythagorae, hominem fieri ex mulo — nonne consessum movebit,
et fidem infiget, etiam ab animalibus abstinendi? At enim
Christianus, si de homine hominem, ipsumque de Caio Caium
reducere proraittat, lapidibus magis, nee saltern caestibus a po-
pulo exigetur. C. 48.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 167
f ianity the same profaneness which marked the
Heathen with whom he lived; and he peniten-
tially confesses, that the doctrine of the Resur
rection was one of the objects of his scorn.*
But his heart was gradually subdued by the
influence of the religion which he hated. He
was converted to the faith, and maintained,
with a zeal which might atone for his former
infidelity, that God, who raised the world out
of nothing, is equally able to restore any part
of his creation which he has suffered to perish ;
that he will call from the earth, the sea, and
every part of nature, the bodies of all who have
existed from the beginning of the world, and
render to every man according to his works,
whether they have been good or evil. It is
pleasing to see the passions of men unsuspect
ingly compelled to advance the will of God.
The malice of the Pagans thought only of grati
fying itself in the wounds which it inflicted on
the feelings of those Christians who survived
the capture of Rome; and this led Augustin,
in conformity with the doctrine of the earlier
* These instances are curious, and throw light on the treat
ment of St. Paul at Athens : — " When they heard of the resur
rection of the dead, some mocked." Acts xvii. 32.

168 PAGANISM AND
fathers, to a solemn and circumstantial declara
tion of the firm belief of the Church in the re
surrection of the body! The objections, there
fore, which were drawn from the sufferings of
the Christians, as an excuse for the declared
impotence of the Heathen deities, were not
only unavailing to the Pagan cause, but tended
to the more triumphant vindication of the Gos
pel. The gods were left in their former dis
credit; and nothing could be more evidently
proved, than that the Romans owed neither
their personal welfare, nor the establishment
of their empire to such protectors. The claim
then of temporal benefits arising from the wor
ship of idols, is at end. They did not confer on
their votaries the benefits of the " life that now
is;" and the first part of our argument is ac
complished. Indeed, nothing is more frequently
and pointedly asserted by the early vindicators
of the Gospel, than that the Romans had ob
tained their empire before they were possessed
of their gods. In the time of Numa, says Ter
tuUian,* their religion was simple, without a
* Frugi relligio, et pauperes ritus, et nulla capitolia certan-
tia ccelo; sed temeraria de cespite altaria, etvasa adhucSamia,
et nidor ex illis, et Deus ipse nusquam. Nondum enim tunc
ingenia Graecorum atque Tuscorum fingendis simulachris urbem

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 169
pompous worship or a lofty capitol. The altars
were occasional, and of turf, the vessels of Sa-
mian clay, and the Grecian and Tuscan artists
had not yet overwhelmed the city with the
images of the gods. And it is allowed that
this simplicity continued till the conquest of
Asia. The dominion of the/ Romans, therefore,
was not the effect, but the cause of their super
stitions ; and the new gods of other countries
followed in the train of victory .f That nothing
might be wanting to the success of their argu
ment, the Christian writers farther reminded
their adversaries, that long prosperity and ex
tended dominion had been granted to nations
which had never respected or acknowledged
the gods of Rome. The Assyrian empire, of
which the Romans had heard and written so
inundaverant. Ergo non ante relligiosi Romani quam magni ;
ideoque non ob hoc magni, quia relligiosi. Apol. c. 25.
T Undique hospites Deos quaerunt, et suos faciunt: — sic
dum universarum gentium sacra suscipiunt, etiam regna merue-
runt. Min. Felix, Dial. p. 53. — If the assertion of a Christian
writer is not allowed, the confession of the Pagans themselves
must be conclusive.
Nos in templa tuam Romana accepimus Isin :
Semideosque canes, et sistra jubentia luctus,
Et quern tu plangens hominem testaris Osirin. Lucan. lib. viii.

170 PAGANISM AND
much, was established without any aid from the
Trojan or Italian mythology.* The Persians
were celebrated for conquest, amid the profes
sion of an idolatry not only different from that
of Rome, but hostile to it.f The Jews too,
who alone possessed the knowledge of the one
true God, were, through his signal protection,
blessed with great temporal prosperity; and
this they forfeited through a criminal attach
ment to polytheism,"]; on which the Romans
credulously relied, as the only means of empire !
* Constat regnum Assyriorum k Nino rege longe lateque
porrectum. Si nullo Deorum adjutorio magnum hoc regnum
et prolixum fuit, quare Diis Romanis tribuitur Romanum im-
perium? Civ. Dei, lib. iv. c. 7.
f Si proprios Deos habuerunt Assyrii, quasi peritiores fabros
imperii construendi atque servandi, nunquidnam mortui sunt,
quando et ipsi imperium perdiderunt? — Aut mercede non sibi
reddita (a passing blow at Laomedon and his hireling gods)
vel alia promissa majore, ad Medos transire maluerunt, atque
inde rursus ad Persas, Cyro invitante, et aliquid commodius
pollicente? — ib.
X Si non in eum peccassent impia curiositate, tanquam ma-
gicis artibus seducti ad alienos Deos et idola defluendo, et
postremo Christum occidendo, in eodnm regno mansissent.
Et nunc quod per omnes fere terras gentesque dispersi sunt,
illius unius veri Dei providentia est; ut quod Deorum falsorum
usquequaque simulachra, arae, luci, templa evertuntur, et sacri-
ficia prohibentur, de codicibus eorum probetur. — ib. c. 34.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 171
They are now dispersed over the earth ; and
one of the reasons of their dispersion was, that,
while they were driven from the territory which
God, in his kindness, had conferred on them,
they might be compelled to witness the pro
phesied destruction of their sinful idolatry, and
the increasing honours of the name of Christ,
whom they had impiously crucified.
By whom then was empire conferred on the
Romans? and to whom are to be attributed
the evils which attended its progress?
The first of these questions is briefly an
swered by TertuUian; the second by Augustin.
" He is the dispenser of kingdoms, to whom
belongs the world which is governed, and man
himself who governs it. The changes of secu
lar dominion which arise at different periods of
time, are ordained by Him who was before all
time : and the rise and fall of states must be re
ferred to Him alone, who existed before human
society began."* Yet not to Him are we to
ascribe the abuse of power, and the unprin-
* Videte igitur ne ille regna dispenset, cujus est et orbis qui
regnatur, et homo ipse qui regnat; ne ille vices dominationum
ipsis temporibus in saeculo ordhiaverit, qui ante omne tempus
fuit, et saeculum corpus temporum fecit : ne ille civitates ex-
tollat aut deprimat, sub quo fuit aliquando sine civitatibus gens
hominum. Tert. Apol. c. 26.

172 PAGANISM AND
cipled enlargement of dominion. " God is the
creator of every nature, and the bestower of
every power. But the abuse of the divine gifts
arises from the depravity of the will of man :
and this is contrary to nature, and the will of
God."* The means, therefore, which are fur
nished by the Deity, are liable to evil appli
cation, through human perverseness. Hence,
while the power of Rome is acknowledged to
have been derived from Him, his blessed name
is free from the imputation of having autho
rized the extension of its empire, by blood and
treachery. But the time had been, when the Romans
were swayed by better motives : and here oc
curs a distinguished sentiment of Augustin,
with which I shall close thjs part of the subject.
* Sicut enim omnium naturarum creator est, ita omnium
potestatum dator, non voluntatum. Malae quippe voluntates
ab illo non sunt ; quoniam contra naturam sunt, quae ab illo
est. Civ. Dei, lib. v. c. 11. This is not a remembrance of
Manicheism, but is to be referred to Scripture; St. James, c. i.
13, 14. Augustin adapts the whole of the discussion concern
ing free-will and fate to the purpose of his argument on the
temporal prosperity of the empire. Deus itaque summus et
verus, cum Verbo suo et Spiritu Sancto, quae tria unum sunt, —
nullo modo est credendus regna hominum eoriimque domina-
tiones et servitutes, k suae Providentiae legibus alienas esse
voluisse. — ib.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 173
In the earlier ages of the state, before the
love of unlimited power possessed the Romans,
they had felt the spirit of true patriotism, and
acted on genuine views of civil liberty. They
loved their country, and not themselves; and
while their private lives were free from offence
against the laws, and governed by the rules of
decency and temperance, they magnanimously
laboured to promote the public good.* This
was the foundation of their greatness and their
fame. These were their civil virtues ; and Pro
vidence, which is ever benevolent towards the
faintest and most imperfect efforts on the side
of goodness, bestowed on courage, disinterest
edness, and patriotic principle, the characteris
tic reward of temporal prosperity.
Let Hot this animating thought be lost to
ourselves. The Roman virtues were of this
world ; and the consequence annexed to them
was a dominion of this world. " Verily, they
* Isti privatas res suas pro, re communi, hoc est, republics!.,
et pro ejus aerario, contempserunt, avaritiae restiterunt, consu-
luerunt patriae consilio libero; neque delicto secundum suas
leges, neque libidini obnoxii; — hodieque literis et historia glo-
riosi sunt paene in omnibus gentibus. Non est quod de summi
et veri Dei justitia, conquerantur. — " Perceperunt mercedem
suam." Civ. Dei, lib. v. c. 15.

174 PAGANISM AND
have their reward." We have calls to patriot
ism, which the Pagans never knew : and on an
authority superior to all their legislators, we
have received those principles which are the
foundation of private happiness, and public
greatness. The power of Britain does not ter
minate in civil objects; it is connected with a
loftier and more sacred purpose. We are the
happy inhabitants of a country which exhibits
the profession of the purest Christianity, in
conjunction with the soundest of civil govern
ments. Our patriotism, therefore, is exalted
by our faith; and we may reasonably hope,
that the Divine blessing will descend, in a lar
ger degree, and in a more distinguished man
ner, on that public spirit which is sanctioned
by true religion, and which, through the main
tenance of empire, promotes the will of Heaven.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 175

CHAPTER V.
PRETENSION OF PAGANISM TO THE PROMISE OF THE "LIFE
TO COME". . . DISPROVED THROUGH THE INSIGNIFICANCE
OF THE HEATHEN GODS . . . INQUIRY INTO THE NATURE
OF JUPITER . . . SOUL OF THE "WORLD . . .ANALYSIS OF THE
THEOLOGY OF VARRO . . . REMARKS.
It has been fully proved, that to bestow tem
poral prosperity was beyond the power of the
Pagan deities, and that the boasted greatness
of the Roman empire was derived from causes,
on which they had no influence. It remains to
be seen, whether the same gods, who were
worshipped in vain for the sake of inferior
blessings, had in reserve for their Votaries, the
choicest privileges of Heaven ; whether they,
who could not direct the events of this world,
were the dispensers of happiness in a future
state ; whether the soul of man were the object
of their care, though his bodily protection might
be beneath their dignity, or beyond their ca
pacity. Augustin, in an early view of his subject,
seems to have apprehended, that this would be

176 PAGANISM AND
the loftiest and most laborious part of his task.*
But, notwithstanding the extraordinary reputa
tion of one branch of the philosophy, against
which he thought it necessary to rouse the
higher powers of his mind ; notwithstanding
the near approaches which it was once sup
posed to make towards some of the more im
portant truths of scripture, we shall be con
vinced, by an easier inquiry than was suggested
by the fears of Augustin, that the claims of
human wisdom are as fallacious as they are ar
rogant, and that Christian "godliness" alone
"hath the promise of the life which is to
come." The refutation of these higher pretensions of
the Pagan philosophy began with an exposure
of the common opinion concerning the various
employments of the gods. The divisions of
their power were supposed to be as numerous
as the appearances of nature, or the events of
human life. From his earliest moments, man
was destined to pass through the successive
protection of a multitude of deities, each of
* Quae, nisi fallor, quaestio multo erit operosior, et subli-
miori disputatione dignior, ut et contra philosophos in ed dis-
seratur, non quoslibet, sed et qui apud illos exeellentissima
gloria clari sunt, et nobiscum multa sentiunt. Civ. Dei, lib. i.
c. 36".

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 177
them exercising ,an exclusive and jealous au
thority, in his limited department. Nay, this
separate influence over him was supposed to
exist even before the birth of the infant. Lu-
cina was the proper deity to be invoked in his
favour.* Diespiter must show him the light ;
and Opis alone has the privilege of receiving
him at his first entrance into the world. He
cannot cry till Vaticanus compassionately opens
his mouth for the expression of his wants.
Levana raises him in her arms from the ground,
on which he is duly placed in acknowledgment
of the original rights of Tellus. Educa supplies
him with meat, Potina with drink. It is the
express employment of Rumina to watch over
the salubrity of his milk, and Cunina attends
him in the agitation of his cradle. His fate, the
fixed portion of his life, is sung, at the begin
ning of his days, by the Carmentes ;*]" and For-
* Aug. Civ. Dei, lib. iv. c. 1 1 . The instances stated in the
text, are a small part of those which this chapter would have
afforded. But it is sufficient for the present purpose to name a
few deities of each class.
t If Ovid is right, only one of these two sisters looked into
futurity. Altera, quod porro fuerat, j^ecinisse putatur ;
Altera, versurum postmodo quicquid erat. Fast. lib. i. 635.
x

178 PAGANISM AND
tune is permitted to sport with all those events
which are not determined by their superior au
thority. Nor is it the misfortune of the smaller deities
alone to be thus circumscribed in office and au
thority. The great and select gods are them
selves subjected to similar disgrace. Apollo
was to be exclusively consulted for the know
ledge of future events. Mercury was the pro
per genius of gain. From Janus* was the mere
initiation of human affairs ; for it was the pri
vilege of Terminus, that in him alone was their
conclusion. The heaven, the earth and the sea, were also
* This god was of much importance to the Pagans ; for the
prayers addressed to the other deities were to pass through the
gate kept by hiin ; and therefore he was to be propitiated in the
first instance. This is the answer which Ovid makes him give,
when questioned about the custom by the worshipper :
Ut possis aditum per me, qui limina servo,
Ad quoscunque velim prorsus, habere Deos. Fast. lib. i. 170.
We find the same persuasion concerning him in the time of
Arnobius. Quem in cunctis anteponitis precibus, et viam
vobis pandere Deorum ad audientiam creditis. Lib. iii. Au
gustin takes no small satisfaction in arguing, that this prime
god was inferior to the little terminus, upon the principle,
that a thing ended is better than a thing begun. — Unhappy
Janus !

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 179
parcelled out into separate governments. Some
times, indeed, the same deity was called to pre
side over different things, with a new official
name. But it happened, on the other hand,
that all the parts, even of the same element,
were not subject to the same deity. While
the remoter sky acknowledged its Jupiter, the
region of the air below it was possessed by
Juno. Two goddesses shared with Neptune
the management of the sea. Its depths and
recesses were the province of Salacia, while the
waves which continually came to the shore,
were conducted by Venilia. Proserpine right
fully took from Pluto the inferior portion of the
earth ; and though the blaze of the smith be
longed to Vulcan, the domestic flame was
reserved for the more gentle administration of
Vesta !*
Hence arose the first question urged by the
Christian advocates against the lofty pretensions
of their antagonists. From gods like these,
what transcendant blessings can be reasonably
expected by their votaries ? How shall beings,
whose utmost effort it is to direct some unim-
" Ignem mundi leviorem, qui pertinet ad usus hominum
faciles, non violentiorem, qualis Vulcani est, ei deputandam esse
crediderunt. Civ. Dei, lib. vii. c. 16.
n2

180 PAGANISM AND
portant business upon earth, be themselves
possessed of immortality ? How shall they,
whose widest government is but a limited de
partment of the world, be able to bestow the
immeasurable rewards, the infinite happiness
of the " life to come ?"*
These minute distinctions, however, were dis
allowed or disregarded by the graver and more
philosophical Pagans. It was their profession,
that the different employments assigned to the
deities, whether the inventions of the poets, or
the superstitions of the vulgar, had always been
understood by the wise in another and an higher
sense. The numerous deities fancied by the
people were but portions of the universal Ju
piter. He was the original god, and contained
in himself the whole catalogue of celestial
beings, which were, in truth, no other than his
virtues, and properties, wrongly attributed to a
multiplicity of supposed persons, and expressed
by different names. But if we inquire of what
nature was the Jupiter, thus sagaciously disco
vered, and loftily proclaimed ; the same persons
who had so easily disposed of the other deities
* . Quis ferat dici atque contendi, Deos illos, quibus rerum
exiguarum singulis singula distribuuntur officia, vitam aeternam
cuiquam praestare ? Civ. Dei, lib. vi. c. 1.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 181
in his favour, are compelled to confess, that he
was the soul of the world.
This opinion seems to have arisen either from
a partial adoption of the doctrine of Timseus
the Locrian, or from a persuasion that notwith
standing better appearances, his doctrine was
finally reducible to it. According to the terms
of his system, the world was an animal, endued
not only with life, but with intelligence.* It
was immortal and indestructible, except by
him who first set it in order ; it was happy,
and in a certain sense a deity.*]" The seat of
its soul was the centre. From thence it was
extended to the outer parts, and pervaded and
protected the whole by its informing and vivi
fying qualities.']: The leading principles of this
treatise were adopted and expanded by Plato
in his dialogue distinguished by the name of
Timseus. But the later cosmologisfs seem to
* Ae7 Xkystv, tovSe tov Koo-fiov l&ov 'ifi-tyvxov evvovvte. Plat.
Tim. p. 1048.
t Tarov etto'iei Qeov yEwarbv, dviroKa <j>Baprio-6fi£Vov m
aXXa airia, 'ifo r£ avrbv avvTErayfiEVo) 0£w, ttiroica Bt/Xeto
avrbv BtaXvEtv. — AiapivEi apa, toiooBe &>v, a(p8aprog Kai avia-
XsBpog Kal fiaKaptog. Tim. Locr. Opusc. Mythol. Gale, p. 546.
{ Taj< Be raj Koafitj) tyxav fieabBEv kijxtyag kirayayEv 'e%u>.
ib. p. 548.

182 PAGANISM AND
have been perfectly satisfied with the divinity
bestowed on the world, whose properties were
deemed so high and absolute, that the demiurge,
from whom they were said to come, was either
excluded as an unnecessary being, or was in
corporated with the world as its animating
principle. It is the persuasion of some of the
minor Greek mythologists, that the world is
governed, like the body of man, by a soul ; and
this is called Jupiter : that the name is derived
from the cause of life, or its preservation ; and
that in this sense Jupiter is said to reign over
the universe.*
Thus too he is the father of gods and men ;
that is, the nature of the world is the cause of
their hypostasis, as parents are the authors of
being to their children. f In the same age,
perhaps, with Phurnutus, Virgil had become
* "floTrrp Be rifiEig inrb i^vxVQ BioiK&fuBa, ovtio Kat b Koofiog
4'VX^V *X£' T^v mvixavav avrov' Kal avrn KaXEirai ZiEvg' irorrEpov
eta to aloiaaa Kat atria oi/aa rdlg £&ai ra £rjv, Bid toto fiaaiXEVEtv
b ZiEvg XiyETai t&v oXiov, >; &g av Kal kv ifplv >/ ^X») Kal ?; (frvmg
iffi&v (Zao-iXEviiv pryfe/jj. Phurnut. de Nat. Deorum, c. 2.
Opusc. Mythol. Gale.
f 'O ZiEvg irarrip XkyETat $e&v kcu ayBpuirmv Etvai Bid rijv ra
Koafin ovo-iv diriav yEyovlvai -ijg tStiov viro^daEiog, &g oi iraripeg
'sEVV&O-l TU TEKVa. ib. C. 9.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 183
the patron of the saine doctrine, and identified
Jupiter with the soul of the world :
— '  Deum namque ire per omnes
Terrasque tractusque maris, coelumque profundum. Georg. iv. 221,
Indeed, that the gravest authority may not be
wanting to this doctrine, he makes Anchises
deliver it to JEneas in the shades, where the
secrets of the mundane system are understood
without a chance of error.
Principio caelum ac terras, camposque liquentes,
Lucentemque globum lun.ae, Titaniaque astra
Spiritus intus alit, totamque infusa per artus
Mens agitat molem, et magno se corpore miscet,
Mn. 6.
This then is the opinion which we find to have
been so prevalent among many of the great and
the learned Pagans in the time of Augustin.*
By these the existence of a deity, governing all
things by his supreme power, was disallowed ;
and Jupiter, as was lately remarked, was swal
lowed up in the soul of the world.
* Haec omnia quae dixi, et quaecunque non dixi, (non enim
omnia dicenda arbitratus sum;) hiomnes DiiDeaeque sit unus
Jupiter ; — sive sint, ut quidam volunt, omnia ista partes ejus,
sive virtutes ejus, sicut eis videtur, quibus eum placet esse mundi
animuni, quae sententia velut magnorum multorumque doc-
torum est. Civ. Dei, lib. iv. c. 11.

184 PAGANISM AND
But, though maintained with much apparent
authority, this philosophy was attended with
still greater absurdity than the superstition, or
the levitv, which it affected to correct. For if
the minor deities were independent of one
another, and often at variance (a case commonly
supposed), and if they were no more than parts
of the same Jupiter ; Jupiter, in his nature and
properties, must be at variance with himself.
Again, if every thing was traced to Jupiter, he
was to be worshipped in every thing ; and it
was a received doctrine, that a failure in the
services due to him, was a just cause of his dis
pleasure. But by the same philosophers, the
constellations were said to be parts of Jupiter,
and to be endued with life and rational souls ;
yet it is certain, that at Rome few altars were
erected to them.* Jupiter, therefore, obtained
but a partial attention ; and while he was
pleased that some of his qualities were duly
honoured, he must have resented the neglect
which was shown to the rest. Nor was this
system less impious, than it was absurd. For
* Quas (aras) tamen paucissimis sideram statuendas esse puta-
verunt, et singillatim sacrificandum. Si igitur irascuntur qui
non singillatim coluntur, non metuunt, paucis placatis, toto coelo
irato viverc ": Civ. Dei, lib. iv. c. 11.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 185
if Jupiter is the soul of the world, the world
itself is pronounced by the same authority to be
his visible body. Every object, therefore, which
we see and touch, is a part of him, and he is
perpetually subject to the controul and disposal
of man. Some, indeed, were aware of this
mortifying consequence, and endeavoured to
obviate it. They, therefore, excluded beasts,
and the inanimate parts of nature from any
participation in him, and confined this privilege
to rational creatures. But little or nothing
was gained by this precaution ; for if Jupiter is
mankind, he is still exposed to many sorts of
injury and indignity. He suffers whatever
man suffers ; he is affected by pain, disgrace,
and labour ; he dies in men ; and, as Augustin
condescends to remark, is whipt in boys ! *
Notwithstanding these attempts therefore to
* Quid infelicius credi potest, .-quam Jovis partem vapulare,
ciim puer vapulat ? Civ. Dei, lib. iv. c. 11. — No writer, with
whom I am acquainted, talks with so much horror of his early
sufferings, as Augustin. Horace could smile at the calamities
inflicted upon him by the too vehement hand of Orbilius.
Augustin never remembers his treatment but with sighs and
tears. In one place he intimates, that if it were proposed to
him to begin life again, he would refuse the offer — and chiefly
on account of the early miseries of learning !

186 PAGANISM AND
compound all the deities into Jupiter, and to
establish a god sufficiently dignified to provide
for the ^eternal welfare of mankind, the system
of the philosophers is compelled, by the force
of superior absurdity, to return to the opinion
of the vulgar, to the divided agency of " gods
many, and lords many;"* and this is the light
in which the principle of idolatry was constantly
and truly viewed by the inspired writers, and
the advocates of the early Christian church.
This conclusion is strengthened by another
circumstance, curious in itself, as well as im
portant to the subject. It is remarkable, that
some of those, whose philosophy was most de
cidedly pledged to the maintenance of the sole
prerogative of Jupiter, yet joined in upholding
a civil polytheism, however contrary to their
favourite doctrine, and were very careful in
ascertaining the provinces, and separating the
respective employments commonly attributed
to the other deities !
* Whitby, in conjunction with most of the commentators,
properly maintains, that this passage, 1 Cor. viii. 5. refers to
the gods, or idols of the Heathen. Le Clerc had fancied, that
by "gods in heaven," are meant God and the angels ; and by
"gods "in— the earth," magistrates, who are also called "the
lords of the world !"

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 187
It was the declared opinion of Varro, that
Jupiter was the soul of the world.* Nay, so
exalted was his notion of Jupiter, understood in
this sense, that, by an error common to other
Heathen writers, he supposed that deity to be
the real object of worship to the Jews, who
adored him without an image, but under ano
ther name ! f Yet Varro, thus adverse to the
popular claims in favour of any deity beneath
Jupiter, employs his extraordinary learning
and acuteness in describing the duties of his
fellow-citizens to the entire establishment of
Roman gods ! He professes to take this care,
upon a patriotic principle, more serviceable
than that which influenced the conduct of Me-
* Varro apertissime dicit, Deum se arbitrari esse animam
mundi, et hunc ipsum mundum esse Deum. Civ. Dei, lib. vii,
c. 9.
f Hunc Varro credit etiam ab his coli, qui uuum Deum
solum sine simulacro colunt, sed alio nomine nuncupari. Civ.
Dei, lib. iv. c. 9. In the same spirit, Tacitus interprets the
institution of the Sabbath into a respect for Saturn. Hist. ¦
lib. v. c. 4. He finds also the Roman gods in the religious
worship of the Germans. The Gauls furnished a similar inter
pretation to Caesar, lib. vi. And in the Isis and Osiris of
Plutarch, the names of persons and things belonging to the
J«wish history are incorporated into the Egyptian fables : — kurl
Ka-dBrjXoi ra 'IacatKct trapiXKoVTEg tic tov ftvBov. c. 3] .

188 PAGANISM AND
tellus and iEneas. The former rescued the
sacred utensils of Vesta from her flaming tem
ple ; the latter piously preserved the Penates
from the conflagration of Troy. But Varro
undertakes the protection of the deities from
the injurious effects of time rather than from
the incursions of an enemy ; nor will he allow
the rites of deities so long respected and sanc
tioned by the state, to fall into neglect and ob
livion.* He therefore interposes in favour of
those whom he knows at the same time to be
without authority or existence, and prescribes,
with a laboriousness and anxiety which would
appear to be the result of a settled conviction,
the religious services to which each divinity is
entitled from the gratitude of Rome ! He rea
sons on his design, as if the effects of it were,
in the highest degree, important and beneficial.
It is not sufficient, that we allow the general
power of the gods. We must know the de
partments over which they respectively preside.
* In eo ipso opere dixit se timere ne pereant (Dii), non in-
cursu hostili, sed civium negligentia, de qua illos velut ruiua
liberari ii se dicit, et in memoria bonorura per hujusmodi libros
recondi atque servari utiliore cura quam Metellus de incendio
sacra Vestalia, et iEneas de Trojauo excidio penates liberasse
praedicatur. Civ. Dei, lib. vi. c. 2.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 189
iEsculapius therefore is to be remembered in
his particular character as the god of Medicine ;
otherwise we shall be ignorant of the proper
objects for which we are to petition him. And
so of the rest ; for, the want of this specific in
formation will expose us to a thousand absurdi
ties in our prayers ; and we shall be in danger
of doing that, with religious seriousness, which
we see practised for the sake of pastime, by the
mimi on the stage ; we shall ask water from
Bacchus, and wine from the Lymphae ! *
Varro therefore, after the open expression of
a philosophical opinion hostile to the common
superstition, is again the patron of a system
which he had wished to explode ; and he la
bours to re-establish the same division of power,
and office among the gods, which yet he had
confidently resolved into Jupiter alone ! But it
has already appeared, that deities thus nume
rous and weak were wholly incompetent to
satisfy the expectation of their votaries. Their
own controul was narrow and unimportant;
and they could not confer on others the bless-
* Ex eo enim poterimus, inquit, scire quern, cujusque rei ,
causa, Deum advocare atque invocare debeamus ; ne faciamus
ut mimi solent, et optemus a, Libero aquam, a Lymphis vinum.
Civ. Dei, lib. iv. c. 22.

190 PAGANISM AND
ings of eternity which were beyond the limits
of their jurisdiction, or exceeded the powers of
their nature.
Such then is the dilemma with which the
patrons of idolatry were harassed by the
Christian writers. If the gods are supposed
to exist, the meanness of their nature, the in
significance of their employments, and the mu
tual checks resulting from an authority thus
various and divided, sufficiently show how in
capable they are of bestowing the great re
wards of the life to come. On the other hand,
if all the gods are resolved into Jupiter, and if
Jupiter himself is resolved into the soul of the
world, the deity becomes a mere physical prin
ciple. There is no longer a Providence ; and
consequently, the expectation of a future retri
bution is at an end.
A nearer and more particular view of the
system of Varro will inform us, what was the
real nature of the Roman theology. Besides
the classical amusement which it may produce,
and its illustration of the principles of those
books with which you are daily conversant, it
will convince us all, that the efforts of natural
wisdom were totally incompetent to the disco
very of religious truth ; that the Pagan worship

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 191
was a mixture of ignorance, superstition, and
duplicity ; that it was unworthy of the deity,
and therefore falsely aspired to the privilege
which was claimed for it, of bestowing eternal
happiness. The "Antiquities" of Varro are unfortunately
lost. However, from the notices of this work
which remain in other writers,* we are to infer
that it was one of the choicest monuments of
genius and patriotism, of which antient Rome
had to boast. For the principal knowledge
which we have of this Pagan treatise, we are
indebted to Christianity; and from the minute
statement of its plan by Augustin alone we are
enabled to collect both its object and its cha
racter. The whole work consisted of forty-one books,
which were divided into two unequal parts.*]"
The first of these treated " Of things human;"
the second, " Of things divine." On the
former argument were employed twenty-four
* In the edition of Varro which I use — Durdrechti 1619, the
fragments are copious. They might yet be increased.
f Civ. Dei, lib. vi. c. 3. The sentences of Augustin are
frequently long and involved ; and, in order to give perspicuity
and briskness to his statement, it is necessary to take it to
pieces, and set it up again in a more convenient form.

192 PAGANISM AND
books, to which was also prefixed an introduc
tory book, explanatory of the general nature of
that division of the subject. But it is with the
second part that we are principally concerned.
To this also was prefixed, in one book, a dis
course concerning the subject that remained to
be treated. In the distribution of the subject
itself, the same order was observed, which had
been established in the former portion of the
work ; and from persons, who were first con
sidered, the discussion proceeded to places,
times, and things. In this fourfold division
therefore were described the officiators in the
solemnities of the gods ; the temples, or spots,
in which any religious rites were performed ; the
festival-days set apart for divine celebrations,
and the sacred rites themselves, whether of a
public or a private nature ; and to each divi
sion were allotted three books.* But the de
scription of a pompous and circumstantial
worship, without a statement of the objects for
the sake of which it was instituted, would have
been of little value. We know too, from the
confession of Varro, that what the Romans
most desired, was, some information concerning
* In the former part, each division contained six books.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 193
the gods themselves.* In order therefore to
gratify this curiosity, he added a fifth division,
containing also three books. In the first, were
enumerated the known gods ; in the second,
the unknown ; or, as the term seems to be ex
plained in another place, those gods, concerning
whose authority, or whose proper manner of
worship, doubts were entertained.*]" In the last,
were described the principal and select deities.
* Quia oportebat dicere, et maxime id expectabatur, quibus
exhibeant, de ipsis quoque Diis tres conscripsit extremos. Civ.
Dei, lib. vi. c. 3.
f These uncertain gods of Varro necessarily remind us of
" the unknown God' ' of the Athenians. The power of the Pagan
deities was split into departments ; and sometimes an event
occurred which could not be attributed with certainty to any
department. In such cases, they made their acknowledgments
at large to the god or goddess within whose presidency it might
be. See note to p. 62. Augustin justly triumphs over Varro's
indifference even towards the known gods : — -Cum in hoc
libello (the second book of his fifth division) dubias de'Diis
opiniones posuero, reprehendi non debeo. Qui enim putabit
judicari oportere et posse, cum audierit, faciet ipse. Ego
citius perduci possum, ut in primo libro quae dixi, in dubitati-
onem revocem, quam in hoc quae praescribam, omnia ut ad
aliquam dirigam summam. Civ. Dei, lib. vii. c. 17. The true
theological principle is, not to surrender what we know, be
cause some things remain unknown. Varro reverses this ; and
is ready to doubt even his known gods, rather than speak, with
any positiveness, about the unknown. O

194 PAGANISM AND
And hence were formed sixteen books, on the
gods, and the worship due to them by the
Romans. The theology thus taught by Varro is divided
into three branches, the mythic, or fabulous ;
the civil ; and the natural. The first he confines
to the poets, and pronounces it to be best
adapted to the entertainments of the theatre.
In this part of Pagan theology too, he is com
pelled to confess, as others did, that there were
many things unworthy of the gods, and deserv
ing the severest reprehension : and it is observ
able, that in the explanations of their system,
the Heathen mythologists refused to allow the
validity of any arguments brought against them
from this branch of their superstition. One
deity is supposed to spring from the head of
Jupiter, and another from his thigh. Some of
the celestials are celebrated as accomplished
thieves in their own persons, and the patrons
of thieving in others. Some are represented
as descending from their dignity for some base
or immoral purpose, or engaged in the menial
service of their very worshippers ;* and most
* In eo (it is Varro who speaks of the fabulous theology)
sunt multa contra dignitatem et naturam immortalium ficta.
In hoc enim est, ut Deus alius ex capite, alius ex femore sit ;

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 195
of them have their acts of lewdness and pro
fligacy recorded in all the wanton ornament of
verse. It was attempted indeed, by some
writers, who were either zealous for the honour
of the gods, or anxious to discover a philosophy
hidden under the veil of licentiousness, to inter
pret these descriptions in a manner that should
be less offensive to decency and common sense.*
Accordingly, Varro himself, in aid of his repro
bation of such histories, solves that of Saturn
into the philosophy of the earth. Saturn swal
lowed his own children; but the meaning of
the fable is, that the earth receives again into
its bosom those seeds which it had previously
in hoc, ut Dii furati sint, ut adulteraverint, ut servierint homini.
Civ. Dei, lib. vi. c. 5.
* After the successful propagation of Christianity, these
stories were allegorized by the later Platonics through another
motive. Their literal meaning would prove the Heathen gods
to have been the worst of men ; and this was one of the strong
arguments of the early writers of the Church against the prac
tice of idolatry. Porphyry therefore and Proclus, in their
interpretations of the secret meaning of Homer, drew a code
of morals from the wanderings of Ulysses, and a system of
rational theology from his tales of the gods. Plotinus bestowed
the same decent industry on the worship of Venus, and made
her outward rites to signify much hidden sanctity ; priscorum
de Venere fabulas fere omnes ad res sanctas et morales ingeniose
trahit. Mosbeim, Dissert. Eccles. vol. i. p. 141.
o2

196 PAGANISM AND
produced.* Yet, notwithstanding his occa
sional attempts to cover the deformity of this
part of the Heathen theology, he is content to
abandon it to the scorn which it so justly
deserved, and from which he was conscious
that it could not be rescued by any contrivance.
Accordingly, the poets were left to indulge
their imaginations as they pleased; and no vin
dication of the Pagan superstition was seriously
thought of by Varro within their licentious de
partment.*]" The ostensible support which he gave was
to the second, the civil branch. This, as he
acknowledges, had for its object the benefit of
the state; and indeed it is obvious, not only
from the subject itself, but from the manner in
which he treated it, that his patronage of this
description of religious ceremonies sprung from
no settled belief in their efficacy towards the
future happiness of the soul, but was the effect
of political motives only. He saw that the
people could not be controlled without some-
* Opinatur Varro, quod pertineat Saturnus ad semina, qua?
in terram, de qui oriuntur, iterum recidunt. Itemque alii alio
modo et similiter caetera. Civ. Dei, lib. vi. c. 8.
t Loquebatur de fabulosa (theologid) quam libere a se pu-
tavit esse culpandam. — ib. c. 5.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 197
thing which should look like religion, and
promise occupation or amusement tb their rest
less minds. Varro therefore joined with other
writers of the gravest authority, in securing the
public tranquillity through the maintenance of
those superstitions which he inwardly despised.
Polybius drops a sentiment of this nature
amidst the high praises which he bestows^ on
the religious habits of the Romans; and Varro
confesses, that, if he had been called to legis
late for Rome in its infant state, he would have
thought it prudent not to institute the very
ceremonies which he openly defends; but he
was born in a late age of the republic, and
pleaded his justification in the force of the
custom which he followed !*
What then was the nature of the civil theo
logy thus recommended? It consisted in the
knowledge of the deities to be worshipped, of
the ceremonies appropriated to them by the
* Nonne ita confitetur, non se ilia judicio suo sequi, quae
civitatem Romanam instituisse commemorat; ut si earn civita-
tem novam constitueret, ex naturae potius formula Deos nomi-
naque Deorum se fuisse dedicaturum, non dubitet confiteri ?
Civ. Dei, lib. iv. c. 31. This is repeated, lib. vi. c. 4 : ex na
turae formula se scripturum fuisse, si novam ipse conderet civi
tatem : quia vero jam veterem invenerat, non se potuisse nisi
ejus consuetudinem sequi.

198 PAGANISM AND
authority of the state, and of the sacrifices to
be offered by the people.* Every citizen there
fore was interested in this intelligence, upon
the principle already explained; but to the
priests it was of particular importance, for on
them rested the public administration of the
ceremonies. But who were the gods, to whom
these services were appointed by the state?
For the most part, they were the same with
those already reprobated by Varro. It was the
opprobrium of the civil theology, that, whatever
distinctions were attempted in its favour, it
constantly relapsed into the fabulous.*]" The
cause of the state was, in fact, the cause of the
poets; and if at any time it exhibited rites
more particularly its own, they were, if possible,
still baser and more licentious than the per
formances which the stage produced for the
common amusement of the people. This will
appear from a short reference : 1st, to the
statues of the gods. 2d, to the scenic games
appointed to their honour. And 3d, to some
* In quo est, quos Deos publice colere, quae sacra et sacri-
ficia facere quemque par sit. Civ. Dei, lib. vi-. c. 5.
f Nee alii Dii ridentur in theairis, quiim qui adorantur in
templis; nee aliis ludos exhibetis, quam quibus victimas immo-
latis. Civ. Dei, lib. vi. c. 6.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 199
of the ceremonies expressly ordered by the
senate, and deemed, in a peculiar manner,
religious. 1 . The statues, sanctioned by the approba
tion of the pontifices, were in exact agreement
with the descriptions of the poets in shape, age,
sex, dress, and other circumstances.* The state
Jupiter had a beard; and the state Mercury
had none. In the same spirit of conformity,
adoration was paid to an aged Saturn, and to
a youthful Apollo. And so of the rest. Nay,
the very nurse of Jupiter had its statue in the
Capitol. This was a boldness which equalled
all the indiscretion of the poets. Indeed it
justified the doctrine of Euhemerus, which had
notwithstanding given so much offence to the
piety of Rome. It practically allowed what
had been so scandalously related by that histo
rian, who affirmed the mortality of all the gods,
and gave an account of their births and burials !*]*
* Revocatur igitur ad theologiam civilem theologia fabulosa;
et haec tota quae meritd culpanda et respuenda judicatur, pars
hujus est quae colenda atque observanda censetur. Quid enim
aliud ostendunt ilia simulachra, forraae, aetates, sexus, habitus
Deorum? Nunquid barbatum Jovem, imberbem Mercurium
poetae habent, pontifices non habent? Civ. Dei, lib. vi. c. 7.
f Quid de ipso Jove senserunt, qui ejus nutricem in Capitolio

200 PAGANISM AND
2. Livy tells us, for what purpose scenic
games were first appointed at Rome :* and it
is too notorious to be dwelt upon, that the most
popular stage productions of the poets were
frequently performed, by order of the state, •
either for the sake of averting misfortunes,
or of doing honour to some particular deities.
Arnobius informs us what subjects were sup
posed to be most acceptable to them. We
might be inclined to pardon Hercules, who felt
a complacency from the performance of the
Trachinia^ of Sophocles ; or the play, honoured
with his own name, by Euripides. But unfor
tunately for the credit of civil theology, Jupiter
took a particular satisfaction in the repetition
of his own adulterous exploits in the Amphitryo
of Plautus ; and if the impure dance of Europa,
or Leda, of Ganyniede, or Danae, were added,
he was effectually soothed, and his worshippers
had nothing more to fear from his indignation.*]"
posuerunt? Nonne attestati sunt Euemero, qui omnes tales
Deos, non fabulosa garrulitate sed historica diligentia, homines
fuisse mortalesque conscripsit ? ib.
* Lib. vii. c. 2.
t Ponit animos Jupiter, si Amphitryo fuerit actus pronunci-
atusque Plautinus ? Aut si Europa, si Leda, Ganymedes fuerit
saltatus, aut Danae, motum compescit irarum ? Arnob. lib. 7.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 201
It needs not to be added, what similar sub
jects were preferred by the other deities whose
worship was prescribed by the state. We see
enough to convince us, that the civil theology
is thus far the same with the fabulous, and
therefore liable to the same reprobation.
3. What were the rites which civil theology
might claim, in a more peculiar manner, for its
own, may be seen in the practices of the Capi
tol and the services solemnly prescribed for
the gods.
Seneca, in a treatise which is lost, described
the superstitious and degrading practices, which
prevailed under the sanction of the pontifices.*
In comparison of these, he is inclined to ex
cuse the madness of the Egyptians themselves.
Osiris was, indeed, periodically lost; lost by
* In eo libro quem contra superstitiones condidit, multo
copiosius atque vehementius reprehendit ipse civilem istam et
urbanam theologiam, quam Varro theatricam atque fabulosam.
Civ. Dei, lib. vi. c. 10. The whole chapter is very curious.
It is important too, as it proves the degrading nature of idolatry.
The practices of the Capitol would not elevate the character of ¦
the savages of New Zealand. This treatise of Seneca is also
alluded to by TertuUian, who draws some advantage to his ar
gument from it : — Infrendite, inspumate, iidem estis qui Sene-
cam aliquem pluribus et amarioribus de vestri superstitione
perorantem probatis. Apol. c. 1 2.

202 PAGANISM AND
those who never possessed him, and joyfully
found again by those who never lost him. This
was an annual folly. But look at the daily
ones of the Capitol. One officer attends to tell
Jupiter what o'clock it is; another is his lictor;
and another, by the movement of his arms,
seems as if he meant to be his anointer.* Juno
also has her female attendants. Some stand at a
reverential distance from her statue, and skil
fully twist their fingers, as if they were curling
her hair, and had to perform the part of her
dressing women. The same attention is shewn
to Minerva; and some hold looking-glasses for
both. But the gods are waited upon for civil
business also. Some come to submit their
law-suits to them, offer the pleadings to their
inspection, and instruct them in the merits of
their cases. Others beg them to become their
sureties. Meanwhile, a decrepit old mime,
* Alius boras Jovi nunciat, alius lictor est, alius unctor, qui
vano motn brachiorum imitatur ungentem. Civ. Dei, lib. vi.
c 10. This is preceded by the mention of another office.
Alius numina Deo snbjicit. TVas the superiority of the Capi-
toline Jupiter proclaimed aloud at stated times, that the other
deities might observe a due distance in their pretensions :
Homer sometimes makes Jupiter assert his rights, as if thev
were in some danger of being forgotten or contested : —
lvwtjET* ETCElff, oaov El/ll iEiii KUpTlfOg aa-diTwv. II. lib. S.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 203
now useless for the stage, acts every day before
the statues, with such small strength as he
has ; as if what had been long since discarded
by men, were good enough to be offered to the
gods.* However, this absurd dedication of useless
services is innocent in comparison of what re
mains ; for some women, who fancy themselves
the favourites of Jupiter, come to sit near him
in the Capitol, notwithstanding the presence of
Juno, and her known irritation at these intru
sions upon her prerogative. But vanity over
comes their fear, and they are already to en
counter every danger for the sake of their dear
Jupiter ! "f
If to these enormities we add the profligate
deifications ordered by the senate, and the im
morality essentially connected with the most
solemn of the Roman ceremonies, the character
of the civil theology will be concluded, sand the
cause of the poets amply avenged.
* Doctus archimimus senex jam decrepitus, quotidie in
Capitolio mimum agebat, quasi Dii libenter spectarent, quern
homines desierant. ib.
T Sedent qnaedam in Capitolio, quae se a Jove amari putant,
nee Junonis qnidem, si credere poetis velis, iracundissimae, re-
spectu terrentur. ib.

204 PAGANISM AND
It is impossible to allude, without shame, to
the foul histories of Larentina and Flora, to
whom, notwithstanding, divine honours were
paid by order of the state.* Augustin justly
observes, that if the scandal belonging to these
impure deities had been the mere effect of
poetic licentiousness, the defenders of Paganism
would gladly have availed themselves of so con
venient a refuge ; and enormities, more than
usually outrageous, would have been charged
to the account, already too great, of the fabu
lous theology.*]"
But a similar viciousness belonged to their
gravest services. In the sacred rites of Juno,
as they were practised in her own Samos, she
was supposed to be given in marriage to Jupi-
* Lactantius gives a fuller view of what he calls proprias
Romanorum religiones, in the 20th and 21st chapters of his
first hook, Instit, The Romans scrupled indeed to sacrifice
children to Saturn, as the Carthaginians did : but every other
foreign abomination was welcome to the Capitol. Quod ei
Pceni suos filios sacrificaverunt, non recepere Romani. At
vero ista magna Deorum mater etiam Romanis templis castra-
tos intulit, atque istam saevitiam moremque servavit. Aug.
Civ. Dei, lib. vii. c. 26.
r f Haec si poetae fingerent, si mimi agerent, ad fabulosam
theologiam dicerentur proculdubio pertinere, et ii civilis theo-
logiae dignitate separanda judicarentur. Civ. Dei, lih. vi. c. 7.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 205
ter ; and the nuptial ceremonies were circum
stantially represented by the priests.
The worship of Ceres too, renewed the vio
lence done to Proserpine ; and the god Pluto,
her uncle, was pursued with lighted torches, in
imitation of the fires once borrowed from iEtna
for her discovery. The lamentations for Ado
nis were a principal part of the profligate rites
of Venus ; — and, above all, the processions of
the Galli, and their impure actions in honour
of the mother of the gods, exceeded in baseness
and ribaldry whatever the poets had loosely
written, or the stage, amidst all its pruriency,
had ventured to represent.* In his youth, Au
gustin: had witnessed these abominable rites,
and partaken in the impious celebrations.*]" He
* Vicit Matris magna; omnes Deos filios, non numinis mag-
nitudo, sed criminis. Civ. Dei, lib. vii. c. 26.
f Veniebamus nos etiam aliquando adolescentes ad specta-
cula ludibriaque sacrilegiorum : spectabamus arreptitios, audie-
bamus symphoniacos, ludis turpissimis, qui Diis Deabusque
exhibebantur, oblectabamur. Ccelesti virgini, et Berecynthiae
matri Deorum omnium, ante ejus lecticam, die solenni lavatio-
nis ejus, talia per publicum cantitabantur h, nequissimis sceni-
cis, qualia non dico matrem Deorum, sed matrem qualiumcun-
que senatorum, imo vero qualia nee matrem ipsorum scenicorum
deceret audire. Civ. Dei, lib- ii. c. 4. Compare the confession
of Arnobius : lib. i. — Venerabar, O ccecitas ! nuper simulacra

206 PAGANISM AND
speaks of them, therefore, with equal knowledge
and detestation. Nor indeed is any thing more
impressive than the manner in which some of
the early Christians refer to the practices of
their past idolatry. We see at once the shame
and triumph of their minds ; and the confession
of their Pagan offences borrows an animation
from the consciousness that they have now a
nearer knowledge of Gop and their duty, and
are raised to the hopes of Heaven through the
happy acceptance of a purer faith.
Such were the superstitions publicly sanc
tioned and allowed by the senate of Rome.*
We have seen with what bitterness Seneca
inveighed against them, and with what zeal
they were recommended by Varro. What then
were the motives of a conduct thus different 1
modd ex fornacibus prompta, in incudibus Deos et ex malleis
fabricatos ; with his fine apostrophe to the true God : O max-
•ime, O summe rerum invisibilium Procreator ! O ipse invise,
et nullis unquam comprehense naturis ! Dignus, dignus es vere,
si mod6 te dignum mortali dicendum est ore, cui spirans omnis
intelligensque natura, et habere et agere nunquam desinat gra
tis ; cui tota conveniat vita genu nixo procumbere, et continua-
tis precibus supplicare. ib.
* Haec dedecora non poetarum, sed populorum ; non mimo-
rum, sed sacrorum ; non theatrorum, sed templorum ; id est,
non fabulosae, sed civilis theologiae, Civ. Dei, lib. vi. c. 7.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 207
The intolerance of Paganism compelled Varro
to uphold the civil establishment of its gods.
With a slavish patriotism, therefore, he enjoined
to others a political reverence for the objects
of his own contempt, and gave countenance
to a system useful only for the purpose of
deceit.* Seneca was of a different temperament, but
finally swayed by the same fears. His dispo
sition to boldness of words led him to indulge
his censure of the worship that prevailed around
him. But his practice betrays the servile prin
ciple by which he was actuated ; and he closes
his courageous invective with the memorable
profession, that the impropriety of these rites
ought to be no impediment to the performance
of them. The public authority has enjoined
them, and therefore they are to be received.
They may be unworthy of the gods, but they
are acceptable to the state, by whose will they
are appointed !f
* Hie certfc ubi potuit, ubi ausus est, ubi impunitum putavit,
quanta mendacissimis fabulis naturae Deorum fieret injuria,
sine caligine ullius ambiguitatis expressit. Civ. Dei, lib. vi.
c. 5.
•j* Ait enim ; Quae omnia sapiens servabit tanquam legibus
jussa, non tanquam Diis grata. Augustin justly charges him

208 PAGANISM AND
We come then to the last species of theology,
the natural; the object of which was to inquire
concerning the gods, who they were, where they
resided, their descent and quality, when they
began to exist ; whether they were created or
eternal ; whether they sprung from the fire of
Heraclitus, the numbers of Pythagoras, or the
atoms of Epicurus ; and other such questions.
This, Varro believed to be the only true and
dignified part of religion ; but judging it unfit
for the use of the people at large, he confined
the knowledge of it to the philosophers ; to the
private opinions of speculative men, or the dis
putations of the schools.*
His opinion then, in agreement with that of
the principal men of letters at Rome, was, that
God was the soul of the world, and that the
world itself was a God,*]" compounded of a soul
with hypocrisy, and the guilt of deceiving the people, who must
have thought his worship of the gods sincere. Civ. Dei, lib.
vi . c. 10.
* Varro thus briefly expresses the use and application of
each branch of his theology : Mythicon appellant, quo maxime
utuntur poetae ; physicon, quo philosophi ; civile, quo populi :
— nihil in hoc genere culpavit, quod physicon vocavit. Remo-
vet tamen hoc ''genus a foro, id est, a, populis ; scholis vero et
p arietibus clausit. Civ. Dei, lib. vi. c. 5.
f Dicit ergo Varro, adhuc de naturali theologia praeloquens;

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 209
and a body. But having thus bestowed on the
universe an apparent unity of existence and de
sign, he proceeds to divide it into two great
portions, the heaven and the earth; and these
again are subdivided: the former, into the
aether or superior sky, and the air ; the latter
into water, and the ground on which we tread.
All these divisions are full of souls, "which, how
ever, are distinguished in dignity according to
the places which they respectively occupy. In
the sky and air, are immortal souls ; in the
water and on the earth, are mortal ones. The
space between the highest vault of heaven, and
the circle of the moon, is possessed by constel
lations and stars. These are not only sethe-
real souls, but celestial gods : nor are they
merely apprehended to be such by the mind,
but are clearly seen by the eyes of. men.
Again, from the circle of the moon to the region
of the clouds and winds, are aerial souls. These,
on the other hand, do not appear to the eye,
but are understood by the mind, and are known
by the name of heroes, lares, and genii.
Deum se arbitrari esse animam mundi, quem Graeci vocant
Kodp.ov, et hunc ipsum mundum esse Deum. Civ. Dei, lib.
vii. c. 6. Consult this whole chapter for the particulars stated
in the text. P

210 PAGANISM AND
With a deity thus defined, and a mundane
system thus explained, Varro endeavours tp
reconcile the civil worship of images. Its prin
ciple, therefore, was pronounced to be entirely
physical. The vulgar knew nothing of it j and
in their supplications to the gods, it is probable
that they thought only of the statues immedi
ately before their eyes. But those, tq whojn
the secret reasons of the Pagan worship were
familiar, well knew the connection between the
outward image and the inward principle. The
true doctrine therefore was, that while the eye
of the worshipper was fixed on the statue, his
mind thought of the soul of the world and its
parts ; and in this manner were the gods made
present to his understanding.* And this he
states to have been the real meaning of the first
* Eas interpretations sic Varro commendat, ut dicat antiquos
simulachra Deorum, et insignia, ornatiisque confinxisse ; quae
cum oculis animadvertissent hi, qui adissent doctrinas mysteria,
possent animam mundi ac partes ejus,' id est, Deos veros animo
videre. Civ. Dei, lib. vii. c. 5. The Egyptian philosophy, if
the far-famed Hermes is tq be the expounder of it, brought the
gods nearer to the worshipper. When the statue was made, it
seems that a god immediately came into it by invitation, and
dwelt there ! Augustin gives some extracts from a professed
work of Hermes, of which a Latin translation was current in
the fifth century. Civ. Dei, lib. viii. c. 23, 24, 2S.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 211
inventors of statues. They knew that the ra
tional soul of man comes nearer than any other
thing to the nature of an immortal intelligence,
or the soul of the world. But it is not visible.
Wishing therefore to communicate a fixed im
pression of it, they deemed it proper to repre
sent the outward figure of man. This compre
hends the soul : and thus, the one part, however
different in its nature, becomes a sensible indi
cation of the other. This reasoning extends to
tbe gods. The soul of the world, into which all
the deities are to be resolved,- is equally invi
sible with the soul of man. But it already
appears, that an human statue is the indication
of an interior human soul. It also appears that
the human soul has the nearest resemblance to
tbe soul of the world, or God. Hence it fol
lows, that the worship of statues, though of
human shape, is ultimately intended for the
Deity ; and the mind of the votary is carried
by these intermediate stages to the proper ob
ject of adoration. He illustrates this reasoning
by a supposition. If the nature, or function,
of each god is to be indicated by a selection of
some outward token, what, for the sake of
example, would be required by Bacchus ? A
flaggon placed upon his altar. This is the
p2

212 PAGANISM AND
symbolic representation of wine ; for the thing
containing has a comprehensive meaning, and
signifies also the thing contained.* And, on
the same principle, does the establishment of
images point out the true theology, by ascend
ing to the soul of the world, through the body
and soul of man.
Lest this inference should be doubted, he
proceeds to fortify the grounds on which he had
placed it. The worship of images was declared
to be reasonable, on account of the similitude
of the soul of man to the soul of the world. He
points out, therefore, in a particular manner,
the correspondence of the human body with
the material world, and of the human soul with
the soul of the universe.
There are three degrees of soul which extend
through all nature, and which are to be dis
cerned by their respective operations. *]" In man,
* Tanquam si vasa ponerentur causa notandorum Deorum,
et in Liberi aedem cenophorum. sisteretur, quod et significant
vinum, per id quod continet, id quod continetur ; ita per.sirau-
lachrum, quod formam habet humanam, significari animam
rationalera, quod eo velut vase natura ista soleat contineri, cujus
naturae Deum volunt esse, "vel Deos. Haec sunt mysteria doc-
trinae, in quae iste vir doctissimus penetraverat, unde in lucem
ista proferret. Civ. Dei, ib. vii. c. 5.
f Varro in eodem, libro de Diis selectis, tres esse afllrmat

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 213
the lowest degree of it prevails throughout his
body, and has only a vegetative power. This
shews itself in the formation and growth of the
bones, nails, and hair. The parts of the world,
correspondent with these, are trees, stones, and
those productions of the earth, which have an
insensible growth, and may be said to live, in a
mode peculiar to themselves. The second de
gree of the soul of man rises to the formation of
sense, and terminates in the powers of seeing,
hearing, smelling, tasting, and feeling. To
this again answers the aether, in which region
of the world Varro supposes its sense to dwell.
The third and highest degree of the human
soul is its intellectual part. This is denomi
nated the genius of man ; and by the possession
of this he is distinguished from all other animals.
With this too corresponds the highest degree
of the soul of the world, which is called God.
Shooting through the aether, it reaches the
stars, and stamps them gods. Pervading the
earth, it forms the goddess Tellus; and pene
trating the ocean, it produces the divinity of
Neptune !*
animae gradus in omni univers&que natura. Civ. Dei, lib. vii.
c. 23 . See the whole chapter for the particulars stated in the text.
* Tertiam porro, quam et animam ejus nuncupat/ quae scilicet

214 PAGANISM AND,
Thus fanciful and slender was the proof of
the internal principle on which idolatry was.said
to be founded ; thus remote and unimpressive
was the interpretation which the best natural
wisdom gave to the establishments of natural
religion ! It is needless to dwell upon the im
piety and the self-contradiction which prevail
in the system that has just been reviewed. We
see, that, for the sake of a favourite principle,
the soul of man is finally identified with Jupi
ter, or the soul of the world. Both are there
fore to be worshipped, or neither ; man is God,
or Jupiter is man ! The same gods too are,
once more produced by the very philosophy
which was employed to disprove their existence.
The fabulous theology was first reprobated by
Varro himself; and the civil, which was equally
reprobated by Seneca, was afterwards proved
tq be the same with the fabulous. But we now-
see, that the natural theology, whose real object
it was to supersede them both, brings us round
to them again ! No more, therefore> shall be
said of the particular tenets or pretensions of
pervenit in astra : earn quoque asserit facere Deos ; et per earn
quando in terrain permanat, Deam Tellurem ; quod autem inde
permeat in mare, atque oceanum, Deum esse Neptunum. Civ.
Dei, lib. vii. c. 23.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 215
this theology. But from the subject, thus re
presented, a few general inferences may be
instructively drawn.
T. In its religious institutions, Paganism
looked to no object beyond political conveni
ence. On this ground alone, Varro supported
the civil theology of his country ; and, in the
division of his work, professedly treated of
Rome before its gqds, the latter having derived
all their worship from the will of the former.*
Revelation is independent of the establishments
of men. Through the Divine blessing indeed,
it is eminently applicable to the civil condition
of the world ; and those nations are the happiest
which admit most of its influence into the
direction of their policy. Our own country
exhibits a glorious example of true religion
allied with the state, and of the benefits result-
* Varronis igitur confitentis ideo se prius de rebus humanis
scripsisse, postea de divinis, quia divinae istae ab hominibus
institutes sunt, haec ratio est : — sic ut prior est, inquit, pictor,
quam tabula picta ; prior faber, quam asdificium ; ita priores
sunt civitates, quam ea quae a civitatibus sunt instituta. Civ.
Dei, lib. vi. c. 4. He says indeed, that if* he were to write of the
entire nature of the gods, he would place the gods first. But we
have seen enough of his sentiments tobe persuaded, that this was
only a convenient shelter from the imputation of disrespect to the
gods, or a secret preference of his own natural theology td the civil.

216 PAGANISM AND
ing to both; the state hallowed by religion,
religion defended by the state. But whatever
be the views of human governments, whether
they admit or refuse a connection with it, the
Gospel maintains its own character. The ever
lasting word of God is not altered by any autho
rity of man; and "Jesus Christ is the same
yesterday, to-day, and for ever."*
2. The only theology, to which Varro gave
a genuine approbation, he confined to the phi
losophical part of his countrymen. Hence it
is evident*, that he had discovered in it nothing
which tended to the common benefit of the
world, nothing which ultimately affected the
soul of man. It might amuse curiosity, but
did not lead to happiness. How different the
religion of Christ ! " Go ye into all the world,
and preach the Gospel to every creature."*]7 The
common interest is proved by the necessity of a
common knowledge. Every soul is the object
of God's gracious call ; and it is the charac
teristic of Christianity, not that it addresses only
" the wise man after the flesh ;" not that it is con
fined to the " mighty,"or the " noble ;"J but that
" the poor have the Gospel preached to them."§
* Hebrews, xiii. 8. t St. Mark, xvi. 15.
X 1 Cor. i. 26. § St. Matthew, xi. 5.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 217
3. From the manner in which Varro treats
his subject, it is evident that he regarded the
gods with no vulgar eye. He did not worship
them, as others did, for the sake of the temporal
benefits whieh they were popularly supposed
to confer. Yet it is observable, that neither
does he look forward to future blessings from
their hands. In his whole discussion, mention
is no where made of eternal life 1* What may
we infer from this ? That those Romans who
professed the hope of future happiness from
their gods, spoke from no settled conviction,
but from the obvious disappointment of present
expectations. Varro, the great master of Ro
man theology, had held out no promise to the
soul, had made no discovery of eternity ; nor
can he be supposed to have entertained a hope,
of which he gives " no sign." Here then is
the great triumph of the Gospel. Its charac
teristic is the promise of the life "which is to
come," of eternal happiness through faith in
Christ, and obedience to his commands. " I
go to prepare a place for you, that where I am,
* In hac tota serie pulcherrimae ac subtilissimae distributionis,
et distinctionis, vitam aeternam frustra quaeri et sperari, facil-
lime apparet. Civ. Dei, lib. vi. c. 3.

2 lift PAGAN ISM* AND
ye may be also."* And he Who gave this pro
mise to the world, shall appear once again for
the consummation of it. " The Son of Man
shall come in his glory, and all the holy arigels*
with him. He shall sit upon the throne of his
glory, and before him shall be gathered all
nations, and he shall separate the one from the
other. Tbe wicked shall' go away into ever
lasting punishment, but the righteous into life
eternal, "t
* St. John, xiv. 2, ,3, + St. Matthew, xxv. 46.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 21 9>

CHAPTER VI.
PLATO SUPPOSED TO TEACH HIGHER DOCTRINES THAN
OTHER PAGANS. .. INDISCREET ADMIRATION OF HIM...
SCHOOL OF ALEXANDRIA... HIS DOCTRINE CONCERNING
THE DEITY. . .SECONDARY GODS . . .DEMONS. . .FROM NONE
OF THESE COULD ETERNAL LIFE BE DERIVED.
The system which has just been reviewed, had
obtained the admiration of many of the more
learned and philosophical Pagans. Ashamed,
Qf the grossness of the common worship of the,
gods, they gladly accepted so creditable, an,
interpretation of it. Varro was. therefore sup
posed to have made a discovery of the hidden*
and substantial wisdom, which originally be-
lpnged to the establishment of the popular, idol
atry. But the refutation, qf this branch, of
Heathen theology; was the smallest part of the,
labour of Augustin, The spiritual wants; of his;
age called for an higher effort against, the extra
ordinary influence of the name of Platq. We
find* indeed, that impressions, of a. peculiar-
kind, had been made on the Christian world by
the opinions attributed to this eminent man.
From the incidental notice already taken of him,

220 PAGANISM AND
it appears that he adopted and improved with
superior eloquence, some of the higher doctrines
of the school of Pythagoras, which had been
delivered by Timseus.* He seems not to have
been satisfied with the spontaneous formation,
the self-derived perfection, or durability as
cribed by some philosophers to the universe.
He was therefore supposed to have arrived at
the knowledge' of the Divine Being, and to have
made the great discoveries of Creation and the
Unity. From other of his speculations were also
derived the hopes of an Immortality to the soul.
On account of the credit which he had acquired
on these important questions, his philosophy
was supposed to be particularly formidable to
the Gospel.f Some flattered themselves that,
in Plato, they possessed all the instruction
which was essential to the duty and the welfare
of man. They therefore deemed all farther
religious communication to be useless at the
least, if not presumptuous and on this account
* See page 18 J.
f We see the extraordinary anxiety of Augustin on this
account. — Nunc intentiore opus est animo multo quam erat in
superiorum solutione quaestionum, et explicatione librorum.
Civ. Dei, lib. viii. c. 1 . But it will soon appear, that his alarm
was unfounded, and that he drew his information less from
Plato himself than from the later Platonic school.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 221
rejected the faith of Christ. Some, who pro
fessed the faith, and saw with regret the alie
nation from it which was produced by the influ
ence of an admired philosophy, betrayed their
weakness in accommodating the Scripture to
the doctrines of Plato, and sought to win the
Pagans, by the discovery of a resemblance
which did not exist : nor is Augustin himself
wholly free from this charge. Others, again,
took a malicious advantage of these concessions,
attacked the Gospel with the weapons furnished
by its injudicious friends, and exalted the reli
gion of nature at the expense of Revelation.
Some inquiry into the doctrine of Plato was
therefore requisite, not only on account of its
own character and pretensions, but of its effects
on Christianity ;* and it was of particular im
portance to prove, that, though superior to the
system of Varro, it was yet far removed from,
the sublimity of the Gospel ; that in no mode
of classical theology, however celebrated, was
contained the true happiness of man ; and that
Revelation alone could teach the proper know-
* Mirantur quidam, nobis in Christi gratia sociati, cum
audiunt, vel legunt, Platonem de Deo ista sensisse, quae multum
congruere xeritati religionis nostra; agnoscunt. Civ. Dei, lib. viii.
c. 11.

222 PAGANISM AND
ledge of God,, and effectually /promise the re
wards of the " life which is to come."
It will assist us in understanding the nature
of the elaims which have been made in favour'
of Plato, if we refer to some of the previous
systems of philosophy.
In an early age, wisdom was taught in a
simple manner, and without contention. The
name itself of philosophy was as yet unknown,
or not commonly adopted; and those, whose
minds were stored with reflections which- might
be beneficial to the rest of mankind, uttered
them in brief and impressive sentences. And
hence came those moral and prudential maxims,
some of which are still appended to the names
of the " Wise-men."* At length arose two
schools, which soon Obtained a very high cele
brity, and produced that talent for philosophi
cal disquisition and dispute, by which Greece
was afterwards distinguished. Their founders
were Thales and Pythagoras. The name of
the former occurs indeed among those of the
Wise-men; but not content with this mode of
* Cilm antea Sapientes appellarentur, qui modo quodam
laudabilis vitas aliis praestare videbantur, iste (Pythagoras)
interrogatus quid profiteretur, pbilosophum se esse respondit.
Civ. Dei, lib. viii. c. 2.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 223
instruction, he became the parent of the Ionic
school.* He seems to have been the first who
directed his inquiries into the properties of
nature, and the origin and laws of the universe:
This soon became a fashionable study, and was
indulged in that school with much prejudice to
its theology. Thales, either omitting the agency
of a deity, or depriving him of his fundamental
privilege of creation,*]" pronounced, that from
one of the elements alone, proceeded the matter
employed in the formation of the other parts
* Ionici vero generis princeps fuit Thales Milesius, unus
illorum septem, qui appellati sunt Sapientes. Sed illi sex vitae
genere distinguebantur, et quibusdam praeceptis ad bene viven-
dum accommodatis. Iste autem Thales, ut successores etiam
propagaret, rerum naturam scrutatus, suasque disputationes
Uteris mandans, em.inuit; maximeque admirabilis extitit, quod,
astrologiae numeris comprehensis, defectus solis et lunae etiam
praedicere potuit. ib.
t Cicero does not rescue him from this charge, notwith
standing the introduction of a divine mind.^-Thales Milesius,
(it is Velleius who speaks,) qui primus de talibus rebus quae-
sivit, aquam dixit esse initium rerum; Deum autem earn men-
tem quae ex aqua cuncta gigneret. Nat. Deorum, lib. i. —
Cicero is accurate in his representation of this philosophy. The
creation of Thales is nothing more than a generation from
eternal matter. Augustin, however, understands the principle
of water in a strict sense, and supposes that no deity was em
ployed by Thales.

224 PAGANISM AND
of the world. One of his successors, fearing,
that from this restriction to a single element, a
scarcity of effect might ensue, extended to other
things that power which Thales had confined
to water. He therefore ascribed the multipli
city of mundane objects to an infinity of prin
ciple productive of each of them respectively.*
Another was dissatisfied with an unnecessary
variety of original subjects, and recurred once
more to a single element: but making a differ
ent choice, he was positive in his preference of
air,*]" which afforded a more philosophical origin
of the universe than water. Content with this
discovery, he abandoned also the agency of the
gods ; and thought that, if it were necessary to
affirm any thing concerning them, they were
only secondary to air, and produced from that
infinite cause. Indeed, from Thales to Arche-
laus it is impossible to discover the proper
doctrine of God or creation. In the hands of
* Anaximander, non ex una re, sicut Thales ex humore, sed
ex suis propriis prlncipiis quasque res nasci putavit. Civ. Dei,
lib. viii. c. 2.
f Anaximenem discipulum et successorem reliquit, qui om-
nes rerum causas infinito aeri dedit : nee Deos negavit, aut
tacuit, — non tamen ab ipsis aerem factum, sed ipsos ex aere
ortos credidit. ib.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 225
these teachers, the Deity lost sometimes his
own existence, and always his distinctive right
of creative power;* and the leading propensity
of the Ionic school was, to dispute concerning
the comparative antiquity of the elements ; to
inquire, which of them afforded the most con
venient primary matter; and from what subject
might begin, with the greatest philosophical
propriety, the extraction and formation of other
things. Pythagoras had travelled into Italy, and
taught in a part of it, which, from the extent of
the Grecian settlements, obtained the name of
Magna Greecia.f He was therefore the founder
of the Italian school. From a few fragments of
its writings which are yet preserved, we see,
that this school was of a moral and contempla-
* Anaxagoras himself supposes matter to have been co-ex
istent with the Divine intelligence: — Tlavra xp^ara %v bfiar
elra vag kXB&y dura BiEKoapifaev. Diog. Laert. in Anaxag.
f Italicum genus, — ex ea\ parte Italiae, quae quondam Magna
Graecia nuncupata est, — autorem habuit Pythagoram Samium.
Civ. Dei, lib. viii. c. 2. — Pliny is inclined to attribute the name
of Magna Graecia, not to the extent of their settlements, but
to the imposing vanity of the Greeks. He calls them, justly
enough; genus in suam gloriam emisissimum ; — and affirms,
whether justly or not, that their colonies did not occupy more
than a thousandth part of Italy. Q

226 PAGANISM AND
tive cast. To the former part qf its character
is certainly to be referred the. doctrine of trans
migration,* which was afterwards adopted ,by
Plato: to the latter perhaps, its preparation
for those inquiries into natural truth, and the
causes of things by which it was eminently, dis
tinguished. But it is difficult at this time to
determine, which was its most approved mode
of considering the mundane philosophy. Of
the two principal treatises which remain, and
which, in the opinion of Gale, are drawn from
* This is expressly stated in the latter part of the curious
treatise of the Soul of the World. The scale of transmigra
tion is adapted. to the conduct of men; —cowards are turned
into women, murderers into wild beasts, and voluptuaries into
swine; the rash and giddy into birds; and the idle, the un
learned, and the stupid, into aquatic creatures, as if they. were
unworthy to breathe the common air. T&v fikv BeiX&v, kg
yvvaiKEa aKaVEa, iroB' v(3ptv EKBiBofiEva' t&v Be /ltaujiov&v, kg
Brfpioiv triifiara won KoXaaiV Xdyvuyv B' kg av&v ij Kanptav «op-
<j>dg~ Kovqjuv Be Kal fiETE&ptov, Eg itj-nvmv aipOTZopmy' apy&v Be
Kal dirpaKTtiiv, dfiaB&v te Kal avorirtov, kg rav t&v kvvBpmi IBsav.
p. 566. The other characteristic of the school of Pythagoras
is prettily expressed by Ovid: —
Cumque animo, et vigili perspexerat omnia curd,
In medium discenda dabat ; coetumque silent um
Dictaque mirantum, magni primordia mundi,
Et rerum £ausas,"et quid Datura docebat. Met. lib. xv.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 227
the most sacred recesses qf the Pythagorean
school, one constructs the world from pre-exist
ing matter, emplqys a deity in its arrangement,
and places within it a soul necessary for its
animation and direction. , And this is the doc
trine of Timaeus the Lqcrian. The other trea
tise excludes all interference of a God, and
pronounces the world to be its own master.
It was neither created, nor arranged from a
Chaos. It had no origin, and shall have no
end. It is self-existent, and necessarily eter
nal, and indestructible. And this is the system
of Ocellus Lucanus.* He talks indeed, as Ar-
chytas, Euryphamus, and other Pythagoreans
do, of " a God," and " the Gods;" and he ven
tures to assign a limit, within which reside the
natures which are immortal, The region of the
moon is the dividing isthmus : above it are the
* Aom yap poi to irdv avwXEBpov elrai Kal ayivrirov' aet te yap
%v, Kal Uai. C. 1 . Opusc. Mythol. Ed. Gale. The indestructi
bility of the universe is afterwards attempted to be proved.
If its dissolution takes place, it must be either into being, or
non-being. If into being, it will still continue to be. If into
non-being, an absurdity is affirmed; for, as the, world could not
at first be produced from nothing, (according, to the received
laws of philosophy^) neither can it become nothing, after
having been something. The conclusion is therefore drawn —
dtpBaprbv dpa Kax avwXcBpov to nav.
Q2

228 PAGANISM AND
gods, while the space beneath is given up to
contention and nature, to alternate generation
and decay.* But the gods, thus supposed, are
merely free from the dissolution which is the
portion of man. They are only a physical,
though a superior, portion of the universe.
They have no absolute and disposing power,
but are themselves immortal, on the same prin
ciple which makes the world eternal.
These were the principal authorities of phi
losophy till the time of Socrates.
This extraordinary man had been bred in
the Ionic school, and was the immediate disci
ple of Archelaus. But the dissensions into
which the followers of Thales had fallen, and
the unsatisfactory nature of the inquiries in
which they were commonly engaged, seem to
have given early offence to his discerning mind ;
and in the Phaedo he is made to account for
his disgust, in a very lively and natural man
ner.*]" He had a characteristic fondness for the
* 'loBfibg yap k<>iv dBavaalag Kal yEVEOEtag b TEpl Tt/v aeXiivrfv
Bpofiog' to fikv avtoBEV virkp ravrng irav, Kat to eit' ivTTjv, B&v
icar£XE' ykvog' to B? viroKana aEXrjvng, vElKovg Kal ifivaaag' to fikv
(yap) hiv kv dvrij BiaXXayr) yEyovdnov, to Be yivEatg aVoye-
yovbnav. ib. c. 2.
f 'Ey<!> yap, w Kkfing, viog Stv Savfia^&g &g kwEBbfirjaa

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 229
discovery of truth: and his object was sup
posed to be attainable only through an applica
tion to the reigning philosophy ; and this was
termed the history of nature. He applied him
self therefore, with great zeal, to the specula
tions then prevalent; whether putrescence,
consequent to the action of heat and cold, were
capable of producing animals ; — where was the
seat, and what the cause, of intelligence in
man : — whether it were the bloqd or the brain,
whether it were fire or air : and other such
questions. But in these pursuits he became
bewildered and confounded. At length, how
ever, he flattered himself that he should find a
resting-place for his thoughts. Anaxagoras
was one of the sublimest masters of the Ionic
school ; and some person had read to Socrates,
out of a book of his philosophy, the sentence
ravrrig Ttjg aoflag ijv Br) Ka\5« irspl tpvctEiag hopiav. vntpiityavov
yap fioi eBokei E~ivat EiSivai rag atrlag cicaVo, Bid rl yiyverat
EKarov, Kal Bid ri airoXXyrai, Kal Bid rl £T*f kal iroXXaKig kpavrbv
avu Kal Kano perifiaXXov, aKOit&v wp&Tov ra rotdBe, rAp' kirEiBitv
to Seppbv Kat to \jsvxpbv arfTEBova nvd Xdfin, tig rivtg 'iXeyov, .
tote Br) ra £<3a avvrpiijiETai ; Kal trorepov to alpa ksiv <3 fpovSptv,
j*j b drip, ij to irvp- &c. Phaedon. p. 71. Ed. Fie— Part of this
passage seems to refer to tbe physics of Parmenides, who sup
posed the human race to have originally sprung from heat and
cold acting upon mud.

230 PAGANISM AND
which contained a summary of his doctrine ;
" There is an intelligence which is the cause of
all things, and bestows on them their order and
beauty."* Now then he expected to discover
what had so long escaped him, the reasons on
which was founded the actual constitution of
things : and truth being thus ascertained, the
detection of error would necessarily follow.
He was now about to know with certainty,
whether the earth were flat or round ; and
either of these figures being determined, the
reason was also to appear, why one of them
was preferred to the other. The same instruc
tion he expected concerning the sun, moon,
and stars ; the reason of their velocities and
returns, and all other affections incident to
their course. With great satisfaction therefore
he procured the book, and with great eagerness
applied himself to the perusal of it. But notwith
standing the lofty pretensions of Anaxagoras,
poor Socrates remained in the same ignorance
as before ; and instead of being introduced to
the intelligence which was promised, he found
that air, and aether, and water were still as
sumed as the causes of things, and that absur-
* 'He dpa vSc k<;lv b BtaKooftliiv te Kal navnav dtnog. ib.
p. 72.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 231
dities and improbabilities were made to stand
for genuine and primary truths.* This, says,
he, "is just as if a person, undertaking to state
the reason why I sit here, should expatiate on
the nature of my bones, and nerves, and flesh,
and skiri, and prove their aptitude to produce a
sitting posture; and meanwhile, wholly omit
the real and primary causes, namely, the will
of the Athenians, which consigns me to this
prison, and my determination to sit in it till I
swallow the poison,, which they are preparing
for me."t These probably were the circum
stances which impelled Socrates, at a mature
period of life, to use the language so emphati
cally attributed to him by Xenophon, who in
forms us, that he dissuaded his hearers from
any farther attention to geometry, astrology, or
astronomy, than might suffice for the common
* 'Airo Br) §avfia<&JQ kXiriBog ^x°ll1lv QepbpEvog, kxeiBdv
Trpeiitov Kal dvayivwoKW, bp& m'Bpa r j> fi kv vif aBev xp&fttvov,
aBk rivag airiag ETraiTi&pevov elg to BiaKoa/iEiv Td wpdypara,
ai'pag Be Kal aiBipag Kal vBara am&fiEvov, Kal aXXa woXXd Kal
aroira. ib. p. 73.
f 'AfieXf)o~ag rag &g dXijOws atrtac Xiyetv, on etteiBuv
'ABtjvaioig eBo%e fiiXnov slvai kfia KaTatj/t)tpiaaaBdi, Bid ravra Br)
Kal kfiol fiiXnov av BeBoktcu kvBdBe KaBijaBai, Kal BucawTEpov:
vupufiivovTa vwixEtv rr)v Bikj)v ijv dv, KEXevatitaiv . ib.

232 PAGANISM AND
purposes of human life.* His youthful ardour
for remote or abstruse inquiries concerning
natural causes, was now abated by experience ;
and he particularly forbade the indulgence of
those speculations which vainly affected to dis
cover the secrets of the heavens, and the man
ner in which the Deity contrives the order of
things. f Such pursuits are unacceptable to
the gods ; nor, whatever may be the preten
sions belonging to them, are they within the
limits of human knowledge. He adds the dan
ger of derangement to the mind which should
persist in them; and here again occurs the
mention of Anaxagoras, who seems to have
grown mad with pride, on his fancied discovery
of the mechanism employed in the construction
of the world by the wisdom of the gods !
This is sufficient perhaps to account for the
* To Be pkxp1 t&v Bva£vvETiav Staypappdrutv yeiaptrptav
fiavBdvEiv (tirEBoKipaiEV' S,ti fikv ydp oxfeXoin ravra, «« eain
bpijiv. Mem. lib. iv. o. 7.
t "OXue Be t&v apavlw, p CKa^a 6 Qeos pn^avdrat fpovn^^v
yiyvEaBai, awETpeirEV' are ydp EvpErd avBpinroig dvrd evb/u^Ev
tlvai, Ste xapL£ca®at S«us av fyyelTO rbv IjrrravTa, a EKeivoi
aatfirivlaai 6k kfiaXr)Br)oav' KtvBvvEvaat c av E<j>t) Kal wapatppovrjaat
tov Tavra pepipv&vTa, iBkv JJttov ij 'Ava^ayopag irapcfpo-
vrfaEy, 6 uiytsov <fipovr)aag E7rl r«ji ra€ &E&V finxavdg £ i'ljyEtcr-
Oai. ib.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 233
disgust of Socrates, without recurring to the
benevolent supposition quoted for him by Au
gustin;* that he deemed the mind unfit for the
exercise of philosophy, unless it were previously
purged from the disabling influence of the pas
sions. In short, the object of this sagacious
man seems to have been, to restore to the pro
fession of human wisdom that simplicity which
had attended it before the agitation of the ele
mental questions by Thales ; and to confine it
as much as possible to the purposes of pru
dence and morality.
Plato was the scholar of Socrates :f but, not
content with the doctrines of one school, nor
* Non mihi autem videtur posse ad liquidum colligi, utrum
Socrates, ut hoc faceret, taedio rerum obscurarum et incerta-
rum ad aliqui d apertum et certum reperiendum animum in ten -
derit ; an verd, sicut de illo quidam benevolentius suspicantur,
nolebat immundos terrenis cupiditatibus animos se extendere
in divina conari. Civ. Dei, lib. viii. c. 3.
f Socrates hujus (Archelai) discipulus fuisse perhibetur, ma
gister Platonis. ib. c. 2. Laertius adds a dream of Socrates.
He held a cygnet in his lap, which suddenly flew away into the
air, full-fledged, and singing melodious strains. This was in
terpreted the next day, when Plato was presented to him : —
tov Be rarov eiweIv tlvai tov opviv. in vit. Plat. I know not if
it is worth remarking, that swans are mentioned by Plato with
unusual reverence : perhaps he meant to give credit to the
notion that Apollo was his father.

234 PAGANISM AND
governed by the sole authority of the master
whom yet he singularly loved, he sought wis
dom wherever it might be found. From Athens
therefore, before he had reached his thirtieth
year, he repaired to Megara, with some other
scholars of Socrates, and heard the dialectics of
Euclid. Hence he passed to Cyrene, and con
versed, as Laertius informs us, with Theodorus
the mathematician. Afterwards, he proceeded
to Italy, where the Pythagorean doctrines were:
taught by Philolaus and Eurytus ; and finally,
to Egypt,* a country which had been in much
repute with the more learned Greeks, on ac
count of the recondite wisdom supposed to be
possessed by its priests. From these and other
sources he drew the knowledge of former ages,
and added it to that of his own. He selected
from every school the tenets by which it was
most distinguished, and improved, or incorpo
rated them with the doctrines taught by him
self. He provided a stability for the natural
philosophy of Heraclitus, by communicating
* "Ea-EiTa yEvSfievog 6kt& Kali Elmatv et&v, tig Me'yapa irpbg
'EiVKXtiBijv avv Kal dXXotg rial IwKparim'ig virEX&pr)aiV £ir«ra
Eig Kvprivnv airJ"i\0E 7rpoc QEoBapov tov fiaBeuanKov' koke'iBev
tig 'IraXidy irpbg rag YlvBayoptKag, QiXoXaoy Kai"Evpvrov' evBev
te Eig " Aiyvirrov wapd rag Tlpotpijrag. ib.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 235
the substratum of an original and immutable
essence to things which, in their cwn nature,
were flux and perishable.* He adopted and
enlarged the intellectual system of Pythagoras ;
and with the active morality of Socrates he
combined the mysticism of his Egyptian teach
ers at Heliopolis. And hence the copiousness
and variety, the compound nature, the lofty ob
scurity, and not unfrequent self-contradiction
which are to be observed in his writings.*]"
The philosophy of Plato was anciently di
vided into three parts, dialectics, ethics, and
physics. The latter of these however was sub
divided into two — the study of corporeal and
incorporeal nature. Metaphysics therefore were
considered as a branch of physics. J In this
* Cum enim ex Heracliti systemate recepisset, omnia fluere,
nee per se constare eadem posse, visum illi, necessarid addenda
esse subjecta aeterna, per se subsistentia, quae immutabilem
rebus fluxis essentiam largirentur. Brucker de Phil. Graec.
lib. ii. c. 6.
f Not so Apuleius. — Quamvis de diversis officinis haec ei
essent philosophiae membra suscepta, naturalis ab Heracliteis,
intellectualis a Pythagoreis, rationalis atque moralis ex ipso
Socratis fonte, unum tamen ex omnibus, et quasi proprii partus
corpus effecit. De Philos. Natur. — But with the zealous Apu
leius, Plato is infallible.
X Et£ rpia BuXovrog fiepr) ra TtXdrtavog tov travra rrjg ^t\o-

236 PAGANISM AND
manner the subject was distributed by some of
the chief Christian writers, Eusebius and Au
gustin ; as well as by some of the professed
followers of Plato ; Apuleius, who gives an ac
count of his philosophy under these divisions ;
and Atticus, whom Eusebius calls one of the
more illustrious of the Platonic school.*
The dialectics are extolled by Augustin, as
superior to those of the other philosophers
whom the Romans had received as their teach
ers. Epicurus is supposed to have borrowed
part of his doctrine from the early school of
Democritus. His well-known tenet, that the
senses were the proper test of truth, appeared
to many of the Pagans themselves to stop the
ao<jtlag Xoyov, Eig <j>vaiKov, yiBikov, XoyiKov' eIt' aZ waXiv, tov
<j>vatKov BieXouevh e'ie te ty)v t&v aio8r)T&v ^Einplav, Kat rr\v t&v
aaioadroiv Karavonatv' evpotg av Kal trap' 'Efjpalotg to TpiuEpkg
TaTOTrjg BtBaaKaXiag sTBog. Praep. Evang. lib. 11. c. 1. Compare
Civ. Dei, lib. viii. c. 4. —Eusebius pursues his argument with an
injudiciousness which was promoted by the circumstances of
the age ; and is anxious to bring as good logic, and natural
philosophy from Moses, as the later Platonic school could boast
in their master !
* Quoniam tres partes philosophiae cqngruere inter se primus
obtinuit, nos quoque separatim de singulis dicemus. Apul. de
Philos. Natur. — Atticus is called Btafaviig uviip t&v YlXarwvi-
K&v^tpiXoaotjtiov. Praep. Evang. lib. 11. ib.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 237
progress of all science and sound reasoning.*
The early fathers of the church were also loud
in condemning it as hostile to religion and its
proofs. Nor were the Stoics without their
share of reprobation on the same account.
Attached as they were to the exercise of the
mind in disputation, they maintained the prio
rity of importance due to the experience of the
senses, and referred all reasoning to the primary
and inchoate intelligences which these afforded.
Plato is complimented by Augustin for his
freedom from such errors. He did not deny to
the senses that influence which was obviously
due to them ; but he bestowed his chief atten
tion on the mind, to the exercise of which he
attributed the proper criterion of truth.*]" This
* Quod autem attinet ad doctrinam, ubi altera pars versatur,
quae ab eis Logica, id est, rationalis vocatur ; absit ut his com-
parandi videantur, qui posuerunt judicium virtutis in sensibus
corporis, eorumque infidis et fallacibus regulis omnia quae dis-
cuntur, metienda esse censuerunt, ut Epicurei, et quicunque alii
tales, — ut etiam ipsi Stoici. Qui cum vehementer amaverint
solertiam disputandi, quam Dialecticam nominant, a corporis
sensibus earn ducendam putarunt. Hinc asseverantes animum
concipere notiones, quos appellant Evvoiag, hinc propagari atque
connecti totam discendi docendique rationem. Civ. Dei, lib. v.
c. 7.
t Hi autem, quos meritd caeteris anteponimus, discreverunt
ea quae mente conspiciuntur ab iis quae sensibus attinguntur :

238 PAGANISM AND
commendation however must not be received
without a considerable abatement. It is ob
vious to every reader of Plato, that he indulges
an inordinate taste for abstraction; and it is
impossible not to notice, what Brucker has
justly pointed out, — his strong tendency to
fanaticism.* The ethics of Plato have received much
praise for the loftiness of their principle as well
as for the extent of their application. While
the rule of private conduct was learnt from
the Philebus, Euthyphro, and other dialogues;
that of public morals was held out to civil
communities in the larger treatises of laws,
and of a republic. Hereafter, it may not be
uninstructive or unamusing to lay before you
the various opinions concerning the summum
bonum (the proper end of ethics) which pre-
nec sensibus adimentes quod possunt, nee iis dantes ultra quam
possunt. ib. The view which Apuleius gives of this branch of the
triple philosophy, proceeds in a technical manner, lt does not
point out the general principles of reasoning, or inquire from
whence they arise, but is almost entirely concerned about the
forms of syllogisms.
* Quod unum dogma (the abstraction of the mind for the
purpose of contemplating intelligible things, or ideas) satis
prodit, quam fanatica sit Platonis philosophia, et quod tota
enthusiasmo faveat. De Philos. Plat. c. 15.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 239
vailed in the Pagan schoqls at large. This will
furnish a discussicn decisive qf the general
questiqn concerning the pursuit of happiness
by the men of nature. At present; it will be
sufficient to observe, that, while some placed
their chief good in the body, some in the mind,
and some in both, or in the outward advantages
of life added to these, nothing seemed to be
considered beyond man in the present world,
and the manner in which he might be benefited
by the objects which surrounded him. To
Plato however is attributed by Augustin the
merit of going farther, and of providing a cer
tain happiness for the mind in the contempla
tion of the Deity.* But here again is a caution
to be applied. Mosheim has well observed the
pruriency of Plato's disposition, and the want
of chastity and modesty which he so often be
trays.*]" On the point immediately under our
notice, it is impossible not to remark, how ex-
* Cedant igitur hi omnes illis philosophis, qui non dixerunt
heatum esse hominem fruentem corpore, vel fruentem animo,
sed fruentem Deo. Civ. Dei, lib. viii. c. 8.
f Plato, qui natura non nimis bene constitutus videtur fuisse,
parumque castus et pudicus, quo ipse minori laboraret invidia,
Socratem ignominiae suae participem esse voluit. Dissert.
Eccles. vol. i. p. 198.

240 PAGANISM AND
ceptionable are some of the means which, under
the cover of the name of Socrates, he prescribes
for the attainment of his object. The Deity is
the xaXoii in the highest degree ; and one mode
of exciting our affections towards divine beauty,
is to attach ourselves to those resemblances of
it which are to be discovered in the most perfect
of human forms !* But I will add no more.
Decipit exemplar vitiis imitabile 
This introduction of the Deity, however de
grading to his nature, brings us to the theology
of Plato, which is a part of the physics, and
with which indeed we are principally concerned.
This then is the manner in which the mind of
Plato is supposed to have ascended towards
the discovery of the Deity.
Nature consists of things animate and inani
mate. But life is superior to matter ; for cor
poreal species are the objects of the senses,
while vital species are to be discovered only by
the eye of the mind.t Hence it follows, that
* In the Phaedrus is the dangerous and revolting doctrine
here noticed.
f Consideraverunt enim quicquid est, vel corpus esse, vel
vitam, meliusque aliquid vitam esse quam corpus ; speciemque
corporis esse sensibilem, intelligibilem vitae. Civ. Dei, lib. viii.
c. 6.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED, 241
intelligible are preferable to. sensible species.
And this preference is established through the
power which the mind possesses of judging
concerning the beauty and qualities' of .body.
For whether the. body indulge repose, or exert
itself in action, the mind maintains its superior
privilege, and performs its various offices, with
out being constrained by time or place, or any
of those exterior circumstances by which bodily
operations are affected. The beauty of the
mind is therefore of a higher order than that of
the body ; and thus is the one distinguished
from the other. But the mind, thus evidently
superior to body, must next' be; compared
with itself. , The same judgment concerning
sensible species will not equally result from
every mind.* The mind of one man will deter
mine better than that of another, in proportion
to the differences of their natural sagacity, or
their habits of exertion. .'. Nay, the mind of, the
same man will determine better or worse con
cerning the same objects, as attention or im
provement may affect its judgments. But
hence a mutability ensues. The mind seems
* Sed ibi quoque nisi mutabilis esset, non alius alio melius
de specie sensibili judicaret ; et idem ipse unus cum proficit,
melius utique postea quam prius. ib.
It

242 PAGANISM AND
to partake of some of the imperfections of body,
in the alterations of which it is susceptible.
That sensible species may lose their character
istic qualities, and finally disappear, is certain.
But, if the mind is subject to change, and
Capable of increase, it is also liable to diminu
tion ; and if so, it may be finally lost. And
hence it follows, that in searching for the pri
mary species of things ; or that from which the
species of other things are derived, it is neces
sary to ascend not only beyond the properties
of body, but beyond the mind of man.* The
first conclusion therefore concerning the Deity
was, that the mind being preferable to body,
he was of the superior species, and conse
quently, was not to be looked for in body. The
next conclusion was, that the Deity being thus
proved to be mind, he must have the additional
property of immutability. For the species of
things, or those qualities which constitute their
respective natures, could not be derived from the
perishable things themselves. Nor were they
* Quod autem recipit majus et minus, sine dubitatione muta-
bile est. Unde ingeniosi et docti et in his exercitati homines
facile colligerunt, non esse in eis rebus primam speciem, ubi
mutabile esse convincitur. ib.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 243
derived from the mind of man, itself mutable.
It was necessary therefore to refer them to an
immutable principle, or the mind of the Deity.*
And hence came the universe, its figure, quali
ties, and movements ; the disposition of the
elements, and the bodies which are placed at
various distances among them. Hence too
came every degree of life, whether vegetative
alone, or sensitive and rational combined with
it, or any other mode of life possessed by
beings beyond the condition of man.
From this various superiority of the Deity,
another point was inferred, — the comprehen
siveness of his nature. He is not to be esti
mated by the separate properties of animate or
inanimate things. In him existence cannot be
supposed without life, nor life without intellect,
nor intellect without happiness; but life, and
intellect, and happiness are together his being; -j-
* Viderunt quicquid mutabile esset, non esse summum
Deum, et ided omnem animam mutabilesque spiritus transcen-
derunt quaerentes Deum. ib.
f Quia non aliud illi est esse, aliud vivere, quasi possit esse
non Tivens; — nee aliud illi est -vivere, aliud intelligere, quasi
possit vivere non inteBigens ; — nee aliud illi est intelligere,
aliud beatum esse, quasi possit intelligere, et non beatus esse :
Sed quod est illi vivere, intelligere, et beatum esse, hoc est illi
esse. ib.
r2

244 PAGANISM AND
and he exists truly, because he exists unchange
ably. Such is the substance of the statement given
by Augustin concerning the knowledge which
Plato was supposed to have of the Deity. But
it is certain, that the theology which is so regu
larly detailed in this Chapter, was drawn, not
from Plato himself,* but from some of those
who became his zealous commentators after the
propagation of the Gospel ; or, that Augustin
unconsciously applied to certain philosophical
terms, that more spiritual meaning which Reve
lation had imparted, and with wrhich his own
pious mind was fully possessed. Indeed, am
ple proofs of this assertion are afforded in the
Chapter itself. The writer refers for his au-
* In the Philebus he talks of the chief good of man. This
must be perfect. It is not in pleasure alone, nor in science
without the perception of pleasure. Both together are prefer
able to each singly; but neithes is the true good in this third
class. He passes therefore to a fourth, or the Demiurgic cause.
In this is true being; and the happiness of man is compounded
of the best pleasure, and the best science, which is employed
on this being : — 7TEpl to by Kal To bvrwg, Kal to Kara rowdy dti
¦ttEtyvKog, p. 400. Ed. Ficin. From such occasional high fan
cies, though mixed with much grossness and obscurity, the
later Platonics endeavoured to raise a system of divinity which
might be successfully opposed to Revelation.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 245
thorities, not to Plato, but to the Platonicians
at large, whose conclusions are adopted as if
they were those of their master.* Again, when
Augustin speaks of that mode of life which is
enjoyed by certain beings superior to man,
he explains it by the example of the angels. f
Their sense and intellect subsist without the
necessity of being joined with the lowest degree
of life. They are said not to vegetate, and
therefore not to require support from nourish
ment. But Mosheim, in his treatise on the
imitation of the Christians by the Pagan writers,
has carefully ascertained, that the term xyyeXoc
is used by Plato in its common meaning among
the antient Greeks; and that the scriptural
sense was artfully communicated to it by the
later Platonic school.^ Again, when Augustin
* Consideraverunt, — viderunt — isti philosophi, quos caeteris
non immerito fama atque gloria praelatos videtmts. ib.
t Quae (vita) nutritorio subsidio non indiget, sed tantum
continet, sentit, intelligit, qualis est in angelis. ib. Augustin
is one of those theologians whose " common gloss" concern
ing this quality of angels is reproved by Milton. He makes
them eat; and " what redounds, transpires with ease." Parad.
Lost, Book 5.
{ Meum si quid valet judicium, putem, nomen ayysXog
apud Platonem niinistrum, administrum, distributorem, signifi-
care ; quo sensu infinitis in lo'cis scriptoriim Graecorum occurrit,.

246 PAGANISM AND
ascends to the deity of Plato, and asserts him
to be uncreated, he appears to attribute to him
the actual creation of all other things* But
this is a doctrine which was never understood
by Paganism ; and which, as Brucker has justly
observed, no sound interpretation of Plato can
possibly allow.. However, through these and
other causes of misrepresentation, the philoso
phy of Plato obtained an inordinate credit; and
Quae cum ita sint, equidem Casauboni et aliorum virorum doc-
tornm sententiam qui a recentioribus demum Graecorum scrip-
toribus sensu Christiano vocabulum hoc usurpatum esse arbi-
trantur, anteposuerim opinioni Fabri et Daleni, dum luculenti-
oribus testimoniis aliter sentire cogar. Dissert. Eccles. vol. 1 .
p. 349. — -Dacier, however, talks of angels, as if they were as
familiar to the writings of Plato as to the Scriptures. Dis
course on Plato.
* Ibi esse rerum principium recte crediderunt, quod factum
non esset, et ex quo facta cuncta essent. Civ. Dei, lib. viii. c. 6.
The words here marked would more properly mean, that the
matter of the world proceeded from the Deity; and in this
shocking sense Plato was interpreted by many of his later fol
lowers. But Augustin is evidently thinking of the scriptural
creation, and attributing to the philosopher that which was
not his due. His principles were, as Brucker represents them ;
-~-Ex nihilo nihil fieri, (qui enim creationem ex nihilo illi tri-
buunt, omnino falluntur;) esse itaque duas causas rerum om
nium; unam, a qua sint omnia; alteram, ex qua sint omnia:
illam Deum esse, banc materiam; et haec quidem principia sibi
ab aeterno opponi, nee a se dependere. De Philos. Plat. c. 6.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 247
inquiries were anxiously made by the Chris
tians, whence was derived the superior know
ledge which it was supposed to contain ?*
It was universally allowed, that Plato had
travelled to Egypt ; and on this fact some error
was grafted. As in that celebrated country
Moses had triumphantly demonstrated the
power of the one true God over the magic of
the idolaters, the doctrine of the Unity was sup
posed to have been preserved in its writings or
traditions, and to have been more particularly
known to the priests with whom Plato con
versed. Hence then, and from actual conver
sations with Jews resident in Egypt, came, as
was imagined, his better sentiments concerning
the Deity !f
* Augustin quotes the opinions of some (which however he
disproves by argument and Ghronology) that Plato had read the
Jewish scriptures, or in his travels had personally conversed
with the Prophet Jeremiah ! Quapropter in ilia peregrinatione
sua Plato nee Hieremiam videre potuit tanto ante def unctum,
nee casdem scripturas legere, quae nondum fuerunt in Graecam
linguam translates, qua ille pollebat. Civ. Dei, lib. viii. c. 1 1 .
t One of the suppositions of Eusebius is, that Plato might
have learnt the doctrine of Moses from certain Hebrews who
fled into Egypt after the second conquest of their country by
the Persians -.-^avvi^arai 7rap' 'Aiyuirriotg rrivucdBt rac Biarpi-
fiag irnroinpiyog, KaB* bv 'E/3pa«ii rijc dtKtiug BebrEpov airoirE-

248 PAGANISM AND
This notion appears to have been fondly enter
tained by the early Christians. It was also
zealously promoted by the vanity of the Egyp
tian Jews, with whom indeed Brucker supposes
it to have originated. Many of them became
enamoured with the Platonic doctrines which
were taught in the celebrated school of Alexan
dria. But never abandoning their national pre
dilection, and feelinga certain jealousy amidst
their admiration, they represented the Unity to
have been accidentally known to the Greeks
through the medium of their own history, and
patriotically resolved the philosophy of- Plato'
into an imitation of Moses!* An opinion thus
aovreg yijg, ' Aiyvtrrioig kirsx<>>pialZ,ov , Y\epa&v EiciKparavTbtv.
Praep. Evang. lib. 1 1 . c. 8. Compare lib. x. c. 4. Plato could
not have begun his travels till about the year 400. We hear
indeed of many Jews in Egypt under the Ptolemies. But this
is as much too late for the purpose of Eusebius, as the second
captivity is too early. The custom indeed of preserving the
records of memorable events in the temples of Egypt, is stated by
Plato himself : — oira 2e ij Trap' rip'tv, tfrijBE, ij Kal Kat' aXXov toitov-
bv amy "tapEv, e'itvov tI KaXbv ij fiiya yiyovEv, ij Kal nvd Bia(j>opdv
aXXtjv 'iyov, Travra yEypa-fiukva ek iraXata, TrjB' etiv kv rolg
iepolg, Kal aEaaafiEva. In Tim. p. 1043. — In this manner.Plato
might have heard the name of Moses.
* Tota enim tabula Judaeorum ^Egyptiacorum superbiae de-
betur, qui cum maximi Platonicam philosophiam facerent, ejus
gloriam gentilibus inviderunty contenderuntque meliorem ejus

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 249
flattering was not likely soon; to be forgotten,
especially amidst the earnest disputes which
ensued with the enemies of the Faith. Justin:
Martyr seems to be persuaded, that Plato, as
well as Pythagoras, had availed himself of the
divine wisdom which Moses hadleft in, Egypt.*
And hence he supposes him to have drawn the.
very terms in which he mentions the Deity. He
argues, that no proper name could be assigned;
to a Being, who was, the only God: for prqper
names are employed for the purpose of distin
guishing inferior beings from each (other. : As
therefore Moses characterized God by the words
" I am," words simply declaratory of his exist
ence; Plato expressed him by the equivalent
phrase, "That which is."t Among the Latins,
Ambrose may be selected as entertaining the
same opinion. Though not engaged in the
subject of the Unity, he finds an opportunity
partem ex Mose haustam esse. Hist. Philos. Per. 1 . part. post.
lib. ii. c. 6. s. 3.
* TlXdnav Be, airoBE^apEvog fikv, we eoikev, rrjv irEpl tvbg Kal
fiova 0e5 M.orva£wg Kal t&v aXXiav irpo(j>r)T&v BtBaaKaXiciv, ijv kv
'AiyiWw yEvbfiEvog 'iyvto, &c. Ad Graec. Cohort, p. 18.
t Taro a Boke'i 'iv KaljavTov Eivat, 7<"J apBpa fiova BtaXXdrTov;
b fikv yap Muivarjg, b &v, E(pr)' b BEUXdroiv, to bv' EKarEpov Be
t&v Etpyfiiviov ra cieIovti 0£y irpooriKEty QaivETai. ib. p. 20.

250 PAGANISM AND
to introduce his persuasion, that Plato went to
Egypt for the express purpose of obtaining an
acquaintance with the history and writings of
Moses and the Prophets !* The notion indeed
became common ; and among other titles be
stowed on him by the growing fondness for
his philosophy, he was complimented with
those of the "Attic Moses," and the "Rival of
Moses !"*]¦ The worst species of adulation, how
ever, was reserved for the semi-pagan scholars
of a later age. The revival of literature was,
for a while, the* dishonour of the Gospel. It
would be equally tedious and disgraceful to
dwell on the indecent manner in which the new
studies were pursued. The profane tendency
of those times is too openly displayed by Fici-
nus, the first interpreter of the works of Plato.
His prefaces, commentaries, and addresses to
Lorenzo of Medici are marked with a most
puerile extacy concerning the wisdom recently
* Eruditionis gratia in Jigyptum, ut Moysis gesta, legis
oracula, prophetarum dicta cognosceret. He is speaking of the
punishment of sin and the consolations of the righteous after
suffering. In Psalm. 118. Serm. 18. c. 4.
t This seems to have arisen from the unlucky observation
of Numenius, preserved by Eusebius : Tt yap t*l HXdnav, tj
Mojiti/e arriKiZtov ; Praep. Evang. lib. 11. c. 10.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 251
discovered ; and if revelation is remembered, it
is only for the purpose of degrading it by an
odious parallel. In one of the Dialogues he
discovers the whole of theology. He seems to
believe the Parmenides to be drawn from the
divine mind, and scarcely to be understood but
by the divine suggestion. In the Phaedo, his
impious absurdity is carried to the utmost
height. In short, he supposes all revelation to
be shadowed out in the Pagan philosophy, of
which he is the editor. The New Testament
is seen in the character of Socrates ; the Old,
in the doctrines of Plato : and through this
insane persuasion, he is induced to express a
wish, that Plato might be read in the churches !*
This senseless admiration was revived in a later
age ; nor indeed is it wholly extinct even in
our own. . Mosheim has justly exposed the in
judicious raptures of Andrew Dacier, and the
force of that prejudice which led him to repre
sent the lightest fancies as the most solid argu
ments in favour of Plato, whose doctrine he
supposed to be hardly inferior to that of Christ
* Plato seems to have been his private deity. In his bed
room was a statue of Plato, with a lamp always burning before
it. Fabric. Bibl. Graec. lib. iii. c. 3.

252 PAGANISM AND
and his apostles.* , Indeed, the discourse on
Plato, prefixed to the translation of some of the .
Dialogues, cannot be read without amazement
at its absurdity. He insinuates, that Plato began
to write about the time when prophecy ceased;
and that this was divinely contrived, in order to
prepare the world for the Gospel by an inter
mediate teaching of most of its principles !*]*
But I will not pursue this lamentable subject.
A short view of the establishment and principles
of the school of Alexandria will suffice to explain
the mistake of the early fathers, and will pre- :
pare us for a more sound opinion concerning
the knowledge which Plato appears to have
had of the Deity.
We are informed by Strabo, that a musaeum,
or college of philosophy had been formed at
* Incredibili doctissimus hicce vir amore Platonis incensus
erat, quo saepenumero. sic abducitur, ut baud multum infra
Christum et sanctissimos ejus legatos hominem collocare videa-
tur ; — qua re accidit, ut levissimas rationes pro magni mo-
menti argumentis interdum haberet. Opusc. De Creat.
Mund.c. 15.
t One of his verbal observations, in support of this insane
notion is, that Plato used rairEivbg in the sense of humble. A
plain anticipation of the Nt\v Testament !

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 253
Alexandria in thte time of the Ptolemies.* It
was erected and endowed by their munificence ;
and situated, by signal favour, within the pre
cincts of their own palace. The members lived
at a common table, and the whole establishment
was placed under the control of a priest, to whom
was also committed the administration of the
sacred rites. He was appointed to his office
by the sovereign ; and when Egypt fell Under
the power of Rome, the nomination of the
president passed to the Caesars. The school
obtained much renown. Grammar, rhetoric,
poetry, philosophy, astronomy, music, medicine,
and every other art and science known in those
ages, were taught by professors in each branch ;
and the ingenuous youth of all the civilized
world resorted to" it as to a common place of
instruction. After a while, however, the antient mode of
teaching began to be abandoned. Either
through a wish of yielding to the superstitious
temper of Egypt, always prone to mix fanati-
* T&v Be flaaiXeihiv fiipog e<ti, Kai to M.aae~iov, 'ixov irEp'nrarov
Kal k^iBpav, Kal oikov piyav, kv of to avaainov t&v fierExbvTwv
ra WlaoEta <j>iXoX6yu>y avBp&v' k^l Be tt) avvoBb) ravTr) Kal Yp"7-
fiaTa Kotvd, Kal hpevg b kirl t£ Mso-ei'^ TETayaivoQ, tote fikv vitb
t&v j3adiXE(ttv,vvvB' iuro Katcrapoc. Lib. xvii. p. 546. Compare
Cave, Hist. Litt. in voc. Athenagoras.

254 PAGANISM AND
cism with, its literature, or of pleasing by a
syncretism the tastes of scholars, brought from
different and distant nations ; — either through
the fatigue of the multiplicity of doctrines, main
tained by so many masters of philosophy, or
the ambition of forming a new sect ; an attempt
was made to compound the principal opinions
of the other schools into one system. The
tenets of Pythagoras were blended with those
of Plato. The extravagancies of the orientalists
were added to the compilation; and of materials
thus discordant it was proposed to establish an
uniform and comprehensive scheme of philosor
phy and theology.* When this attempt began,
however, does not clearly appear. Mosheim
attributes it to Potamon, whom, on the authority
of Suidas, he places in the age of Augustus.*]"
* Alexandrinos, naturd superstitiosos, et ad augendas reli-
giones pronissimos, philosophiam Pythagorico-Platonicam du-
dum apertis amplexibus recepisse, et cum ea omnis generis
religionis, itemque varia doctrinarum, maxime Orientalium,
capita conflasse in unum, et corpus aliquod theologiae excudisse,
quod de Deo et divinis emanationibus multa garriendo; pando-
cheum omnium fere religionum esset. Brucker, Per. 2, lib. i.
c. 2. Sect. iv. § 19. Compare § 2. He states this as one of
the points necessary to be remembered in order to understand
the Eclectic philosophy which ensued.
f Dissert. Eccles. vol. i. p. 92. He notices the different

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 255
But Brucker is inclined to bring him down to a
later time, and to make him coeval with Dio
genes Laertius, by whom he is briefly men
tioned. However this may be, it is allowed by
both, that a disposition to reconcile the different
schools, had been shewn before the formation
of the more celebrated Eclectic sect by Ammo-
nius, towards the close of the second century.*
He became the father of the junior Platonics;
and availing himself of the spirit already excited,
he united with his own doctrines, those which
pleased him in every other school. That of
Epicurus alone was excluded from his plan,
which was farther distinguished by two parti
culars of essential importance to our subject.
While Ammonius professed to adopt whatever
was acceptable in Aristotle, Zeno, and the phi
losophers at large, he gave a marked pre-emi
nence to Plato, from whose confessed superi
ority was derived one of the names by which
opinion of Brucker in another treatise in the same volume.
P. 754.
* Prodit obscuritas Potamonis, exiguam fortunam ejus cona-
mina habuisse, et in ipsa herba fuisse suffocata. Feliciori
successu, ut ampliori quoque consilio rem aggressus est Ammo
nius Alexandrinus, a vitae genere Saccas dictus, qui exspirante
saeculo secundo et ineunte tertip vixit. Brucker. ib. § 4.

256 • PAGANISM AND
the sect was known. At the same time, an
insidious use was made of the Scriptures, which
were now every where dispersed, and which,
through the force of Divine truth, were draw
ing mankind away from a vain philosophy, to
the better knowledge of God and their duty.
It was consonant with the plan of Ammonius,
to adopt parts of Christianity itself, and to
modify them to his own purpose. Such of the
doctrines of the Gospel, therefore, as were
supposed to be compatible with the philosophy
of Plato, were received into the system ; while
others were explained away by an artful inter
pretation, or supposed, by a forced similitude
of phrase, to be already familiar to the Pagan
schools. And thus was the pernicious design
accomplished of raising the character of philo
sophy by the secret aid of Christianity ; of giv
ing to the latter the occasional appearance of a
derivation from the former, and, in all cases, of
exalting Platonism above the Gospel.* For
* Cum elegantiora et veriora haud pauca apud Christianos
inveniri convictus n6sset, metueret autem, ne inepte meliora
reliquisse videretur, Protei naturam induit, mutando, variando,
pingendoque Platoni eos sensus affinxit, qui Christianis pro-
piores essent ; turn quse praestantiora Christiauorum dogmata
erant, recocta, et ad sui systematis normam reformata recepit,
vel qua; recipere non poterat, verborum tamen similitudine

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 257
this evil work Ammonius was too well prepared.
He had been born of Christian parents, and
was bred up in the faith. When, therefore, he
revolted to Paganism,* he carried with him an
acquaintance with Christianity hitherto un
known to the Heathen schools. And the mis
chief done was in proportion to the superior
means which he possessed.
In imitation of the Pagan school of Alexan
dria, a catechetical school had been formed
there by the Christians frqm the earliest time
of the propagation of the Gospel.*]" This was
in high repute when the sect of Ammonius was
formed. Some of the Platonics, therefore,
imitatus est, ut haberet, quae Christianis triumphum acturis
opponeret, quasque in suo solo enata tamen esse gloriaretur
Brucker. ib. § 21.
* Is Christianis parentibus natus, et in Christiana religione
institutus et educatus erat; at virilem quum aetatem attigisset,
ad avitam religionem et multorum numinum cultum deficiebat.
Mosheim, Diss. Eccles. vol. i. p. 101, &c.
f Ad hu jus gymnasii imitationem (the school founded by tbe
Ptolemies) ab ipsis nascentis Christianismi incunabulis schola
fidelium sacra a B. Marco Alexandriae est in.stituta, in qua
rudiores pnmis fidei Christianas mysteriis erudirentur, consti-
tutis ad id praestantissimis magistris. — Et haec erat celeberrima
ilia Karj;.x))<r£<i>e schola Alexandrina, cujus frequens apud scrip-
tores ecclesiasticos occurrit mentio. Cave, Hist. Lit. in voc,
Athenagoras. s

258 PAGANISM AND
embraced Christianity; and to this they were
induced perhaps by those parts of it with which
they had been made acquainted through the
new philosophy. Nor is it to be wondered,
that these persons should, for a while at least,
understand the doctrines of the Gospel in an
imperfect manner, or that they should add to
their Christian profession, certain interpreta
tions not strictly consonant with it.* To this
source we must trace that accommodation of
philosophy to faith, which we observe in some
of the writings of Athenagoras, who became
one of the more distinguished rectors of the
catechetical school. t The same prejudice in
* Utinam semper ita fecissent philosophi Christiani, quem-
admoduin decebat, nee externa quadam dogmatum et institu-
tionum similitudine decepti fuissent, ut pro Christianis habe-
rent, quae ad speciem tautum Christiana videbantur. Sed ob-
stitit illis partim amor ph'ilosophiae, partim imperitia et ingenii
imbecillitas, ne cuncta rite expenderent : ex quo evenit, ut in
Christianam multa transtulerint philosophiam, quae toto genere
a disciplina Christiana dissident. Mosheim.Diss. Eccles. vol. i.
p. 97.
f Non solum philosophiam Platonicam publice docuit, sed
et scholae Christianorum catecheticae apud Alexandrinos praefuit,
Christianam religionem in ipso quoque pallio professus. Cave,
ib. Compare the mention already made of this tendency of
Athenagoras; ch. iv. p. 165.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 259
favour of Eclectic principles, strikes us in others
of the same school, in Origen, and Clement
named of Alexandria.* On the other hand,
those who, under the protection of the Platonic
sect, kept themselves aloof from the Gospel,
were its worst and most dangerous enemies.
The Christian writers had now exposed, with
so much success, the native foulness of Paga
nism, that many were ashamed to follow it. To
these the eclectics offered a convenient escape.
They held a middle station, and allured to
their standard all who were disgusted by the
vulgar theology, but yet continued hostile to
the Gospel.*]"
The success of this fatal sect was rapid and
extensive. Another great support of it soon
sprung up in Plotinus, whom Augustin so em
phatically mentions as the best interpreter of
the mind of Plato. He established a school of
high reputation in Italy 4 Porphyry laboured
* Mosheim, Diss. Eccles. vol. i. p. 95.
f Eo vero potissimum consilio conditum est, qud res Deorum
sensim collabentes servarentur ab inferitu, et Christianorum in
veteres superstitiones tela confringerentur, ipsaque eorum reli-
gio, si fieri posset, extirparetur. Mosheim, Diss. Eccles. vol. r.
p. 108.
X Hie, quum Romae scholam aperuisset, totam fere Italian)
s2

260 PAGANISM AND
to spread the same doctrines over Sicily.* Plu
tarch (not of Chaeronea) became a professor of
them at Athens ;f while from Alexandria itself
the system was carried into Syria, and for a
while flourished in an extraordinary degree at
Antioch,:); a city, in which the followers of the
faith had been first distinguished by the name
of Christians. Its progress was indeed checked
by the civil establishment of the Gospel ; but:
the hopes of the school were soon revived by
Julian, himself an Eclectic.^ After his death,
however, it decayed. Its existence was con
tinued till the age of Justinian, by whose firm
ness it was finally suppressed. ||
Ammonii doctrina infecit. He was a scholar of Ammonius.
Mosheim, Diss. Eccles. vol. i. p. 112.
* Is Siciliam et alias provincias Romani orbis hoc philoso-
phiae genere replevit. He was a scholar of Plotinus. ib.
T In Graeciam Plutarchus quidam, Atheniensis, hanc intulit
philosophandi formam. From this school arose Syrianus, Pro-
clus, Isidorus, and Damascius. ib. p. 113.
X Ex Mgypto, ad finitimos populos, maxime ad Syros, hasc
secta transiit, multisque in locis, praesertim Antiochiae, quae
caput est Syriae, consedit. ib.
§ Juliano regnante, qui praeter modum huic doctrinae favebat,
quam ipsemet complexus erat, parum a summo gloriae et felici-
tatis humanse apice distare videbantur Platbnici. ib. p. 114.
|| Justinianus imperator aut solum eos vertere, aut ad Chris-
tianorum i-eligionem accedere jussit. ib.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 261
This short history will be sufficient to account
for the extraordinary influence of the name of
Plato on the Christian world, and the astonish
ment of many at the supposed coincidence of
Platonism with Revelation.* It will also ex
plain the false admiration which was entertained
for Plato by many of the early writers of the
church, while they employed themselves in
combating other parts of the Doctrine attributed
to him. In fact, the knowledge which they
had of Plato, was drawn chiefly from the mixed
interpretations of his followers; and it is the
decided judgment of Brucker, that the philo
sophy which Augustin so fervently extolled,
* Not only had some of the later writers imitated the doc
trines of the Gospel, and produced a Trinity unknown to Plato,
— the illumination of the Spirit, the return of the soul to God,
&c. but particular words were now used in a solemn sense,
borrowed from the Scriptures/ — Vocabula, quae de Deo, de
animae natura, de purgatione animae, de misero corrupti hominis
statu, et de aliis rebus adhibent, ejus sunt generis, ut apertum
sit, e novi foederis divinis scriptoribus ea mutuo esse suiupta,
minime vero in scholis philosophorum nata. Testes hujus rei
omnes illos facio, qui maximi inter ethnicos sunt nomiuis,
philosophos, Plotinum, Jamblichum, Hieroclem, Simplicium,
et alios, in quibus nomina <rwri)p, avaKaivwatg, waXiyyEvEaia,
(jxanafibg, et infinita alia, philosophis olim incognita, utramque
faciunt paginam. Mosheim, Dissert. Eccles, vol. i. p. 339,

262 PAGANISM AND
before he became acquainted with his error,
and had the courage openly to retract it, was
not that of Plato, but of Plotinus.* From this
view of the false credit assumed for him by the
Alexandrian school, let us turn then to Plato
himself, and briefly inquire, what is the pro
bable amount of the knowledge which he pos
sessed of the Deity.
From those passages of Justin Martyr which
have been already quoted, it appears, that some
of the compliments so zealously paid to Plato
in the early ages of the Gospel, arose from the
use of certain expressions, to which much so
lemnity was attached, in his physical writings.
The Parmenides is supposed to teah the doc
trine of divine things. The TiniEeus treats of
the knowledge of nature.*]" But these subjects
* Ilia enim, quam mire effert, Platonica philosophia non alia
est quam Plotiniana. Per. 2. part 2. lib. 1 . c. 3. § 1 1. Indeed,
he speaks of Plotinus as having the reputation, in that age, of
being the best interpreter of the mind of Plato: — Plotinus
certe, nostrae memoriae vicinus temppribus, Platonem caeteris
excellentius intellixisse laudatur. Civ. Dei, lib. ix. c. 10. It
has happened to Plato to be obscured by the growth of his own
fame ; and the glosses of his followers have hidden his original
meaning. t Justin Martyr speaks of it as being also a treatise of
theology: — kv r<j> iairovBaapiva awr«[\oyw Ttfiata, kv <a Kal
SeoXoyEiv knixEtpEt. Ad Graec. Cohort, p. 20.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 263
are occasionally interchanged, and in the dis
cussion of both, are employed the terms of " the
one," and " that which is." In the former of
these dialogues, the principal inquiry is con
cerning a metaphysical unity, whether there be
one thing, or many. It had been affirmed by
Parmenides in his celebrated poem, that " all
things were one." The principle of this deci
sion, which was sufficiently obscure in itself,
(for the term "one" may be used sometimes
concerning that which possesses parts, and
sometimes concerning that which is without
parts,) was, of course, unknown to the less sci
entific part of mankind: and it appears, that
they were disposed to indulge their mirth at
the expense of such as maintained the doctrine.
Zeno was offended at so gross a liberty. He
therefore came to the assistance of Parmenides
with another position, differing in words, as
Socrates observes, but agreeing in sense, that
all things were "not many."* Hence the
* 2u fikv yap kv To'tg trotrifiaaiv ev iptjg Eivai to irdv, Kal tutwv
TEKfiripia TTapixy> KaX&g Kal eZ' oBe Be aZ oil iroXXa ^nalv Eirai,
TEKfii)pia Be Kal avrbg 7rd/xiro\Xa Kali trap/iEyiBr) irapE^trai- to
ovv tov fitv, ev ipavat, tov Be, fir) troXXa, Kal ovTwg EKaTEpov
XiyEiv (ike finBiv t&v dvr&v kip-nKEvdt Boke'iv, axtBov ti Xiyovrag

264 PAGANISM AND
reader is introduced to a knowledge of the pro
perties of " one." He finds that it is without
parts, and infinite ; that it is comprehended
neither in any other, nor in itself; that it is
without shape, and in no place. On the same
principle, it is subject to no change, and cannot
pass into any other condition; yet it is not, on
that account,- stationary. It is neither like to
itself, nor any other, nor is it different. It has
neither equality nor inequality; and having no
connection with time, is neither old nor young:
and since no description can be given of that
which has no determinate mode of being, it has
no name, and cannot be declared in any certain
manner.* These and many other things are
circumstantially stated ; and the question is
discussed in various ways, and on contrary
suppositions. It is extremely difficult to con
jecture what may be the tendency of a reasoning
thus complicated and abstruse ; and perhaps it
is this very circumstance which has induced
raura, virkp iifidg Tag &XXag, faivenu fiffiv ra Eipi)fiiva elpijaBai.
InParm. p. 1110.
* 'OvB* dvofia'CETai apa, ovBk Xiysrat, uBk BoldfcTai, aBk
ytyv&aKErai' aBt rl t&v ovtwv aiira aiaBdvErai. The particu
lars selected in the text, and many more, are mentioned, p.
11 17— 1120, ed. Ficiu.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 265
the Platonic commentators to interpret it into
a mystical allusion to the nature of the Deity.
With this, however, is also interwoven the
doctrine of ideas; and if it has any reasonable
connection with the great position bf " one,"
as understood by the Alexandrian school* the
meaning probably is, that the difference in the
species of things, constituted according to their
respective exemplars, does not destroy the as
sertion concerning the unity of principle.* If
therefore, any tolerable conclusion can be drawn
* Plato is said to have been the first who defined the doctrine
of ideas : — Tf)v Trap! t&v IBe&v icp&rog kvi^Eipi)aag bpifeaBai.
Euseb. Praep. Evang. lib. ii. c. 3. Yet he is by no means
consistent wiih himself, sometimes supposing them to be only
exemplars, or noetic models of things; and sometimes repre
senting them as having a positive agency in their formation,
and communicating a consistency and stability to matter.
Brucker complains besides, that the doctrine of Parmenides is
wrested to this ideal system; and the commentator, in a late
edition of Plato, Bipont. 1786, abruptly adandons the argu
ment of the Parmenides, on account of the tedious and unpro
fitable nature of the discussion: — equidem haec legens tanto
afficior taedio, ut iis referendis immorari prorsus nequeam. — In
short, none could understand this dialogue, except those mystical
commentators who endeavoured to set up the credit of Plato
against the Gospel : and these may be understood in their turn,
if a more fortunate race of interpreters should arise to explain
their explanation.

266 PAGANISM AND
from a dissertation immoderately perplexed
and obscure; and almost equally unintelligible,
with, or without the aid of the fanatical inter
pretation which has been bestowed upon it,
the doctrine of " one" means either one whole,
or, all things essentially flowing from one ; or,
having their only subsistence by a participation
in the properties of one!
The character which Brucker gives of the
Eleatic philosophy of Zeno, contains some
particulars of resemblance with the doctrine of
Plato concerning " one."* His view, also, of
the poem of Parmenides, (of which, however,
there remain only some obscure fragments,)
may in some measure assist the meaning of the
dialogue. He seems to have held, that truth,
and the essence of things, were not to be found
in the mutability of matter, or the uncertainty
* Nihil ex non-ente exsurgere, et ideo unum tantum ens,
nempe Deum esse. — Ens hoc esse exccllentissimum et aeternum
et unum, ideoque unum Deum esse et gubemare omnia ; sibi
omni ex parte similem esse, rotundum, neque finitum neqne
infinitum, et neque moveri posse, neque immobilem esse, neque
locum neque motum. Ex quibus patet, dum praedicata fere
omnia de Deo Zeno removeat, impossible esse in veram ejus
mentem penetrare, metaphysicam sibi entis notionem effingen-
tis, et nugis dialecticis cogitata sua obscurantis. Per. 1 . part.
post. lib. ii. c. 1 1 , § 1 1 .

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 267
of opinion and the senses. Hence a marked
distinction was drawn between physical and
metaphysical knowledge.
From the latter, on which alone a reliance
may be placed, it appears, that there is only one
principle of all things; that it is immoveable
and immutable ; and therefore that the universe
is one. It is also eternal, nor had it a begin
ning; and it is of a spherical form, a figure ex
tolled for its superior properties by Plato in his
Timaeus. The one principle of other things is
therefqre the only Being; other things are non
entities; and, in strictness of language, there
is no formation of things by generation, no dis
solution of them by corruption, but their out
ward appearances are only illusions.*
This system, while it appears to do honour
to the primary principle, is, however, effect
ually injurious to it: and if Plato is to be
judged by such rules, his Deity, which, in the
reverential interpretation of Augustin, was lately
placed beyond all the objects of sense, is ulti-
* Esse omne rerum principium unum, immobile, et immuta-
bile, et ita universum esse unum ; idque aeteruum esse, et ori-
ginis expers ac sphaerici indutum forma; solum hoc unum ens
esse, reliqua non-entia, nihil itaque proprie generari vel cor-
rumpi, sed species ejus nobis tantum illudere. ib. § 8.

268 PAGANISM AND
mately reduced to a participation in the gross
ness of matter. Either the incorporeal Being
is linked in a degrading union with his own
eternal world ; and, on this account, the same
qualities may be nearly predicated of both, not
withstanding the existence allowed to the one,
and denied to the other ; or, this visible world
is nothing but an efflux from the Deity ; and in
this sense, all things being one, the whole is
material together!*
Some of these notions seem to be still pre
served in the Eastern parts of the world ; and
* Universa ferejuniorum Platonicorum turba sanxit mun-
dum ex ipso Deo ab omni aeternitate fluxisse, et Deum idcirco
esse omnia. Mosheim, Opusc. p. 200. He justly exclaims on
this : — Exeat vero a nobis, suasque sibi res solus habeat, cui
tarn foeda potest placere sententia, quam ego deteriorem illorum
esse dogmate arbitror, qui perennem asterno Deo materiam
adjungunt. In Milton's address to light, a part of this dangerous philo
sophy seems to be remembered, though with some decent hesi
tation concerning it. —
Kail, holy Light, offspring of Heaven first-born,
Or of the eternal coeternal beam,
May I .express thee unblamed ? Since God is light,
And never but in unapproached light
Dwelt from eternity, dwelt then in thee,
Bright effluence of bright essence increate. Par. Lost, book 3.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 269
anciently perhaps were better known to the re
ligions of Europe, than they are to the philoso
phical inquiries of the present day. The Indian
Brehme is said to be all things, the sky, the
earth, and the heaven. He is the sole, irradi
ating power. Sensible objects have no separate
being. They are but outward manifestations of
him, and in themselves, therefore, are nothing.
This result of the inquiry concerning the
"one," will be sufficient to explain the doctrine
in the Timaeus concerning " that which is."
Plutarch informs us, in what manner both ex
pressions were understood to have the same
meaning. When the worshipper went to con
sult the Delphic oracle, the salutation, directed
as it were towards him from the god, was,
" Know thyself." To this he was supposed to.
reply, "Thou art;" or according to the more
antient custom, "Thou art one."* Being is
therefore unity, for, as he observes, God is not
many;-}" and whatever differs from him, is no-
* 'O yap 0eoc EKa<tov f)fi&v EVTavBa trpoaidyra o\ov aaira-
Z6fievog,TrpoaayopEVEi,Tb Tv&Bi aavrov, o tS xaiPEBr) aBkvuEiov
k^tv' iifislg Be iraXtv a/iEijibfiEVOi tov Qeov, El (pauky — ij' Kal vr)
At', &g kv'iot t&v iraXaiiav, EI 'iv. De Et Delphico, c. 17 — 20.
t 'Ov yap 7roXXa to S/e76v kziv — AXX' 'iv slvai Bei to bv, {iarrep
bv to 'iv. ib. The term Et is interpreted in other senses by dif-

270 PAGANISM AND
thing. On the phrase itself, therefore, I will
not dwell, since the doctrine which it contains,
is referable to the point already discussed. The
leading principles also of this dialogue have been
incidentally mentioned ; nor will it be necessary
to enter into the mode in which the world was
formed, the nature of its exemplar or the pro
perties of its figure, the elements and their pro
portions, the mutable, immutable, and mixed
kinds of things from which was compounded
the soul of the world, or the production of the
gods and inferior animals. For the present
purpose it will be sufficient to advert to the
speech of the Demiurge, in which he declares
his superiority to the other deities, to men, and
terrestrial creatures. He reminds the secondary
gods, who had been produced by himself, that,
though they might conceive themselves to be
necessarily immortal on that account,* yet they
ferent speakers in the dialogue. But Eusebius had selected the
meaning given to it by Ammonius, which indeed was best
suited to his purpose. Praep. Evang. lib. xi. c. 11.
* 'Ettei oZv iravTEg oaot te TTEptwoXovai (jxivEp&g, Kal baoi <pai-
vovrai KaB' oaov &v kBiXioai Seoi, yivEaiv 'iaxov> Xkyei izpbg aiirag
b toBe to ttav yEvvriaag to.Be, SeoI $e&v, tov kyi) Br)fitapybg, iraWjp
te kpywv, a Bi kpa ysvofiEva, aXvra, kfia ye §EXovTog. In Tim.
p. 1054. — The evil principle afterwards mentioned, alludes, as

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 271
were generated, and therefore liable to dissolu
tion. The evil principle has a tendency to de
stroy them ; but he is superior, in this instance,
to its malignancy, and pledges himself that
their being shall be continued. He then com
missions them to complete the work of the uni
verse, and furnishes them with a part of the
requisite materials. Before the formation of
the world, he had provided a soul for it. This
he had mixed and tempered in a bowl. The
remains of the mixture, yet with some differ
ence in the preparation, he now gives to the
gods, and bids them imitate his primary agency.
It is beneath his dignity to attend to the forma
tion of terrestrial animals. With the materials,
therefore, afforded by the Demiurge for the hu
man soul, and with some inferior matter taken
I believe, to the perverseness of matter, always crossing the
designs of the Deity, and never perfectly subdued by him. Au
gustin has quoted this speech against the later Platonics for the
purpose of proving that God may bestow immortality on the
bodies as well as the souls of men : — Hoc tantum contra
istos commemorandum putavi, qui se Platonicos vocari vel esse
gloriantur ; — et quaerentes quid in doctrind Christiana reprehen-
dant, exagitant aeternitatem corporum, tanquam haec sint in
ter se contraria, ut et beatitudinem quaeramus animae, et eam
semper esse velimus in corpore velut aerumnoso vinculo colliga-
tam. Civ. Dei, lib. xiii. c. 16.

272 PAGANISM AND
by themselves from the elements, — to which it
was to be finally restored, the gods compose
mankind.* These specimens of doctrine are drawn from
both parts of what was termed* the natural phi
losophy of Plato. But, whatever interpreta
tion be made in his favour, we observe him, in
the former instance, establishing a mere meta
physical principle, which is too refined and
visionary to have any influence on human con
duct or human happiness ; and in the latter,
placing mankind at a careful distance from the
Demiurge, who is too dignified to trouble him
self with them or their concerns.
Hence arose the necessity of admitting the
existence of other deities ; and on this doubt
less was founded his own worship of the popu
lar gods. . It would be superfluous to point out,
at any length, the undoubted idolatry of Plato
amidst his supposed discovery of the real Unity,
* Tavr £l7r£" Kal iraXiv kirl tov irpoTEpov Kparrjpa, kv to rrjv r«
Travrbg 4<u%>; v KEpavvvg iptayE,Td T&VKp6oB£vvtr6Xonra KarE^ETro
fiiaywv rpoirov /iev jivaTov avrov. ib. — voi)aavTEg ot nalBeg rrjv
rS narpoc rd^iv, etteWovto avrrj, Kal Xafiovreg aBavarov apxvv
Bvnra £a>8, ptfiSfiEVoi rbv atpirepOy Btjfiiapybv, irvpbg Kal yrjg,
vBarog re-Kali aipog aVo ra Koafia BavEi^o/iEvoi popia, &g ajro-
BoBriqSfiEva iraXiv, ilg ravrb XapfiavopEva %vvEKoXXtov. ib.
p. 1054—5.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 273
a doctrine utterly irreconcileable with the prac
tice of polytheism.* He makes Socrates him
self an idolater. When, in his Apology, he
speaks of " the God," he commonly means the
Delphic Apollo,*]" in obedience to whose de
claration, he adopted that mode of argument
for the conviction of error, on accqunt of which
he became so obnoxious to the Athenians. In
the Euthyphro he declares the gods to be the
bestowers of the only good which can happen to
men.*]; In his private conversation with Crito,
as well as in the presence of his judges, he
states his belief in them, and swears by them
singly and collectively. Nay, he establishes
their existence through his assertion of the
reality of his own demon. He allows that the
demons are not properly gods. They were
* Another conclusive argument against Plato's supposed dis
covery of the Unity is drawn from the eternity of matter, one
of the undoubted results of his philosophy. This is well stated
by Mosheim : Quum toties de uno Deo loquatur, haud tamen
existimavit, vel vidit, tolli unitatem Dei, si materia aeque aetema
censeatur, atque ipse Deus est. Opusc. p. 184.
t Taura yap keXeveI b 0eoe. Apol. p. 23. — and kpol Be raro,
tag kyio <pr)fil,TrpooTETaKTaiVTro th 0e5 trpaTTEiv. ib. p. 26.
+ aBiv yap kzlv fifiiv dyaBbv o,n av fijj EKtivot B&atv. In
Euth. p. 11. T

274 PAGANISM AND
supposed to be the children of the gods by the
Nymphs. To affirm a demon, therefore, as
Socrates constantly did, was to presuppose the
gods.* This introduces to our notice another, or
mixed race of deities, sprung from gods and
mortals. It was a settled maxim of Plato, that
the Deity had no communication with man.'l"
At the same time he allowed the existence of
demons, invested them with local presidencies,
and, on account of their extraordinary pru
dence, quick apprehension, and exact memory,
supposed them to know all the thoughts of the
human heart.*| Hence he conferred on them
* 'Et Be ai ol kaifioveg Be&v irat&c £t<ri vbBoi rivkg, rj Ik Wfi-
tp&V, ij ek nv&v aXXtov, tov Br) Kal Xsyovrat, rig av dvBpinrtav
Be&v fikv iraT.Bag r\yo~tTO slvat, &Eag Be fir) ; Apol. p. 21 . It is
needless to say, that Plato ambitiously attributes his own
thoughts to Socrates — cui etiam, non sibi, scripta sua voluit
tribui. Fab. Bib. Graec. In Plat.
f Qeo£ Be 6\vBpi)irto a fiiyvvrat. In Conviv. p. 1 1 94.
X M.£Tix°''Ta 8k <j>povria£tog Sravuarijg, Site yivag bvra kvftaBag
te Kal fivr/fiovog, ytyv&aKEtv fiEV i-ypiraaav rr)v iipEripav avra
Btdvoiav XiytopEv. InEpinom. p. 1011. This is an important
sentence, as it shows us the gross and degrading notions of
Paganism concerning Divine omniscience. In the Cratylus,
Plato drrives the name of demons from Bafifiuiv. But it is
remarkable, that, in the same dialogue, he also pronounces a
wise man to be a demon — bpB&g Baifiova KaXEiaBat. Here his

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 275
the office of interpreters, or reporters, of the
actions of mankind to the higher deities. Of
this part of his mythology much corrupt use
was made by his successors, who extracted
from it a regular system of mediatorial agency.
In the demons were united the different qua
lities of gods and men; and to these were
added, others peculiar to themselves.* Of the
latter description were their bodies. These were
aerial, and adapted to that middle region which
they possessed between heaven and earth. But
by the kindness of the superior gods, they were
also gifted with immortality, and in this parti
cular, they were similar to the gods themselves.
On the other hand, they approached the condi
tion of man. They were of an animal nature ;
and with the possession of rational souls, were
subject to the influences of passion. They were
agitated with some qf the worst feelings of mor-
etymology (in which he is generally unfortunate) is pursued
till it injures his mythology.
* Augustin, who takes much pains in refuting this philo
sophy, states it from Apuleius — Dasmones esse genere animalia,
animo passiva, mente rationalia, corpore aSrea, tempore aetema.
Horum verd quinque, tria priora illis esse nobiscum communia,
quartum proprium, quintum eos cum Diis habere commune.
Civ. Dei, lib. viii. c. 16.
t2

276 PAGANISM AND
tals;* they were irritated with injuries; and
again, corruptly open to flattery, they were
appeased by attentions, and won by presents.
They took a vain and selfish delight in the ho
nours paid to them by those who solicited their
intercession with the gods ; and, of course, were
grievously offended at the omission or refusal of
the expected ceremonies.
The authority invented for them was adapted
to their situation and nature. As they were the
middle agents between men and the inaccessible
gods; as they alone were empowered to carry
the petitions of mortals to heaven, and to bring
from thence the suitable grants or refusals, they
had the. superintendence of all those arts by
which men endeavoured to ascertain the divine
intentions. Accordingly, within their depart
ment were placed augurs, aruspices, and sooth
sayers. To them belonged the secret and ter-
* Eisdem quibus homines animi perturbationibus agitari,
irritari injuriis, obsequiis donisque placari, gaudere honoribus,
diversis sacrorum ritibus oblectari, et in eis si quid neglectum
fuerit, com moveri. ib. — Plato seems to have given pleasures and
pains to his Demons, in order to save his Deity, who must have
no disturbance of passion on account of the good or bad con
duct of men : 0EOV fikv yap Br) rbv riXog 'ixpvra rijg Ssiag
fiolpag, 'ilto thtiov clvai, \u7rijc te Kal f)Bovrjg. In Epinom.
p. 1011.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 277
rific practices of magic, and the lighter province
of dreams and omens.* When Hannibal was
about to lose the sight of one of "his eyes, it was
their business to suggest, in his sleep, the ap
proaching misfortune. They foretold to Flami-
nius, by the entrails of the victim, the danger
which threatened his fleet. They instigated
Attius Nsevius to perform the miracle of the
whetstone severed by the razor. The tokens
which foreran the attainment of empire are also
directed by them. They sent the eagle which
hovered over Tarquinius Priscus, and lighted
up the lambent flame, which played rqund the
head of Servius T-ullus.f
This doctrine is detailed, with much fulness,
hy Apuleius in his book on the god or demon
of Socrates. In a strain of inflated and affected
oratory, he states the philosophical grounds of
* Ad eos pertinere divinationes augurum, aruspicum, vatum,
atque somniorum : ab his quoque esse miracula magorum. Civ.
Dei, lib. viii. c. 1 6.
f Horum etiam munus et opera atque cura est, ut Annibali
somnia orbitatem oculi comminarentur : Flaminio extispicia
periculum classis praedicerent ; Attio Naevio auguria miraculum
cotis addicant : ita ut nonnullis regni futuri signa praecurrant j
— ut Tarquinius Priscus aquila obumbretur ab apice ; Servius
Tullus flamma colluminetur a capite. Apuleius de Deo So-
cratis.

278 "PAGANISM AND
the opinion expressed by Plato in the Epinomis
and other dialogues, concerning the order of
demons. The highest heaven is possessed by
the chief deity; the aether, by the visible
deities, or stars ; and the earth by man. What
inhabitants then are allotted to the air ? Only
the birds. But these do not fly far above the
surface of the earth, certainly never above the
top of Olympus, the highest of all mountains ;
and, according to the opinion of the most
authentic geometricians, Olympus does not
exceed ten stadia in perpendicular height.* Is
there nothing then between the top of Olympus
and the moon ? No tolerable cosmology will
allow such a void. Here then at length is ob
tained a convenient situation for the demons,
who are invested with the charges already
described. These were the efforts of Platonic
philosophy in the second century, an age, from
which, as we have already seen, the corruptions
of that doctrine begin to take their rise."]* The
* Qui aves aeri attribuat, falsum sententiae meritissimo dix-
eris ; quippe cum avis nulla ultra Olympi verticem sublimatur.
Qui cum excellentissimus omnium perhibetur, tamen altitudinem
perpendiculo si metiare, ut geometrae autumant, stadia decern
altitude fastigii non aequiparat ; &c. Apul. ib.
t For a brief view of the changes which took place in the

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 279
manner in which Apuleius conducts his subject,
is sufficiently puerile and ridiculous ;•* but the
motive was probably of a more serious nature.
He, and more particularly the succeeding Pla
tonics, seem to have enlarged and methodized
the system of their leader,-]" that they might
more effectually counteract the growing recep
tion of the Gospel, adulterate its tenets, and
weaken the faith, now spreading through the
empire, in the one true Mediator between god
Platonic philosophy, after the general diffusion of the know
ledge of the Gospel, consult Mosheim's Ecclesiastical History,
Cent. ii. Part 2. He has discussed the subject at greater length
in his Ecclesiastical Dissertations.
* He seems conscious of the opinion which would be enter
tained of him; — ne videar poetico ritu incredibilia confingere.
ib. But in vain he endeavours to shelter himself. He is what
he disclaims.
f In the Epinomis, the doctrine of Plato concerning the gods
and demons is stated with much solemnity ; and the mainte
nance of tbe honours paid to all of them, whether visible or
invisible, is defended upon tbe principle of custom, and the
impossibility of getting better intelligence : Kal pr)v 6B' <ov b
irdrpwg vopog E'ip?jKE itEpl §voi&v diroKtoXvaEi (vofwBETtjg) u-n-
Bkv to Trapdwav EtB&g' ioaiTEp aft bv Bvvarbv eiBivat rrj BvTjrij
(puaet t&v roianov nipt. p. 101 1 . In the Convivium the doctrine
delivered by Socrates, concerning the demons, is licentiousness
rather than theology. He professes to remember it from the
conversation of old Diotima, a soothsaying woman, who in
structed him, when young, in erotic affairs ! p. 1 192.

280 PAGANISM AND
and man, Jesus Christ.* And hence it is, that
Augustin is so copious in this part of his subject,
and shews so marked an anxiety to impress the
world with a proper sense of the Mediatorial
office of the Saviour.
We have now seen what is the amount of the
doctrine of Platq concerning the Deity. Has
he supplied the defect which we lately disco
vered in the system of Varro ? If Varro ap
peared to have lost the deity of Plato, is that
Deity, when found, more effective than the
soul of the world? Was the precious gift of
the " life to come," to be expected from such
a being? And was the eternal welfare of man
kind better secured by the Grecian philosophy,
than by the Roman mythology? The god qf
Plato, from whom all things are said tq proceed,
is rather an ideal principle than a Supreme Be
ing. He is sometimes called by the equivalent
terms of " the world," " Olympus," and the

* Brucker states this to have been one of the leading fea^
tures of the Eclectic philosophy : — Spiritus inferiores esse me-
diatores inter Deum et homines asserebat (Ammonius); hos
colendos ideo esse contendebat, ut ad ineffabile numen aditum
pararent. Per.'ii. part 1, lib. i. cap. 2. sect. iv. § 21. Com
pare § 28,

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 281
" heaven" itself,* and appears to be the consti
tution of the universe, instead of its governor.
At the utmost, he keeps himself aloof from
man, and refuses a communication with him, lest
he should be contaminated by the approach.*]"
From such a deity, therefore, whatever be his
fancied superiority to the deities of the popular
mythology, eternal happiness cannot be ex
pected by mortals. Human concerns are de
volved to the inferior gods. Are these then
the bestowers of everlasting life? The highest
of them were formed by the Demiurge, and
subsist only through him. In their own natures
they are liable to dissolution, and are entirely
dependent on his pleasure. But, not being im
mortal in their own right, they cannot confer
on others a property which they do not them
selves possess. Finally, is future happiness to
be expected from the Platonic demons ? Apu
leius, who has expatiated at such length, on
the properties of their bodies, is utterly silent
* TiVa Br) Kal aepvvvtov work Xiyto Qeov; ax^Bbv apavbv' ov Kai
BtKaidrarov, tog IfifiiravTEg aXXoi Baipovsg apa Kal Seoi, rifidy
te Kat 'ivxEoBai Biatpepovnog livrtji. In Epinom. p. 1006.
f Nullus Deus miscetur homini. Hoc praecipuum eorum
sublimitatis ait (Apuleius) esse specimen, quod nulla attrecta-
tione hominum contaminantur. Aug. Civ. Dei, lib. ix. c. 16.

282 PAGANISM AND
concerning any goodness to be attributed to
their minds ;* and it has already appeared, that
they are subject to the same passions which
degrade and enslave mankind. They are there
fore wicked beings, and cannot bestow on their
votaries the gifts of goodness. Do they then
solicit from the superior gods that immortal
happiness which is beyond their own ability to
grant? The same wickedness still hinders
them. They who are thus unfit to bestow
eternal life, are equally unfit to convey it ; and
the precious reward itself would be polluted, if
any god should confer it through the mediation
of agents confessedly weak and sinful.*]"
* De his universaliter disserens, et tam multa loquens de
aereis eorum corporibus, de virtutibus animorum tacuit. Civ.
Dei, lib. ix. c. 3.
t Quales preces hominum diis bonis per daemones allegari
pulat, magicas, an licitas ? Si magicas, nolunt tales ; si licitas,
nolunt per tales. Civ. Dei, lib. viii. c. 1 9.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 283

CHAPTER VII.
PLATO CONTINUED. . . HIS PRINCIPLE OF THE IMMORTALITY
OF THE SOUL... HIS HISTORY OF THE SOUL. . .INFEREN
CES FROM THE WHOLE... FALSE CREATION ASCRIBED TO
HIS DEITY. . . FALSE IMMORTALITY TO THE SOUL.
We have seen, that the happiness of the " life
to come" was not to be expected from the Pla
tonic one, the secondary gods, or the mixed
race of demons. The question yet remains,
whether this great defect in one of the most
celebrated systems of natural religion, were
compensated by some other advantage; whe
ther, notwithstanding the incapacity proved
against the gods, the soul of man were secure
of happiness through any qualities, either de
rived from without, or resulting from its own
nature. " To enumerate all the absurd and contradic
tory opinions of the Pagan schools concerning
the soul, would be an unprofitable, if it were
not an endless, task. From the time of Thales
and Pythagoras, to whom we lately traced
some of the earliest attempts in antient theo-

284 PAGANISM AND
logy, the Greeks disputed concerning the soul
and its qualities, whether it might be called
body, or not. In the latter case, the question
was, whether it were a mere intelligence, en
dued with the privilege of motion, — whether
this motion were perpetual or voluntary, — or
whether the thinking faculty were not resolva
ble into the force of self-moving numbers.*
In the former, whether it were of an aerial
species, or a fiery composition; or an equal
mixture of fire, air, vapour, and another name
less quality, in which consisted its sensation ;f
whether it were any thing more than warm
air, or the breath, or perhaps an homogeneous
substance, consisting of the exhalations of the
world and the internal vapours of man himself. J
* QaXrjg awE^vara icp&rog rr)v ^X'^' <p*"rlv a-EiKivryrov, ij
duTOKtvr).TOV.-r-ilvBay6pag, apiBfibv iavrbv Kivavra' tov S' aptB-
fibv dvrl ra va wapdXapfiavEi. Plutarch, de Plac. Phil. lib. iv.
c. 2. In the first book is stated the correspondence between
the four parts of the soul, and the virtues of the number four,
the celebrated rErpaicrwe of Pythagoras.
T Ot <T awb 'Avaijayops aipOEiBf) 'iXEyov te Kal a&fia — Aijyuo-
Kptros, wvp&BEg avyKpipa' — 'E7r/KBpoe, Kpdfia ek TEaadptov, ek
ttoiB, wvpitBag, Ik irota akptoBag, ek wot* irvEVfianKa' ek TErdpra
Ttvbg iiKarovopd^a, o rjv a«rjf dtaBrfrtKov. ib. c. 3. This is
stated at greater length by Lucretius, lib. iii. 232.
+ Ot SrutKol, irvEvpa ^Ep/iov — 'HpafcXEtroj — rr)v (\pvxt)v) kv

CHRISTIANITY COMPARE!). 285
These and many more such suppositions may
be seen in the treatise which bears the name of
Plutarch, (but apparently without authority*)
on philosophical opinions.
What were the systems most known to the
Romans, or most approved by them, we learn
from the Tusculan Questions of Cicero, who
introduces his discussion of the immortality of
the soul, with a statement of opinions concern
ing its nature and situation. Some regarded
the soul and the body as one and the same
thing. Consequently, they denied the doctrine
of a separation, and pronounced death to be the
termination of the entire man.*]" The strongest
of these opinions is that which pretends to the
ro'tg C&oig dtro rrjg EKrbg Kat rrjg kv dvrdig dvaBvfiidaEtog bfio-
yEvrj. Plut. ib. c. 3.
* Wyttenbach calls it " spurium opus. Ratio et oratio
prorsus abhorrent a Plutarchi ingenio ; in materia^ si quid sit,
de quo non statuo, Plutarchei ; hoc a perditis quibusdam ger-
manis libris compilatum sit."
f Cicero, who adopted the immortality rather through the
authority of Plato, than any settled conviction of the truth of
the doctrine, yet beautifully points out the uncomfortable nature
of the contrary opinion. — Praeclarum autem nescio quid adepti
sunt, qui didicerunt, se, quum tempus mortis venisset, totos esse
perituros. Quod ut sit (nihil enim pugno) quid habet ista res
aut laetabile, aut gloriosum ? Tusc, Quaest. lib. i. c. 21.

286 PAGANISM AND
greatest antiquity. Dicaearchus wrote, in three
books, an account of a disputation supposed to
have been holden at Corinth* on this subject.
For the sake of a more impressive authority,
he employs as his principal orator, an old man
said to be descended from the family of Deuca
lion. His doctrine is, that the soul is no more
than a name, and therefore, that the use of
such terms as animal, and animation, is falla
cious. Neither in man, nor beast, does he
allow the existence of a mind, or soul. All our
powers of action and feeling are equally diffused
through the living body, and are inseparable
from it : they grow and are nourished with it,
and are the general result of its composition
and temperature. f But those who agreed in
* He seems to have had a perverse zeal on the forlorn side
of the question. In the latter part of this book, Cicero men
tions another treatise of Dicaearchus (a favourite writer with
him) in proof of the mortality of the soul : Acefrimfe autem
deliciae meae Dicaearchus contra hanc immortalitatem disseruit ;
— is enim tres libros seripsit, qui Lesbiaci vocantur, quod Mi-
tylenis sermo habetur; in quibus vult efficere animos esse mor-
tales. C. 31.
f Pherecratem quendam Pthiotam senem, quem ait k Deu-
calione ortum, disserentem inducit, nihil esse omnind aniuium,
et hoc esse nomen totum inane, frustraque animalia et ani-
mantes appellari : neque in homine inesse animum vel animam,

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 28/
this general conclusion were at variance con
cerning the substance of what was popularly
termed the soul. By some it was supposed to
be no other than the heart;* and hence they
accounted for the use of certain words familiar
to the Roman language. Thus excordes, ve-
cordes, Concordes, and other such terms, were
said to convey the true notion of the soul,
through the mention of the heart. Some, again,
supposed the soul to be not the heart itself, but
the blood which was. lodged in it; while others
were equally positive in favour of the brain, or
some interior and choice part of it.f
On the other hand it was affirmed* that man
consisted of a body and a soul ; that these were
of different natures, and were separated from
nee in beslia ; vimque omnem eam, qua vel agamus quid, vel
sentiamus, in omnibus corporibus vivis aequabiliter esse fusam,
nee separabilem a corpore esse, quippe quae nulla sit, nee sit
qnidquam nisi corpus unum et simplex, ita figuratum ut tem-
peratione naturae vigeat, et sentiat. ib. c. 10.
* Aliis cor ipsum animus videtur; ex quo excordes, ve-
cordes, concordesque dicuntur, et Nasica ille prudens bis con
sul, corculum, et
Egregie cordatus homo catus JElia Sextus. ib. c. 9.
¦}- Empedocles animum esse censet cordi suffusum sangui-
nem. Aliis pars quoedam cerebri visa est animi principatum
tenere. ib.

288 PAGANISM AND
each other by death. Yet they who agreed in
this conclusion were also divided in opinion
concerning the duration of the soul. Some
supposed the soul to be dissipated soon after its
escape from the body, as smoke gradually dis
appears, and is lost in the general air. Some
attributed to it a long existence, and main
tained that it did not perish till after a fixed
period ; while others bestowed upon it an im
mortality.* According to Cicero, the first of
these whose works were then extant, was Phe-
recydes.*]" But he was content with the mere
affirmation of his doctrine ; nor did his succes
sors enforce it with any arguments better than
those which were drawn from the Pythagorean
numbers till Plato appeared. He it was, who
first taught the world the reasons, such as the
philosophy of nature could teach, from which
the soul of man was concluded to be immortal."]:
* Qui discedere animum censent, alii statim dissipari, alii
diu permanere, alii semper, ib.
f Quod Uteris extet, Pherecydes Syrus primum dixit animos
hominum esse sempiternos. ib. c. 16.
X Rationem illi sentential suae non fere reddebant nisi quid
erat numeris, aut descriptionibus explicandum. Platonem fe-
runt, ut Pythagoraeos cognosceret, in Italian) venisse, — primum-
que de animorum aeternitate non solum sensisse idem quod Py
thagoras, sed rationem etiam attulisse. ib. c. 17.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 289
Let us inquire then, what were the opinions of
this chief of philosophers, as Cicero so often
calls him, on a question of so much importance
to mankind.
Plato's view of the immortality of the soul
may be divided into two parts.
1. The principle, on which the doctrine of
the immortality is founded.
2. The history of the soul in its three stages
of existence, before its entrance into the body,
during the possession of it, and after the sepa
ration from it.
I. The principle of the immortality of the
soul, which is mentioned in other parts of Plato,
is stated with most advantage in the Phaedrus.
Cicero, who was highly delighted with this
doctrine, gave an account of it in the sixth
book of his " Republic," — a work unfortunately
lost. However, he renewed the discussion in
the first book of the Tusculan Questions, where
the argument is stated in a formal manner. I
shall lay before you the substance of it, making
only such deviations from the terms themselves,
as may be requisite for a more familiar expan
sion of the meaning of Plato.
The first proof of the immortality of the soul

290 PAGANISM AND
is drawn from its perpetual motion ;* for that
which never ceases to move, never ceases to
exist. But, in order to secure this permanence
of motion, it is also necessary that the motion
be derived from the subject itself which moves;
— since, if it only receives from another the
motion which it exerts or imparts, it must
cease to live, as soon as it ceases to be moved
from without. It cannot, therefore, be secure
against a cessation of its motion, unless it be
self-moved; and it is obvious, that a subject,
thus independently subsisting, will never with
draw its support from itself, and be the author
of its own extinction. Hence it is necessary to
the immortality of the soul, that it be not only
perpetually, but spontaneously, moved. This
being so, it equally follows, that the soul is not
only underived, but imperishable. For, that
which moves itself, is a principle of motion to
other things. But a principle is underived;
* Tlaaa \jwxv aBdvarog' to ydp asiKivr)Tov, adavarov. Plat.
in Phaedr. 1221. This is the outset of Plato's argument.
Cicero reserves the mention of the soul -till he has established
the general principle, which he then applies. The first part of
his version is adopted by Ficinus. In the latter part, he is
content with stating the sense in his own manner.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 291
since, if it were derived from any other, it
could not be a principle. If therefore it is not
derived from any other, neither can it perish.
For, since it is necessary that all things should
spring from some principle; if we suppose
the principle to be extinct, these two con
sequences must ensue ; neither can the prin
ciple itself be revived by any other thing, nor
can any other thing be made to spring from the
extinct principle. The principle of motion
therefore is that which is self-moved ; and
therefore it possesses the double property of
being without origin and without end.* Since
then, that appears to be immortal which is
self-moved, we may without hesitation affirm,
that such is the nature of the soul ; for every
thing which depends on some external cause
for motion, is proved to be inanimate in itself;
but that is truly animate, the motion of which
is internal and its own. This is the proper
quality of the soul ; and since the soul has the
* This argument is illustrated by the supposition, that, un
less its truth be allowed, the world would perish, the heaven
and the earth collapse, and all nature stand still, nor ever again
receive an impulse like to that by which it was first set in
motion. ,
u2

292 PAGANISM. AND
power of perpetual and spontaneous motion, it
is both underived and imperishable.
Such is the celebrated argument of Plato
concerning the principle through which the
soul of man is immortal.. Cicero admires it so
much, that he gives to those who dissent from
Plato the opprobrious name of Plebeian philo
sophers.* He challenges all of them to pro
duce an hypothesis of equal elegance with this :
and seems to suspect, that they who do not
admit it, are hardly capable of comprehending
the subtlety and refinement of its doctrine. As
to himself, he seems to place the principal
strength of it in the consciousness of the soul.
It perceives its own motion.*]" It perceives,
* Licet concurrant plebeii omnes philosophi (sic enim ii
qui a Platone et Socrate et ab ilia familia dissident, appellandi
videntur), non modd nihil unquam tarn eleganter explicabunt,
sed ne hoc quidem ipsum, quam subtiliter conclusum sit, intel
ligent. Tusc. Quaest. lib. i. c. 23.
f Sentit animus se moveri ; quod cum sentit, illud una sen
tit, se vi su(i, non aliena, moveri ; nee accidere posse, ut ipse
unquam a se deseratur ; ex quo eificitur aeternitas : — nisi quid
habes ad haec. ib. Of course, the auditor is too complaisant to
object. All would still have been well, if Cicero had not con
trived to draw from him so much personal flattery. Plato is
more cautious in this respect.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 293
that this motion is derived from itself, and from
no external cause. It is sure therefore, that
its own existence can never be deserted by its
own will; and hence the conclusion, that it is
immortal. 2. From the principle, on which is said to
rest the immortality of the soul, let us pass to
its history and condition. The first , of the
three stages of existence lately mentioned, is
that which belongs to the soul before its en
trance into the body.
In the same dialogue which has furnished us
with the argument of immortality, a reference
is made to what Plato calls the idea of the
soul.* This, it seems, is of too sublime a na
ture to be described in the manner which would
be proper for it. An attempt is therefore made
* Tlspl Be Tijg IBiag avrijg iSde Xekteov' otoy fikv ETt, itavrr)
izdvnog $£tag slvat Kal ftaKpag BitiyrjaEtog' ji Be eoikev, avBpta-
ir'ivr)g te Kat iXarrovog. In Phaedr. p. 1221. There is another
such reverential thought in the Republic, lib. x. p. 759. We
do not now see the soul in its proper purity. It is -clearer and
fairer elsewhere than with us. In short, overrun and altered by
the contagion of evil, it resembles the body of the marine Glau-
cus, part of which is bruised by the rocks, and part washed
away by the waves : that which remains is covered with an
accretion of shells and sea-weed, which prevents us from form
ing a right notion of the- original shape.

294 PAGANISM AND
to represent it by inferior images, or. similitudes
of objects familiar to common life. It is sup
posed then, that for the sake of inspecting the
state of the world, the gods leave their seats,
and make occasional excursions. These are
performed in the celestial chariots of the immor
tals. Jupiter, the great leader in heaven, is
foremost in the progress, and drives his winged
chariot, taking care, as he goes, of the order
and beauty of all things.* He is followed by
the host of gods and demons, arranged in eleven
divisions ; — for Vesta, the twelfth deity, chooses
to stay at home alone. Many and happy are
the sights which they enjoy during their journey
within the heavens :f but at length they proceed
to the extremity. Here the immortal beings
take a bold and outer station at the back of
heaven, and are carried round till the rotation
brings them to the same spot again.J It is
* 'O fikv Br) fiiyag TiyEfiwv kv obpavy Zsiig, wrnvbv apfia kXab-
ywv wp&rog wopEvirai, BiaKoa/i&v irdvra Kal kwifuXafiEvoc. In
Phaedr. 1222.
t noXXaii fikv "kv K(Ct fiaKapiai Siai te Kal BififlBoi kvrbg
apava, cig Sie&v yivog kirfzpitpiTat. ib.
X At fikv yap dBdvarot KaXSfiEvai, ijvtKa av irpbg aKpto yi-
vtovrat, sifo iropEvBEtaat E^tfaav ktrl rip r« apava v&Tto' hsdaag Be
dvrdg 7r£ptay£i ij nEpujropd' at Bk BEtopaat ra ifo rfi apava. ib.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 295
in the course of this circle that they contem
plate the things which are on the outside of
heaven. And this being done in a complete
manner, (for they see nature, not in the false or
imperfect light in which she appears to us, but
in the very truth of her being,) they re-enter
heaven, and sit down at the banquet prepared
for them. The horses being loosed by the
charioteer, they are served with nectar and
ambrosia. Such, says Plato, is the life of the
gods.* But it is the desire of other souls to
imitate the actions of the immortals. Those
therefore which are destined to enter afterwards
into the bodies of men, mount also their chariots,
and endeavour to follow the gods in their ascent,
and to perform the circle of the heaven in the
station before described. But the horses, which
are inferior to those of the gods, and of a mixed
race, ill obey this wish ; and one of them is
vicious, and inclines downwards to the earth.*]"
* Kai r dXXa toaavrtog ra bvrtog ovra Beaaapiyn (scil. i) •&£«
Btavoia) Kal k^iaBElaa, Bvaa trdXtv eig to s'lato ra apava, o'lKaBs
t'iXBev' kXBaang Be avrrjg, b f/vioxog irpbg rr)v (j>drvr)v rag i'mrec
<zi)aag, wapip'aXEv dpjipoa'tav te Kai kit avrrj viKrap eitotioev.
Kai arog fiEv Se&iv (3iog. In Phaedr. 1 222.
f 0E(5v fiEv av "tmcoi te Kal ijvioxot wdvTEg, avroi te ayaBot
Kai ki, dyaB&V rb Sk t&v aXXw»' pifitKraC — (ipiBEi yap 6 r»)c

296 PAGANISM AND
Some souls indeed obtain their object better
than others, and reach the outer spot, and are
carried round with the immortals. But even
these are kept in constant alarm by their horses,
and with difficulty take notice of the real nature
of things as they pass.* Some again, through
the virtue of the more tractable horse, lift the
head aloft, and see somewhat of the truth : but
presently they sink again, and lose the prospect.
Others too, in the inordinate struggle of all to
gain the upper '. station, press against one an
other, and fall into tumult and danger. Many
are maimed ; and many break their wings and
are disabled. Thus are all the souls disap
pointed of the desired object. They cannot
attain a full view of the reality of things, and
are obliged to subsist afterwards upon the un
certainty of opinion instead of truth.*]" Those
KaKtag tmroe fiErixiov, kirl yrjv piirtov te Kal jiapvvtov, EvBa Br)
wovogTE Kal ayiov 'iaxarog 'Jn>xV TrpoKEirat. ib. 1221-2.
* 'H fikv ctpt?a Be&v Eirofiivn Kal cucatrpivii vwijpEv Eig tov sfyo
towov rr)v ra iivt&xa KE(j>aXr)v, Kal avfiwEpiJ)vixBr) rr)v wEpapopav
SopvflafiEvn vwb t&v 'twirtov, Kai fioyig KaBop&aa ra bvra' ¦}) Be
tote pkv i|p£, tote Be Kai 'iBv' fiiaZofiEVWV Be t&v Ittxiov, ra fikv
eIBe, rd B' S. ib. 1222.
t noXXa! fikv ^wXEuovrat, iroXXai Be iroXXa irrspa Bpavovraf
waaai Bk woXvv Exaaai irbvov, ctTEXEtg rrjg ra bvrog Biag airip-
Xovrai' Kal airEXBaaai rpotyfj Boi-a<;rj j^pwj/rat. InPhaedr. 1223.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 297
therefore which are injured, fall down to the
earth; and hefe, in obedience to an impulse
of their nature, betake themselves to some
body. The principle of this alliance may be sup
posed to arise from the original employment of
the soul in the upper regions. We see, that,
when engaged in the pursuit which has just
been described, its natural appetency was to
take care of inanimate things ;* and hence came
its attempt to inspect the condition of the world.
When fallen to the earth therefore, it still pre
serves the desire of governing matter ; and
hence also comes its immediate occupation of
an earthly body. In this it dwells for a time ;
and man becomes a compound of an immortal
* 'H \JA>XV ndaa iravrbg ETtfuXElrai Ta . a\pvx&' irdvra Bk
apavov WEptiroXE't. — TeXeo ^t£v av aaa Kal kwTEptopEvr) ME-
TEflPOnOAEI te Kal dwavra tov Koafiov Bioike'i. ib. 1221.
The word here marked is an important one with Plato, and
expresses the highest speculations of the philosophical soul. In
the Apology, Socrates remarks, that he is accused of being ra te
fiEritopa (ftpovnsrfg, Kal ra virb yfjv irdvra avE^nrrfKiog. In the
accusation itself, he is said to be busy in prying into rd te virb
yrjv Kal ra kirapavta. The last term therefore is the meaning
of uETEtopa, and accounts for the clouds and basket of Aristo
phanes. In the Pythagorean school, the word was used in a
less honourable sense, for rash and airy fancies.

298 PAGANISM AND
principle and a mortal frame.* What then is
the situation of the soul in man? Plato informs
us in the minutest manner, and without any
hesitation. We lately saw, that the inferior gods received
from the demiurge the immortal principle of
the soul, for the composition of mankind. Nor
was it the body alone which they conjoined
with this. To the former species of soul they
added another which was of a mortal nature,
and the seat of many and great passions neces
sary to the condition of man; pleasure, the
incitement to evil ; pain, the enemy of happi
ness ; boldness and fear, each unadvised of
counsel; anger, hard to be appeased; hope,
easy to be persuaded ; and other such. But it
was necessary to provide, that the divine prin
ciple should not be polluted by a commixture
with this secondary portion of the soul. The
gods therefore' placed the former in the head,
and the latter in the breast and thorax, keeping
them asunder by the dividing isthmus of the
neck.f This therefore, which separated their
* 'H Bk WTEpoppvijaaaa fipETai, Etog av <*Ep£a rtvbg avnXd-
pr)TaC o5 KarotKiaBEiaa, a&pa yifivov XajSSo-a, — £&ov to £vii-
irav £KXr)Br),-fyvx>) Kal a&pairaykv. In Phaedr. 1221.
t Kai cita raCra Br) aEJJOfiEvot fiiaivEtv to Bewv; on fir) iraaa

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 299
respective abodes, became the channel through
which reason might send down her mandates
on proper occasions, to the passions below.
But man had a still baser sort of desires, an
impatience to supply his natural cravings, and
a vehement propensity to meats and drinks :
and for all such appetites a more remote situa
tion was requisite, on account of the importu
nity of their disposition, and the disturbance
which they might otherwise give to the opera
tions of reason. They were therefore placed
i)V avayK-n, xuPl£ EKeiva KaroiKi'C,aaiv Eig ctXXijv ra a&pqrog
biKnatv rb Bvnrbv, iaBfibv Kat bpov BtoiKoBofiijaavTEg rrjg KEtpaXrjg
Kal ra <z-f)8ag, Kal dvxiva pEra^v nBivTEg, 'tya Eir) %wpie' kv Br)
rdig srfiEai Kai rif KaXafiiv(0 B&paKt to rrjg \pvxV£ Bvt)tov yivog
eviBov. In Tim. 1073.— In Plato's hands anatomy assumes a
moral character. The heart sends notices through the veins to
the extremities of the body concerning any outward or inward
danger which reason has announced from the head ; and thus
prepares' the sensitive part of man for submission to whatever
she may prescribe. And, as the heart itself, in cases of terror
and danger, is apt to swell and palpitate, which is the conse
quence of its fiery nature, the lungs are placed near it for the
purpose of affording refreshment and relief to its inordinate
heat ! Near to the baser appetites, below the diaphragm, is
also placed the liver, for the purpose of reflecting from its
smooth suiface images of terror, which reason may send down
from above, and of keeping the wild beast in a tolerable state
of quiet ? There is much more of this in the same dialogue.

300 PAGANISM AND
in a lower region, beneath the diaphragm, and
towards the umbilicus. This part of the body
was judged to be the most proper for the
nourishment of the whole man. Here then
dwelt the inferior portion of the mortal division
of the soul, or rather the third species of soul ;
and here too it continually fattened, as a con
fined beast, at its crib or manger.* Such is
the circumstantial and authentic account which
Plato gives of the situation of the soul in man.
But notwithstanding the desire felt by the
soul to occupy mortal bodies in this manner,
we are told that it does not enter into them
without due preparation. There are certain
laws by which the process is governed ; and it
is expressly provided, that when the soul falls
to the earth, it shall not be planted in the body
of any brute in the first generation.*]" Its pri-
* To Bk Br) alrtov te Kal iror&v kiriBvfirfnKov rrjg -^v™, Kal
baov EvSsiav Bid rr)v ra a&fiarog e^ei (jmatv, tSto Eig ra ueto^v
t&v te tppev&v Kal rS wpbg toy o/MfraXov Spa KanoKiaav, o'lov
(/rdrvyv kv diravn tStio ry roVy rjf rS a&uarog Tpmp^ TEKrnvd-
[ievoi, Kal KariBtfoav Si/ rb toiStov kvravBa, <bg Stpip/ia aypiov.
In Tim. ib.
t "Orav Be dBwar-rjaaaa kwiairiaBat, fir) 'iBy, Kal rivi ouvtv-
X«a xpn"afiivr), XijBng te Kal KaKt'ac irXnaBElaa fiapwBrj, f3apvv-
0Eto-a Bk irrEpv^vijan te Kal En-iVr/v yi)v irian, tote vopog ravrr)v
fit) (jrvTEvaat Eig firjBEfitdv SiipEwv tyboiv kv rfj wpiirr) ytviaEi. In

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 301
mary destination is the person of man ; and the
value of the allotment which it there obtains, is
made to depend upon its own previous achieve
ments in the upper regions of the world, and
the success with which it struggled to view the
system of nature and the truth of things. A
scale of dignity is therefore drawn by Plato,
and the station of the soul in the higher or lower
degrees is proportioned to its merits. It is not
difficult to conjecture what order of men is
placed at the topmost degree of the scale.
When a philosopher has to dispense honours, on
what shall they be bestowed but philosophy?
The soul then which has followed the immor
tals in the best manner, or has seen most of the
nature of things, is ordered to pass into the
composition of one who is to be a philosopher,*
or a lover of the xaXov. In the next degree is
placed, a lawful sovereign, or accomplished com-
Phaedr. 1223. The commentators are fond of interpreting this
chariot-scene as denoting only the struggle of the soul while in
the body of man. The last part of the above sentence clearly
proves that it is descriptive of the condition of the soul before
its entrance into any body.
* Tr)v UEVitXElra IBaaav, Eig yovrjv avBpbg yEvrioofiivatytXo-
ab(j>a, ij (piXovaXa. In Phaedr. 1223. This too is Indian : — the
sovereign is placed immediately below the bramin.

i

02 PAGANISM AND
mander. To these succeeds a statesman, or the
prudent administrator of domestic affairs. To
these, the lover of gymnastic labours, or one
who is to be occupied in the cure of diseases in
cident to the body. The prophetic life, or that
which is concerned with initiations into the
mysteries, is next in honour. The sixth rank
is allotted to poets. The seventh, to geometri
cians and artificers. The eighth, to sophists, or
those who affect popular applause. The lowest
degree is reserved for the tyrant. Plato had
some reason to take a literary vengeance on
the usurpers of the liberties of his country. He
studiously degrades them, in comparison with
the possessors of lawful sovereignty, who would
probably have been placed at the head of the
list of dignity, were it not for the homage indis
pensably due to philosophy.
There are then nine orders of mankind, in
which the soul may be primarily placed.*
* The orders and the years seem to have been invented for
each other. The same soul might pass through all the orders,
a thousand years being allotted to each ; and in the tenth sta<*e
return to its first situation, in order to begin again the same
course of existence ! The thousand years allotted to the soul
after its possession of each order, is also explained by the ten
fold punishment or reward to be received by it after the death
of the body. The life of man was therefore taken at an hun
dred years.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 303
Its subsequent elevation or debasement in other
bodies is influenced by its conduct in the first.
And to these changes it is subject during ten
thousand years, a new life being chosen at the
end of every thousand ; after which, it returns
to the place whence it originally came. There
is indeed one exemption in favour of philosophy.
By a law of Adraste, the soul which has made
the greatest and best discoveries in the region
of truth, is excused from so long a probation.
It recovers its wings at the end of the third
period of a thousand years, if it has acted with
sincerity, and after each thousand, has chosen
again the philosophic life.* But common souls
are subject to one common fate ; and it re
mains to inquire, what becomes of them after
they have quitted the body which they first
inhabit. The Phaedrus, from which the above account
is drawn, alludes only in general terms to the
condition of the soul, when it leaves the body.
Nor does this subject form any considerable
* Etc fikv yap ro~avrb SBev Sjkei f) 4*vX*i £K(*''rl> °h KaBiKvsTrai
et&v fivpi&v (ob ydp irrEparai irpo roaara xpbva) irXrjv f) rS
(friXoaotpriaavrog aBbXtog' avrai Be rpirr) WEpioBto rrj ^iXieYei, kav
'iXtovrat rplg ktpE^rjg tov (5tdv totov, Stio itrtp(oBEiaa\, rpioyfXio'ttp
etei uir£px°vTai. In Phaedr. 1223.

304 PAGANISM AND
part of the vision of the other world granted to
the Pamphylian and related in the tenth book of
the "Republic." The chief intention of Plato
in that curious narrative was to state the man
ner in which the souls are re-assembled for the
purpose of returning to other bodies, and
choosing new modes of life.* In the Phsedo,
* The soul of the Pamphylian (who was slain in battle)
went to the common place of judgment. There were two
chasms towards the lower earth ; and opposite to them two
openings which led to heaven. The judges were placed between
both, and sent the souls, when tried, either upwards to heaven
on the right, or downwards into the earth on the left. These
went to the places of their destination by one of the two chasms
in the earth, and one of the openings towards heaven. The
other chasm and opening were reserved for the passage of the
souls which had formerly lived on earth, had accomplished the
interval of a thousand years in their respective places of abode,
and returned through them to the spot where they were to
choose new modes of life. Schemes of every sort of life-^-ra
r&v fitiov irapaBEiyfiara, were spread before them on the ground.
Sometimes the motives of their choice were whimsical enough.
The soul of Ajax, brooding over the old grievance about the
arms of Achilles, chose to pass into a lion, shunning the habita
tions of men who had once injured its feelings by the preference
of Ulysses. Orpheus, resenting the treatment of himself by
the Thracian women, resolved not to be born again of a female.
His soul therefore chose to animate a swan. Thersites, some
what epigrammatically, became an ape. Ulysses, however, had
improved in wisdom. His life was formerly made uneasy by

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 305
the destination of the soul, when dislodged by-
the death of the body, is described with much
minuteness and authority ; and Socrates founds
upon it an earnest recommendation of philoso
phy; since, at the moment of separation, the
soul begins to perceive the consequences of the
neglect or attention with which it has treated
the true discipline.
There are many paths which lead to the
shades below; and iEschylus mistakes, when,
through his Telephus, he asserts, that there is
but one, and that this is plain.* Hence the ne
cessity of a guide. The demon therefore, who
had the care of the man when living, (for every
mortal has a superintending demon,!) is charged
the troubles which a too conspicuous station occasioned to him.
He therefore chose a lot, which had been neglected by the other
souls ; and became a private man, unconcerned with business :
— f3iov avBpbg iBi&ra airpaypovog, Kal fibXig EvpElv KEifiEvbv
ira Kat irapr)pEXr)fiEVOV.virb t&v aXXiov. p.- 765.
* "Eti Be apa j") iropEta ovx <•»£ o 'Ato-^vXa Ti/Xe^oc Xiyei'
EKElvog fiiv ydp dirXi'iv oipov (jrnaly Etg "ABa (jripEtV f) t? oirE
hirXrj Ste fda (jraivEral poi EivaC aBk ydp av ijyEfiovtov eBei' aBk
yap wa rig &v Biapdproi aBafibaE, fitdg bBa aa-qg. Nuv Bk eoike
o-vt'o'Eie r£ Kai itEpioBag iroXXdg exeiv. In Phaedon. 80. The
ways are numerous only to the place where the judges are. See
the note above.
f In what sense this superintendency is to be really under-
x

306 PAGANISM AND
to conduct the soul to the spot where others
are waiting till they can be judged. But there
is a difference of behaviour in the souls as they
proceed towards the place of their destination.
Those which have acted with soberness and
propriety while they were in the body, follow
their guides in a decent manner, and without
reluctance. In other cases, a struggle ensues^
The soul which has been too much pleased
with its habitation in the body, is unwilling to
go, and therefore uses all its artifice to stay
behind;* and hence it happens, that it is some
times seen lingering about the earth where it
stood, we gather from th.e Timaeus : where the superior part of
the soul is said to be every man's demon. To Bk Br) irEpl ra
Kvpitordra trap' f)fiiv-ipvxVS ElBag BiavoE~taBat Be'i ttJBe, tog apa
avrb Batfiova $Eog EKa^io BeBioke tSto, o Br) (j>afikv oIkeiv uev
hjiiiv kit aKpto r$. a&fiari. p. 1087. But sometimes the demon
is reason, and sometimes a person ; and Plato, on this as on
many other points, is not to be reconciled with himself.
* 'H fikv Isv Koa/iia te *al (jrpovifiog \pvxf) EitErat te Kat bk
ayvoirt ra' irapovra ' Bk kirtBvfiErtK&g tS a&fiarog 'ixaaa, irspl
ekeIvo ttoXuv xpbvov Enron fiivr), Kai irEpi rbv bparbv roirov TroXXa
LvriTElvaaa Kal TroXXa iraBuaa, /iia Kal fioXtg virb ra irpoarE-
rayfikva Batpovog ot^o-at dyofiivr). In Phaedon. p. 80. In
short, pleasures are the nails which fasten the soul to the body.
At the moment of death, therefore, the soul of the voluptuary
does not come clean off; and hence it is sometimes gross and
visible ! A moral solution of ghosts.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 307
had received its gratifications. The demon is
therefore obliged to apply force; and at length
he succeeds. It happens too, that when a soul,
defiled with gross impurities, is brought to the
place where other souls are assembled in ex
pectation of their trial, they are struck with
horror at its approach, and* diligently avoid it.*
It therefore wanders about wretched and soli
tary, without companion or guide, till, after a
certain period, it is consigned by Necessity*]"
to the place of its destination. But at length
all the souls are tried by the judges Minos,
Rhadamanthus and others; and sent to their
proper places of punishment or reward. It
would be triflings and tedious to repeat the de
scription which Socrates so circumstantially
gives of these allotments ; and it may suffice to
say, that the souls which appear to have con
ducted themselves with 'moderation during their
possession of the body, and to be but slightly
infected with guilt, are sent off to Acheron.
Here they are put into boats and arrive at the
* Taurijv fikv cfarae. (peiiyet te Kai {i7r£Krp£7r£rat, Kal our£
IvvifiiTopog ovte fiyep^v eBeXei yiyvsoBai. ib.
f Necessity is the mother of Lachesis, whose orders to the
souls, before they return to the world, are given in the 10th
book De Repub.
x2

308 PAGANISM AND
lake, where they reside, and undergo the pur
gation prescribed for them; nor are they dis
missed from thence till they have suffered a
proper punishment for every act of injustice,
of which they have been guilty. They also
receive a due reward for their good actions,
as each may appear to deserve.* The other
offending souls are divided into two great
classes, the curable and. the incurable. The
latter, stained with the gross and more abomi
nable sins, sacrileges, unjustifiable murders,
,and the like, are plunged by avenging fate into
Tartarus, whence they never escape. They re
main there in perpetual punishment.*]" The
former have also been guilty of great offences ;
but these admit a certain mitigation on account
of the circumstances which attend them. Un
der the impulse of anger, they have forgotten the
reverence due to parents; but, for the violence
* Kai oi fikv av Bofyiai fiiatog fiEfiuoKEvai, iropEvdivrEg kirl
tov AxkpovTa, dvapavrsg & Br) avrdig bxrifiara k^tv, kirl ranov
ittpiKvavtdt ktg rr)v Xifivr)V ical ekei biKao't te, Kal KaBaipofiEvot,
T&v te aBiKi)fidr(ov BtBbvTEg dtKag, diroXvovrat, it Ttg rl r)BtKt)aE'
t&v te kvepyEat&v rtpdg Qlpovrai Kara Tr)v ai,lav EKatog. In
Phaedon. p. 84. . '
t Ot B' av BbS,ioaiv dvtdnog £j£Et)', Bid ra fiEylBr) t&v a/iap-
'rrjpdriov, — rarag 'Bk il izpoai)KOvaa fiolpa plirrEt ktg tov Tdprapov,
odkv Swote EKJ3divaatv. ib.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 309
thus committed, they have endeavoured to atone
by an increase of attention and respect during
the remainder of life ; and this saves them from
being finally placed among the incorrigible
souls. The same is the case with those who,
under an evil influence of a similar nature,
have been guilty of homicide, and have after
wards laic1 a better restraint on the passions. It
is necessa ~y indeed that they should be plunged
into Tartarus;* but after a year passed in this
gulph, (into which run all the rivers of hell,
and from which they again issue,) they are cast
out by the waves into other streams ; the homi
cides, along the Cocytus ; those who have in
juriously treated their parents, along the Pyri-
phlegethon. By these they arrive at the Ache-
rusian lake. Here they call aloud on those
whom they have slain or injured, and intreat,
in a suppliant manner, that they may be per
mitted to advance, and be received into the lake.
If this favour is granted, they come forth, and
* Ot c" av idaefia fikv, psydXa Be Bbtfooiv iifiaprrfKEvat
dfiapTrjfiara, — rarag Bk kfiirEaElv fikv Eig rbv Tdprapov avdyKr)'
kfiirEaovrag Bk avrag, Kal kvtavrbv ekeT. ysvofiivag, EK/iaXXEi to
Kvfia. ib. This Tartarus is said by Plato to be the Barathrum
of Homer and the poets.
TjjXe ftdX', i)xi. fidBisov virb ^flocee e*=t fiipsBpov.

310 PAGANISM AND
a termination is put to their sufferings. If not,
they are hurried back again tq Tartarus for a
second immersion, and a second- ejectment by
the same rivers ; nqr does the repetition of the
punishment cease till they are finally pardoned
by those whom they have offended. Such is
the determination of their judges.*
A different fate awaits those who have dis
tinguished themselves in virtue. The earth,
whose lower parts are adapted to the punish
ment of the wicked, in the manner just de
scribed, has also its lofty regions, in which the
good receive their happiness.: We, says Socrates,
inhabit a tract from the Phasis to the Pillars of
Hercules. This is but a small and sorry space,
in which wretched mortals live, as ants in a
collection of dirt, or frogs about a lake.*]" Nor
are any other residences of man better than a
nest of cayities, into which is poured a conden
sation of water, and mist, and air : and these
deprive us of the clear sight of celestial objects.
Our condition therefore is at present obscure
*
* Kat 7-aSra iraax^)VTEg oh irporEpoy iravovrat, irplv &v wei-
aioatv Sg rjBlKr)trav' avrt) ydp r/ Sikt) virb t&v BtKa^&v avro'tg
krdxBr). ib.
t 'Ev oytik-ptj) nvl fwpito, iiairEp irspl rsX/ia pvpunKag, ij /Sarpet-
X«e wEpl rr)v SdXaTTav biKavrag. ib. p. 8J,

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 311
and deceitful, and resembles that of a person,
who, in the abyss of the sea, should fancy that
he lives on its surface ; and seeing the sun and
stars through the medium of the water, should
take the sea itself for the sky. We too imagine,
that, sunk as we are in these depths of earth,
we really live upon its surface ;* and therefore
erroneously give the name of the heaven itself
to the air, through which we confusedly behold
the heavenly bodies. Nor are we able to cor
rect these mistakes by rising above the lower
air, and viewing things in their own purity.
This privilege is reserved for the souls which
are adjudged to the places situated immediately
under the heaven. There the earth shines forth
in all the beauty and variety of colour, purple,
and gold, and a whiteness surpassing that of
gypsum and snow itself.*]" All its productions
too partake of this perfection ; and its most
* 'H^ac iv otKavrag kv rdig ko'iXoiq ahrrjg Xe\r)6ivat, Kal
o'UaBat avto kirl rrjg yrjg oike'iv' SairEp av e"i rig kv jiiatj) rji
-irvBfiivc Ta ireXdyag oik&v, o'ioiro te kirl rrjg SaXdYn/e o'ikeiv, Kal
Bid ra vBarog bp&v tov rjXiov Kat ra aXXa a?pa, rr)v SdXarrav
fiydiTO apavbv Etvat. ib.
t Tf)v fikv yap, &Xovpyrj eTvoi, Kat Bavfia^rjv to KaXXog' rrjv
Be xPva0B^' T*lv %*> °arl ^VKr)> yu^s V xl°voe XEVKOripav.
ib. 82.

312 PAGANISM AND
common stones are those which are so rare, and
so much prized amongst us, the sardine, jasper,
and smaragdus. With these precious substances,
and with gold and silver, is the earth every
where adorned.* The inhabitants dwell at
ease, whether in inland places, or on the coast,
which borders there upon air, as ours does
upon the sea; or perhaps on islands projected
a little from the continent, and surrounded only
by air. In short, air is to them what water is
to us ; and what we call air, is with them pure
aether. There too the seasons perpetually offer
a soft and delightful temperature.*]" No diseases
* Tr)v Bk yrjv avrrjv KEKoapijaBai rarotg te awaai, Kal 'in
XPVIT$ TE Ka^ bpyfyV' Kc"- r0'*= aXXoij aZ rdig roiarotg. ib. Mil
ton has given a pavement of gold to his heaven ; but he takes
care that it shall be admired by none but a bad spirit.
Mammon, the least erected spirit, that fell
From heaven ; for e'en in heaven his looks and thoughts
Were always downwards bent, admiring more
The riches of heav'n's pavement, trodden gold,
Than aught divine or holy else enjoyed
In vision beatific.
f Tac Bk topag avrdig Kpairt)' e^eiv rotavTyv, wte EKEivag
avoaag eIvo.1, Kal xpbvoy te t,yv woXv itXeiio t&v evBoBe. In
Phaedon. ib. Homer had created this temperature for Olympus.
 :  — odi tpaal Be&v eBog aa<j>aXkg aul
' EppEvaC ovt dvipotai nvdaaETat, ovrt wot bfifipto
AtUErat, ovte x1^" kwtwtXvarat' AXXa ^taX' a"i0p»;

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 313
afflict the happy inhabitants, whose life is there-
fqre much longer than ours. Their senses too*
as well as their knowledge and the qualities of
their mind, excel ours as much as our air is
excelled by their aether in purity. There alsq
are the groves and temples of the gods ; and
in these effectively reside the gods themselves,
who by voices, divinations, and sensible tokens
of their presence, hold frequent communication
with the favoured inhabitants.* These there
fore see the sun, and moon, and stars in their
true nature ; and all their happiness is answer
able to this near and more perfect observation
of things. To places thus beautiful and thus
inhabited, are sent the virtuous souls. They
rise above our mortal habitations, which are no
other than pits or prisons, and ascend to a purer
abode on the true and proper surface of the
earth. But a privilege still higher than this
awaits the souls which have philosophized in a
sufficient manner. They are transplanted to
other abodes yet more beautiful,. where they
n£7rrarai avv£0EXoc, XevKr) ci' kwiBiBpouEV a'tyXn'
Tji evi ripwovrai ftdxapEg Beoi -rj/iara wdvra. Odyss. 6.
* Kal Bf) Kal $e&v &Xar) te Kal tEpa avrdlg ElvaC ev olg rut
bvn oiKrjrag Sebc Etvat, Kai (pijfiag te Kal fiavreiag Kal uinOijacic
r&v Be&v. In Phaedon. ib.

314 PAGANISM AND
live afterwards without bodies ;* while the rest
are doomed to return to the world after the
completion of a thousand years.
The doctrine of Plato has now been reviewed
in the manner proposed.-}" We have seen the
nature of his opinions, first, concerning the
Deity, and secondly, concerning the immortality
of the soul.
The inferences proper to be drawn from both
these points shall be laid before you in the
same order.
1 . In the course of the first argument it was
incidentally stated, that the agency of the de
miurge, which some have incautiously termed a
Creation, was no more than a formation of pre
existing and eternal matter. This is a point,
which, on account of its great importance,
deserves the particular attention of those who
compare the theology of Paganism with Reve
lation. The Platonic world could not be pro
duced without the concurrence of three separate
principles,— r-a labouring deity, — eternal, reluc
tant, and untractable matter, — and rational and
* Tartov Be avr&v ot tyiXoaotyitj. tKav&g KaBypafiEvoi, &vev te
atofiarurv Z,&at rb irapdwav Eig rbv iwEira xpbvov, Kal eig o'tKi/aEig
'in Tartov KaXXtovg dtjiiKvaVTai. ib. p. 84.
t Page 221.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 315
self-subsisting ideas, or original exemplars,
according to which, things were to be framed,
and from which they were also to derive their
essence* The task of the deity was therefore
a difficult one. The blind and brute irregula
rity inherent in the nature of matter, crossed
his designs, frustrated much of the good which
he intended for the universe, and was the cause
of evil.f And this probably is the circumstance
which led Plato to observe, though in a man
ner neither pious nor philosophical, the elation
of mind which was felt by his demiurge, J when
* Sequitur per ideas, non abstractiones mentis nostrae, vel
notiones universales intelligendas esse, sed entia intelligibilia,
in Deo radicata, sive ratione' divina, velut mundo suo, compre-
hensa, quae per se existunt, et materiae modificatae non characteres
tantum essentiales, sed ipsam quoque essentiam largiuntur.
Per. 1. part. post. lib. ii. c. 6. s. 1. § 15.
f Inesse materiae necessariam et innatam cupiditatem, sive
brutam et caecam vim quandam, quae inordinate eam moveat,
quaeque in causa sit, ut nee optima omnia Deus facere potuerit,
et mala ind& omnia oriantur. ib. § 14.
X Augustin compares this with the sentence of Moses, —
" God saw that it was good ;*" and observes that the Creator
merely declares the excellence of his work. He is not obliged
to wait for its completion till he can ascertain his success ; —
Docet bonum esse, non discit. Plato quidem plus ausus est
dicere, elatum esse scilicet Deum gaudio, mundi universitate
perfecta. Civ. Dei, lib. xi. c. 21.

316 PAGANISM AND
he saw his labours followed with so much suc
cess in the beautiful appearance of things. In
short, we see his deity operate, as a mortal of
extraordinary genius, on the materials which
are at hand. He is an Archimedes, of an higher
class. But the imperfection which thus attaches to
the theology of Plato, is chargeable to Paga
nism in general. This has been ascertained with
equal research and judgment by the learned
Mosheim in his treatise on the " Creation of
the World from Nothing :" of which, some short
notice may be useful.
His purpose is then, not to inquire, whether
the doctrine of a proper creation be discover
able by the force of human reason. He does
not ask, whether the happy application of an
extraordinary sagacity might arrive at such a
conclusion. Indeed, it is remarkable, that
some of the highest names in philosophy have
deemed the strictest notion of creation to contain
nothing repugnant to right reason. Such has
been the judgment of Sir Isaac Newton and
Mr. Locke.* But the question is, whether the
* Eximii duo viri, quibus nihil majus est inter philosophos
aetatis nostrae, Jo. Lockius et Is. Newtonus, non modd negant,
creationem mundi rationi purgatae adversari, sed etiam fieri

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 317
doctrine be really taught in any of the books
which have descended to us from the Pagan
ages. This is determined by Mosheim in the
negative. In the first part of his treatise he
states the argument, and examines certain pas
sages of Aristotle, Empedocles, and Seneca,
which have been supposed to convey the doc
trine: and those who are ready to ascribe a
proper creation to the Gods of heathenism, on
account of a few strong expressions which will
be occasionally found in Pagan writers even of
the laxest character, will do well to study this
part of the treatise with attention. They will
not fail to see, how little strictness of meaning
may belong to phrases of great apparent force,
and on how many occasions the sense that has
been hastily attributed to particular words is
weakened or destroyed by the general nature of
the reasoning amidst which they are found. He
next examines the early systems of the Grecian
sects and sages, and finds in those which are
posse contendunt, ut modum ejus comprehendamus aliqua*
ratione, si vulgarium sententiarum vinculis nos expedire cone-
mur. C. 5. This may afford another proof, that certain truths of
Revelation may be found not unacceptable to that reason which
-would have been wholly incompetent to make the first discovery
of them.

318 PAGANISM AND
supposed to precede the age of Plato, no higher
meaning, than that order and beauty were pro
duced out of matter which before had been
subject to no rules. Of the poems of Orpheus*
(the supposed Father of the Grecian theology)
he justly pronounces, that the doctrine is not
only not that of the Scriptures, but that it. is of
a low and impious character. Its real meaning
is, that the deity is the universe,! and that this
proceeds from him in such a manner, that the
parts of the, universe are no other than parts of
the Divine nature, the limbs, as it were, of the
great body of Deity. And this is little else
than the flagitious doctrine which so long
* It is generally allowed that the antient Orpheus did not
write the poems to which his name is affixed : — Antiquum
ilium Orpheum nihil horum s.cripsisse, cum plerisque scio. This
is the confession of his editor and admirer Eschenbachius, who
seems however to take no small pride in having studied these
venerable and mysterious writings by night ! — Silente mundo,
soils vigilantibus astris et luna. While some have extolled the
poems as an invaluable treasure of theology, others have pro
nounced them to be the "liturgy of Satan."
•f Deum esse omnia canit, et a Deo ita fluxisse omnia putat,
ut partes hujus universitatis membra tantum et partes divinae
naturae non desinant esse. Tantum abest,. ut Orpheus- ille,
quisquis demum fuerit, cum Christianis sensisse putandus sit,
ut potius a Spinosae flagitiis exiguo aut nullo intervallo remotus
fuisse videatur. De Creat. Mund. c. 10.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 319
afterwards shocked mankind in the system of
Spinosa. The well-known passage of Hesiod is next
produced, in which, according to the general
sense of the commentators, is stated the original
existence of a Chaos.* But this also has been
supposed to teach the doctrine of creation ; and
Hesiod, as well as Plato, is supposed by some
to have drawn this great truth from Egypt.
But it is well observed, that, whatever may
be fondly attributed to a single expression, the
general meanness of Hesiod's theology is against
so favourable an interpretation. His highest
god is Jupiter, of whom he has no objection to
relate the degrading stories commonly received
by Paganism : nor can it be reasonably con
cluded that, with such a being for his prime
deity, his meaning on the point in question is,
in any respect, superior to that of Ovid. From
Pythagoras descended some of the philosophy
which was adopted by Plato ; but for him also
was invented by his admirers, the detestable
* "Hroi fikv wp&nsa Xaoc yivET'— Ecquis est, qui sibi per-
suadere queat, vatem aperte adversus Deum impium, et tarn
puerili religione imbutum, ut hominem ex Saturno et Rhea
genitum omnibus praeficeret, de materiae initio et creatione pie
ac sapicnter sensisse ? ib. c. 11.

320 PAGANISM AND
doctrine, that singularity, or the Deity, passed
into duality, or matter, and produced the world !
Thus, while they endeavoured to prove, that
the Deity was the author of matter, they made
the Deity and matter to be the same substance,
or to have the same properties !*
We need not dwell on the judgment which
Mosheim passes on Plato himself, since the
substance of this has already appeared, nor on
his rejection of the claims which have been
made in favour of the barbarous nations.*]" The
most curious part of the treatise perhaps is the
last, in which he relates the gradual corruption
of the doctrine of Plato by the sophistries of
the Alexandrian school.
Plato, intent on providing for the being of
One, denied existence, in a proper sense, to
other things. To all matter therefore, whether
devoid of qualities in itself, or endued with
them and formed into visible bodies, he gave the
name of Nothing; in which extensive sense he
* Scilicet aperte confitentur, qui sic sentiunt, mundum esse
Deum, nee praeter mundum et materiam divinum aliquid esse.
ib,c. 13.
t The Egyptians, Chinese, Japanese, Indians, Phoenicians,
Persians, and Etruscans.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 321
is interpreted by Cicero.* On this the junior
Platonics grafted their refinements, for the sake
of producing a doctrine which should look like
that of the Scriptures. They therefore restricted
the name of " Nothing" to that abstract or ideal
matter which possessed neither forms nor quali
ties.*]" And hence they affirmed that the world
was formed by the demiurge from nothing;
that is, from darkness; or that visionary matter
which was regarded as nothing. Again, Plato
had openly taught the eternity of the world,
and, by consequence, had degraded his deity.
This therefore was understood by the junior
Platonics in a metaphysical sense which was to
protect Plato and his deity together. Hence it
became one of the leading maxims of the school
to resolve the eternity of the world into the
mind of the Deity* to connect the universe with
him by an eternal flux of generation, and to
make it derive all its contrivance from that
process. Accordingly, it was argued, that as
* Nihil Plato putat esse quod oriatur et intereat, idque solum
esse, quod semper tale sit, qualem ideam appellatille, nos spe-
eiem. Tuse. Quaest. lib, i. c. 24 (
t Plotinus de material hac informi, quam sola mens videt ac
contemplatur : vXn, inquit, fir) ov av iiKortog Xiyotro. De Great/
Mund. ci 19. Y

322 PAGANISM AND
body is the cause of the shade which falls from
it, so the eternity of the Deity is the cause of
the eternity of the world. The shade is equal
with the body in point of time, though not of
honour. In the same manner, the world follows
the Deity. Though caused by him, and there
fore in that sense not of equal dignity, yet it is
co-eternal with him. It is an eternal effect from
an eternal cause, an eternal ray from an eternal
sun,* the primitive footstep of the primitive
foot. By such subtleties as these was it at
tempted to rescue Platonism from the imputa
tions cast upon it by the orthodox Christians ;
and thus was a forced reconciliation effected
between two opinions which must be for ever
opposite,' — the eternity of the world, and the
creation of it froni nothing !
From the Scriptures alone then is the doc
trine of a proper creation to be learnt,— -a
creation, as Eusebius observes, not only of the
form which is impressed upon bodies, but of
the primary matter of their composition, or the
* Itaque cum mundum aeqtie negant Platonici sternum esse,
atque Deum, hue eorum unice redit sententia : " Mundum ex
omni aeternitate sine ullo principio de Deo tanquam de causa
et de auctore siio fluxisse, quemadmodum de aeterno corpore
aeterna umbra, aut de perenni sole perennis radius." ib. c. 31.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 323
"r\v of the Greeks.* This, he says, is the head
and fountain of the true theology — " In the be
ginning God created the heaven and the earth."
Nor is the truth of this doctrine made to rest,
on the force of any single expression; it is the
obvious and incontrovertible meaning of Reve
lation at large; and our common reason is vio
lated by any attempt to dispute it. For a more
ample proof of this important point, I would
refer you to the twelfth sermon of Barrow on
the Apostles' Creed. For our present purpose, a
very few passages of Scripture will suffice. In
this absolute sense, the prophet Jeremiah con
trasts' the power of the God of Israel with the
false pretensions of the idols of the Heathen.
" The gods that have not made the heaven and
the earth, even they shall perish from the earth,
and under these heavens. He hath made 'the
earth by his power; He hath established the
world by his wisdom, and hath stretched out
the heaven by his discretion."*]" The same is the
language of other prophets: and it is worth
* T&v 'E/3pat*K(5v Boypartov 'LBtov ijv, to iva r&v awdvTtov
woiVTrjv vofiifeaBai tov kirl wavnov ¦5eo>, atirijfc re rrjg vwokei-
fiivqg ro'tg a&paatv aaiag, ijv "YXrjv wpoaayopevaatv "EXXjjvec.
Praep. Evang. lib. vii. c. 18. Compare ib. c. 1 1 .
t C. x. 11, 12.
Y2

324 PAGANISM AND
our while to observe, from a passage in one of
the books of Maccabees, that,* after inspiration
had ceased, the Jewish people retained the ori
ginal meaning of creation — >" I beseech thee.*
my son, look upon the heaven, and the earth,
and all that is therein, and consider, that God
made them of things that were not; and so was
mankind made likewise." In this sense is the
doctrine of creation constantly mentioned in the
Gospel ; and in the same manner' was it inter
preted by the general agreement of the early
Church, into which none were admitted who
did not openly profess it.*]" " By him (says
St. Paul) were all things created, that are in
heaven, and that are in earth; visible and invi
sible." And not only does he affirm them to
* 2 Mace. vii. 28.
t Viguit praeceptum hoc in ipso statim Christians Kbertatis
exordio, nee in ccetum sanctiorem receptus' turn fuit aliquis,
nisi qui publice profifer'etur, De'uni unicum' rerum omnium, et
ipsius etiafli materiae ex qua constant omnia, parentem et con-
ditorem esse. De Creat. Murid. c. 1. The last circumstance
was insisted upon in opposition to the false creation of the
Greeks. Indeed, our Creeds are in a great measure defensive.
Mqch of them has arisen from the necessity of counteracting
the doctrines of philosophy and heresy j and these articles may
sometimes be usefully traced up to the errors which -they were
originally intended to correct.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 325
be created " by him," but "for him;"* and
hence, God is the final disposer, because he is
the original Creator, of all things. With the
same great and fundamental truth begins the
Apostles' Creed — " I believe in God the Father
Almighty, maker of heaven and earth." Om
nipotence being first asserted in a strict sense,
creation is its proper consequence, and must
have been supposed, even if it were not formally
expressed. Such then is the full and exact
meaning which we are required to affix to this
sentence whenever we repeat it; a meaning
which was never taught by any of the loftiest
religions of nature, and is utterly irreconcil
able with the imperfect powers of the deity of
Plato. And such is the decision of the judicious
and sagacious Barrow. " From these premises
we may conclude, against those philqsqphers,
whq, destitute of the light of revelation, did
conceit otherwise, and against those Christians,
who have followed the philosophers (as Hermo-
genes of old, and Volkelius of late, together
with the sectators of their opinions) that God
did create (in the most strict and scholastical
sense of that word, did create) that is, either'
* Col. i. j 6.

326 PAGANISM AND
immediately, or mediately did produce out
of nothing, or did bestow entirely a new exis
tence upon every thing which is, not excepting
any one. And that is the sense of the words,
having made heaven and earth; or of the title,
Maker of heaven and earth, ascribed unto God."*
* Sermon 12. ib. — The early belief of the Church in this
point is seen even in the erroneous supposition of some Chris
tian writers, that the antient Heathens had taught it too. What
excuse may be made for those modern critics who have favoured
the orthodoxy of the Pagan cosmologists, I know not. The
mistake of the early writers of the Church arose in a great
measure from their Christian zeal. Eager to win the fastidious
and infidel Greeks to the Gospel, they endeavoured to prove to
. them, that the sentiments of their ancestors came near to the
standard of Scripture; and hence the forced and injudicious
attempts to reconcile things so dissimilar; and to extract from
the idolatrous books the doctrine of a proper creation and the
Unity of the Deity. Who, for instance, would suppose, that
proofs of these points were to be sought for in Sophocles,
iEschylus, Philemon, or Menander? Yet the treatise of Justin
Martyr "De Monarchia" abounds with them. The following
lines are quoted from Sophocles, though they do pot occur in
any of the plays that are extant, nor is it easy to suppose that
they were written by him: —
Ele raig aXr)B£iaioiv, Eig kriv 0EO£,
"Oc apavov T etev\e, Kal ya'tav fiaKpdv,
Ubvra te xapowov olBfia, Kolvkfiiov (ilag.
Qvnrol Bk woXXol KapBtav wXav&fiEVOt,
\BpvadjiEoBa irr)fidrtoy wapa\^vxag

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 327
I have dwelt the longer on this, because it is
the cardinal point of all religion: for, from a
strict and absolute creation by an Almighty
Being, properly flow the Divine dominion qver
the world, the present dispensations of Provi
dence and the future judgment of men. And
from the necessary reference of all these powers
to the same Being, our Creator, Preserver, and
Judge, results the necessity of the sole worship
of the Godhead. This leads us to another im
portant point.
That there must be an independent and pri
mary cause of things, and that it must have an
existence essential and peculiar to itself; that
this Being is both eternal and infinite, and is
necessarily perfect; that there can be only one
Being possessed of those peculiar properties,
.and that all other things depend on him for

Qe&v ayaXpar ek XlBtov, r) ^aXKEW,
"H XpvcoTtvKTtov, rj kXEtpavrivtov rvwag'
Qvatag re rirotg, Kal KaXdg 7rai>jjyup£te
TsbxovTeg, artag £voe($£~iv vofii'C,opEV .
Just. Mart. ib.
The observations of Potter on this passage, which are in Hut-
chins's edition of Justin's treatise, maybe compared with those
of Bentley and Jortin ; Remarks onEccl. History, vol. i. p. 330.
Ed. 1805.

828 PAGANISM AND
their existence; that this Being is God; that
God is a Spirit; that therefore the Universe, or
general sum of things, eannot share any portion
of divinity with him ; and that he is the proper
and sole object of worship ; — these, I say, are
discoveries which the common reason of man
has been supposed capable of making by its
own efforts, and without the suggestion of Di
vine revelation. But we may now securely ask,
in the practice of what Pagan nation is this sup
position to be proved? In the doctrines of what
Pagan philosopher can its truth be clearly
established? We have seen, that, in consequence
of the imperfection of the deity of Plato, his
original want of creative power, and the failure
of, his providence which necessarily resulted
from it, the inferior deities were also the objects
of worship in the system of that philosopher.
Notwithstanding this, a regular attempt to
prove the claims of natural religion has been
made by our own Wollaston. Yet it is not his
object to discredit Revelation. He rather pro
fesses to recommend it by a preparatory state
ment of favourable conclusions drawn from the
human understanding. His fundamental prin
ciple is truth; from a conformity or disagree
ment with which, springs moral good or evil.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 329
Coincident with truth are reason and happiness ;
and subservient to it is sense, or reason, or bqth.
Hence he professes to deduce the law of nature,
which contains the knowledge of the truths
relating to God, to ourselves, and to the rest of
mankind. But, notwithstanding all his efforts
on the side of unassisted reason, Wollaston could
not descend to the level of nature. He was too
well instructed by Christianity not to feel its
influence even against his own purpose. He
endeavours to exclude a light which continues
to shine inwardly on his mind. In vain he
professes " only to shew, what a heathen phi
losopher, without any other help and almost
flSuTodYJaxToj may be supposed to think."* The
suggestions of his reason are tinged with reve
lation, and the standard which he establishes
for the religion of nature is of an height which
Plato never reached.
From the creation of man then, properly un
derstood, results the exclusion* of secondary
Deities, and the necessary worship of God alone.
Hence too is derived another important conclur
sion. Man is not abandoned by the Deity; nor
left the sport of mediating demons. His redemp-
'"* Religion of Nature delineated. Sect. 9.

330 PAGANISM AND
tion is the work of the same God. The Plato
nic philosophy is too apt tq mix itself with
those descriptions which some of the early
fathers have given of certain doctrines of the
Scripture;, biit the followipg statement by Au
gustin may be sufficient to shew his notion qf
the principle of the mediation of Christ, the
.highest act qf Providence towards mankind.
" Man, as he is mortal, is miserable. In order,
therefore, to raise him to that immortality which
he cannot attain by his nature, a mediator is re
quired. He must be both God and man: but
being God, and submitting to the condition of
man, he cannot forfeit any portion of his proper
and inherent divinity. Neither can he continue
mortal. Qn this plan, therefore, was effected
an union of the divine and human natures in the
person of Jesus Christ. His temporary mor
tality connected him with the creatures whom
he came to save. His everlasting godhead gave
effect to his assumed manhood. His conde
scension is transitory : but the consequences of
it to man are eternal. The resurrection of Christ
from the dead is the first fruit of his mediation,
and the pledge of immortality, both in body and
soul, to those who, without it, must have re-

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 331
mained the victims of eternal death."* It is
evident, that the terms employed in this state
ment are partly direct, and partly allusive to
that false and incongruous mediation of the Pla-r
tonic demons, which has been already described.
Our redemption is defined both by what it is,
and what it is not: but the aim of the whole is,
to reconcile the natural mortality of man with
the promise of the " life that is to come," and
to direct our religious gratitude to its proper
object, the mercy of God, and his free grace to
us in Jesus Christ.
2. This promise leads us to a reflection on
* Si omnes homines, quamdiu mortales sunt, etiam miseri
sint necesse est, quaerendus est medius, qui non solum homo,
verum etiam Deus sit: ut homines ex mortali miseria ad
beatam immortalitatem hujus niedii beata mortalitas interveni-
endo perducat ; quem neque non fieri mortalem oportebat,
neque permanere mortalem. Mortalis quippe factus est, non
infirmata Vekbi divinitate, sed carnis infirmitate suscepta.
Non autem permansit in ipsa came mortalis, quam resuscitavit
a mortuis; quoniam ipse fructus est mediation is ejus, ut nee
ipsi, propter quos liberandos mediator effectus est, in perpetui
vel carnis morte remanerent. Proiride Mediatokem inter nos
et Deum, et mortalitatem habere oportuit transeuntem, et bea
titudinem permanentem ; ut per id quod transit, congrueret
morituris, et ad id quod permanet, transferret ex mortuis. Civ.
Dei, lib. ix. c. 15.

332 PAGANISM AND
the second part of the doctrine of Plato. With
him, the body was not deemed worthy of any
consideration. It was, as we have seen, bor
rowed for a while by the inferior deities from the
elements, and was to be restored to them again.
The immortality, of which he speaks, is attri
buted only to the soul. A few words will be
sufficient to shew the folly, or the malice of
those who have so zealously extolled this doc
trine, as maintaining a rivalship with that of
Revelation. It appears, that the world was the primary
object of solicitude to the Demiurge: and that
man was no more than one of its component
parts.* He was made, not after the image of
God, but after the pattern of the world; and
hence he has been termed a microcosm. Ac
cordingly, when the Demiurge gave tq the in
ferior gods the soul which was tq be placed in
man, he took it from the residuum of the soul of
the world : it is therefore secondary to this both in
time and importance. Yet we find Plato assert
ing, that the soul of man is an original principle,
* ndira ravra (i. e. the Chaotic mass) np&rov SuKoaptjaEv,
'iwEtra ek tutwv way t.6Be IpvEzijaaro, £&ov 'iv, £&a 'ixov awavra
kv al>T(j>. In Tim. p. 1073.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 333
and that it is possessed of an eternity essential
to itself. Here then no.reference is made to the
will of any superior power ; but the soul is de
clared to have the high and distinctive privilege
of self-motion; --—and hence is inferred its self-
existence. It follows, therefore, either that
Plato does not, in fact, acknowledge a deity,
but makes the soul the first principle of all
things; or that his deity, and the soul of man
are one and the same thing ! In either case the
doctrine is vicious; it is self-contradictory, or
impious ; or both.
But let us -Wave this imputation^ and inquire
of what nature is the immortality which Plato
attributes to the soul.. Contraries, says Socrates,
spring from each other,;* and both are produced
by a continual interchange of intermediate pro
perties; The bond between these contraries is
increase and decay; arid by means of this
agency, are effected separation and mixture,
heat and cold; and the like. This is applicable
to the condition of the soul. The opposite of
death is life, as waking is of sleep. That death
Succeeds to life is most evident. In like man-

* 'iKaV&g av exofiEV tafo, 'on wavra ano yiyvErai lij kvaV-
tluiv ra Evavria irpdyfiara. In Phaedon. p. 53.

334 PAGANISM AND
ner, therefore, it is to be concluded that life
succeeds also to death. The soul, therefore;
exists somewhere, and expects its return to
another body, from which 'it is again to be
dislodged by dissolution! But it is obvious;
that this is no more than a physical round of
eternity ; and if the soul is immortal, it is so on
the same principle with the elements, or the
material substances of nature, which are gradu
ally decomposed, and formed again. The change
of things is perpetual; but the sum of them
remains. Augustin has bestowed a just repro
bation on the baseness of that theology which
will not allow the soul to continue in the happi
ness once bestowed upon it;* which delivers it
* He pities the soul — euntem sine cessatione ad falsam
beatitudinem, et ad veram miseriam sine cessatione redeuntem.
Civ, Dei, lib. xii. c. 13. Compare c. 20. Augustin informs
us too, that Porphyry, one of the most celebrated followers of
Plato, was offended with this doctrine, and expressly disavowed
it : — De istis circumitibus et sine cessatione alternantibus
itionibus et reditionibus animanmi, Porphyrius Platonicus suo-
rum opinionem sequi noluit, sive ipsius rei vanitate permotus,
sive jam tempora Christiana reveritus. ib. In another curious
passage, which he quotes from Varro, some who cast nativities
at Rome, are said to have maintained that it was necessary for
the same soul and the same body to meet again upon earth,
and to live as they had before j and that this would actually

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 335
from the body, only to subject it to a repetition
of the same constraint and misery after a cer
tain interval. But Ovid, who never troubles
himself with objections to any principles, has
sung this circular philosophy in his most happy
manner: —
Nee perit in tanto quicquam, mihi credite, mundo ;
Sed vai'iat, faciemque novat ; — nascique vocatur
Incipere esse aliud, quain quod fuit ante ; morique
Desiriere illud idem: cilm sint hue forsitan ilia,
Haec translata illuc ; summa tamen omnia constant. Met. lib. 15,
How different the language of Revelation!
The body and the soul of man are equally the
creation of God. They are together governed
by his Providence, and together subject to his
future judgment. The soul is immortal, not
through any independent or self-subsisting pro-
take place after an interval of 440 years ! — Genethliaci quiderii
scripserunt, esse in renascendis hominibus quum appellant
tfaXiyyEj'Eori'aj' Graeci : hanc scripserunt confici in annis numero
quadringentis quadraginta, ut idem corpus et eadem anima,
quae fuerant conjuncta in homine aliquando, eadem rursus
redeant in conjunctionem. ib. lib. xxii. c. 28. In the same
chapter he exposes the absurdity of those who upon loose hints
of this nature founded an argument, that the Pagans had an
ticipated the doctrine of the Resurrection.

336 PAGANISM AND
perties, but through the nature conferred upon
it by its Maker, and continued by his preserving
power. It is placed in the body, which it guides
in righteousness; according to the suggestions of
the Holy Spirit. When the body dies, the soul
does not sleep with it in the dust of the earth,
but returns to God who gave it. At the last
day, it shall be finally joined again with its
body. This was mortal, but is now glorified for
eternity by that Power, which is " able to sub
due all things to itself;" and both together
shall receive the reward of immortal happiness,
promised to the faith and obedience of man
through Jesus Christ.
I will add no more to this part of the subject,
but will close the whole with an observation
which may be applied to a very large portion of
the Pagan writings.
Plato, who has had so many followers ready
to answer for the truth of his doctrine, would
not answer for it himself. When Timaeus is
about to deliver his opinion concerning the De
miurge, and the production of the world, he
refriarks the various and contradictory opinions
which were entertained on those important sub
jects, and the impossibility of ascertaining the
truth with exactness. For himself, therefore,

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 337
he claims no higher credit, than that his system
is perhaps as probable as that of any other;*
This reservation is strongly applauded by So*-
crates. It is repeatedly expressed, and finally
applied to the doctrine, of the soUl. If some
god shall undertake to declare its condition, the
truth will be infallibly known :| but till that
happens, conjecture, founded on probability, is
all that man can hope to attain
Another instance drawn from the Phsedo;
beautifully proves how little certainty was
supposed to belong to this philosophy.
Socrates had employed some of his choicest

* 'Eav apa firjBEvbg rjrrov wapEX&fitBa EtKorag (Xoyae) aya-
'Trav XPJT fiEfivTffiivov &>g 6 \eytov, vfielg te oi Kpiral, tjrvaiv av-
Sptowivriv 'ixpfiEv' wte 7T£pt Tartov rbv EtKora fivBov airoBExofievu v
.arpiwEt fiTjBkv 'in wipa 'i,i)TEiv. In Tim. p. 1047.
f Ta pkv av WEpl rrjg ^"X^^' oaov SvrjTov e^ei Kat oaov
SeIov, Kal owr), Kat fiEff (ov, Kal Bt a X^P'E VKl<rBt), to pkv
aXr)&kg (tog 'itprjrav) SeS HpfUJrriaavTOg, tot dv Sno fiovtog
BilaxvpiloifiEBa' to y£ pr)v e'ikoq iffiiv EtoriaBai, Kal vvv Kat in
paXXov avaaKowaai BtaKivBvvEVTiov tpavat, Kai wEtpdadto. ib. p.
1075. This is the manner of Plato, and it ought to be carefully
observed by all his readers. His account of the sublimest and
most abstruse subjects is circumstantial and positive. The only
guard against too implicit a credit in it is to be found in these
incidental warnings.

338 PAGANISM AND
reasoning on the immortality of the soul, and
apparently convinced his friends by arguments
derived from the necessary succession of life to
death, from the nature and powers of memory,
and from the soul's essential simplicity. But
one of them ventures to express a fear, lest the
soul may perish when the body is dissolved, just
as harmony perishes when the lyre is broken*
To this another adds, that though the soul may
not perish immediately, yet probably it will not
continue for ever. When the first body is
dead, it may return to animate another and
another; but after several generations, it will
itself expire. A succession of vestments will
wear out the body, which decays before the
last is threadbare. And in the same manner, a
succession of bodies will perhaps wear out the
soul, though, in its own nature, the soul be
more durable than a single body.
These little objections are sufficient to re
move all the impression which the ingenuity of
* 'Et Iv Tvyx&vri i) \pvxr) aaa apuovta rig, BrjXov on orar
XaXaa&rj to a&fia ijfi&v apirptog, ij emraBjf birb voauv, Kat
aXXtov kuk&v, rr,v fikv ijwxriv avdyKn kvBvg iwdpxfi awoXtoXi-
yat (mlwEp Saav SEtordTriv) (oawep Kal at aXXai dpuovtai, at r*
4v Tdig (frBbyyotg KM kv roig t&v Brifiiapy&v Epyoig waai. In
Phaedon. p. 65.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 339
Socrates had made on his hearers;* and in a
moment the strong fears of nature in their
bosoms triumph over a reasoning confessedly-
uncertain, and drawing its best support from
probability alone. Cicero, who frequently em
ploys a sentiment of Plato in a manner of his
own, seems to have remembered this passage
in the first book of the Tusculan Questions.
When he exhorts his friend to read the Phsedo,
if he wishes to obtain a knowledge of the im
mortality of the soul; " I have frequently read
it," replies he; " but I know not how it hap
pens; while I read, the arguments of Plato
have my concurrence ; but when I lay dgwn
the book and revolve the subject in my mind,
my late assent is presently withdrawn, and all
my disbelief returns."*]" This is the genuine
* TldvrEg 5v aKaaavTEg ei-kovt&v dvr&v, at)B&g BiEriBrifiEV ,
tog v'SEpov kXiyofiEv wpbg^ aXXyXag, Sn, hwb ra EfiwpoaBev Xoya
atpoBpd WEWEiapivag i)fiag, wdXtv kBoKav avarapdlat Kal eig
ainriav Kara/3aX£tv, a fiovov .ro~tg wpoEtprffikvotg Xdyote, aXXit
Kat eis ra ii^Epa aiXXovrq pr)6r)aEo8qt, fir) aBEvag a£tpt e'LyfiEV
Kpiral, ij Kal Ta wpdypara avrd awt?a r). ib. p. 66.
f Evolve diligenter ejus eum Ubrum qui est de Animo.
Amplius quod deslderes, nihil erit. Feci mebercule., et quidem
saepius ; sed nesico quo modo, dum lego, assentior; cum posui
librum, et mecum ipse de immortalitate animorum ccepi cogi-
tare, assensio omnis ilia elabitur. Tusc. Quaest. lib. i. c. 11.
z2

340 PAGANISM AND
voice of nature confessing her fears under the
want of sufficient evidence concerning a future
state. This too, I believe, is the meaning of Virgil,
when he closes his description of the nether
world, and dismisses iEneas through the ivory
gate : — Sunt geminae somni portae; quarum altera fertur
Cornea, qua veris facilis datur exitus umbris :
Altera candenti perfecta nitens elephanto :
Sed falsa ad ccelum mittunt insomnia manes.
¦ His ibi turn natum Anchises unaque Sybillam
Prosequitur dictis, portaque emittit eburna.
It was, as we have seen, the character of the
philosophy, from which Virgil has borrowed so
many of the incidents of this book, to confess
its want of confidence in the speculations which
it indulged on the nature and future condition
of the soul. He remembers this caution, and
will not dismiss his description without it. To
the imagery, therefore, which he adopts from
Homer, he adds another purpose;* and the
* Nothing can be more natural than the use of this imagery
by Penelope relating her dream, Odyss. lib. 19. In Virgil, it
appears forced, unless some other purpose can be coupled with-
it. Cicero takes care to state the customary precaution before-

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 341
ivory gate may be regarded as a poetic con
veyance of the uncertainty confessed by Plato
concerning the " life to come."
he enters on a subject so difficult, and remote from the com
mon knowledge of mankind. — Ea quae vis, ut potero, explicabo :
nee tamen, quasi Pythius Apollo, certa ut sint, et fixa quae
dixero; sed ut homunculus unus h multis, probabilia conjec-
tura sequens. Ultra enim quo progrediar, quam ut verisimilia
videam, non habeo. Tusc. Quaest. lib. i. c. 9.
In the text, the question is concerning the sentiments of
Plato on the subject of God and the soul. A general view of
the absurd and contradictory sentiments of the Pagan schools
at large, on these important points, is given in the neat and
pleasing treatise of Hermias — Ataavpfibg~or Irrisia Philoso-
phorum. He begins with the soul, but is utterly at a loss
what to determine concerning it from the definitions of the
philosophers ; whether it be fire, air, or motion, — whether it
be intelligence, or nothing but an exhalation. Some describe
it as a power derived from the stars ; and some call it an
additional essence, the result of the four elements compounded.
One calls it harmony, — one, the blood, — one, the breath of
man, — and another, a monad. These contests concerning
the nature of the soul are a sure pledge of differences as to its
duration. " For a moment, (says he,) I fancy myself im
mortal; but this illusion is presently dissolved by one who
maintains, that my soul is as subject to death as my body.
Another is determined to preserve its existence during 3000
years. I pass into other bodies, and become a beast or a fish ;
nor is it possible for me to call myself by any determinate
game. I am a wolf, a bird, a serpent, a chimgera. I swim,.

342 PAGANISM AND
I fly, I creep, I run, I sit still, and am made to partake of
all opposite conditions in rotation." — He indulges the same
vein of humour on the disputes about God and nature; and
describes the fluctuation of his mind under the successive
tuition of a number of Pagan masters, each teaching him a
different lesson. " Anaxagoras tells me that all things are
derived from an intelligent mind, the cause of order, motion,
and beauty. In this I should acquiesce, if Melissus and Par
menides did not object, who contend both in verse and prose;
that the universe is one, self-subsisting, eternal, infinite, im
moveable, and unchangeable. Awed therefore, by this double
authority, I begin to drop my attachment to Anaxagoras.
Yet neither do I rest with Melissus and Parmenides; for
Anaximenes now proves to me that all things are produced
from air. I begin, therefore, to lean towards his philosophy;
but on a sudden I hear a voice calling to me out of Etna,
and commanding me to believe that the system of the world
arose from the collision of love and hatred, by whose opera
tion alone can be satisfactorily explained the existence of
things similar and dissimilar, finite and infinite. Thanks to
you, Empedocles, and in gratitude for so important a discovery,
I am ready to follow you, even into the crater of your vol
cano;" &c. He passes rapidly through a number of other
systems, the heat and cold of Archelaus, — the god, matter,
and ideas of Plato, — the active and passive principles of
Aristotle, — the aether, earth, and time of Pherecydes, — the
atoms of Leucippus, — the existence and non-existence, the
plenum and vacuum of Democritus, — the fire of Heraclitus, —
and the numbers of Pythagoras. Imitating too, the well-.
known sentiment of Anacreon, he declares, that his enumera
tion is yet imperfect, and that other multitudes of names rush
upon him from Libya, &c. Hermias is placed by Cave in.-

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 343
the second century. His style (with the exception of a few
mutilated passages) is neat, perspicuous, and pointed; and
his humour is more pure and temperate than that of Lucian.
This little piece is printed at the end of Worth's edition of
Tatian; Oxford, 1700.

344 PAGANISM AND

CHAPTER VIII.
SUMMUM BONUM OF PAGANISM ... IMMORTALITY NO PART
OF IT... SYSTEM OF EPICURUS ... THE STOICS ... OLD
ACADEMY... VARRo's ESTIMATE OF ALL POSSIBLE SECTS
...CONCLUDING REMARKS.
The pretensions of Paganism to the rewards of
the " life to come," have been thus far refuted
by an appeal to some of the most celebrated
systems of antient theology: — and it has ap
peared, that the best philosophy of nature rose
no higher than to an uncertainty on the great
subject of God and the soul.
This perhaps might have sufficed : — but the
argument will be more complete and satisfac
tory, if we also inquire into the principal opi
nions which were entertained by the Heathen
world, concerning human happiness. In the
lecture which included some notice of the Ethics
of Plato, provision was made for this branch of
the subject;* and it was promised, that a larger
view should be taken of the opinions of the
* P. 238..

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 345
Pagans concerning the Summum Bonum, the
proper aim and end of all the counsels and ac
tions of man. Indeed, such an inquiry must
be, in the highest degree, convincing. For, if
the doctrine of immortality was discovered by
the light of nature, we shall not fail to observe
it in those systems which professed to teach
the summum bbnum. But, if it made no part
of those systems, and if the summum bonum
was nothing more than the advantage arising
from the best mode of conducting common life,
the former conclusion is fully established. That
insight into futurity, which has been fondly at
tributed to certain philosophers, is disprqved
by the interpretation of their followers. The
sects which contended for the discovery of
happiness, looked not beyond the present scene
of things ; and from their degraded, hopes and
narrqw views, we safely conclude that Pagan
ism had nothing to teach, on which the mind
of man could rely, concerning an existence in
another world.
It has been justly remarked by Augustin
that the mode of argument adopted by Socrates,
in his encounters with the sophists, laid the
foundation of those moral dissensions which
distracted his immediate successors in philoso-

346' " PAGANISM AND
phy, and were spread, by their animosity,
through tbe world at large.* For the most
part, hehad contented himself with the pleasure
of refutation : and the same caution which di
rected the force of his sagacity "to the detection
of error in others, restrained him from the em
ployment of positive and dogmatical doctrine
in his own person; He might have prescribed
with superior authority, (if indeed Grecian
vanity and Grecian loquaciousness were to be
overawed by any authority,) what was the sum
of human happiness, and what the mode in
which it might best be discovered and attained.
But, satisfied with destroying the fabrics of
others, he erected no new system in their room.
The failure of this precaution gave a free indul
gence to the passion and prejudice which now
burst forth. Paradox and dogmatism, no longer
confined within bounds by the rule of a master^
* Tam praeclara igitur vitae mortis que fama Socrates reliquifc
plurimos suae philosophise sectatores, quorum certatim studium
fuit in quaestione moralium disceptatione versari, ubi agitur
de Summo Bono, sine quo fieri homo beatus esse non potest.
Quod in Socratis disputationibus, dum omnia movet, destruit,
quoniam non evidenter apparuit, quod cuique placuit, Hide-
sumpserunt, et ubi cuique visum est, constituerunt finem boni.
Civ. Dei, lib. viii. c. 3.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 347.
tumultuously rushed abroad to. disturb the
peace of mankind.

-velut agmine facto,

Qua data porta, ruunt, et terras turbine perflant.*
The final object of human life was darkened
and, overwhelmed in, the storm of conflicting
opinions; and sects, blustering at each other*
yet conspiring for the destruction of the com^
mon welfare, issued from the same parent-
school. A restless innovation became the dis
tinguishing mark of philosophy. Those who
could not invent for themselves, were able at
least to disfigure the inventiqns of others.
Sqme, therefore, made partial selections, and
subsisted upon mixed opinions. Some, again,
delighted in oppqsites. Aristippus placed the
happiness of man in pleasure; and Antisthenes
in virtue !f
The view which is to be laid before you, of
these debates concerning the Summum Bonum,
* Ma. l.
f Sic autem diversas inter se Socratici de isto fine sententias
habuerunt, ut (quod vix credibile est, unius magistri potuisse
facere sectatores) quidam summum bonum esse dicerent Volup-
tatem, sicut Aristippus ; quidam Virtutem, sicut Antisthenes.
Ciy. Dei, lib. viii. c. 3.

348 PAGANISM AND
shall be drawn principally from two eminent
writers of antiquity. They have treated the
subject in different manners, but perhaps with
nearly equal powers. Cicero has described
the principal sects which existed in his age, and
endeavoured to ascertain the merits of each : —
and we may conclude, that his object in forming
such a collection of the doctrines of the Grecian
schools, was to insinuate into the minds of his
countrymen, those which he deemed most wor
thy of philosophy, or most conducive to the
welfare of man.
Varro, favouring the same common cause
with his friend, has taken a more curious and
extensive range. He has enumerated, not the
sects which actually existed, but those which,
in the possible variety of opinions, might exist ;
and has indulged his imagination in the first
instance, that no escape might be pleaded from
the preference which he finally gives to the
philosophy of the old academy. These shall be
considered in their order. A summary shall,
therefore, first be given of the leading parts of
Cicero's1 treatise " on the ends of good and
evil." It consists of five books. The first and
third contain a statement of the Epicurean and
Stoical doctrines concerning happiness. The

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 349
second and fourth are employed in the refuta
tion of both. The positive part of his own
sentiments (if indeed a comparison of this with
some of his other works, will allow us to attri
bute to him any fixed opinion*) is reserved for
the last book. Yet this. is not done without
some disguise, and a peculiarity of management
which betrays his imitation of Plato. He
scruples to deliver his doctrine in his own per
son. His representative is Piso, who, on this
occasion, may be regarded as the Socrates of
Cicero. The philosophy of Epicurus is divided by
Cicero into three branches. In Physics, he
adopted generally the system of Democritus.
* That he is not always in the same mind, is evident. In
the third book of the Offices, he reasons according to the Stoical
formula, because it seemed to have something more splendid
and heroic on the subject of virtue, than that of the Old
Academy. At the same time, he takes for himself the licence
of disputing, which belonged to a follower of the New Aca
demy: — Erit autem ha?c formula, Stoicorum rationi discipli-
naeque maxime consentanea ; quam quidem in his libris, prop-
terea sequimur, quod splendidius haec ab eis disseruntur,
quibus quicquid honestum est, idem utile videtur; nee utile
quidquam, quod non honestum. Nobis autem nostra academia
magnam licentlam dat, ut quodcunque maxime probabile oc-
currat, id nostro jure liceat defendere. C. 4.

350 PAGANISM AND
Something, indeed, he added, and something
he altered. However, his alterations were not
regarded by others as necessary amendments.
On the contrary, he was thought to have cor
rupted what he attempted to correct.* In logic,
he was confessedly inferior to most of those
who succeeded in forming schools;! and his
open neglect of an art, which was in so much
request throughout Greece, brought upon him
no small share of resentment and abuse. The
particular object of our present inquiry is his
morals. In this branch of his doctrine he
unhappily adopted the maxim of Aristippus ;
and thus (strange as it may appear) through a
scholar of Socrates, was derived a philosophy
without elevation of character, or dignity of
object ;J a philosophy which, in every age,
* Demoorito adjicit parpauca mutans, sed ita, ut quae corri-
gere vult, mihi quidem depravare videatur. Cic. de Fin. lib, i.
C. 6. .Bayle blames him for depriving his atoms of the soul
which had been given to them by Democritus. Diet, in voc.
Epicure. f Jam in altera philosophies parte, quas est quaerendi ac djs-
serendi, quae XayiKr) dicitur, ille vester plane-, ut mihi quidem
videtur, inermis ac nudus est. De Fin. lib i. c. 7.
+ In tertii vero parte, quae est de vital et moribus, in consti
tution* finis, nil generosum sapit atque magnificum. Confirmat
illud vel maxime,. quod ipsa natura, ut ait ille, adscjscat et re-

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 351
has furnished an apology to the idle and the
dissolute, and excited, with a few exceptions,*
the shame and regret of every sober and vir
tuous mind!
The enthusiasm of the followers of Epicurus,
however, was not to be abated by any reproof;
and their attachment to him was shewn in
•modes of zeal peculiar to themselves; They
not only adorned their apartments with his
portrait, but wore it on their rings. In their
festivities too, he was characteristically remem
bered, and their drinking cups presented the
resemblances of the great master of pleasure.!
To these displays of zeal they were embold
ened by their growing numbers ; for Laertius,
who defends his character, gives him such a
multitude of friends, that they could hardly
probet, id est voluptatem et dolorem. Ad haec, et quae sequa-
mur, et quae fugiamus, refert omnia. Quod quanquam Aristippi
est, a Cyrenaicisque melius liberiusque defenditur ; tamen ejiis-
modi esse judico, ut nihil homine videatur indignius. ib.
* Bayle is strongly inclined to protect Epicurus, and quotes
some treatises, the object of which was to prove that he be
lieved and taught some of the higher parts of religion. Bayle
is a fertile, and ingenious, but too frequently, a misleading
writer. t Cujus iniaginem non modd in tabnlis nostri familiares,
-sed etiam in poculis et in annulis habent. De Fin. lib. v. c. 1.

352 PAGANISM AND
be counted even by whole cities.* From the
nature of their habitual pursuits, therefore, and
the necessity of perpetual defence against the
attacks, to which they were exposed from the
better part of the world, arose those mixed and
discordant features by which the Epicureans
were distinguished. Cicero hated them; and
in many parts of his works has contributed to
the picture of the sect. Indulging an unusual
complacence among themselves, they were su
percilious and arrogant in their treatment of
others.f Though lax in principle, they were

* 01 te (jrtXoi, roaarot to wXr)8og, uig p-nB' av wdXtatv o\aic
fiETpEiadat BvvdaBat. In vit. Epic. His doctrine seems to
have been particularly acceptable to the common people. —
Nescio quomodo (is, qui auctoritatem minimam habet, vim
maximam) populus cum illis facit. De Fin. lib. ii. c. 14.
f Turn Velleius fidenter sane, ut solent isti, nihil tarn verens,
quam ne dubitare aliqua de re videretur; tanquam modo ex
Deorum .concilio, et ex Epicuri intermundiis descendisset.
De Natur. Deor. lib. i. c. 8. — Torquatus is equally disdainful
of all pursuits but those of Epicurus. Poetiy, he affirms, is
the delight only of children ; and the sciences to which Plato
addicted himself, are built upon false principles. Even if they
were true, they contributed nothing to the art of life, the dis
covery of which was reserved for Epicurus. De Fin. lib. i. c.
21. — Lucretius has carried this arrogance to its greatest height.
The benefits conferred on the world by Epicurus, are greater

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 353
strenuous and dogmatical in doctrine. With
softness of mind they joined an insolence of
manner. They lived with delicacy, and dis
puted with vehemence; and, engaged in the
continual pursuit of pleasure, they talked with
confidence of their exclusive possession of truth
and virtue! These pretensions increased with
the hatred which pursued them from the rest
of mankind; and they learnt to interpret the
aversion which they could not but feel, in a
manner the most flattering to their self-love.
Epicurus had purposely used a simplicity of
language,* not often found in the compositions
of that age. To this circumstance, thereforer
they pretended to refer the disgust which pre
vailed against them, and the preference which
was commonly shewn by the men of letters for
other masters, especially for Plato, Aristotle,
than those of Ceres, Bacchus and Hercules ; and he is more
deservedly a god than they : —
Quo magis hie merito nobis Deus esse videtur:
Ex quo nunc etiam per magnas didita gentes,
Dulcia permulcent animos solatia vitae. Lib. v.
* Laertius notices this, and the rage of the grammarians
about ]t:—ijv (Xe^iv) on iBtuiTdrr) hlv, ApiTO(j>dvr)g b ypafifia-
rimg ainarat. In Vit. Epic.
A A

354 PAGANISM AND
and Theopbrastus.* But in return, they ex
tolled the fruitfulness and originality of genius
which distinguished their master, — qualities
amply manifested in the three hundred volumes!
of his composition. They maintained too, that
the substance of his doctrine was incontrover
tible. He was the great discoverer qf truth, the
sole architect of human happiness.!
The truth and happiness thus asserted, were
contained in a single word — Pleasure. This
* Sed existimo te minus eo delectari, quod ista Platonis,
Aristotelis, Theqphrasti orationis ornamenta neglexerit. De
Fin. lib. i. c. 5.
T Laertius calls them cylinders : — KvXivBpoi fikv yap wpbg
rag rptaKoa'tag Eiai. Of late, an important discovery is said to
have been made. According to advice from Mr. Hayter, two
of the thirty-seven books w£pt <S>vaEtog (the 2d and 14th) have
been ascertained among the Herculanean MSS. Mr. Walpole
mentions also from Palermo the MSS. of some known follow
ers of Epicurus. 1809. The expectations which had been
raised by the discovery, do not appear to have been fulfilled.
Copies from some of the papyri have been sent to England,
and published at Oxford ; but the fragments of Epicurus which
they exhibit, are too mutilated to be of any real value. The
same is said to be the result of the Neapolitan work on the
Herculanean MSS. Of the followers of Epicurus, no farther
intelligence has been given.
X Ea ipsa, quae ab illo inventore.veritatis et quasi architecto
beatae vitas dicta sunt, explicabo. De Fin. lib. ii c. 10.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 355
was pronqunced to be the Summum Bonum of
man: and the principle of this decision was
fetched from the philosophy of nature. From
its birth, every animal is prompted to seek
pleasure, and to avoid pain. In the absence of
pleasure we are uneasy, and do not rest till we
find it. "We are then satisfied; and nothing
farther is desired. It was therefore concluded,
that pleasure is the genuine object of life!*
Particular value was also set on the early in
dications of this propensity. They were said
to flow from the unadulterated fountain of truth,
and to indicate the proper rule of human ac
tion before prejudices were acquired, and before
the judgment was depraved; as if it were im
possible, says Cicero, that those natures, which
are not yet depraved by custom, should have a
* From the influence of this propensity, no degree of strength
or courage is exempt. When the flesh of Hercules was con
sumed by the envenomed shirt, he howled with the pain, till
the Locrian mountains and the promontories of Euboea re
sounded : —  ¦  0og
AaKvtov, ivfyaV afiipl B? 'ivevQV wirpai,
AoKp&v t opetoi wp&vsg, 'Ev/Sot'ac r a/cpa.
Laert. in vit. Epic.
A A2

356 PAGANISM AND
radical and inbred pravity of their own.* A
wish was indeed expressed by some of the seet;
that these original desires might be sanctioned
by the subsequent testimony of reason, and
that the rest of the world might be convinced,
by the force of argument, concerning the truth
of the principle primarily assumed. But Epicu
rus was satisfied with the manifest and decided
preference which was given to pleasure, not
only by infants, but by the pure and unsus
pected testimony of the brutes themselves;!
and therefore thought, that reason, though co
incident with nature, could bring no necessary
accession of evidence to its primary and un
erring suggestions. The warmth of fire, the
whiteness of snow, the sweetness of honey, are
* Quaravis 'enim depravatae non sint, pravae tamen esse pos
sunt. De Fin. lib. ii. c. 1 1. — An important remark, and capa
ble of a much more serious application than Cicero was aware
of. Socrates seems to have been sensible of the tendency of
nature to moral disobedience : — kv rj> ydp ai/rji autfian av/iws-
(pVTEVfiEvai rrj 4»«X3 a' fyBoval WEiBaaiv avr-rjv fir) atotppovElv.
Xen. Mem. lib. i. c. 2. 24.
f Infantes pueri/mutae bestiae paene loquuntur, magistral ac
duce Natura; nihil esse prosperum, nisi voluptatem, nihil as-
perum, nisi dolorem; de quibus neque depravatfe judicant,
neqne corrupte. De Fin. lib. i. c. 21.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 357
the immediate discovery of the senses, nor do
they require to be proved by any deductions
of reason. The same, therefore, ought to be
our conclusion concerning pleasure, because it
stands on the same natural foundation.*
A principle thus dangerous to the moral wel
fare of mankind, was likely to be followed with
suspicion and alarm; and from the defence
which is undertaken by Laertius, we see how
serious and extensive was the censure bestowed
upon Epicurus. Care was, therefore, taken to
guard against wrong interpretations of his doc
trine, while loud complaints were made, that
the world had conspired to misunderstand or to
misrepresent it. Accordingly, it was argued,
that pleasure, as such, is disliked by none; and
that the pains which it sometimes produces, do
not belong to its nature, but are to be attributed
entirely to the unskilful manner in which plea
sure is pursued.! Hence the true and intelli-
* Negat opus esse ratione, neque disputatio.ie, quam ob rem
voluptas expetenda, fugiendus dolor sit. Sentiri hoc putat, ut
calere ignem, nivem esse albam, dulce - mel ; quorum nihil
oporteret exquisitis rationibus confirmare ; tantum satis esse
admonere. De Fin. lib. i. c. 9.
f Nemo enim ipsam voluptatem, quia voluptas sit, asper-
natur, aut odit, aut fugit : sed quia consequuntur ma^ni do-

358 PAGANISM AND
gent Epicurean professed an hatred and con
tempt of those who abandoned themselves to a
gross voluptuousness, and who brought discre
dit on the philosophy of the sectj by a thought
less and indiscriminate indulgence.* The man
of genuine pleasure was tobe a man of judgment.
He was required to employ much nicety and
discretion in the choice of his objeotSj and the
mode qf obtaining them. There might be a sea
son when pleasure was not to be taken. Some
times, a present pleasure was to be declined>
and a future one preferred; and sometimes a
small pain was to be endured, that a greater
might be avoided. But when no office of life
imposed the necessity of forbearance, all plea
sure was to be taken, and all pain to be avoided,!
lores eos, qui ratione voluptatem sequi nesciunt. De Fin.
lib. i. c. 10.
* At vero eos et accusamus, et justo odio dignissimos duci-
mus, qui, blanditiis praesentium voluptatum deliniti atque cor
rupt!, quos dolores et quas molestias excepturi sint, occaecati
cupidine non provident, ib.
1- Libero tempore, cum solita nobis est eligendi optio, cumqne
nihil impedit, quo minus id, quod maxime placeat, facere pos-
simus, omnis voluptas assumenda est, omnis dolor depellendus.
Temporibus autem quibusdam, et aut officiis debitis, aut rerum
necessitatibus saepe eveniet, ut et voluptates repudiandae sint et
molestiae non recusandae. De Fin. lib. i. c. 10.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 359
This liberty resulted from a standing maxim
of the school, that in no kind of pleasure, con
sidered in its own nature, could there be any
evil; but that all the evil which might eventu
ally attach to it, was created by other circum
stances.* Pleasure, therefore, was both, the
beginning and the end of life. To this, as to
their, supreme and final object* were all human
actions to be referred; and to enjoy constant
pleasure both of body and mind, with no ex
perience and no expectation of pain, was the
Summum Bonum of man.!
But nothing had as yet been said of the vir
tues; and it was unadvisable to construct any
system of morals, without allowing them some
place in it. Prudence was therefore called in
as the preceptress of life; and her office was to
restrain the rashness of false opinion, to allay
the tumult of desire, and to conduct the votary
* aocfila i)Bovr); KaB' kavrr)v KaKr). This is quoted by Laer
tius from the authority of. Epicurus himself.
T Perspicuum est, omnes rectas res atque laudabiles e.6
referri, ut cum voluptate vivatur. Quoniam autem id est vel
summum bonum, vel ultimum, vel extremum, quod Graeci
TEXog nominant, quod ipsum nullam ad aliam rem, ad id autem
res referuntur omnes : -fatendum est, summum esse ionum
jucunde vivere. De Fin- lib- '¦ <¦'• 12.

360 PAGANISM AND
to real pleasure, by confining him within the
bounds of nature.* And hence it was, that the
system of Epicurus aspired to the character of
Wisdom, and, as Lucretius informs us, obtained
the name itself as descriptive of its appropriate
excellence.! I" the same manner was Tempe
rance employed ; not that it possessed any value
in itself, but that it was promotive of pleasure,
which was secured and increased by its judi
cious and well-timed restrictions. Fortitude
contributed to the same end; and by the safe
guard which it furnished to man, rescued him
from the ill effects of fear, both in life and
death. Similar too was the connection of jus
tice with pleasure ; for by its steadiness it tends
to a beneficial tranquillity ; and by that equi
table distribution which it favours, it gives us
the reasonable assurance, that we shall never
want a proper supply of those things which are
* Sapientia est adhibenda, quae et terroribus cupiditati-
busque detractis, et omnium falsarum opinionum temeritate
direpta, certissimam se nobis ducem praebeat ad voluptatem.
De Fin. lib. i. c. 13.
t  Deus ille fuit, Deus, inclute Memmi,
Qui princeps vitas rationem invenit eam, quae
Nunc appellatur Sapientia  Lib. 5.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 361
desired by a nature sound and undepraved.
However, while thus associated with pleasure,
it is to be observed, that the virtues had only a
secondary and subordinate station. In them
selves they were of no esteem; nor had they
any farther value than as they were assistant to
Pleasure, and promotive of her objects. Such,
as Laertius confesses, was the settled judgment
of Epicurus himself.*
It was not to be expected that his enemies
would fail to take their advantage of so de
grading a principle; and Cicero has mentioned
the picture which Cleanthes used to draw, for
the benefit of his scholars, of Pleasure attended
by the Virtues as her waiting-maids.! But
Augustin has stated it at greater length, and
proved, in this instance, an useful commentator
on Cicero. Pleasure is seated on a throne,
delicate in her person, and regal in her state.
Beneath, in the habit of servants, stand the
* Aia Bk rr)v iiBovrjv Kali rag dpirag atpEtaBai, oh cY avrdg.
Laert. in vit. Epic.
f Jubebat eos, qui audiebant, secum ipsos cogitare pictam
in tabula Voluptatem pulcherrimo in yestitu et ornatu regali,
in solio sedentem; praesto esse Virtutes, ut aucillulas, quae
nihil aliud agerent, nullum suum officium ducerent, nisi ut
Voluptati ministrarent. De Fin. lib. ii. c. 21.

362 PAGANISM AND
Virtues, observant of her gestures, and ready
to execute her will. She issues her commands.
To Prudence it is enjoined, that she ascertain
the methods in which the kingdom of Pleasure
maybe best administered, and that she provide
for its safety.* Justice is ordered to make so
skilful a distribution of her good offices, that
they may produce the profitable returns of
friendship, and the supply of those conveniences
which are necessary for the body. She is also
required to abstain from injury to any, lest,
through the disturbance of the laws, Pleasure
be interrupted in the enjoyment of that security
which she loves.! It is the task of Fortitude
to counteract the ill effects of pain by thinking
intensely of her great mistress Pleasure, and
to diminish a present anguish by the remem
brance of past delights.! Finally, Temperance
* Quae Prudentiae jubeat, ut vigilanter inquirat, quomodo
Voluptas regnet, et satva sit. Civ. Dei, lib. v. c. 20.
f Justitiae jubeat, ut prastet beneficia quae potest, ad com-
parandas amicitias corporalibus commodis necessarias ; nulli
faciat injuriam, ne oflensis legibus Voluptas vivere secura non
possit. ib.
X Fortitudini jubeat, ut si dolor corpori acciderit, qui non
compellat in mortem, teneat dominam suam, id est, Voluptatem,
fortiter in animi cogitatione, ut per pristinarum deliciarum
suarum recordationem mitiget praesentis doloris aculeos. ib.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 363
is commanded to provide for a due moderation
in the use of food, especially of such as causes a
more than usual delight; for noxious humours
are bred by too much indulgence and repletion;
and soundness of body is ever necessary to the
pleasures of Epicurus.*
After this notice of his moral system, we shall
not be surprised that the whole of his philoso
phy was accommodated to the senses. To this
primary standard he referred the laws of reason
ing and of nature.! All other knowledge was
pronounced to be capricious and uncertain ; nor
ought we to admit the truth of any thing which
is not capable of being proved by sensation. By
adhering to this rule, we are delivered from
those superstitions to which men are subjected
by every other kind of philosophy. This is. the
great remedy against the fear of death; for,
since death destroys the senses, and therefore
annihilates the man, no ill consequences can
ensue. On the same principle we shall no
* Tenaperantiae jubeat, ut tantum capiat alimentorum, et si-
qua delectent, ne per immoderationem noxium aliquid vatetu-
dinem turbet ; et voluptas, quam etiam in corporis sanitate
Epicurei maximam ponunt, graviter offendatur. ib.
f Tldg Xo-yfle a!7rd r&v aladijaEuv rj'prrJTat. Laert. in vit.
Epic.

364 PAGANISM AND
longer be terrified by the suggestions of reli
gion; for, the senses being the acknowledged
test of every subject, nothing occult or myster
rious can remain. By the same superior doc
trine are also removed all slavish apprehensions
of a Deity.* Hence result calmness and de
liberation of mind; for, when the nature of
human desires is once satisfactorily explained,
a moderation necessarily follows;! an(^ when
we have obtained an infallible standard of
judgment, the distinction of truth from false
hood is plain and obvious, and the great
desideratum of human happiness is at length
discovered. Some suspicion might perhaps have followed
this free statement of Cicero, pledged as he was
to refute the system which he describes. But
* Ad ea accedit, ut neque .divinum numen horreat. De
Fin. lib. i.e. 12.
f Epicurus drew his confidence from the knowledge of phy
sics, in which he took much pride. — In physicis plurimum
posuit. Ea scientia, et verborum vis, et natura orationis, et
consequentium repugnantiiimque ratio potest perspici. Om
nium autem rerum natural cognita, levamur superstitione,
liberamur mortis metu, non conturbamur ignoratione rerum,
ex qua ipsi horribiles exsistuut saepe formidines. Denique
etiam morati melius erimus, cum didiccrimus, quae natura
desiderat. De Fin. lib. i. c. 19.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 365
he is amply justified by Epicurus himself, in
whose letters is contained a summary of his
philosophy. There we learn, in perfect con
formity with the view already taken, that the
great and reigning object of human life, — its
beginning and its end, — is Pleasure;* yet that
this excludes neither the possession of virtue,
nor a discreet submission to labour, for labour
may be rendered by circumstances more desir
able than present ease;! that to live pleasantly
is therefore to live prudently;! for Fortune is
no Deity, as the vulgar suppose, but Prudence
is the mistress of happiness.
Whoever possesses these principles will not
be afraid of death ; for he knows, that all good
and all evil reside in sensation alone.§ Hence
it follows, that death is no concern of man; for,
while we live, death is absent from us; but
¦* Aia tSto rr)v r)Bovr)v apx')'" Ka' riXog Xiyopiv EtVai ra
fiaKapitog tf)v. Laert. in vit. Epic.
f- "E&tv ore woXXdg f/Bovag vwEpfiatvofiEv, orav wXeIov fifiiv
to BvaxEpte £K rartov Ewrjrai- Kal TroXXae aX-yTjoovac t)Bov&v
KpEtrrag vopitfifiEV , kwEiBdv fiEt^tov i)fiiv i)Bovr) wapdKoXaBy,
iroXvv xpt>v°v vwofiEivaai rag aXyr)B6vag. ib.
X «k esw r/Biorg £rjv, dvsv ra tppovtptog. ib.
§ IldV dyaBbv Kal KaKov kv aiaBrjaEi' ^iprfatg Bk k^iv aloBi)-
aeuig, b SavaTOg. ib.

366 PAGANISM AND
when death comes, we no longer exist.* He,
.therefore, who is gifted with health of body,
and tranquillity of mind, is truly happy;! and
being so, he has no fears now nor hereafter.
Though there be gods, he has nothing to hope
or to dread from them. With life, all his con
cerns are ended, and the persuasion of this truth
takes from man even the desire of immortality !J
To the portrait of this sect succeeds one of
an opposite nature. Cicero observes, indeed,
that the contention with the Stoics was of a more
noble and exalted kind than that which had
been maintained with the Epicureans. These
were destitute of logic, and possessed neither
acuteness in debate, nor profoundness in learn
ing. The triumph over them was, therefore,
comparatively easy.§ The same facility at-
* To tfipiKaBKarov ovv t&v KaK&v, b Savarog, aBkv wpbg
f/fiag' kw£iBf)WEp orav fikv r)fi£~tg djiEV, b Savarog a wdpETtv'
orav Bk 6 S&varog waprj, rbB' fifiEig ok kafikv. ib.
t Tartov yap awXavrjg BEtopia waaav a'tpsatv Kal (pvyrjv
kwavayayEiv olBev kwl rr)v t3 a&fiarog vyiEtav, Kal rrjv rije
ipvxWG arapafyav. ib.
X Tv&aig bpBr) rS firfBkv elvai wpbg fjfiag tov Sdvarov, awo-
Xauroi' woieI to rrjg borjg ^vrrrbv' «K awopov wpoariBEtaa xpovov,
a\\a tov aBavaaiag atjrtXopkvr) woBov. ib.
§ Itaque quanquam in eo sermone qui cum Torquato est
habitus, non remissi fuimus ; tamen haec acrior est cum Stoicis

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 367
tended an attack on their principles; and a
summum bonum resolvable into pleasure alone,
had not sufficient dignity to be capable of an
honourable defence. In both these points the
Stoics were manifestly superior. A minute and
anxious attention to logic, was a distinguishing
mark of that sect. Indeed, Zeno had placed
this science at the head of all philosophy;* and
his scholars were well instructed in the manage^
ment of their reasoning powers, and in every
variety of disputation. They knew the art of
demonstration,! and the proof of things less
certain, by those which were more certain;
when to use with most advantage the cautious
mode,! Qr tnat which guards the disputant
from an untimely production of his agreement
or disagreement; the unassenting mode,*§ or
that which stiffly maintains its ground, and
does not too easily yield even to the force of
parata contentio. Qua? enim de voluptate dicuntur, ea nee
acutissime nee abscondite disseruntur. Neque enim qui de?
fendunt eam, versuti in disserendo sunt, nee qui contril dicunt,
causam difficilem repellunt. De Fin. lib. iii. c. 1.
* "AXXoi Bk wp&rov fikv to Xoyucbv rdrraaC BEvrepov Bk to
. tyvatKov, Kal rpirov to i/BtKov' tov ksi Zirjvtav. Laert. in vit. Zen.
f 'AwoBet^tg. Laert. in vit. Zen. J 'A^pon-ruo-ia. ib.
§ 'AvEiKatOrrjg. ib.

368 PAGANISM AND
probability; the irrefutable mode,* or that
which preserves the logician from the shame of
self-contradiction; and the anti-illusive mode,!
or that which is accustomed to bring the out
ward appearances of things to the test of right
reason, and to pursue every subject to its just
conclusion. But even the fame of Zeno was
surpassed by the transcendant merits of one,
who is supposed to have been his scholar; and
it was shrewdly suspected by most people, that
if the gods made use of any system of logic, it
could be no other than that of Chrysippus.!
But together with their logic, the morals of
the Stoics were of an higher cast than those of
the Epicureans. Their summum bonum was
virtue, or, according to the favourite term of
Cato, the honestum. And in the maintenance
of this principle, they exceeded the Peripatetics
themselves. These indeed gave the supreme
rank to virtue ; and this they asserted in a tone
the most decisive. Yet they allowed, that, in
addition to the goods of the mind and body, the
conjunction of which was indispensable to the •
* 'AvEXzyHjia. ib. f 'Afiaralorrig. ib.
X Srto o" kwlBoipg kv rdig BicCXEKziKo'tg kykvETo, toarE SokeIv rag
wXdag on el wapd $Eol.g -tjv i) BidXEKrtKr), e'c &v ijv aXXr) ij y
~XpvatwwEiog. ib. in vit. Chrysip.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 369
summum bonum, certain external advantages
were also desirable, in order to leave no rea
sonable wish of happiness unsatisfied. On the
other hand, the Stoics positively denied, that
either the nature or the name of good was to be
attributed to any thing but the honestum. This
was the sole object of a life directed to a right
end, and in this, without the concurrence of any
other reputed good, consisted the true and
proper happiness of man.*
Thus far the Stoic appears to be superior to
the Epicurean in the choice of his moral prin
ciple, and in the means of impressing it on the
reason of mankind. But he soon forfeited the
advantages with which he began, through the
unbending and injudicious rigour with which
he employed them. It was the peculiarity of
his sect to push every principle to excess. And
thus it happened, that they eventually injured
the very cause of reason and virtue which they
attempted to promote. The natural result of
* Pugnant Stoici cum Peripateticis. Alteri negant quic-
quam esse bonum, nisi, quod honestum sit. Alteri, plurimum
se, et longg longeque plurimum tribuere honestati, sed tamen
et in corpore, et extra, esse quaedam bona. Et certamen ho
nestum, et disputatio splendida; omnis est enim de virtutis
dignitate contentio. De Fin. lib. ii. c. 21.
B B

370 PAGANISM AND
their study of logic ought to have been such a
lucid arrangement of their doctrines, and such
a restriction of them within the bounds of right
reason, as should convince their adversaries,
and make objection hopeless. But labouring
at demonstration with too much strictness, they
clouded what might have been clear.* Over
straining the arguments which promised to be
most serviceable to their cause, they deprived
them of their natural evidence; and feeling, or
affecting to feel, that the terms hitherto • em
ployed in philosophy were not sufficiently ex
act to express the niceness of their conceptions,
they became unnecessarily technical,! or grew
obscure through an ill-judged attempt at a dis
crimination which knew not when to be satis
fied. These were some of the prominenterrors
of their dialectics.

* Non mehercule soleo temere contra Stoicos, says Cicero; —
non quo illis admodum assentiar; sed pudore impedior; ita
multa dicunt, quae vix intelligam. De Fin. lib. iv. c. 1. Cato
allows the obscurity, but endeavours to charge it on the sub
ject. It was well answered, however, that the Peripatetics
spoke intelligibly on the same subjects.
t Cato takes the liberty which Zeno had used — cum rem
aliquam invenisset inusitatam, inauditum quoque ei rei nomen
imponere. De Fin. lib. iii. c. 4.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 371
It was still more to be desired, that the mo
ral principles which they so loftily maintained,
should have been adapted, with temper and
judgment, to the understandings and affections:
of mankind. But this salutary application was
prevented by the extravagance, unfortunately
so characteristic of the Stoical school. While
the honestum was pronounced to be the only
object of human pursuit, the needful offices and
tender relations of common life appeared to be
extinguished ; and" mankind, instead of being
attracted to goodness thus proclaimed, main
tained a suspicious distance from it. Gravity
was forced into severity, and constancy into fe
rociousness. Virtue learnt to clothe herself in
perpetual frowns, and walked abroad for the
terror of the world. Moral duty became at
once narrow and impracticable, refined and in
tolerant, unintelligible and forbidding. Little
was left to complete this view of the unamiable
temper and habitual gloom of the Stoic ; yet
even this was filled up by the rage and envy of
philosophical party.* Swelling with the arro-
* Laertius says, that Chrysippus was envious of the fertility
of Epicurus's genius, and determined to write book for book: —
i(>'lXov Be avrbv \pvaiwwog kv woXvypa(jtia' Kafld tprfai Kapycdoqc,
BB 2

372 "PAGANISM AND
gance of his own sufficiency, he stoiltly denied
the possession of wisdom or virtue to the rest of
mankind. Though, in certain points, the sug-
gestions of that reason which is common to all,
produced in his mind an unavoidable concur
rence with other men, he scorned to confess it.*
And though, on other occasions, he availed him
self of the labours of a rival school, he loudly
maintained his independence and originality,
and affected to despise'the aid of all foreign re
sources. While he meanly borrowed the sub
stance of his philosophy, he proudly concealed
it; and clandestinely adopting the doctrines of
the Peripatetics and Academicians, stamped
wapaaiTOv aiirbv r&'v pip\itov dwoKaX&v' el ydp n ypa-ipag b
EwUapog, QiXoyEtKEi roaaro ypa^at 6 Xpwo-Mnree. In, vit Epic.
He seems indeed to have succeeded in his rivalry, and to have
more than doubled the number. However, amidst this shew
of copiousness, lie was " hard-bound ;" for in order to com
plete the necessary quantity of volumes, he quoted profusely
from other writers, and repeated himself too. It was the praise
of Epicurus, that his numerous writings were his own,
* Quis enim ferre posset ita loquentem eum, qui se auctorem
vita? graviter et sapienter agenda? 'profiteretur, nomina rerum
commutantem ; cumque idem sentiret quod omnes, quibus
eandem vim tribueret, alia nomina imponentem, verba modo
mutantem, de opinionibus nihil detrahentem ? De Fin. lib. iv.
c. 9.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 373
them with a new name, and asserted them as
his own.*
A few specimens, first, of the principles of
the Stoics, and next, of the manner in which
they attempted to deduce their philosophy from
the nature of man, will be necessary to substan
tiate the character here attributed to them.
Lest a more diffuse discussion should leave their
favourite maxim undefined, and therefore de
prive it of its cogency, they had recourse to
the p6int and compression of their much-loved
logic. They stated therefore, in a syllqgistic
manner, that whatever is, in its nature, good,
is laudable; and that whatever is laudable, is
virtuous, or honestum. Hence the conclusion
was drawn, that what is good, must therefore
be virtuous, or honestum.!
It is obvious that this argument was liable to
be combated at the outset, by all those whq
ccunted persqnal and extrinsic ccnvenieuqes
* Stoi'ci, cum a Peripateticis et Academicis omnia trans,-
tulissent, nominibus aliis easdem res seciiti sunt. De Fin.
lib. v. c. 8.
f Concluduntur igitur eorum argumenta sic : — quod, est
bonum, omne laudabile est; quod autem laudabile est, omne
honestum est:, — Bonum igitur qupd est, honestum est. De.
Fin. lib. iii. c. 8,

374 PAGANISM AND
among the goods of fife; for, though health,
riches, fame, and other such circumstances,
were by many esteemed to be good, yet by few
were they said to be laudable.* These, there
fore, were not convertible terms, nor were they
necessarily predicated of the same objects.
However, the Stoics were unmoved, and per
sisted in their happy discovery, that all possi
ble good was contained in, and confined to, the
honestum; — and hence it was still represented
as the .only object of human pursuit-! On the
same principle they determined, that the only
qbject to be avoided was that which is opposed
to tbe only object to be pursued. But the con
trary to virtue, or the honestum, is vice, or, ac
cording to the favourite term of Cato, the turpe.
It followed, therefore, that as to the real pur-
* Quis tibi ergo istnd dabit, praeter Pyrrhonem, Aristonem,
eorumve similes ? quos tu non probas. Aristoteles, Xenocrates,
tota ilia familia, non dabit; quippe qui valetudinem, vires,
divitias, gloriam, multa alia, bona esse dicunt, laudabilia non
dicant. De Fin. lib. iv. c. 18.
f. Many others had determined that virtue was desirable
on its own account. The peculiarity of the Stoics was in the
assertion, that the honestum was the only good, and therefore
the only thing to be desired. — Caeteris haec est tuenda sententia,
maxime tamen his Stoicis, qui nihil aliud in bonorum numero
nisi honestum, esse voluerunt. De Fin. lib. iii. c. 11.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 375
poses of life, no other than these two classes of
things could properly be said to exist. And
this led to the disregard- so strongly shewn by
the Stoics, for all those common and interme
diate objects which are termed blessings or
evils by the rest of mankind. The goods of
the body, or of fortune, were no part of the
honestum, and were therefore treated as if they
had no being, or were of no serious considera
tion. And on the same principle, poverty,
pain, deformity, and other such things, were
no part of the turpe, and therefore' could not be
considered as evils by the wise man. However,
some indirect notice of these objects was forced
from the Stoics in their own despite. Indeed,
it is obvious that life cannot subsist without the
experience of them in a greater or less degree.
It was therefore reluctantly granted, that some
of those things which are commonly called
good, might indeed be taken by man, if he had
his choice; but they were not tobe pursued,
or desired, as if they were of any value in their
own nature.* And in the same manner, those

* Ilia, quae in corpore excellerent, stulte antiquos dixisse per
se esse expetenda; — et sumenda potius, quam expetenda. De
Fin. lib. iv. c. 8. On this was founded their claim of kvwd&Eiat

376 PAGANISM AND
which were reputed to be evil, might be simply
declined, in case of a free choice; but that
none of them were of sufficient moment to be
dreaded.* In short, all these are of a neutral
character. They have not in themselves the
qualities either of good or evil; but all the good
or. evil supposed to be in them, depends entirely
on the use or application which is made of them
by man himself.! Yet though they are cer
tainly neuter and indifferent in their nature, all
of them may not be equally unimportant with
respect to man. Some may contribute, more
than others, to wisdom or virtue ; and this may
be supposed of certain qualities of the body,
without which the endowments of the mind
for themselves, while other men were subject to the grosser
influence of wdBr). Civ. Dei, lib. xiv. c. 8.
* Nemo est quin, cum utrumvis liceat, aptas malit et inte-
gras omnes partes corporis, quam eodem usu imminutas aut
detortas habere. De Fin. lib. ii. c. 5.
f T&v Bk bvrtov tftaal rd fikv ayaBa Etvai' ra Be, Kakd' ra Bk,
aBirEpa' ayaBa pkv iv Tag te apErdg, tj>p6vr)aiv, BiKaioavvqv,
dvBpsiav, atofpoavvijVj Kal rd Xotwd' mKa Bk, rd kvovria, atkpo-
avvyv, dBidav, Kal rd Xotwd' aBirEpa Bk, oaa pr)T£ (oc/teXc'i ui'ire
fiXdwru' olov for), hyula, 1)Bovi), KaXXog, laxvg, wXarog, Bo'fa,
EvykvEiaj Kal rd rarotg kvavrta, Sdvarog, voaog, irovog, alavpg
aadivEia, wevta, dBoi,ia, BvayfVEta, Kal rd Torotg wapairXijata.
Laert, in vit. Zen.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 377
cannot be preserved in their perfection. These,
therefore, may be entitled to a proportional es
timation relatively considered.* Accordingly,
to these Zeno gave the name qf tzpwy pivot., or
things preferred But others are not conducive
to this beneficial purpose, and therefore are of
no estimation : and to these was given the
counter-term of ociroirg onypivx, or things rejected.
Other distinctions were still made, whether of
things thus estimable, some might not have
greater reason than others for the preference
shewn to them; and whether, of the things deT
serving no estimation, some might partly carry
in their own nature the causes of their rejection,
and partly not. But into these, and other such
questions, it would be both tedious and trifling
to enter. I will not discuss, with the minute
ness of Stoical discrimination, what is the pre-

* Quae autem aestimanda essent, eoruin in aliis satis esse
causae, quamobrem quibusdam anteponuntur, ut in valetudine,
ut in integritate sensuum, &c; — alia autem non esse ejusmodi.
Itcmque eorum, quae nulla aestimatione digna essent, partim
satis habere causae, quamobrem rejicereritur, ut dolorem, sen
suum amissionem, &c; — partim non. Itemque hinc esse illud
exortum, quod Zeno wponyfiivov, contraque quod dwowponypi-
vov nominavit, cum uteretur in lingui copiosa factis tamen
nominibus ac novis. De F'n- HD- '"• c* !*•.

378 PAGANISM AND
cise nature of those circumstances belonging to
the condition of man, which cannot be said to
have any discoverable influence on his mind, or
affect the great purpose of his life. I will not
inquire, in what class we ought to place the
power of extending or contracting a finger; or,
in what sense we are to pronounce it indifferent,
that the hairs of our head should be even or odd.*
Let us pass to points of more importance.
From the rigorous maintenance of their lead
ing maxim, that the honestum is the sole object
of life, came the extraordinary doctrine of the
equality of all vices. In this agreed their
principal authorities, Chrysippus, Persaeus, and
Zeno; for, as it was argued, if that which is
true, cannot have anything truer than truth;
and if that which is false cannot be exceeded
by any thing more false than falsehood ; neither
can deceit be greater than deceit ; nor is one sin
greater than another; therefore they are equal.
This was supposed to be proved by a familiar
and convincing example. Two men are walk
ing to Canobus; one of them is a hundred sta-

* "AXXtog Bk XiyErai dSidtfropa, rd fiijTE bpfirjg firiTE aipopfir)g
Kivr)TtKa' &>g t^Ei rb apriag exeiv kwl Trjg KEtpaXrjg rpixag ij wEpir-
rdg, ij EKTEtvai tov BaKrvXov, ij ovsEtXat. Laert. in vit. Zen.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 379
dia from it; the other only one; but both of
them are equally not in Canobus.* On the
same principle, therefore, it was cqncluded,
that those who are guilty of vices, reputed to
be, some of them greater, and some lqss, are
equally not in the honestum. Their actions
are no part of virtue ; and as there is no me
dium,! they must all equally belong to the
class of the turpia.
A similar reasoning was employed concerning
that wisdom which belongs to the honestum.
Every man was pronounced to be either wise or
foolish ; and each of these cases was to be, un
derstood in a strict and absolute manner. No
gradations were allowed, for here also the exist
ence of a medium was denied. This too was
supposed to be proved by familiar examples ;
for, as Cato argues,! tfte whelp which is several
* Kal ydp 6 hardy "zaBiag awEXW Kav&fia, Kal b iva, Ewiar\g
bk Etalv kv Kavai/Sy. Laert. in vit. Zen.
f 'ApeiTKEiBk ahrdig, pnBkv fieralv ETtvai aperrjg Kat Kara'ac.
ib. + Ut enim qui demersi sunt in aqua, nihilo magis respirarq
possunt, si non longe ab.sunt a summq, ut jam jamque possint
emergere, quam si etiam turn essent in profundo : — nee catulus
ille, qui jam appropinquatut ,vide,at, plus cemit qu^m is, qui
modd est natus ; ita qui processit aliquantuin ad virtutis aditum,

380 PAGANISM AND
days old, is, with respect to actual sight, on a
par with the whelp which is just born. The
man too, who is immersed in water, whether he
be near the surface, or at the lowest depth of the
ocean, is equally incapable of respiration. On
the same principle, therefore, it is concluded
that he, who has not completely emerged from
folly, cannot, in any degree, be either wise or
happy ! With similar extravagance was it con
tended by the sect, that he who once became
wise, must always continue so ;* that there was
a chain of connection between the virtues, and
that he who possessed one, necessarily drew the
rest after it, and therefore possessed all;! and
finally, that the man thus gifted, was thence
forth free from all possibility of vice or error!!
nihilo minus in miseria est, quam ille, qui nihil processit. De
Fin. lib. iii. c. 14. Cicero connects a constitutional tenderness
for Plato with his reprobation of such principles : — ut Plato,
tantus ille vir, si sapiens non fuerit, nihilo melius, quam quivis
improbissimus, nee beatius vixerit. ib. c. 9.
* 'ApkaKEt Bk aWdtg Kal Btawavrbg xpV<rBai rij dpErrj' ava-
w6(3Xi)rog ydp k-;iv, Kal wdvroTE ry ipvxV XP^Tai "aV Tckety o
awaBalog. Laert. in vit. Zen.
t Tdg Be apErdg Xiyaaiv KaramXaBEiv aXX^Xatc, xal rbv
filav 'ixovra, waaag t^ety. 'D-
X "En Kat avafiaprfirag, rw a7rept7rnire£ slvai dfiapriifian.
ib.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 381
These are perhaps sufficient specimens of
their principles; and it only remains to see, in
what manner the Stoics deduced their philoso
phy from the nature of man.
The Stoics> like the Epicureans, took their
view of man from the first stage of life. From
this, however, they drew a different conclusion.
Every animal, they observed, as soon as it is
born, shews a disposition to preserve its being,
and to love whatever is promotive of its wel
fare.* On the same principle, it dislikes and
avoids whatever appears to have a contrary
tendency. This they pointed out in the actions
of infants, who shew a desire to obtain the things
which are salutary to them, and a dread of the
opposites. But the difference of opinion began
concerning the motive, to which these actions
were to be attributed. The Stoics dreaded to
admit that pleasure was the primary object of
nature, lest an inlet should be given to what
was base in itself, and lest human life should
be degraded by the establishment of so unwor-
* Placet illis, simul atque natum sit animal (hinc enim est
ordiendum) ipsum sibi conciliari et commendari ad se conser-
vandum, et ad suum statum, et ad ea quae conservantia sunt
ejus status, diligenda. De Fin. lib. iii. c. 5.

382 PAGANISM AND
thy a principle.* They therefore attributed
these early actions of the animal to self-love, as
the only motive, and contended, that this was
previous to any sensation of pleasure.! To
the guardianship of this salutary motive is the
infant committed, till some comprehension of
things! is obtained, and some insight is formed
into the arts of life. Hence arises the choice
of things estimable, and the rejection or neglect
of those which are not so. The former are said
to be according to nature; and as the primary
business of life is to preserve the state of nature,
the next concern must be to cherish and adhere
to those things which are agreeable to it. In
this consists the power of a just selection; and
here we see the junction of human duty with
the exertion of a moral preference.^ Here too
* Ne, si voluptatem natura posuisse in iis rebus yideatur,
quae primae appetuntur, multa turpia sequantur. ib.
f Id ita esse sic probant, quod, antequam voluptas aut dolor
attigerit, salutaria appetant parvi, aspernenturque contraria;
quod non fieret, nisi statum suum diligerent, interitum time-
rent, ib. This is the doctrine of Chrysippus : — rr)v Bk wptorriv
bpfirjv tpaat rb £&ov "tax£iv kirl to ri/petv iavrd, oiKEtaarjg avru
rrjg <j>va£tog aw' apxvg. Laert. in vit. Zen.
X KardXri^iEig. De Fin. lib. iii. c. 5.
§ Qua inventi selectione, et item rejectione, sequitur dein-
ceps cum officio selectio. De Fin. lib. iii. c. 6.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 383
are the seeds of the celebrated wisdom of the
Stoies, that wisdom, which, marking the order
of things, and persisting in a right choice, pro
duces a life in accordance with nature,* and
discovers the true good, or the honestum itself.
And thus at length it appears, why this train
of reasoning was adopted by the Stoics, namely,
that the life of man might not be abandoned
to the blind and vicious impulse of desire, but
might be conducted according to the more cer-r
tain selection of wisdom; for the intelligence
of the difference of things, though subsequent
in time to the primary appetencies of nature,
is prior in importance, and claims all our atten-*
tion and regard-!
It might have been sufficiently creditable for
the Stoics to provide in this manner for the
* The high praises bestowed on nature by the Stoics, seem
to be founded on the maxim, that the natures of men are but
parts of the nature of the universe : — fiipr) yap Etaiv al iifiirEpat
(jrvaEtg rrjg ra 6Xa* BwwEp riXog yivETai rb aKoXadtog rrj (jwaEi
irjv' owep kri Kar apsTrjv avrS Kal Kara ri)V r&v bXiov. Laert.
in vit. Zen.
f Simul autem cepit intelligentiam, — multo eam pluris aesti-
mavit, quam omnia ilia, quae primum dilexerat; atque ita cdg-
nitione et ratione collegit, ut statueret, in illo collocatum sum
mum illud hominis per se laudandum et expetendum bonum.
De Fin. lib. iii, c. 6.

384 PAGANISM AND
wholesome operation of wisdom. But it seemed
to be a decree of their own fate, that whatever
they began with reason, should end in absurdity
and rant; and that a momentary sobriety should
be amply avenged by a return of their con
stitutional extravagance. The wise man, thus
formed from the first punctum of intelligence,
is preternaturally enlarged, till he fills up all
the view, and hides every other object. With
the qualities thus aggregated in his person, he
is declared to be perpetually fortunate and su
premely happy. He is safe by prerogative, en
tire in himself, and free from all those accidents
to which men less highly gifted are always ex
posed. He is moved by no danger, and hin
dered by no difficulty.* He is in want of no
thing, nay, he is in full possession of all things.!
In short, he is a king, in a truer sense than Tar-
quin;J a dictator, of a larger and higher autho-
* Cum hoc sit extremum, congruenter naturae convenien-
terque vivere, necessario sequitur, omnes sapientes semper feli-
citer, absolute, fortunate vivere, nulla re impediri, nulla prohi-
beri, nulla egeie. De Fin. lib. iii. c. 7.
t Kat r&v aoyiov Bk wdvra elvai. Laert. in vit. Zen.
+ Rectius enim appellabitur Rex quam Tarquinius, qui nee
se, nee suos regere potuit; rectius magister populi (is enim
est Dictator) quam Sylla, qui trium pestiferorum vitiorum,

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 385'
rity, than Sylla. He is wealthy, too, beyond all
the treasures of Crassus, who would not have
marched across the Euphrates without any other
object than that of gain, if he had not been
stung by the sense of want. Beauty, in the
best sense and the highest degree, is also the
property of the wise man; that beauty qf the
mind, which so far surpasses all beauty of the
body. And he is possessed of true liberty; for
he obeys no master from without. He is invin
cible too; for, though his body be enchained*
his mind is free, and mocks every attempt at
restraint. Nor needs he to wait till death comes,:
that it may be determined, whether his life has
been happy or otherwise. He is necessarily
happy in himself, under all circumstances, and
at all times. Finally, death is: in his own
power ; for whenever it appears eligible to the
philosophy which he professes, he voluntarily
quits life, that he may shew the perfection of
his wisdom, and the agreement of his mind with
luxiiriae, avaritiaB, crudelitatis, magister fuit : — rectius dives
quam Crassus, qui nisi eguisset, nunquam Euphratem nulla
belli causa transire voluisset. De Fin. lib. iii. c. 22. — The list
of -magnificent titles and qualities might easily be enlarged
from Laertius; but those which are mentioned in the text
will, perhaps, be deemed sufficient. C C

386 PAGANISM AND
the supreme rule of nature. Noris this confined:
to the experience of evil fortune; as some sup
pose. It results entirely froni the balance of
circumstances and their weight in the scale of
nature.* If more circumstances, whether ac
tual or contingent, persuade to life, the Stoic
must continue his existence ; if otherwise, he
will end it. And thus it may happen, that the
foolish man may be bound to remain in life,
though surrounded by misery, and the wise
man may be required to die a voluntary death,
though happy, and in the full enjoyment of
prosperity! Such is the termination of the Stoical wisdom,
and by this absurd and impious jargon was the
detestable practice of suicide connected with
the most arrogant assumption of virtue, and
made an eventual part of the duty of man !
Let us ascend then to the doctrines of those
whom Cicero so often distinguishes by the name
* In quo enim plura sunt, quae secundum naturam sunt,
hujus officium est in vita manere; in quo autem aut sunt 'plura
contraria, aut fore videantur, hujus officium est e vita excedere.
Ex quo apparet, et sapientis esse aliquando officium excedere e
vita, cum beatus sit ; et stulti manere in vita, cum sit miser.
De Fin. lib. iii. c. 18. To the Epicurean, actual' and great
suffering was a sufficient warrant for quitting life.

.CHRISTIANITY COMPARED, 387
of the.iAntieuts. From the inquiry which has.
just been made into the character of some of
the later sects, it appears that they confined
their views to single points^ and , therefore in
jured philosophy by narrowing its boundaries.
Nor were there wanting other masters, whose
maxims were selected with similar restrictions.
Hierqnymus 'placed the Summum Bonum in;a
freedom from pain; while, Herillus determined
that, it was to be found in science alone.* But
it had i been the characteristic of the Old Aca--
demy, to consider the subject in a more liberal
and extensi-ve ulanner;Jand in this sect were
comprehended the followers Iqf two pre-emi^
nent men, the ammediate disciples of Plato,
who were distinguished, by the name of , Ao&d*a-;
micians; and the Peripatetics, who. adhered
to the doctrine of Aristotle; a master, whom
Cicero would have regarded as the first of phi-*
losophers, if Plato had never existed.! These,
* Hoc (non dolere) Hieronymus Summum Bonum esse
dixit. — Saepfe ab Aristotele, k Theophrasto mirabiUter est
laudata per se ipsa reram scientia. Hoc uno captus, Herillus
scientiam Summum Bonum esse defendit, nee rem ullam aliam
per se esse expetendam. De Fin. lib. v. c, 25.
f Audebo te ab hac Academia nova ad veterem illam vocare;
in qua, ut dicere Antiochum audiebas, non ii soli numerantur,
cc2

388 PAGANISM AND
therefore, did not direct mankind to the pursuit
of any single object. They preferred all the
primary objects of nature, collectively taken;
the health, strength, and beauty of the body,
the soundness of its parts, and the constant pre
servation of the whole; and the corresponding
goods of the mind, — those seeds, from which
the honestas was to spring, — those sparks,
from which the flame of virtue was to kindle.*
To pursue virtue, and all those objects in con
nection with, though in subordination to, her,
was declared to be most agreeable to nature;
and to attain them all, was the Summum Bo
num of man. This settled doctrine, as Cicero
says, was equally maintained in all their books;
in those which were prepared for popular in
struction, and those which were reserved for
qui Academic! vocantur, Speusippus, Xenocrates, Polemo,
Crantor, caeterique, sed etiam Peripatetici veteres, quorum
princeps Aristoteles, quem, excepto Platone, baud scio an
recte dixerim principem philosophorum. De Fin. lib. v. c. 3.
The Antiochus here alluded to, had been also the master of
Varro. * In quibus numerant incolumitatero, conservationemque
omnium partium, valetudinem, sensus integros, doloris vacui-
tatem, vires, pulchritudinem, caeterique generis ejusdem : quo
rum similia sunt prima in animis, quasi virtutum ignicjili et
semiua. ib. v. c. 7.

CHRISTIANITY: COMPARED. 389
private use within the pale of the sect. There
was indeed a difference in the style of these
writings, for that of the commentaries was
more exact than that of the exoteric books, and
this sometimes created an appearance of dif
ference in the doctrine. But.it was only an
appearance, and the sense was commonly the
same in both.* Such then being their prin
ciples, let us attend to the mode of reasoning
adopted by the sect for the purpose of esta
blishing the superiority which was claimed for
them. It is to be observed, that all the sects thought
it necessary to refer their inquiries to one com
mon point. All appealed to nature in the first
instance; and all quarrelled afterwards about
the interpretation of her will. To nature, there
fore, looked also the old academicians; and in
order to discover the principles by which human
life was governed, they went back to its early
stages. They were the inventors of the maxim;
* De Summo Bono, quia duo genera librorum, sunt, unum
populariter scriptum, quod E^torspiKov appellabant ; alterum
limatius, quod in commentariis reliquerunt : non semper idem
dicere videntur ; nee in summa tamen ipsa aut varietas est ulla,
apud bos. quidem quos nominavi, aut inter ipsos dissentio.
De Fin. lib. v. c. 5.

390 PAGANISM AND
which, as we have just seen, was adopted by the
Stoics, that the primary motive by which ani
mals were governed,' was self-love ; by this they
were prompted to preserve their existence, and
to live in the manner most agreeable to the dic
tates of nature.* But it was evident that the
same nature is not bestowed on every animal.
In order, therefore, to ascertain the ultimate
object of human pursuits, it was deemed neces
sary that an inquiry should be previously made
concerning the peculiar constitution of the ani
mal, MAN.
Hence arose the characteristic doctrine of
the Old Academy. To this, therefore, Piso
steadily looks, and in the gradual and cautious
manner in which he makes his approaches to
the condition of man, we see his anxiety, lest
his conclusion should be exposed to the subse
quent hazard of contradiction.
There are animals constituted not as man is.
These indeed will also look to the rule of na-
* Ergo institute veterum, quo etiam Stoici utuntur, hinc
capiamus exordium. Omne animal seipsura diligit; et simul
ac ortum est, id agit, ut se conservet, qudd hic ei primus, ad
omnem vitam tueudam appetitus a natura datur, se ut conser
vet, atque ita sit affectum, ut optime secundum naturam affec
tum esse possit. De Fin. lib. v. c. 9.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 391
ture, but the object of their pursuit will be dif
ferent from that of man: for, the end to be at
tained is adapted to the peculiarity of being
which distinguishes one animal from another.
There are creatures either entirely destitute of
soul, or, at .the utmost, endued with a very slen
der portion of it. Of these, therefore, the sum
mum bonum is properly and characteristically
placed in the body. To this class belong the
swine, an impure and devouring race; and it
has been aptly conjectured, that the gods, in
their wisdom, put into them a low species of
soul, that it might act on their bodies as a salt,
and preserve them from putrefaction.* Some
what more generous is discoverable in creatures
above these; and better indications of mind
are to be perceived in lions, dogs, and horses,
which may be said to exhibit certain resem
blances of virtue.! A similar reasoning may
* Etenim omnium rerum, quas creat natura, et tuetur, qu»
aut sine animo, aut non multo secus, earum summum bonum
in corpore est : ut non inscite illud dictum videatur in sue,
animam illi pecudi datam pro sale, ne putresceret. De Fin.
lib. v. c-13.
f Sunt etiam bestiae quaedam, in quibus inest aliquid simile
virtutis, ut in leonibus, ut in canibus, ut in equis, in quibus
non corpora solum, ut in suibus, sed etiam animorum aliqua
ex parte motus quosdam videmus. ib. c. 14.

392 PAGANISM AND
be employed even concerning inanimate things,
trees, plants, and the like. Indeed, we com
monly say, that they live, or that they die; that
they are old or young; that they are vigorous
or weak; and we bestow upon them what may
be termed an education.* These, therefore,
have also their respective objects, which are
adapted to the peculiarity of nature belonging
to each of them in its class of being: and this
is so certain, that if the condition of any were to
receive an alteration, a change of the object to
be pursued must take place in proportion to the
change of condition. Piso thinks this position
of sufficient importance to be illustrated by an
example. The culture of the vine is from with
out; nor would its own vegetative powers be of
much avail, unless they were improved and dir
rected by the care of man. If then the vine
could speak, and declare its own wishes con
cerning its actual condition, it would require
just that treatment which the vine-dresser at
* Earum etiam rerum quas terra gignit, educatio quaedam
et perfectio est, non dissimilis animantium : itaque et vivere
vitem et mori dicimus ; arboremque et novellam, et vetulam •
et vigere et senescere, Ex quo non est alienum, ut animanti-
bus, sic illis et apta quaedam ad naturam aptare, et aliena. De
Fin. lib. v. c. 14.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 393
present bestows upon it. But if we should
suppose it to be suddenly endued with sense
and appetite, and the power of motion, it would
not be satisfied with this kind of treatment.
It would no longer be subject to the absolute
disposal of the vine-dresser, but would have an
higher object in view, and begin to feel a new
care of its own, adapted to the preservation of
its added faculties. In short, it would now pro
vide for itself, not as a plant, but as an animal.
If we should suppose it to make yet another ac
quisition, and to obtain a soul like that of man,
its self-love would accompany its new property,
and increase with its increasing value. Yet,
even in this case, the vine would not abandon
all care of its original nature, notwithstanding
the great value of the additions which had been
made to it. Its principal attention, however,
would be wisely bestowed upon its recent and
most precious endowment, and it would esteem
its mind more than all the qualities which it
before possessed. The conclusion drawn from
this example was therefore, that, in each stage
of its condition, the general end would be the
same ; and the vine would aim at the preserva
tion of itself. The difference introduced would
affect only the mode in which the end was to

394 PAGANISM AiJD
be attained.* The primary recommendation of
nature is still in force; the change that takes
place will consist in the application of the same
original principle to the varying condition, and
the nearer and nearer approaches which are
made to excellence of being.!
Since then it is thus established, that the
Summum Bonum of every: creature is to lie
accommodated to its specific nature, and since
those inquiries have been made with no other
view than to discover the Summum Bonum of
man; it is necessary to inquire what his nature
is, and what are the inferences proper to be
drawn .from it. The first of these questions is
treated with most minuteness and peculiarity
of manner by Varro; the second is answered
with most eloquence by Cicero.
Varro elaborately inquires into the composi
tion of man; whether his parts be of similar or
dissimilar kinds ; — of equal, or unequal powers;
— whether the soul be of such predominance as
* Similis erit finis boni, atque antea fuerat, nee idem tamen.
De Fin. lib. v. c. 14.
f Sic et extremum omnium appetendorum, atque ductum a
prima commendatione natura}, multis gradibus ascendit, ut ad
summum perveniret : quod cumulate ex integritate corporis;
et ex mentis ratione perfecta. De Fin. lib. v. c. 14.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 395
tobe capable of. representing the body, together
with itself;— whether the body may make repri
sals, and aspire to represent the soul also; — and
whether man may be said to be entire through
the possession of either of these constituent
portions of his nature ?
If the question be first concerning the,, soul;
whether this, singly considered, may be called
the entire man; it will appear, that the soul is
to the body, what the horseman is to the horse ;*
* Utrum anima sola sit homo, ut ita sit ei corpus tanquam
equus equiti, quaerendum putat. Eques enim non homo et
equus, sed solus homo est; ideo tamen eques dicitur, qudd
aliquo modo se habeat ad equum. Apud Aug. de Civ. Dei, lib.
xix. c. 3. In the early times of the Roman language, equ,es
seems to have been used for the horse. In proof' of this, A.
GeUius quotes a passage from Ennius, which some reciter had
wrongly read in one of the theatres : —
Denique vi magni quadrupes equus, atque elephanti
Projiciunt sese 
This, it seems, was heard with general applause. One of the
company, however, suspected the error; and an appeal being
afterwards made to an old and valuable manuscript, eques was
found to have been the .original word. Hence, equitatio and
equitare meant also the movement of the horse : and this is
proved by- a passage from Lucilius. A. Gell. lib. xviii. c. 5.
The same passages may be seen in the last chapter of Macro-
bius's sixth book. The general elegance of Virgil did not

396 PAGANISM AND
that it performs the office of a governing and
directing power, and therefore that the body is
subject to its management, and different from
its nature. For the horseman, notwithstanding
his compound name, is not both horse and man,
but is so called, because, from his position and
office, he has a certain relation to the horse.
Again, if the question be, whether the body
alone be the entire man, it will appear, that the
body has only that relation to the soul, which
the poculum has to the liquor contained in it.
For though in the licence of poetry, or the lati
tude of common use, poculum be sometimes
taken for the cup and liquor together, and
sometimes for the liquor alone, exclusively of
the cup ; yet, in the proper signification of the
word, it stands for the cup alone; and its name
was derived from the capacity of containing li
quor.* But, finally, if the question be, whether
prevent him from the occasional employment of this word, in
a sense more familiar to antiquity : —
Frasna Pelethronii Lapithae, gyrosque dedere
Impositi dorso, atque equitem docuere sub armis
Insultare solo, et gressus glomerare superbos. Georg. iii. 117.
* Non enim calix, et potio quam continet calix, simul dici-

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 397
man be neither soul alone, nor body alone; but
whether, consisting of these two different parts,
he be called by one collective name; the an
swer must be, that this is the true supposition.
For, when two horses are harnessed together,
and draw the same carriage, we call them by
the single term bigae. Nor is this applicable
exclusively to the horse on the right hand, or
the horse on the left, though each of them is a
part of the bigae, and each has a certain rela
tion to the other ; but to both at once.*
With this minute and laborious ingenuity did
Varro establish the favourite maxim of the Old
Academy, that the term " man" was used to
convey the notion of a being compounded of a
body and a rational soul. But the inference
drawn by Cicero shews us the purpose for
which the sect took these philosophical pains.
It was concluded, that, being thus constituted,
man was obliged to act according to his twofold
nature; and consequently, that, in his search
tur poculum, sed calix solus ; ideo tamen quod potiom continendt£-
sit accommodatum. Apud Aug. Civ. Dei, lib. xix. c. 3.
* Sicut duos equos junctos bigas vocamus, quorum sive
dexter sive sinister pars est bigaruin ; unum verd eorum quo-
quo modo se habeat ad alteram, bigas non' dicimus, sed ambos
simul. Apud Aug. Civ. Dei, lib. xix. c. 3: ' ' ' '

398; PAGANISM AND
of happiness* he was to pay a just attention to
both parts of his composition. These therefore
are stated by Piso to be of unequal value as
tq each other. But while he pronounces the
body to be inferior to the soul, it is yet an
essential part of man,: and therefore not to be
entirely disregarded. Though of less impor
tance, it is entitled to some attention; — and,
from that love of our being which is the primary
impulse of human action, we infer the desire of
nature herself* that the body be as sound and
perfect as possible, that all its, functions be per
formed without imperfection, or interruption;
and* that it be free from mutilation, debility,
and disorder.*
But if a certain attention appears to be thus
necessary, towards the preservation and welfare
qf the body, the* conclusion is much stronger
concerning the condition of the soul, the supe
rior part of man. And this being so, the argu
ment will apply itself in a, more peculiar man
ner to the mind; for this is the highest and
most excellent part of the soul ; and in it are
* Opus est ea valere et vigere, naturales motus ususque
habere, ut nee absit quid eorum, nee aegrum debilitatumve sit.
De Fin. lib. v. c. 12.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 399
lodged the powers of reason, science, and the
virtues, and that sovereign authority, by which
the whole nature of man is governed.* Yet
neither are the virtues equal among themselves,
though thus subsisting together. There are two
principal sorts; the one, voluntary; the other,
involuntary. Of the latter sort, are memory,
docility, and those inbred qualities, which con
stitute genius. But of the former, are the
genuine and more lofty virtues— prudence, temr
perance, fortitude, justice, and others connected
with these.! The conclusion therefore is, that
man being impelled by self-love to preserve
and advance his nature, and his nature being
compounded in the manner here described, he
will desire the goods which belong to his com
ponent parts. But he will regulate this desire
* Deinde id quoque videmus, et ita figuratum corpus, ut
excellat aliis, animumque ita con stitu turn, ut et sensibus in-
structus sit, et habeat praestantiam mentis, cui tota hominis
natura pareat; in qua sit mirabilis quaedam vis rationis, et
cognitionis, et scientiae, virtutumque omnium, ib.
T' Animi autem, et ejus animi partis, quae prineeps, est*;,,
quaeque mens nominatur, plures sunt virtutes, sed ¦ duo, prima,
genera; unum earum, quae ingenerantur suapte natura, appel-
lanturque non; voruntariae ; alterum earum, quae* in volun tate
positae, magis proprio nomine appellari solent. De Fin. lib.
v. c. 13.

400 PAGANISM AND
in such a manner as best accords with the rela
tive dignity of each part. When he judges
therefore concerning his body and soul, he will
not neglect the former, but will decidedly pre
fer the latter. And of the soul itself he will
prefer the most excellent part, the mind. Of
the virtues too, he will prefer the greater to
the less. To the involuntary ones he will pay
a due regard; but his chief esteem will be
bestowed on those which are voluntary. In
truth, these alone deserve the name of virtues,
for they are the produce of reason; and reason
is the divinest part of man.*
This then is the true doctrine of the Sum
mum Bonum. It is highly desirable, that a
subject of so much importance should be under
stood by man as soon as he is born: for thus he
would pursue the great object of life without
loss of time, and without a possibility of error.!
¦' -* Ita fiet, ut animi virtus corporis virtuti anteponatur, ani-
mique virtutes non voluntarias vincant virtutes voluntariae ;
quae quidem proprie virtutes appellantur, multumque excellunt,
quod ex ratione gignuntur; qua nihil est in homine divinius.
De Fin. lib. v. c. 13.
f Cum igitur ea sit, quam exposui, forma naturae; si, ut
initio dixi, simul atque ortus esset, se quisque coghoscere judi-
careque posset, quae vis et totius esset naturae et partium singn-

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 401
But the proper designation of nature is at first
hidden from us. We are content with the mere
preservation of the body; and it is long before
we arrive at the more important part of the
knowledge that is necessary for us. By degrees,
however, it is acquired ; and in the actions of
youth, their love of praise, their feelings of
shame, and their pursuit of knowledge and those
ingenuous objects which are adapted to the
growth and enlargement of the mind, we dis
cover those elements from which virtue at
length arises.* It is the business of philosophy
to cherish and promote the opening desires of
nature. They are the indications of reason, —
that god within us ; and, if properly followed,
they lead to happiness, and discover to us that
which we seek, — the ultimate good of man.
The beginnings of virtue therefore arise from
the capacity of nature. This is the only thing
which she furnishes in the first instance. The

larum, continud videret quid esset hoc quod quaerimus, omnium
rerum, quas expetimus, summum et ultimum ; nee ulld in re
peccare posset, ib. c. 15.
* Non sine causa, eas, quas dixi, in pueris virtutum quasi
scintillulas videmus, e quibus accendi philosophi ratio debet, ut
eam, quasi Deum, ducem subsequens, ad naturae perveniat ex-
tremum. De Fin. lib. v. c. 15.
D D

402 ' PAGANISM AND
product derived from it is the mere effect of
subsequent art;* for virtue is to be considered
as an art, or science. It is indeed of more im
portance than other arts or sciences ; but it has
this circumstance in common with them; it is
taught; and memory, reason, and similar quali
ties, must be pre-supposed, as necessary to its
existence ; — since where learning is impractica
ble, there virtue cannot be.!
Of all the goods then which belong to the
component parts of man, this is the most pre
cious. It is the result of learning, and is formed
by a gradual development of the qualities of
the mind, and a skilful application of them to
the discovery of the will of nature. It is indeed
of a later date than the primary objects which
nature desires. These existed when virtue was
not yet formed. But virtue, which is after
wards acquired, takes a just ascendency, and
wishes to possess them for its own sake. It
* Virtutem ipsam inchoavit ; nihil amplius. Itaque nostrum
est (quod nostrum dico, artis est) ad ea principia, quae accepi-
mus, consequentia exquirere, quoad sit id, quod volumus, ef-
fectum. ib. c. 21.
T Hoc et.de memorial dixerim atque ratione, et si quid tale
est in homine. Sunt enim haec et ante doctrinam; sine his
autem non potest esse ulla doctrina; ac per hoc nee virtus,
quae utique discitur. Varro, apud Aug. Civ. Dei, lib. xix. c.3.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 403
desires itself also on the same account; and it
uses both itself and them for the purpose of
complete happiness.* The conclusion arising
therefore from this method of viewing the na
ture of man was, that he leads an happy life,
who possesses virtue, and those goods of the
body and mind without which virtue cannot
exist. His life is more happy, who to these
adds others, not essential to the subsistence of
virtue, namely, beauty, strength, agility, and
other such qualities; and the happiness of such
a man will be in proportion to the number of
these which he possesses. But the most happy
life is that of him who unites in himself all pos
sible goods both of body and mind.! Here
then at length we find the true end and object
* Quapropter eadem virtus, id est, ars agendas vitae, cum
acceperit prima naturae, quae sine ilia erant, sed tamen erant,
etiam quando eis doctrina adhuc deerat, omnia propter seipsam
appetit, simulque etiam seipsam; — omnibusque simul, et
seipsa utitur eo fine, ut omnibus delectetur atque perfruatur.
ib. c. 3.
f Haec ergo vita hominis, quae virtute et aliis animi et cor
poris bonis, sine quibus virtus esse non potest, fruitur, beata
esse dicitur. Si vero et aliis, sine quibus esse virtus potest, vel
ullis vel pluribus, beatior. Si autem prorsus omnibus, ut nul
lum omnind bonum desit, vel animi vel corporis, beatissima.
Varro, apud Aug. Civ. Dei, lib. xix. c. 3.
DD2

404 PAGANISM-AND
of our existence. This is the Summum Bonum
worthy to be desired by man. And this Piso
affirms to be intended by the Pythian Apollo,
when he commands us to know ourselves. We
must inquire into our specific nature, ascertain
the component parts of man, and learn the
relative value of each; for from this knowledge
alone will result a life spent in the enjoyment
of its proper objects.*
However, one difficulty yet remained. While
the old Academicians placed the Summum Bo
num of man in the goods of the soul and body
taken together, they wished for something
farther, and were unwilling to forego the ad
vantage of external goods, relations, friends,
neighbours, and their country at large. They
felt, however, that happiness must be exposed
to great uncertainty and danger, if it were
made to depend on circumstances which are
removed from the person itself of man, and
over which therefore he has not a sufficient
control.! On this account, they placed exter-
* Jubet igitur nos Pythius Apollo noscere nosmetipsos.
Cognitio autem haec est una, ut vim nostri corporis animique
norimus, sequamurque eam vitam quae rebus ipsis perfruatur.
De Fin. lib. v. c. 1 6.
t Nee vero quisquam Summum Borium assequi unquam

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 405
nal goods in a secondary class. Yet, while
they carefully abstained from calling these an
essential and necessary. part of the Summum
Bonum, they declared them to be highly de
sirable on account of the pleasure and benefit
which resulted from them, and referable, by
analogy, to the goods of the first class. Nature
herself makes us feel, that, when we discharge
any of the outward offices of friendship, patriot
ism, and the like, these are among the actions
which are rightly performed. But all actions
which are productive of this sort of approba
tion must spring from virtue; and virtue was
lately placed at the head of the goods of the first
class in which consisted the Summum Bonum.
The external goods have therefore a secret con
nection with those which have been already de
scribed ; and if every right action in the latter*
is to be ranked under some one of the virtues
in the former class, the goods of both have a
certain correspondence, and are, by the will of
nature, allied.*
posset, si omnia ilia, quae sunt extra, quanquam expetenda,
summo bono continerentur. De Fin. lib. v. c. 23.
* Quo modo igitur, inquies, verum esse poterit, omnia referri
ad Summum Bonum, .si amicitiae, si propinquitates, si reliqua
externa summo bono non continentur? Hac videlicet ratione;

406 PAGANISM AND
Thus then to the other parts of the Academic
philosophy is added social attachment. Cicero
describes it with much eloquence and feeling.*
Springing from the constitution of our nature,
it prompts the affection which binds the parents
to each other, and to their offspring. But, not
satisfied with these objects, it gradually enlarges

quod ea, quae externa sunt, iis tuemur officiis, quae oriuntur a
suo cujusque genere virtutis. Nam et amici cultus, et parentis,
et qui officio fungitur, in eo ipso prodest, quod, ita fungi officio,
in recte factis est: quae sunt orta virtutibus; quae quidem
sapientes sequuntur, utentes tanquam duce natura. De Fin.
lib. v. c. 24.
* In omni autem honesto, de quo loquimur, nihil est tam
illustre, nee quod latius pateat, quam conjunctio inter homines
hominum, et quasi quaedam societas et communicatio utilitatum,
et ipsa caritas generis humani ; quae nata a primo satu, quo a
procreatoribus nati diliguntur, et tota domus conjugio et stirpe
conjungitur, serpit sensim forks cognationibus primum, turn
affinitatibus, deinde amicitiis; post vicinitatibus ; turn civibus,
et iis qui publici socii atque amici sunt ; deinde totius com-
plexu generis humani. De Fin. lib. v. c. 23. — Mr. Pope ex
presses the Academic sentiment in some pleasing lines : —
Self-love but serves the virtuous mind to wake,
As the small pebble stirs the peaceful lake.
The centre mov'd, a circle straight succeeds;
Another still, and still another spreads :
Friend, parent, neighbour, first it will embrace ;
. His country next ; and next, all human race.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 407
itself in all the tender offices of relationship,
affinity, and friendship. The care of our neigh
bourhood is next in order. Hence the principle
extends to our whole country, and to those
states also which are connected with it by poli
tical alliance, and partake in its public interests;
Finally, it becomes general, and embraces the
whole circle of mankind. This might suffice;
but Varro is unwilling that the principle should
be restrained by any limits. He carries it
through the mundane system, and makes it
comprehend those benevolent gods also, who,
from their eethereal abodes, are disposed to shed
a friendly influence on the man of wisdom,*
Such is the philosophy, in favour of which
Cicero has exerted his genius in one of the most
valuable of his works. To assist the statement,
occasional use has been made of the authority
of Varro. But we are now arrived at that part
of the subject, in which he must become our
principal instructor.! To the view therefore
* Sive in toto orbe, ut sunt gentes, quas ei societas humana
conjungit; sive in ipso mundo, qui censetur nomine coeli et
terrae, sicut esse dicunt Deos, quos volunt amicos esse homini
sapienti. Apud Aug. Civ. Dei, lib. xix. c. 3.
f Yet the remains of his treatise De Philosophia are scanty.'
They are contained in the first three chapters of the 19th book

408 PAGANISM AND
of the existing sects, let us add the promised
account of all the possible ones.
It is remarked by Augustin in his introduc
tion of this subject, that the inquiries of the
men of nature concerning happiness, were ne
cessarily confined to the boundaries of nature
itself.* They looked to the component parts
of man, and either selected one of these as the
object of their preference, or joined them to
gether. It has. already appeared, that some
placed the Summum Bonum in the body; some
in the mind; and others, in both. On this
triple division, therefore, Varro proceeded to
found his calculation. It is observable, that
Carneades had not ventured to suppose' more
than six simple, and three compound, modes, in
which philosophy might contemplate the Sum
mum Bonum.! But the number of sects ima-

of Augustin's " City of God." I cannot quite agree with Au
gustin in his speedy dismissal of the subject, and wish he had
gratified our curiosity by larger extracts.
* Nee tamen eos, quamvis diversis errantes modis, naturae
limes intantum ab itinere veritatis deviare permisit, ut non alii
in animo, alii in corpore, alii in utroque fines bonorum pone-
rent et malorum. Civ. Dei, lib. xix. c. 1.
t Sex igitur hae sunt simplices de summo bonorum malo-
rumque sententiae : duae sine patrono, quatuor defensae. Junctae

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 409
gined by Varro is no less than two hundred and
eighty-eight.* Here however he stopped ; and
his final opinion was, that the Summum Bo
num could not be taught by more than that
number of sects ; or, at least, that those which
might be added, must have a reference to them,
and therefore must belong to one of the former
classes.! The mode in which he endeavoured
to establish his position, was the following.
It was first assumed, that virtue, or the art
of life, (for this was the meaning of the term in
the school of the Old Academy,) was not to be
reckoned among the objects of primary desire.
It was learnt like any other art, and was to be
subsequently applied to the management of
those objects, as reason should suggest. The
objects, therefore, to which the appetency of
autem et duplices expositiones summi boni tres omnino fuerunt :
nee vero plures, si penitus rerum naturam videas, esse potue-
runt. De Fin. lib. v. c. 8. Compare c. 6.
» Ex qui, tripertiti velut generalium distributione sectarum
M. Varro in libro De Philosophia tarn multam dogmatum
varietatem diligenter et subtiliter scrutatus advertit, ut ad
eclxxxviii sectas, non quae jam essent, sed quae esse possent,
adhibens quasdam differentias, facillime perveniret. Civ. Dei,
lib. xix. c. i.
f Si quae aliaa^possent similiter adjici. Civ. Dei, lib. xix.
c. 2.

410 PAGANISM AND
man may be supposed to carry him without the
help of any instruction, and by the force of
nature alone, are four in number. First, Plea
sure, which applies to the senses of the body.
Secondly, Indolence, in its stricter meaning, or
a freedom from bodily pain. Thirdly, the
former objects, or positive and negative plea
sure, in conjunction; to both of which, thus
considered, Epicurus applied the single term of
pleasure. Fourthly, the primary objects of
nature understood in a large sense, comprehend
ing the former objects, and adding others to
them, such as the integrity of the body and its
parts, its general health and due conservation,
and the exercise of the mind in a greater or less
degree, according to the proportion of ability
in every man.* In relation therefore to these
objects we must now consider virtue, concerning
which a reservation was originally made : and
* Quatuor esse quaedam, quae homines sine raagistro, sine
nllo doctrinae adminiculo, sine, industria vel arte vivendi, quae
Virtus dicitur, et proculdubio discitur, Velut naturaliter appe-
tunt : aut Voluptatem, qua! delectabiliter movetur corporis sen-"
sus : aut Quietem, qua fit ut nullam molestkm corporis quisque
patiatur ; aut utramque, quam tamen uno nomine Voluptatis
Epicurus appellat ; aut uni-versaliter prima naturae, in quibus
et haec sunt et alia. Civ. Dei, lib. xix. c. 1.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 411
the first difference of qpinion will begin on the
question, Whether virtue, acquired at a later
time, is to be considered as inferior, or superior,
to each of the four classes of objects before enu*
merated ; or whether it is to be connected with
them on a footing of mere equality? If it is
inferior, it will be acquired for the sake of the
former objects, and be treated in subserviency
to them. If superior, the objects will be pos
sessed not so much for their own sake, as for
the sake of virtue ; and virtue, last in time;
will be first in importance. If it is only equal
with the objects, each will be possessed not
for the sake of the other, but on account of
its own value. Now, pleasure is the first of
the four classes. Virtue may therefore be con
sidered in the three modes here mentioned, as
inferior, superior, or equal, to pleasure. But if
so, it may be considered in the same manner
with respect to each of the remaining classes,—
indolence, positive and negative pleasure to
gether, and the primary objects of nature gene
rally understood. From the four classes then,
capable of being considered, each of them in
three modes, results the number twelve. Ac
cordingly, this is the number of sects obtained
in the first stage, from a comparison of virtue

412 PAGANISM AND
which is subsequently attained, with the natural
objects which may be primarily desired.*
But this number will at once be doubled, if
we suppose a single difference of opinion con
cerning the principle on which each of the
twelve sects is to be followed. Some men
adopt a particular mode of philosophy for their
own sakes; and look no farther than to the
personal pleasure or advantage to be derived
from the profession of it. But some philosophize
with more liberality. These embrace the social
principle; and in their choice of a school endea
vour to benefit others together with themselves.
Each of the sects then, already supposed, may
be followed on the first, or second of these
principles; and if twelve are of one opinion,
twelve may be of another. And thus are
twenty-four sects obtained.!
* Haec igitur quatuor, id est, voluptas, quies, utrumque,
prima naturae, ita sunt in nobis, ut vel virtus, quam postea
doctrina inserit, propter haec appeteuda sit ; aut ista propter
virtutem, aut utraque propter seipsa. Ac per hoc fiunt duo-
decim sectae : per hanc enim rationem singula; triplicantur.
Civ. Dei, lib. xix. c. 1.
f Quocirca duodecim sunt eorum, qui propter se tanturamodd
unamquamque tenendam putant ; at aliae duodecim eorum, qui
non solum propter se sic vel sic philosophandum esse decer-
nunt ; sed etiam propter alios. Civ. Dei, lib. xix. c. ] .

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 413
A similar increase will arise from the cer
tainty or the uncertainty attributed to the
opinions thus supposed. The Stoics attached
an absolute certainty to their maxim, that the
proper and only happiness of man was to be
found in the honestum. In this therefore they
firmly and unalterably persisted, on account of
the undeniable truth and security which was
supposed to belong to it. Nor were the doc
trines of the Old Academy without a similar
confidence as to the great object of human life.
Speculations concerning God and the soul
might be remote and doubtful ; but no hesita
tion was confessed on the ends of good and
evil.* On the other hand, the New Academi-

* De bonorum autem, et e contrario malorum finibus negant
ullo modo esse dubitandum, et banc inter se et novos Acade-
micos affirmant esse distantiam. ib. c. 3. This at least is the
representation of Antiochus, from whom Varro learnt his phi
losophy. Augustin observes, that Cicero speaks of him rather
as a Stoic than an Old Academician. It appears indeed, that,
though nominally of the New Academy, he adopted at pleasure
the opinions of other sects, and aimed at the establishment of a
Syncretism : — Is alist via incedendum ratus, non oppugnandas,
sed cum Academia conciliandas reliquas sectas esse statuit;
ideoque Stoicam sectam in Academiam transtulit, cum Stoicum
praeeeptorem habuisset. Unde veteris Academia? placita re-

414 PAGANISM AND
eians disclaimed all positive determination on
this and other subjects. With them, nothing
was certain. Though they still professed the
pursuit of truth, if by any means it might be
found ; yet the utmost assent to which they suf
fered themselves to be carried, was that which
was extorted from them by the force of proba
bility or verisimilitude. They followed truth
therefore as if it were real : they held it as only
apparent; and supposed that, after the keenest
pursuit, the best founded philosophy could pre
tend to nothing more than the resemblance of
truth. Hence it follows, that the twenty-four
sects, lately obtained, may be chosen on the
first or second of these principles. The maxims
of each sect may be regarded as certain, or un
certain: and if twenty -four are of one opinion,
twenfy-four may be of the other. And thus
are forty-eight sects created.*
But another increase will arise from a differ
ence of opinion concerning the philosophic
vocando, conspirare ea cum Stoi'cis et Peripateticis censuit.
Brucker. Hist. Philos. Per. 1 . part. post. lib. ii. c. 6. s. 4. § 7.
* Viginti-quatuor ergo fiunt per eos, qui eas (sectas) velut
certas propter veritatem ; et aliae viginti-quatuor, per eos qui
easdem, quamvis incertas, propter verisimilitudinem sequendas
putant. Civ. Dei, lib. xix. c. J .

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 415
dress, in which the sects may choose to main
tain their opinions. The sect, remarkable above
all others for its outward appearance, was that
qf the Cynics. Antisthenes, its founder, was a
scholar of Socrates, and had often heard him
pour his happy ridicule on the affected finery of
the Sophists whom he delighted to expose.
But, either misled by the rigour which he im
puted to his master, or urged by personal va
nity* to a singularity of invention, he struck
out a mode of dress at once new and revolting,.
The pallium alone was his covering;! and that
* jElian says indeed, that Socrates was displeased with
him, and ridiculed his affected rags ; — to BtEpptoybg ifiaria
fiipog. lib. ix. c. 35. — It is Laertius who tells the well-known
story of Socrates discovering the vanity of Antisthenes through
the holes of his pallium; in vit. Antisth.
f The pallium is thus described by TertuUian :— Extrinsecus
habitus et ipse quadrangulus ; ab utroque laterum regestus, et
cervicibus circumstrictus, in fibulae morsu humeris acquiescebat,.
(De Pallio, c. 1 .) He preferred it to the toga, and wore it on
account of its superior ease and convenience; — pallio nihil ex-
peditius, etiam si duplex, quod Cratetis. Mora nusquam ves-
tiendo cum ponitur : quippe tota molitio ejus operire est splu-
tim. Id ex uno circumjectu licet, equidem nusquam inhumano ;
ita omnia hominis simul contegit. ib. c. 5. — In this, hpwever,
there seems to have been some enthusiasm. It must have re
quired some courage too, on account of the dislike which was
shewn to this dress at Carthage. But the pallium had fallen

416 PAGANISM AND
was squalid. His beard was long; and all the
furniture of his person was a pouch, in which
he carried his scraps, and a stick, which served
the double purpose of supporting his steps,
and of bestowing an occasional chastisement on
a negligent or refractory hearer. He walked
about, a disgustful picture of philosophy turned
beggar, and ambition clothed in voluntary
wretchedness. No other sect would submit to
the use of one loose garment which was to serve
the body without the aid of any more clothing.
The very Stoics, the solemn imitators of the Cy
nics, refused to acquiesce in this point. While
they aped Antisthenes in the rigour of his doc-

into general discredit before that time. The 71st oration of
Dio Chrysostom is employed in inquiring, why the philosophers
were followed by mobs who laughed at them, and plucked
their pallium, while artisans wearing the dresses' of their trades,
walked the streets without disturbance. The owl, it seems,
was at first foUowed by the small birds through mere admira
tion of her wisdom. So was Diogenes by the people. But
now nothing remains except the wings, the eyes, and the beak
of the philosophical owl, and hence the contempt expressed
by the people : — iifi&v EKatog rrjv fikv <;6Xr)v e^ei rr)v ItoKpdrag
Kal Atoykvag' to Be tjrpovElv,- woXXa Beo/iev ouotag eIvoi roXg
avBpdaiv EKElvoig, ij (rjv bfioitog avrdig, ij Xoyag TOiarag SiaXi-
yeffOcu.— For the dress of Antisthenes, see Brucker, Hist.
Philos. Per. 1. part. post. lib. ii. c. 8. § 2.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 417
trine, they revolted from his dress, and added
a tunic, which was worn within the pallium.*
* Habitus Cynicorum eo tantum a reliquorum philosopho-
rum habit u distabat, quod hi tunicam sub pallio non gestarent;
reliqui omnes gestarent. Ideo Juvenalis, qui sectam Cynicam
a Stoi'ca, parum diversam, quod ad dogmata videret esse, dixit :
 Stoica dogmata tantum

A Cynicis tunica! distantia-

quod Stoici cum tunicis sub pallio ambularent, Cynici verd
aXtrtovEg essent. Salmas. in Vit. M. Antonin. Hist. Aug. c. 2.
— In a note on the same chapter, Casaubon says: Fuere et
propriae singularum sectarum notae, propria gestamina. But it
is not easy to make them out. The distinguishing marks of
the Cynics and Stoics have just been noticed. The Epicureans
probably followed tbe Cyrenaics; and. the studied elegance of
Aristippus, their leader, is well known; — Cultui corporis et
elegantiae atque decori quam maxime studebat, says Brucker.
The Old Academy, and perhaps the New, preserved, probably
for the most part, the manner of Plato, whose dress was grave
and unostentatious; for we cannot suppose that the Peripa
tetics themselves would adopt the extravagancies of Aristotle,
,3£lian gives an account of the quarrel between him and Plato,
which was occasioned in great measure by the important article
of the philosophical dress. Aristotle, it seems, was violently
inclined to be a coxcomb! His clothes (ka8r)g, perhaps the
outer and body garment) were affectedly fine. So were his
sandals. He cropped his hah-, and took a strange pride in wear
ing a number of rings. He was a great talker; and a great
quizzer too! — Kal fitoda Bk Tig rjv avra wspl to wpeatowov' Kal
aKatpog ¦zufivXla XaXavrog Kari)yopEi Kal avrr) rbv rpowov avrS^
lib. iii. c. 19. If Plato, who disapproved of these manners,
E E

418 PAGANISM AND
Hence it probably is, that, in this part of his
argument, Varro considers the Cynics on one
side, and all other philosophers in opposition
to them. Those therefore who follow the
opinions of the forty-eight sects last obtained,
may profess their philosophy in the Cynic
habit, or in some dress added to the pallium by
the other schools. But if forty-eight are of one
opinion, forty-eight may be of another. And
thus are formed ninety-six sects.*
There remains another increase; and it is the
last. It was a favourite practice with some of
the most eminent philosophers to write treatises
for the guidance of the public conduct of
others; but to choose a life of retirement for
themselves. Cicero points out this disposition
in Aristotle and Theophrastus ; and follows it
with no small praise. Each of them had in
quired into the true nature and constitution of
indulged some finery about his house, perhaps he drew some
excuse from the example of Socrates, who is said to have been
somewhat curious about the neatness of his small dwelling, his
low couch, and his domestic slippers, ib. lib. iv. c. 11.
* Unamquamque istarum quadraginta-octo sectarum potest
quisque sequi habitu casterorum philosophorum, itemque potest
alius habitu Cynicorum. Ex hac etiam differentia duplicantur,
et nonaginta-sex fiunt. Civ. Dei, lib. xix. c. 1.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 419
a republic, the duties of those who possessed
the highest stations in it, and the particular
conjunctures in which the skill of government
might best be applied, in order to direct the
current of events as circumstances might re
quire. Yet a life spent in quiet, and devoted
to contemplative knowledge, was pronounced
by both to be most worthy of the man of wis
dom. Indeed, it was supposed to have some
thing divine in it, and to approach nearer than
any other mode of life, to that of the gods.*
It appears therefore, that though some might
apply themselves to the administration of pub
lic affairs, while they maintained the opinions
of their sects; and though some might divide
their time between the pursuit of philosophy
and the calls of business, (both which cases
were sufficiently common,) yet there were

* Cumque uterque eorum docuisset, qualem in republica
principem esse conveniret; pluribus praeterea cum scripsisset,
qui esset optimus reipublicae status : hoc amplius Theophrastus,
quae essent in republics! inclinationes rerum et momenta tempo
rum, quibus esset moderandum utcunque res postularet. Vitae
autem degendae ratio maxime quidem illis placuit quieta,,in
contemplatione et cognitione posita rerum; quae quia Deorum
erat vitae simillima, sapiente visa est dignissima. De Fin, lib.
v. c. 4.
EE 2

420 PAGANISM AND
others, who, amidst an adherence to their sect,
chose to persist in an indulgence of literary re
tirement and philosophic contemplation. Hence
the sects, lately supposed, are capable of being
followed in each of the three modes, retirement,
activity, or a mixture of both ; and consequently,
from the multiplication of their sums, or ninety-
six by three, is obtained the total sum of two
hundred and eighty-eight: and this is the num
ber of sects which it was originally proposed
to discover.*
* Denique, quia earum singulas quasque ita tueri homines
possunt atque sectari, ut aut otiosam diligant vitam, sicut hi
qui tantummodo studiis doctrina; vacare voluerunt; aut nego-
tiosam, sicut hi, qui cum philosopharentur, tamen administra-
tione reipublicae, regendisque rebus humanis occupatissimi fue
runt ; aut ex utroque genere temperatam, sicut hi qui partim
erudito otio, partim necessario negotio, alternantia vitae suae tem-
pora tribuerunt; propter .has differentias potest etiam triplicari
numerus iste sectarum, et ad ducentas, octoginta-octo perduci.
Civ. Dei, lib. xix. c. 1 . After " voluerunt" in the above passage,
Augustin adds, " atque valuerunt." This, and other such jingles,
would betray him (for he is unhappily fond of these contrivances)
even if we had not his own confession, that he has clothed the
arguments of Varro in his own language: — Haec de Varronis
libro quantum potui, breviter ac dilucide posui, sententias ejus
meis explieans verbis, ib. This custom was indeed too preva
lent among the early Christian writers, and gives to their criti
cisms a laxity which a just taste must condemn.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 421
But this number, the creature of Varro's
fancy, is presently destroyed, with the same
facility with which it had been formed. In
deed, he does not apply the same principle of
reduction to all the sects thus supposed. Some
he treats as having no substantial foundation on
which to place a difference of opinion concern
ing happiness. With the rest he argues as sects
legitimately formed. Yet the opinions of these
also he proves to be incompetent to the object
proposed; and comparing them with his own,
he finally establishes the philosophy of the Old
Academy, as that which alone would reward
the pursuit of a wise man intent on the disco
very of the Summum Bonum.
His principle of reduction is drawn from the
final purpose of Philosophy. The only worthy
and sufficient object for which we philosophize,
is happiness. But that which causes happiness,
is the end itself of good. It is necessary there*
fore to the legitimate existence of a philosophi
cal sect, that it pursue some object which it
believes to be the very end of good ; and it is
farther necessary, that this should be separate
and distinct from any supposed end of good
which is pursued by other sects.* If this fun-
* Neque enim existimat ullam philosophise sectam esse di-

422 PAGANISM AND
damental rule is applied to the increase last
obtained, we shall find, that, when the question
is only concerning the preference to be given to
contemplative retirement, or public activity,
or a mixture of both, the principal point is
omitted : for here the dispute is not concerning
the very end of good, but whether the pursuit
of it be facilitated by one of the three modes
more than by the others.* Happiness is the
end of good; but that which is adopted only
as preparative of the end of good, cannot be
the end itself. Accordingly, though each of the
three modes may be preferred by various per
sons, all of these will still be obliged to search
farther for the end of good, which lies beyond
cendam, quae non e6 distet a caateris, qudd diversos habeat
fines bonorum et malorum; quandoquidem nulla est homini
causa philosophandi, nisi ut beatus sit. Quod autem beatum
facit, ipse est finis boni. Nulla est igitur causa philosophandi,
nisi finis boni. Quamobrem, quae nullum boni finem sectatur,
nulla philosbphiae secta dicenda est. Civ. Dei, lib. xix. c. 1 .
* In tribus quoque illis vitae generibus, uno scilicet non seg-
niter, sed in contemplatione vel inquisitione veritatis otioso,
altera in gerendis rebus humanis negotioso, tertio ex utroque
genere temperate, cum quaeritur quid horum sit potius eligen-
dum, non finis boni habet controversiam, sed quid horum trium
difficultatem vel facilitatem afferat ad consequendum vel reti-
nendum finem boni ; id in isti quaestione versatur. Civ. Dei,
lib. xix, c. 2.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 423
the modes. The difference therefore which has
been created by the modes is not sufficiently
substantial for the proper foundation of philo
sophical sects. They are consequently disal
lowed. The total number loses two-thirds at
once, and is reduced to ninety-six.*
If a similar reasoning is employed on the
Cynic addition, the result will be similar. For
in this case also, the question is not concerning
the end itself of good; it applies only to the
external appearance of those who pursue it.
But a distinction thus unsubstantial can be of
no avail towards the attainment of happiness.
The habit of Antisthenes must therefore be dis
regarded : for not only does it not necessarily
lead to the final good of man, but it has never
had the power of ensuring even an uniformity
of opinion concerning it-! The truth is, that
philosophic principles, discordant with one an
other, have frequently been maintained amidst
the assumption of the same common habit.
* Nam remoto illo tripertito genere vitae, duae partes hujus
numeri detrahuntur, et sectae nonaginta-sex remanent, ib. c. 2.
T Denique fuerunt, qui cum diversa sequerentur bona finalia,
alii virtutem, alii voluptatem ; eundem tamen habitum et con-
suetudinem tenebant, ex quo Cynici appellabantur. Civ. Dei,
lib. xix. c. 1 .

424 PAGANISM AND
And on the other hand, the habit has also
served to give an outward distinction from
other sects, when a genuine difference of opinion
could hardly be pleaded.* It follows therefore,
that the increase occasioned by the Cynic
claims, must also be disallowed. Hence, from
the number which lately remained, one half is
taken away; and forty-eight sects are left.!
Liable to the same objection is the increase
made in favour of the New Academy. For in
the dispute between the followers of that school,
and other philosophers, the end of good has no
place. The question is only, whether the ob
ject of pursuit be certain or uncertain, whether
it be discoverable by the force of philosophy,
and whether man attain the substance, or only
the resemblance of truth-! But in this case
* Ita illud, quicquid est, unde philosophi Cynici discernun-
tur a caeteris, ad eligendum ac tenendum bonum, quo beati
fierent, utique nil valebat. . Nam si aliquid ad hoc interesset,
profectd idem habitus eundem finem sequi cogeret, et diversus
habitus eundem sequi finem non sineret. ib.
T Remota ver& differential ex Cynicis addita, ad dimidium
rediguntur, et quadraginta-octo fiunt. ib. c. 2.
X Item cum quaeritur de Academicis novis, quibus incerta
sunt omnia, utrum ita sint res habendae, in quibus philoso-
phandum est, an sicut aliis philosophis placuit, certas eas habere
debemus ; non quaeritur quid in boni fine sectandum sit, sed de

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 425
also is a difference of too shadowy a kind to
justify the separate establishment of a sect. The
nature of the Summum Bonum lies beyond the
matter in debate; for all the anxiety of the dis
putants is wasted on the circumstances of the
question, on the apparent, or the actual, exist
ence of good. The pretensions of the New
Academicians must therefore be also rejected;
and of the number to which we lately fell, one
half will be lost. And thus twenty-four sects
will remain.*
But these will be liable to a similar reduc
tion; the debate concerning the social life of a
philosopher being equally remote from the prin
cipal subject, with the academic uncertainty.
For neither in this case is the question concern
ing the end of good; but whether, in the pur
suit of it, we shall confine our views to our
selves, or extend them to others.! But a dif-
ipsius boni veritate, quod .videtur sectandum, utrum sit, necne,
dubitandum. Civ. Dei, lib xix. c. i.
* Conferamus etiam quod ex Academicis novis adhibitum
est, rursus dimidia pars remanet, id est, viginti quatuor. ib.c. 2.
¦j- Cum ergo quaeritur de sociali vita, utrum sit tenenda sa-
pienti ut Summum Bonum, quo fit homo beatus, ita velit et
curet amici sui, qnemadmodum suum, an suae tantummodo
beatitudinis causal faciat quicquid facit; non de ipso summo

426 PAGANISM AND
ference concerning the mere participation of
good, is not a difference concerning good itself.
The increase therefore which was obtained by
it, cannot be allowed; and the twenty-four
sects must be reduced to twelve.*
Against these, however, the same objection
cannot be urged. They have a right to be con
sidered as sects; and there may be patrons df
each. Pleasure, a freedom from pain, a con
junction of both, and the primary goods of na
ture, may be viewed in connection with virtue.
Each of the classes may be treated as superior,
inferior, or equal to it; and all these opinions
will be entitled respectively to the substantial
character of philosophy.! In the examination
of their merits, therefore, a different method is
to be adopted. All the sects professing these
opinions being allowed to be genuine, it is in-

bono quaestio est, sed de assumendo, vel non assumendo socio
ad hujus participationem boni, propter seipsum, sed propter
eundem socium, ut ejus bono ita gaudeat, sicut gaudet suo.
Civ. Dei, lib. xix. c. 1.
* De sociali quoque vita* quod accesserat, similiter auferatur,
et duodecim sunt reliquae, quas ista differentia, ut viginti-qua
tuor fierent, duplicaverat. ib. c. 2.
t De his ergo duodecim nihil dici potest, cur sectae non sint
habendae. Civ. Dei, lib. xix. c. 2.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 427
quired, which has the right of priority ; and the
palm is given by Varro to that which joins the
superiority of virtue with the primary goods of
nature. In order to establish this decision, the
four original classes are first compared. But
three are pronounced incompetent, in compari
son of the other; for pleasure is involved in the
primary goods of nature; and so is freedom
from pain. Nor will the union of both establish
the claim of the third class; for this is still
exceeded in value by the fourth, which, as has
already appeared, comprehends in itself the
goods of all the former classes, and brings the
beneficial addition of many particulars, which
they do not contain.* Here then the objection
is made to the first three classes, not as they are
considered in their natures, but in their defi
ciency of provision. They do not extend them
selves far enough in the region of good; and

* Ex illis autem quatuor rebus Varro tres tollit, voluptatem
scilicet et quietem, et utrumque ; non quod eas improbet, sed
quod primigenia ilia naturae et voluptatem in se habeant et
quietem. Quid ergo opus est ex his duabus tria quaedam fa-
cere, duo scilicet, cum sigillatim appetuntur voluptas et quies ;
et tertium, cum ambae simul; quandoquidem prima naturae,
et ipsas, et praeter ipsas, alia multa contineant ? Civ. Dei, lib.
xix. c. 2.

428 PAGANISM AND
the prima naturae are preferred, because the
class which they compose is more comprehen
sive in its objects, and therefore more largely
conducive to the welfare of man. Hence too
it appears, that, of the three modes in which the
four classes were considered, that is to be pre
ferred which asserts the superiority of virtue.
For to subject virtue to either of the classes, is
to reverse the order of nature which is estab
lished in the constitution of man, and which
has been already described. To attribute to
her a mere equality with either of them, is to
withhold from her that command which is
justly due to her superior value. It remains
then, that virtue govern the class with which
she is connected, and that this be also the class
of primary importance.
From all these considerations it follows, that
the philosophy which alone is worthy to be
pursued by the wise man, terminates in the
junction of the fourth class with the first mode ;
or, in the terms of the argument, that the Sum
mum Bonum consists in the prima naturae, and
the superiority of Virtue. Indeed, it is allowed,
that the primary goods of nature, which are
thus subjected to virtue, are desirable in the
first instance on their own account. But when

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 429
they become connected with virtue, which,
though of subsequent acquirement, is of prior
importance, they fall under her application and
control: for Virtue alone is capable of using
both itself and all other things for the purposes
of happiness.*
Sufficient inquiry has now been made into
the nature of the antient systems of philosophy
concerning the Summum Bonum; and it ap
pears, how ineffectual were the attempts of rea
son and genius united, to discover that which
Revelation alone can teach, the proper end of
our being. For the completion of the subject,
therefore, it will be only necessary to add a few
observations arising from the doctrines which
have been reviewed.
1 . Concerning the sect which was first no
ticed, it may be of importance to remark the
involuntary testimony which it bears to a great
and standing truth, viz. that in the nature of
things, right principles have a genuine ascen
dency of character, and that Vice itself is com
pelled to borrow the aid of Virtue for its own
* Omnium autem bonorum vel animi vel corporis, nihil sibi
Virtus omnino praeponit. Haec enim bene utitur et seipsa, et
caeteris, quae hominem faciunt beatum, bonis. Civ. Dei, lib.
xix. c. 3.

430 PAGANISM AND
support. The votaries of pleasure dared not to
propose their philosophy in its own licentious
nakedness. They courted the sanction of some
thing more dignified; and it is well observed
by Cicero, that when Torquatus talked of the
virtues, and their connection with the Summum
Bonum of Epicurus, his voice was raised, and all
his gestures shewed his internal feeling of their
superior value. The connection however was
equally degrading to virtue, and unavailing to
Epicurus. While Cato felt, that to join plea
sure with virtue was to thrust an harlot into the
society of matrons,* he strongly exposed the
real and only purpose of such a philosophy, and
the insignificance of its end, when compared
with the labour employed in the pursuit of it.
Epicurus claimed the possession of wisdom;
and in the pride of physical inquiry, ranged
through the heavens and the earth, the air and
the sea, and formed a comprehensive system of
nature. But what was the purpose of all this
philosophical labour? The attainment of plea
sure! Xerxes astonished the world with his

* Quid enim necesse est, tanquam meretricem in matrona-
rum coetum, sic voluptatem in virtutum concilium adducere ?
De Fin. lib. ii. c. 4.

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 431
warlike preparations. He joined the shores of
the Hellespont, and dug through Athos. He
walked the seas, and navigated the land. If it
had been asked of Xerxes, why he burst upon
Greece with so mighty a force? with equal
reason might he have answered, to fetch honey
from Hymettus!*
2. On the second of these sects we may re
mark, what errors await virtue itself, when the
exercise of it is left to the mere direction of
nature! It is the distinguishing excellence of
Christianity, that it brings us to God through ,
the acknowledgment of our natural frailty, and
teaches a reliance on Heaven through a distrust
of ourselves. While it elevates the soul, it
lowers the passions. While it dignifies the
character, it extinguishes self-opinion, and
* Ut, si Xerxes, cum tantis classibus, tantisque equestribus
et pedestribus copiis, Hellesponto juncto, Athone perfosso,
maria ambulavisset, terramque navigasset, si cum tanto impetu
in Graeciam venisset, causam ejus quis ex eo quaereret tantarum
copiarum tantique belli, mel se auferre ex Hymetto voluisse
diceret, certe sine causa videretur tanta conatus ; sic nos sapi-
entem, pluribus et gravissimis artibus atque virtutibus instruc-
tum et ornatum, non, ut ilium maria pedibus peragrantem,
classibus montes, sed omne ccelum totamque cum universo mari
terram mente complexum, voluptatem petere si dicemus, mellis
causa dicemus tanta molitum. De Fin. lib. ii. c. 34.

432 PAGANISM AND
makes humility the basis of duty. The maxims
of the Stoic were indeed superior to those of
the Epicurean ; but he grew in arrogance as he
improved in doctrine. He looked to no supe
rior being, but drew his virtue from the powers
of his independent nature. He was completely
wise in himself; and, in his own estimation,
became his own god.*
3. From the principles of the Old Academy
results a conclusion equally revolting, or equally
unsatisfactory. The Peripatetic was ready to
.proclaim with the Stoic, that intelligence and
action are the two distinguishing features of
man, and that he may be termed a mortal deity-!
Varro too, like Epicurus, has ranged through
all nature in quest of human happiness, arid is
equally proud of his discovery. The man pos
sessed of the virtue of his sect is happy in him
self, and secure from the stroke of fortune and
the mutability of the world.! He has also the
* Qsiag te Elvat' exeiv ydp kv kavrdig olovit Ssbv. Laert.
in vit. Zenon.
t Hominem ad duas res, ufc ait Aristoteles, intelllgendum
et agendum, esse natum, quasi mortalem Deum. De Fin.
lib. ii. c. 13.
X Jam non dubitabis, quin earum (virtutum) compotes ho
mines, magno animo erectoque viventes, semper sint beati ;

CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 433
high privilege of being free from all doubt
concerning his principles, and from all error.*
Whence arises this confidence? It is the boast
of the Academic philosophy, that it is not re
stricted to single points of doctrine, but has a
larger and more secure foundation, and em
braces both the compionent parts of our nature.
But what is obtained by this junction of the
concerns of the soul with the condition of the
body? Through the examination which has
been made of the opinions of Plato, we have
already detected the fallacy of the object to
which he directed the hopes of the soul. And,
as to Varro, he is in this, as in his former dis
quisition, utterly silent concerning an existence
in a future state. Man, mortal man, is the
beginning and the end of his philosophy. To
discover the art by which common life may be
best conducted, is all his concern, — the object
of all his virtue. He never turned his views
towards another world for the happiness which
he sought. Probably, his sagacity had taught
qui omnes motus fortunae mutationesque rerum et temporum
leves et imbecilles fore intelligant, si in virtutis certamen ve-
nerint. De Fin. lib. v. c. 24.
* Eamque sectam sicut dubitatione, ita omni errore carere
arbitratur. Civ. Dei, lib. xix. c. 1 .
F F

434 PAGANISM AND CHRISTIANITY COMPARED.
him the emptiness of the fancies of Plato. He
formed none for himself; and we must conclude
concerning a geniys distinguished at Rome by
his capacity of research, his depth of penetra
tion, his strong judgment, and extensive learn
ing, that he indulged no hope of immortality,
and that to his eyes futurity *syas " one univer
sal blank."

INDEX.

ACADEMICIANS, Old, the extent of their philosophy, 387.
— Followers of Plato and Aristotle, ib. — General view of
their principles, 390, &c.
Academicians, New, the uncertainty of their opinions, 413,
414.
Ahaz, why he worshipped the Syrian gods, 56.
Ajax in the other world resents his treatment about the armour
of Achilles, 304, note.
Alaric takes Rome, 1 1 7. — His protection of the Christians,
122,, — Grants an asylum to those who fled to the churches,
141.
Alexandria, school of, 252.
Ambrose defends Christianity against Symmachus, 69.
Anaxagoras, his philosophy, 230.
Anaximander, his philosophy, 224.
AnaximENes, his philosophy, 224.
Antoninus, his rescript in favour of the Christians, 61.
Apollo, Pythian, the meaning of his maxim to " know our
selves," 404.
Apuleius, a follower of Plato, 235.
Arnobius refutes the Pagans, 65. — His account of the Roman
Stage, 200.
F f2

436 INDEX.
Athenagoras, his pleading for the Christians, 7. 12.— His
cheerfulness under suffering, 28.
Augustin, character of his " City of God," 79. 82.— His mis
taken view of Plato's theology, 244.
Augustus revenges himself upon Neptune, 57. — His reign
assists the propagation of the Faith, 94.
Bacchus, by what represented, 211.
B.&rebistes, a leader of the Getae, 107.
Bellona offended at Christianity, 137.
Berecynthia, her profligate rites, 205, note.
Brehme, the Indian deity, what supposed to be? 269.
Brennus plunders Rome, 136.
Britain, its power connected with true religion, 1 74.
Brucker, his view of Plato's philosophy, 238. 246.
Burial, antient, solemnity of, 160.
Byzantium, by whom built and improved, 100.
Carthage, its destruction injurious to Rome, 98.
Cesar descended from iEneas, 125. — General viciousness and
tyranny of the Caesars, 96, 97.
Ceres, her rites, 205.
Chrysippus, the gods supposed to make use of his system of
logic, 368.
Cicero, his argument against Fate, 152. — His imitation of
Plato, concerning the uncertainty of a future world, 339,
341. note — Account of his treatise " De Finibus," 348. —
The uncertainty of his opinions, 349. — His description of "
the social principle, 406.
Claudian celebrates the defeat of the Goths, 115.
Claudius, why called Gothicus, 109.
Cluverius, his system concerning the Goths, 105.

INDEX. 437
Constantine conquers the Goths, 109.
Creation, proper doctrine of, not taught by Plato, 314.— nor
by any Pagan theology, 316.
Cybele much respected by the Romans, 127. — Unable to save
Troy, ib.
Cynics, their strange and affected dress, 415.
Daci, name of, to whom given, 1 03.
Demiurge, superior to other beings, 270. — Will not trouble
himself with the formation of man, or with his concerns, ib.
— Eternal life not within his gift, 281.
Demons, Platonic, their nature described, 275.
Dicaearchus writes against the immortality of the soul, 286.
Domitian, his pretended victories over the Daci, 108.
Egypt, what Plato learnt there, 247.
Epicurus adopts part of the doctrine of Democritus, 236. — ¦
His threefold philosophy, 349. — His numerous followers,
351. — Their character, 352. — His Summum Bonum is plea
sure, 354. — He associates the Virtues with it, 359. — Ridicule
of this by Cleanthes and Augustin, 361. — The account of
him by Laertius agrees with that of Cicero, 365. — Compared
with Xerxes, 430-
Eucherius, his intention to revive Paganism, 121.
Fabius, his cruelty at Tarentum, 139.
Fate, nature of, 145.
Fimbria overthrows the second Troy, 133.
¦ Fuscus, a repast for Dacian vultures, 108.
Germanicus, his death revenged upon the Pagan gods, 58.
Getab, situation qf, 102. — Whether the same with the Goths, ib.

438 INDEX.
Gods, their limited departments, 1 76.
Goths, origin of, 104.
Hermes', his doctrine concerning statues, 210. note.
Hermias, his ridicule of the Pagan doctrines concerning God
and the soul of man, 341. note.
Heraclitus, his philosophy improved by Plato, 234.
Herillus, in what he placed the Summum Bonum, 387.
Hierony-mus, in what he placed the- Summum Bonum, 387.
Huns, descend to the Danube, 110.
Janus, door-keeper to the gods, 1 78. note".
Jews, hostile to the propagation of Christianity, 18. 23. —
Lose their empire through the love' of idolatry, 1 70. — Reason
of their dispersion, 171.
Ilium, 131.
Image-worship, antient philosophy of, 210, 211.
Intolerance of Romans to Christians, 9.
Juno, her hatred to the Trojans, 126.— --Unable to save Car
thage, 129.— Her rites, 204.
Jupiter unable to save his own Crete,- 129.— The soul of the
world, 181.
Justin Martyr, his account of the persecution of the Chris
tians, 5, 6, 7, 8. — His attachment- to the Gospel, 28. — His
supposition concerning Plato, 249.
Lucan, his description of the people of Lesbos, 59. — His
eulogy on Pompeys soldiers, 1 62.
Marcellinus, his description of Roman manners, 78.
Marcellus, his cruelty at Syracuse, 139.
Minerva, her temple, 131. — Her image, 134.

index. <(* 439
Minucius Felix, his belief in tb,e .resurrection of the body,
166.
Mosheim, his reprehension of Plato, 239.
Nigidius, his experiment of the wbeel? 148.
Numa, simplicity of worship in his time, L68.
Ocellus Lucanus, his philosophy of the world, 227.
Oracle, Delphic, meaning of the address made to it by the
worshippers, 269.
Origen, vindicates the private meetings of Christians, 10.
Orosius, character of his history, 80.
Ovid, his manner of celebrating the circular philosophy, 335.
Paul, Saint, his description of the happiness promised by the
Gospel, 1 . — His labours and sufferings, 3, 4. — His happi
ness notwithstanding these, 24, 25.
Phebecydes, the earliest writer quoted by Cicero, in favour of
the immortality of the soul, 288.
Philosophy, the term of, by whom first used, 222.
Phurnutus, his opinion concerning Jupiter, 182.
Plato, his triple providence, 149. — Adopts certain doctrines
of Pythagoras, 220. — Travels in pursuit of knowledge, 234.
— His triple philosophy, 235. — His theology, 240. — His
uncertainty concerning his own doctrines, 336.
Pompey, the gods threatened for his defeat, 58.
Procopius, his account of the merciful acts of the Goths, 142.
Pruuentius refutes Symmachus, 72. — celebrates the defeat of
the Goths, 115.
Pythagoras, founder of the Italian school, 225.
Reformers of England, compared with the early martyrs, 35.

•440 % index.
Resurrection, antient belief in, 161.
Revelation, in what different from Paganism, 217.
Rhadagaisus defeated, 114. — An idolater, 121.
Rome, causes of its decay, 86. — Its provinces overrun by the
Barbarians, 100. — Cruelty of Romans in war, 138. — Their
early virtues, 173.
Ruffinus, guardian of Arcadius, 113.
Sallust, his false praise of the Romans, 137.
Salvian's view of Roman depravity, 99.
Seneca, his account of the superstitions of the Capitol, 201. —
His contradiction of his principles, 207.
Socrates, of the Ionic school, 228. — His account of his philo
sophical studies, 229. — 'The object of his doctrines, 233. —
An idolater, 273. — Refutes others, but teaches no system of
his own, 346. — Consequences of this, ib. and 347.
Soul, three degrees of, 212.— Whether body or not, 284. —
Plato's account of its immortality, 289. — Its pre-existence,
293. — Its situation in the body, 298. — What becomes of it
after death, 304. — Plato's doctrine of, self-contradictory or
impious, 333. — Higher doctrine of the Scriptures, 335.
Stilicho, guardian of Honorius, 113. •
Stoics, more learned than the Epicureans, 366. — Their skill
in logic, 367. — Their morals, 368. — The faults which ac
companied both, 369. — Character of their philosophy, 370,
371. — Their wise man, 384. — He may kill himself to shew
his wisdom, 385. — Then- dress, 417.
Sylla, his cruelty, 88.
Symmachus, his pleading for the restoration of idolatry, 48.
67.
Tatian proves Grecian knowledge to be later than the age of
Moses, 13, 14. 16. — His attachment to the Scriptures, 31.

index. 441
Tbrtullian upbraids the Romans for denying justice to the
Christians, 6. — His mention of the Lord's Supper, 10. —
His comparison of the Pagan gods with the mangled Chris
tians, 29. — Argues for the Resurrection, 166.
Thales, founder of the Ionic school, 223. — His principles, ib.
Theodosius, his clemency, faith, and valour, 92. — -Represses
the Goths, 112.
Theology, fabulous, 194.— Civil, 1 97.— Natural, 208.
Theophilus, his system of chronology against the Greeks, 15.
— His account of their persecuting temper, 17. — His disre
gard of suffering, 26.
Thrace assigned to the Goths, 111.
Timaeus, the Locrian, his system of the world, 181. 227.
Transmigration adopted by Plato from Pythagoras, 226.
Transubstantiation falsely inferred, 11.
Triumvirates founded in perfidy and blood, 90.
Valens defeated by the Goths, 112.
Varro, bis opinion of Jupiter, 187. — His system of theology,
190 — 194. — Submits to the worship which he despises, 207.
— Makes no mention of eternal life, 217. — A favourer of the
Old Academy, 348. — His inquiry concerning the nature of
man, 390. — His view of all possible sects, 409. — His reduc
tion of them to one, 428.
Victory, altar of, 67.
Virgil, his notion of Jupiter, 182.— The probable meaning of
his ivory gate, 340.
Ulysses, his wisdom in the choice of a second life, 305. note.
Xenophon, his compliment to the Persians, 162. — His account
of the opinions of Socrates, concerning philosophy, 231.
FINIS.

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