AN ESSAY TOWARDS THE" CONVERSION

LEARNED AND PHILOSOPHICAL

HINDUS

TO WHICH
THE PRIZE
OFFERED THROUGH THE LORD BISHOP OF CALCUTTA
HAS BEEN ADJUDGED
ioe tlje Sintbersttn of ©jforo :
WITH
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS FROM THE FATHERS,
AND OTHER SOURCES.

REV. JOHN BRANDE MORRIS, M.A.
FELLOW OF EXETER COLLEGE, OXFORD.

'H -n-lorig Sta roiv nio-0r)Tioi' bSevoao-a inroKtiirti ri]v
vivoKr]-i\tiv, 7rpoc Se. ra ii^/evSrj airtvO'et, ml tic rrjv akrjQeiav
Karafievei. — S. Clement, Strom, ii. § 13.

LONDON:
PRINTED FOR J. G. F. & J. RIVINGTON,
st. paul's church yard,
and waterloo place, pall mall.
1843.

LONDON :
GILBERT & RIVINGTON, PRINTERS,
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M

pd 53

|v\SS

RECTOR AND FELLOWS

EXETER COLLEGE, OXFORD,

THIS VOLUME

IS RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED,

AS A SMALL TOKEN OF GRATITUDE

FOR THE MANY BLESSINGS,

WHICH HAVE, IN THAT SOCIETY, BEEN ENJOYED

BY THE AUTHOR.

PREFACE.

k
As a dialogue almost of necessity precludes a sys
tematic treatment of the opinions with which it is
dealing, some synthetical account of the doctrines
of the Brahmans may appear to be a desideratum
in the present volume. It was, indeed, a part of
my original design to have attempted something of
the kind, until upon further thoughts I was induced
to abandon this attempt. The complicated nature
of the Indian systems prevents their being handled
cursorily ; and the translation of the Vishnu Pu-
rana, with the valuable notes attached to it, has
rendered them no longer inaccessible to those who
wish to see further into them. The references and
quotations, and glossary, which are found in this
volume, will, it is hoped, make it sufficiently in-

VI PREFACE.
telligible to the general reader, if only he be willing
to bestow a proper amount of thought upon subjects
unavoidably intricate.
As there are not wanting indications of the exist
ence of pantheistic tendencies in England as well
as elsewhere, the conflict here attempted to be
exhibited between a pantheistic system and the
Christian one may, perhaps, be not altogether use
less in this country. The reader will, however, re
member, that the book is designed chiefly for India.
To explain the Christian system where it clashes
with the Brahmanical, and to put together such
matter as might be useful to Indian Clergy in
dealing with heathens, have been my chief objects.
These objects are, it is hoped, in accordance with
the purposes for which the prize was offered, if the
whole of those purposes be inadequately met owing
to deficiencies upon my part.
The passages quoted are given, for the most part,
in the originals, as being more satisfactory to those
capable of forming a judgment upon the subjects
they treat of, than in a translation. Partial know
ledge or inadvertency, or strong prepossessions, may

PREFACE. Vii
make one misrepresent, in a translation, the sense
of the original; for which reason also it is more
satisfactory to the author, as well as the reader, to
give the originals.
Much else might have been expected to be found
here, which is purposely omitted. For instance,
there is no statement of what the Christian system
is, or how its evidences may be best studied, or how
far it may accommodate itself to heathen systems
by remoulding their existing rites ; all which, though
very important, cannot be done with conciseness, as
any one who has considered the subjects at all
patiently, will be fully aware. One reason for
omitting such subjects is, because there would evi
dently be a want of delicacy in treating of them
before heathens. Christianity must win upon men,
as Christ did, by veiling its majesty before it re
veals it. Men of retiring and devotional habits
must first attract that majesty to themselves, and
then it will draw to them others, upon whom an
ostentatious display of knowledge would not have
exercised any really beneficial influence.
The Notes and Illustrations (it should be re-
7

Vlll PREFACE.
marked) have been added since the Essay was sent
in ; the references only, and not the whole of them,
existed in the copy sent to the Examiners.
It would be wrong to conclude this preface with
out expressing my gratitude to friends, to whose
assistance I feel that I owe much ; and though one
is always bound to be fearful of making others seem
responsible for one's own errors, I cannot do else
than publicly acknowledge the very great obligations
this work is under to Professor Wilson, and to the
Rev. C. Marriott, of Oriel College.

Exeter College, June 20, 1843.

DIALOGUE I.
ON THE SOURCE OF REVEALED KNOWLEDGE.

Ott>"T
" May tbe Lord garnish the border of Japhet, and may his
sons be proselytes and dwell in the school of Shem." — Jon. Ben
Uzziel ad Gen. ix. 27.

AN

ESSAY ON THE CONVERSION,
8fc

DIALOGUE THE FIRST.
Laurence. I have long wished to talk over things
which have struck me in my travels, most excellent
Brahman, with some one versed in your literature.
Ra'dha'ka'nt. In what part has your excellency
been ?
Laur. In the North, among the hills of Cashmere,
and the mountains of the Himalaya, whence they say
that Gotama and other wise men of old came.
Rad. It is generally thought that it was by the
river Saraswati, in the Panjab, that the schools of the
learned seers of old were frequented, and the Saras-
wata tribe of Brahmans, even to this day, are in high
honour. Laur. And the source of the Saraswati is not so
far from the foot of the Himalaya mountains ; and
if the stream of wisdom could not flow through them,
it may have flowed along them, and sheltered itself
under them. It may be that, as I said, the country
of Cashmere was once the nurse of wisdom, where
b2

4 PRESUMPTIONS THAT INDIAN TEACHING
the gentleness of the climate, and the clearly visible
Surya, invited men to contemplation.
Rad. So it may have been. But what leads you
to say so ?
Laur. It seems that at an early period the wisdom
of your ancestors was renowned in the North, and
in the West(l); and that the systems of philosophy
in Persia were not native to that country, but came
into it from India. Now the North of India would
be more favourable to the transmission of knowledge
into these parts than any more southern part, so that
there may have been an early intercourse between
India and parts north of the Himalaya.
Rad. That is possible.
Laur. Do you suppose that the knowledge of
those ancient sages, who were masters even of the
Persians, was of their own discovering, or that they
had it from some other source ?
Rad. They are believed by all the schools, Mi-
mansa and Nyaya, Sankhya and Vedanta, to have
had it by inspiration from Iswara ; though he may
have employed different Munis as instruments in
transmitting that knowledge.
Laur. I see you are looking at things in a far
deeper light than I was contemplating at the time ;
though I know bow widely it was believed in the
East, that man cannot arrive at knowledge save by
assistance (2) from the higher powers : yet, at. the
time, I was thinking of the outward means, wliich
we see.

WENT NORTH OF THE HIMALAYAH. 5
Rad. Of old it was counted that the mind was
influenced by Iswara, and that the senses were not
needed in order to arrive at divine knowledge.
Laur. Yet surely it may, consistently with this,
be allowed, that Iswara did use the senses in con
veying divine knowledge to some, at least.
Rad. You make me afraid that I shall not learn
things from you that I wished to have learned, seeing
you cannot conceive inspiration to go on without the
senses: and the sage Vishnu-s'erma says (3), that
where there is a close union with the senses, there
ambrosia itself is poison.
Laur. I wish you not to misunderstand me. All
which I have said is, that to some, at least, divine
knowledge was conveyed not without the aid of the
senses. If, for instance, I were to read the Vedas,
or the Manava-dharma-sastra, and find in it traces of
divine wisdom, I should attain to the end of that
knowledge by my mind, though not without the aid
of one sense — that of seeing : my eyes would help
me. Rad. Yet still I think the wise men that were of
old got knowledge without the aid of the senses.
Laur. As we seem not to be able to agree upon
this, Radhakant, let us consider it. Mind is well
called Mahat, since it is the great thing in arriving
at knowledge ; yet surely the senses are of use also.
If we go by what we see around us in the case of
mortals now existing, you will assuredly allow that
this is clearly the case.

6 PRESUMPTIONS THAT INDIAN TEACHING
Rad. Certainly. Since on the Karma-mimansa the
commentator (4) well says that none of all the ways
of knowledge is sufficient without oial tradition ; and
this oral tradition may be either human, as is a just
sentiment, or divine, as is a text of the Vedas.
Laur. Then we are agreed as to the mode by
which existing human beings arrive at knowledge ;
namely, by something in which the senses are made
use of.
Rad. That is no difficulty for me to admit.
Laur. And if this be so, we allow of one of our
senses, that it is useful towards the acquisition of di
vine knowledge ; and this sense is that of hearing.
Now let us consider whether another of our senses is
not useful to us for the same end ; I mean the sense
of seeing.
Rad. Certainly it is. When the unregenerate sees
Surya in the lordliness of his might, his sight may
lead his mind on by degrees till he comes to under
stand how Brahma shines in the souls of devout
Dwijas. Laur. A great Western philosopher, Plato by
name, taught a doctrine much like that ; for he held,
as the Vedas teach (5), that what the sun and light are
for this visible world, the highest good and truth is
for the spiritual and invisible world ; but that the one,
which the eyes saw, would not be of any great use,
unless the sun, which the mind saw, shined also ; and
that (6) as the eyes might be closed, so the mind might
be blind, not seeing the sun for a season ; but that

WENT NORTH OF THE HIMALAYAH. 7
it was the two together, which enabled men to see.
And our books teach, that the things which are seen
helped men to understand the things which are not
seen. Rad. So indeed they taught as our sages taught !
Glory to Ganes'a, who in all the world teaches the
wise the same truths !
Laur. Now if this be so, — if, indeed, the outward
sun helps men to learn of the inward sun, it will
follow that either men immediately, and by them
selves, are led by the sight of the outward to think
of the inward, in which case the sense of sight
alone is employed : or else, that there was some
widely spread tradition, which induced men to hold
that the outward sun was meant to be a semblance
of the inward sun, and that the sight of this outward
sun served only to keep the memory alive to a know
ledge of the inward sun ; and knowledge, in this
case, would be conveyed to the mind by another
sense — viz. by that of hearing ; still it would be con
veyed by the sense. Mortals such as we know of,
do not come to divine knowledge without the senses,
so far as this instance will go. And I think, Radha-
kant, that I can give further reason for thinking that
this knowledge of a sun of wisdom in the world un
seen did come by this last means to be spread over
the world.
Rad. How is that ?
Laur. Plato, the philosopher of whom I spoke,
was a Greek ; and not being so bigotted as most of
7

8 FURTHER PROOF FROM THE
his nation, tells the Greeks plainly (7) that they were
mere children in knowledge. Now he is himself
generally believed to have picked up sundry frag
ments of knowledge which came from the East, in
the course of his travels ; and he lived long after the
Vedas were written down by Vyasa. So that it is
not unlikely that this doctrine of a sun of wisdom
had spread by that time far enough for him to have
heard of it. Hence, from whatever source the Vedas
derived it, he may have heard it in some nation,
which had it from them (as in Persia, for instance) ;
in which case the sense of hearing would have been
made use of to convey this important piece of know
ledge, concerning the unseen world, into the West ;
and the sense of sight to have it kept in memory
amongst the Greeks, whom he so justly and humbly
calls mere children in true philosophy.
Rad. But are there any other instances in which
there is a similarity between our philosophy and his.
Laur. Yes ; several. The doctrine of metempsy
chosis doubtless came to them from your fathers,
though not immediately; and although I am now
bent on more serious conversation with you, I may
state, in a general way, that there seems to be a large
number of points in which they derived their doc
trine from India. Things are scattered up and down
in their poets and philosophers, which leave a strong
impression upon the mind, when once one knows a
little of the Indian doctrines, that the Yavanas of
those parts were a most uninventive nation, who

DOCTRINE OF METEMPSYCHOSIS. 9
treasured up fragments of barbarian philosophy, and
were indebted to foreigners for all they knew of the
things of the unseen world. This, at least, is what
early Christian writers always considered ; and one
great reason why I think so is, because when one
knows more of your systems, particular things can
be accounted for in theirs; and the drift and bearing
of them can be cleared up. But supposing this were
only a fancy, it would serve to illustrate the subject
in hand ; which is, to show how the knowledge of
unseen things is conveyed by hearing. " Faith is the
evidence of things not seen," according to our books ;
and "faith," they also say, "comes by hearing." From
which I argue, that the Lord does make use of the
senses in conveying His revelations to man, whatever
other means He uses in conjunction with them.
Rad. You mean to say, He uses them in trans
mitting the revelations to others, after they have been
once made.
Laur. Well : state it so if you think fit. So far
as the question is concerned, as to whether the senses
are used in conveying divine knowledge, it comes to
the same thing whichever way you state it. Since
what I would show you is, that as matter of fact, so
far as experience (whether recorded by history or by
our own memory) will lead us, the senses are made
use of in conveying religious knowledge. Such
knowledge, when first transmitted to any nation, is
as new and as important to that nation as though it
were fresh revelation. And I am not at all denying,

10 USE OF THE SENSES IN
that in order to such a transmission being effectual,
an influence of the divine Prasada on the minds of
men, cotemporaneous with the influence of the
things transmitted to the senses, is absolutely neces
sary. What I am here asserting is, that in all cases
to which actual experience reaches, the latter (viz.
the external influence of the senses,) has been used,
whatever other invisible means were employed at the
same time. And if this be the case in all instances
coming under our experience, it begets a presumption
that it was the case with instances not under our ex
perience, which presumption we ought to be guided
by, until we have some other presumption stronger
than it, and better evidenced, to oppose to it.
Rad. Would you, then, have me give up as false,
the idea that any truth is revealed immediately from
Brahma, and yet assert for yourself that the law of
Moses, for instance, came by immediate revelation ?
Laur. That shall be discussed by and by : at
present I wish to explain further the meaning of
what I have said, lest it should leave in your mind
a wrong impression as to the amount of influence I
intended to ascribe to the senses in the transmission
of religious truth. And by the transmission of it, I
mean here the conveyance of it to one being from
another, whether this being be man or God. And I
was disposed to assert, that we do not know of any
revelation directly from Him in that sense and
manner, that the use of external means operating
on the senses is discarded altogether. At some

CONVEYING DIVINE TRUTH. 11
period or other during the existence of a man to
whom revelations have been made, he has been
formed and trained for it by such external means,
whether precisely at the same time or not.
Rad. At some period of their existence ! Then
do you allow that there have been different periods
during which the same soul has animated different
bodies ?
Laur. No. I was using the word period in a
different way, to apply to the earlier stage of a man's
present life ; but you have suggested what will serve
me as an illustration of what I was about to tell you.
Observe only, that it is but as an illustration that I
use it. If I do not err, your Pandits thought that
the seeds of all knowledge were planted in us during
a state of pre-existence.
Rad. Yes ; and it is impossible to prove that they
were not.
Laur. It is equally impossible to prove that they
were. I grant that some philosophers (8) in the
West may have thought that they could prove that
there had been such states of pre-existence. And
it does not seem incredible that the present system
of the world should possibly be the consequence of
somewhat past, of which we are totally ignorant (9).
But to assert that our souls existed in that system,
or those systems, which preceded and possibly gave
rise to the present system, is quite another matter,
and one not nearly so probable. And therefore, if in
stead of first imagining a theory, such as to account for

12 ITS AMOUNT defined.
our present knowledge, and then asserting that such
a theory is true, because either it does account for it,
or we think it does, if instead of this, we confine
ourselves to that small portion of our existence, with
which we are actually acquainted (10) by experience,
we shall find that even assuming the existence of
those seeds of knowledge to be ever so clearly de
monstrated, still they are not made available to us
without the use of the senses.
Rad. That would seem true enough in regard to
common knowledge ; but I was thinking of extraor
dinary information, such as Brahma gave to Vyasa,
Manu, and Valmiki.
Laur. And what I wished to understand was,
whether we had any absolutely certain information
that he did dispense wholly with the senses, in so
enlightening them, or at least in forming them to be
fit vehicles for such information. And as I had been
informed that the Vedas were of too ancient a date
for us to know anything certain about the mode in
which they were given to the sage Vyasa; and as,
moreover, I am told that Vyasa, however divinely
guided in the work, was yet but the compiler and
arranger of existing revelations, and the Vedas them
selves appeal to the ancients before them (11), it
seemed, that as we had no certain knowledge as to
the mode of their formation, we must argue from
what we know, as Gotama allows we may, to what .
we do not know. In the conveyance, then, of re
ligious knowledge in that part of the government of

ITS AMOUNT DEFINED. 13
Iswara with which experience makes us acquainted,
we find that the senses are made use of; the pre
sumption therefore is, that they were used in the
conveyance of it, in the earlier stages of his govern
ment, which we are acquainted with, not by ex
perience, but by tradition only. And this tradition,
so far from being opposed to that presumption, con
firms it ; for the arranging of actually existing reve
lations implies that the arranger had heard or seen
them — i. e. that he received them through the me
dium of the senses from something earlier?
Rad. This seems a strange view for a believer in
revelation to take. Explain to me further, whether
you think all revealed knowledge comes by the
senses ?
Laur. I fear you are altogether mistaking the
drift of my remarks. I do not at all deny the abso
lute necessity of an inward and invisible grace work
ing along with an outward and visible, or audible
means. All that I insist upon is, that so far as we
know, the senses are necessary to the attainment of
divine knowledge. I do not say that at any given
time the outward and inward means must necessarily
co-exist, or otherwise no revelation can take place ;
but what I say is this, that so far as I know, no man
ever existed, to whom revelations were made, who
was not fitted for the reception of them during some
period of his existence, by means of information con
veyed through the senses (12). And I do think it a
thing of the most immense importance to keep very

14 ANALOGY FROM DISCOVERIES IN THE
distinctly before us the very great use which Iswara
makes of the senses, in conveying all knowledge to
us, however shallow and unsatisfactory it be to assert
that they are the only means.
Rad. I cannot altogether take in what you mean.
Our sages have mostly taught that the objects of
our senses are unreal, and mere semblance.
Laur. However, they also teach that the Brahma-
chari must hear the instructions of his Guru ; so that
whatever theory you hold about the senses, he cannot
go one step towards the fourth degree without the
use of the senses. But suppose we descend awhile
from sacred knowledge, and see whether the instances
of ordinary knowledge will not serve to make what
I mean much plainer. Are there not, then, sundry
arts which render life more comfortable to us ?
Rad. Certainly.
Laur. And when we look at these arts we find
that improvements have taken place in them, in the
course of time. But the steps in them already made
are something outward and visible, and the skill which
avails itself of these existing inventions is something
internal. And the existing inventions often lie hid,
for a long time, until some clever person lays hold of
them, and turns them to account. Crude inventions
are like the actions of a hero unsung by the poet ;
but when the bard comes to them, then they become
glorious, and useful to mortals. Still, had the actions
not been wrought, the strain might never have en
tered the mind of the bard. And when we look to

NATURAL GOVERNMENT OF GOD. 15
the first inventors of these arts, we find they were
beholden to outward and visible things ; yet we do
not deny them to be inspired, or guided by heaven
in their inventions, because we assert that they were
assisted by outward things. Whoever among you
imagined that Nareda was not guided by Brahma in
the invention of the Vina, because the gourd and
other objects of sense were necessary in order to that
invention ? Those objects of sense could not alone
put it into his mind, though they were necessary in
order to his achieving the invention. And possibly
it was not the eye only seeing the gourd, but the ear
also hearing the wind blowing where it listeth, which
suggested it to his mind. So that to assert the use
of the senses is not to deny the absolute necessity
of something more than the senses — as this instance
will show, whether you consider this to be a case of
common or of sacred knowledge.
Rad. In what you say of wind blowing where it
listeth, you imply that the wind has a will, and so
may have spoken (so to call it) to Nareda.
Laur. That you may call it if you please ; but you
still imply the uses of senses intervening. And let
me just mention here how, in saying that the wind
has a will, I did so purposely, because it seems to
fall in with your way of thought to represent it so.
Even if I thought such a representation of no im
portance whatever myself, I hope you will see how
proper it is for me to try to enter into your ways of
thinking, and to notice things which tally with them

16 ANALOGY from discoveries IN THE
in the Christian system, though perhaps not much
insisted on by that system. Things seem to have
been inserted in that revelation which should accom
modate themselves to the different ways of thinking
which different minds have, so that it becomes " all
things to all men," in those points which are not
fundamental. And I mention this here, that we may
not digress over-much to things foreign to the sub
jects, concerning which I hope we may go on con
versing. What I wished you then to allow was, that
in arts of life, discoveries, or revelations (call them
which you please), do not go on without the aid of
sense. Rad. Now I see, that so far you are not asserting
sense to be the originator of all knowledge.
Laur. So far from asserting that, you see that the
view I take even of the common arts is, that no im
provement goes on, even in them, without the aid of
something internal, above and beyond the senses,
although things beneath the senses are used in order
to arriving at such improvements. So that I agree
thus far with your sages in representing even these
as the fruits of inspiration.
Rad. You would have me, then, conclude that a
belief in the agency of an invisible Being is not
subverted by your view of the importance of the
senses ; but that a closer examination of things which
seemingly are the mere product of sense, at first
sight, shows that even there sense will not account
for the whole of the discovery.

NATURAL GOVERNMENT OF GOD. 17
Laur. You quite comprehend my meaning now.
Let us take another supposition, about the discoveries
in the arts, which make our present life happier — a
supposition such, that it shall bring us back to those
discoveries of the Divine Will which make our future
life also happier. The arts, then, seem to have
existed in different degrees of perfection in different
nations. E. g. musical instruments (13) were mostly
invented in Asia, and retained Asiatic names, even
after they had passed into Europe. And supposing we
could find out the country in which they were first
invented, then we should bestow the honour of the
invention on some person of that country. Whatever
improvements are made (14), still the first beginnings
are the most difficult, and so claim the highest praise.
And on the other hand, in other cases, so far from
improvements being made, we might find that the
instruments have been spoiled, in that people have
discarded parts of them (15) which they did not see
the use of, or that they have forgotten some things
which called into action some powers of the instru
ment ; or we might find that they had asserted that
men were the inventors of instruments who only
brought them over from some other country, or that
they seemed to have been forgotten ( 1 6) and invented
over and over again, with such and such modifications.
In all these cases we should measure out praise or
blame, according as they had been improved or in
jured by different nations ; and yet we should say
that the first nation who invented them was to be
c

18 ANALOGY FROM THE DIFFUSION
most honoured, wherever that nation dwelt ; and we
should think the least of those who had lost all notion
of the skill it required to invent them, and spoiled
them by their own listlessness. And see, Radhakant,
how in all this I keep to one sense — the sense of
hearing ; which is the one chiefly concerned in all
musical matters, as well as in the transmission of
sacred truth.
Rad. But is not the same true of sight likewise ?
Laur. Some men have thought so in regard to
one other most useful invention, which has tended to
fix down, and give a visible and permanent form to
what existed first in sound only. I mean the in
vention of letters. For as all the letters of the dif
ferent parts of India may be traced to the Devan
agari, so some one has thought that the letters of the
whole world may be shown to have in them affinities
and similarities (17), when you arrive at the inter
vening links which explain how one came from
another ; and although I only know of one nation (18)
who have any record, that can be depended upon, of
the invention of its alphabet, even that nation had
one or two alphabets to build upon ; so that I cannot
say anyway more o'f this outward form into which
things conveyed by hearing have thrown them
selves, than of the songs and instruments yielding
divers sounds, that they were ever invented entirely
and throughout without some foundation to begin
upon (19). And I hold, that as this was the case in
common knowledge of sundry kinds, so was it the

OF DIFFERENT ALPHABETS. 19
case also in revealed knowledge. One nation kept
it up more purely than the rest ; still all drew from
one original tradition, and when this tradition ceased
to be oral, and came to be written, then according
as each nation had been faithful to the original tra
dition, its written documents tallied with the written
document of the nation, which in sacred things holds
the place that our inventor of music does in common
things. And the nation which had most faithfully
kept up the oral tradition had also fresh written tra
dition given to it. And (20) the writers of this fresh
revelation were not taught it all at once, without any
previous knowledge of the existing discoveries of the
Divine will, but after it. And though the Western
nations were so miserably off that they had (21) no
Scriptures at all to look up to, yet this was not the
case in the East, e. g. in China or India, where the
old oral tradition was early committed to writing ;
was reverenced by all the virtuous, and guarded by
an order of men believed to have been divinely set
apart for that purpose.
Rad. Then you would have me believe that the
Vedas came from oral tradition, and were not re
vealed to Vyasa?
Laur. Is not the common name of S'ruti a proof
that they came by hearing, from some other quarter,
whatever difficulty may exist as to the precise mean
ing of the term ? For Sankara says (22) that he who
knows the Vedas, does not set about any arbitrary
interpretation of them, but has recourse to his Guru,
c2

20 EVIDENCE THAT THE VEDAS
who knows the eternal and true Purusha, and hath
him in his mind. Yet, as the Mundaka Upanishad
teaches, he learned it from some other ; and the Chan-
dogya Upanishad says that if there were no speech,
then it would be impossible to distinguish right from
wrong, truth and falsehood, good and evil, friend and
foe. Speech, it says, makes the Rich and other Ve
das to be known (23). The most ancient account
seems, then, to be, that they were received from tra
dition, and so that they were not born by the river
Saraswati, but came from some other quarter. As
far as any tradition about them goes, they came from
the north of India, not from the south : they came,
therefore, from that part of India which is nearest to
that in which, as our sacred books tell us, the human
race was first dispersed abroad.
Rad. You have told me that you think the Vedas
were the offspring of collected traditions, and that
those traditions came from some country further off,
and that in this last country the human race first
took its rise. But you have not said how far you
think they kept up that tradition in a pure form.
When you spoke ofthe musical instruments travelling
from one nation to another, you remind me of the
Chhandas, which is necessary in order to the right
reading of the Vedas ; but you at the same time
also suggested, that as in regard to musical instru
ments (24), so in regard to sacred truth, some nations
through want of right discernment, perverted it.
Now how far have the sacred music of the Vedas,

DREW FROM PRIMEVAL TRADITION. 21
their accents, and their singing, kept the doctrine
also pure ?
Laur. That, Radhakant, is a very wide question,
and one which cannot be easily answered ; yet I will
attempt such an answer as may be in my power. My
belief that Vyasa and others received the sacred
learning by the sense of hearing, be it remembered,
does not imply that I deny that there was some gift
of a supernatural kind likewise necessary, in order to
lead him to arrange them as he did, or to give him
guidance in retaining this or dropping that, so as to
make the book serve the ends for which it was de
signed. Now if you wish to know of what precise
kind this supernatural power was, I will tell you what
an ancient tradition reports concerning it. After a
time men on earth grew wicked, and a flood was sent
to punish them ; only a few were saved, and they
all spoke one language, but as they availed themselves
of this for unholy purposes, they lost this oneness of
speech ; and though a slight resemblance is traceable
in languages of the most remote nations, still they
were all divided ; and the tradition says it was into
seventy-two different nations, according to the num
ber of the angels of God. Thus, besides the outward
and visible governors of nations, there were certain
angels set over them (25). Hence there was a prince
of Persia, and a prince of Tyre, and a prince of the
Jewish people, among these angels. And according
as the angels were mighty or not, they obtained
blessings for their nations. Thus the Jews received

22 EVIDENCE THAT THE VEDAS
the Law by the disposition of angels, and so other
nations may, according to this tradition, have Tetained
different amounts of true doctrine. And wherever
we find true doctrine to have been kept up, there we
may suppose an angel to have interfered, and to have
been the messenger of true knowledge.
Rad. But what are these angels ?
Laur. They are ministering spirits who wait upon
the most high God to execute his commands.
Rad. And do you really believe that the Vedas
were inspired by one of them, in so far as the in
visible and unseen part of the revelation is con
cerned ?
Laur. I only said it might have been, that so far
as they kept up the truth, a good angel interfered in
order to secure to them that amount of truth which
they have preserved. But it will be more important
for us to consider the external than the internal
means of the revelation. We have already made
some advances towards showing that the ancient doc
trines of your countrymen came from the country of
Cashmere, and so probably from some country still
further off, which was nearer to the primitive seat of
the ancient tradition. And how long your countrymen
kept up a communication with this source of primi
tive tradition I will not venture to determine ; though
the fact that there is no mention of incarnations in
the Vedas, may be perhaps taken to look as if they
had had communication with the old centre of tra
ditions mediately, or immediately after Vyasa's time.

DREW FROM PRIMEVAL TRADITION. 23
I know, indeed, that the doctrine of incarnations (26)
was once widely spread over the world (27), east and
west ; but I believe it came from primitive tradition
to you, not through the Chinese (28), who preserved
it very faithfully, but through some other source.
Rad. But how can you prove the existence of such
primitive tradition at all ; or how, if proved, can you
show that you do not, by proving it, subvert at once the
high claims to inspiration which you assert for Moses?
Laur. To you, who do not believe in Moses'
writings, I may not be able to make out the existence
of such early tradition to be more than an hypothesis
which will clear up some difficulties ; while to myself,
who believe his writings and our other Scriptures to
be infallibly true, the proofs for it are more than those
of a mere hypothetical kind. With the latter proofs,
then, at present, I have nothing to do, but the former
only ; and with regard to your supposition (that by
proving that hypothesis to be true I am destroying
the claims asserted to Moses as an inspired writer),
I think you are mistaken there. For even supposing
the whole amount of Moses' writings to have existed
in tradition antecedently to their existence in writing
(a supposition which I by no means contend for),
still there would be room enough for inspiration to
guide him in selection, juxta-position, order, lan
guage, and many other points. But I merely assert
thus much — that there existed a patriarchal tradition,
from which Moses in part drew; that in such tra
dition he was instructed by one of his senses (viz.

24 INSTANCES IN ILLUSTRATION
hearing), and that there is proof for the existence of
such a tradition. But besides all this, it may be ob
served, that although we have no right to expect that
things necessary to our eternal happiness shall be put
before us in the way of authoritative command, yet
such authoritative command, when given us, does not
necessarily increase in amount, though it materially
increases in obligation the rules, precepts (29), doc
trines, and facts, already existing in tradition.
Rad. But may I ask for some sketch of the proof
of this tradition having existed ; such as may point
out what things I ought to examine into further,
provided I wish to feel more convinced about it.
Laur. The kind of proof may be suggested to you
by the remarks already made upon Plato's system, as
appearing to agree wonderfully with the Indian sys
tem, in several points. The agreement, I will assume,
is such as to force it upon my mind that your philo
sophy and his were drawn from a common source.
For after all points of disagreement are dropped, we
find many fundamental points in which the two agree;
and from that agreement we are led to conclude that
both may be traced to one common source. And
this would strike us to be so, whatever difficulty we
might have in establishing the connecting links, and
would hold good even if the doctrines were false.
Their truth or falsehood does not affect the proof of
their common origin. And this would force itself
upon our belief more as we saw that the points of
agreement were points which belonged to a system

OF SUCH AN ACCOUNT OF THEM. 25
common to both, and are not isolated truths, such as
the experience of all nations would arrive at without
intercommunion, and embody in the form of wise
sayings, and proverbs, unconnected with each other.
Now I think that there are certain points in which
the books of Moses agree with the Vedas and Manu,
as also with those of other countries, and I should
argue from that that they drew from a common source.
The differences between them do but make this more
credible, inasmuch as they show (what, upon the prin
ciples already discussed, we might be led from the
analogy of the discoveries in arts and sciences to ex
pect,) that in regard to the discovery of the will of
Heaven on religious matters, there would be a certain
basis alike in all nations which had access to the first
discovery, though improved or impaired by subse
quent modifications. Now the old Chinese books, as
well as the oldest Indian books, agree with the books
of Moses in declaring that there is but one God ;
I infer then that this belief was handed down (30)
by primitive tradition to all nations, and that those
nations who lost this tradition forgot God. But that
which is forgotten, was once known. And if we
look to the Egyptians (31), the very ancient people
in whose wisdom Moses was learned, we shall find
that there are strong traces of this belief having
existed amongst them.
Rad. But if Moses was learned in their wisdom,
how can it be proved that they were not the source
from whence he drew his knowledge ? I have heard

26 MOSES' LAW GROUNDED IN PART
somewhat of the Egyptians from the Mohammedans,
and thought also that they had been great enemies
of all true doctrines, according to your views.
Laur. Not probably in ancient times; and we
hold that whatever Moses may have learnt among
them, it was Joseph, who originally taught the ancient
wise men (32) of Egypt all true wisdom ; so that in
this case truth came from out of the Jews to other
nations (33) : and all the early apologists for the
Christian religion are of one opinion upon this point,
as to much of the information gained by the Greeks
at a subsequent period upon religious subjects (34).
And my belief is, that the same line of tradition which
was kept up by prophets (35) since the world began,
and finally subsided, so to say, into writing among the
Jewish people, was the original stock out of which
all others drew. I have given you some evidence
for it as far as regards one nation, the people of
Egypt, and trust to give you some proof also that it
was the case with other nations.
Rad. I see plainly that hitherto you have only
shown that Moses may have been helped in his
knowledge of sacred things by an existing tradition
from the earliest time ; so that if* he and Vyasa were
both arrangers of existing traditions, and if their in
spiration was displayed in the sorting and arranging
those traditions, and adapting them to their respective
nations, the question will be how we are to discover
which nation has kept up the greatest amount of the
old tradition ; which, in fact, is tbe truest represent-

ON PRIMEVAL TRADITION. 27
ative of the ancient system of religion, once (accord
ing to you) the property of all the kindreds of the
earth. Relate to me, then, what proofs you have to
offer in favour of the tradition of Moses above that
of others.
Laur. I wish first to caution you against thinking
that I hold that the whole of Moses' inspiration lay
in selecting out of existing tradition (36). That I
never taught nor intended ; still I think that what we
have first to dwell upon, is such parts of his system
as appear to have been the re-sanctioning of existing
tradition. If by taking this part alone of Moses'
system, I can succeed in showing that it bears marks
of being the truer revelation, then any argument
drawn from the character and dignity of the other,
and distinctive portions of it, will come in afterwards
as corroborative of the former evidence in its favour.
And observe how the fact that there are a great many
conflicting revelations in the world, of which such
parts only can be true as agree with the truth once
known (37), shows that something more than the
mere sense of hearing is requisite to secure the trans
mission of the truth. Let us, then — feeling sure that
however God may choose, in transmitting the true re
velation, to make use of the senses to humble man's
spiritual pride, still He accompanies them with inward
operations at the same time ; — let us proceed to con
sider the amount of external resemblance between
your law and that of Moses. As the two are not
likely to have drawn from each other, considering the

28 EXTERNAL COINCIDENCES BETWEEN
early date and distance of countries, and other points
which might be mentioned, I am now going to con
sider them as far as they are both drawn (38) from
some earlier tradition, and then to examine what
likelihood there is that the law of Moses preserves
that tradition purer than the law of Manu does.
And even if no likelihood can be drawn from any
thing observable in the points of similarity, still there
will be found other things in which we can discern
evidence in favour of the laws of Moses.
Rad. But how are we to arrive at the standard of
primitive tradition, in order to compare it with the
laws of Manu and those of Moses ?
Laur. We of course think it exists in the earlier
history of the world, as related by Moses. But for
the present I will merely assume that to be true in
which they agree. Thus, for instance, the First Book
of Moses teaches that at the time of the Flood there
existed a distinction between clean and unclean ani
mals : the law of Moses and the law of Manu both keep
up such a distinction ; and in some cases the animals
are the same which are classed as clean and unclean.
But as in the one law, so in the other, there is no
palpably evident reason why some animals should be
assigned to the class to which they are assigned ;
which in itself, and taken alone, would lead one to
think that they so far both kept up faithfully an old
tradition, the reasons for which had been lost. For
as both codes show marks of thoughtfulness and de
sign, to set aside such distinctions peremptorily, and

THE LAWS OF MOSES, AND OF MANU. 29
at once, as absurd, is evident unfairness and self-
conceit. Indeed, the whole subject of this distinction
between clean and unclean animals evidently runs
up into something mysterious, and cannot be reflected
on with any degree of seriousness, without at once
leading us to feel our ignorance upon the subject,
and inclining us to think that a belief so widely
spread took its origin in something unknown to us,
traditions of which have been perpetuated throughout
the whole world. Thus, considering the fidelity of
dogs, one does not see at once why they should be
the animal selected to express contempt by every
nation upon the earth ; yet this view of the animal
falls in with the language of our Scriptures con
cerning it, which use it every where as a term of
disparagement, and class it amongst the unclean ani
mals. However, to take another instance in which
the law of Moses coincides with yours (39), gentle
ness to animals is prescribed with great minuteness
in Moses' law, as well as in yours ; which, considering
men's proneness to act arbitrarily towards all crea
tures in their power, seems to be also a remnant of
ancient tradition, and belongs to a time when the
destruction of living creatures for food was forbidden.
And this, be it observed, was a doctrine which was
circulated in the West also (40). But as the Maker
of the world is the Lord and Proprietor of it, of
course He has a right to order a man to take away
the life of another man, if it shall seem good to Him
so to do ; and much more to put the life of brute

30 EXTERNAL COINCIDENCES BETWEEN
creatures into the power of man. The exceptions,
then, to the Ahinsa in both codes, whether for sacri
fice or for other purposes, appear to be further marks
of a tradition widely spread. For to deny men's
right to kill living creatures for proper purposes is
heretical with you, and with us too. Yet as heresy
mostly originates in men setting up their own judg
ment against what is revealed (4 1 ), so it does not
seem that men would ever have come to assert their
right to take away the life of other creatures ; but
from a revelation handed on from father to son. The
coincidence, however, of the law of Moses with that
of Manu, in this respect, would not be anything
remarkable, were it not for their coincidence in the
two former points. Further, as the two codes ac
knowledge a distinction between different brute
creatures, so do they also between classes of men.
There is in both a distinct class to which the priest
hood is attached : in both, this priesthood is to have
no possessions, but to live by the alms of the pious,
and to make religion their portion ; to offer sacrifices
for the other tribes, and teach the sacred books ; and
to decide about difficult cases in regard to pollutions,
the kind of atonement necessary, the mode of dealing
with heretics, and the like. And besides, the whole
view of pollutions as conveyed from matter (42),
especially from persons with a flux of any kind, from
dead bodies, the cautions against seeing ordure, and
the discrimination of the fitness or unfitness of things
for sacrifice (43) ; the obligation of men confessing

THE LAWS OF MOSES, AND OF MANU. 31
to the priest wherein they were polluted, are all
points of resemblance too striking to be passed over.
The use of water, too, in purifications, and of bathing
a prescribed number of times, the duty of kindness
to the ox in particular, the forbidding the priests to
marry in any other class, and other points, are evi
dence, when taken together, that the two lawgivers
had before them some older tradition, from out of
which both drew what they deemed expedient. It
may be, that after all the resemblance is only external,
like the haggard looks which belong to the ascetic as
well as to the man of enjoyment, between which
casual observers cannot discriminate ; still, all these
peculiarities, even if merely external, are something
very remarkable. And to this may be added, that
there was an ancient tradition with you, that in the
Satyakalpa there was no distinction of classes. Now,
according to this, the setting apart of Brahmans for
the priesthood would tally with what is told us by
Moses of the choosing of the family of Shem to be
the priestly race for the whole world ; for so great
ethnographers have thought him to mean. And this
sanctifying of his family was not till after the Flood.
•So that if the Satyakalpa be at all supposed to re
present the period before the Flood, this account
would tally pretty well with that of Moses. But I
think, Radhakant, I have said enough to show you
how there are many points of resemblance, externally
at least, between the two codes, which look as if both
had drawn from one common source. And you will
7

32 THE BOOKS OF MOSES EXPLAIN
have remarked how the books of Moses mention
some things which seem to clear up difficulties in
your law, to explain, for instance, how sacrifice and
Ahinsa are consistent. For the order of nature is
the order of things which God has appointed : now
it is not conformable to the order of nature for a
reasonable being to cut short the life of another, with
the whole capacities and destinies of which revelation
alone can make him acquainted. But the permission
given by the Author of nature, who is acquainted
fully with their capacities and destinies, to destroy
living creatures, accounts for the seeming violation
of what is natural, and that permission is circumstan
tially recorded by Moses, which accounts for the
fact (44) that it is considered allowable to destroy
them. For it is heretics only who are for shutting
up things where the Lord has left them open. To
all these points of resemblance must be added two
very remarkable ones besides, which are these : — the
Vedas and the Manava-dharma-Sastra, both recoj>-
nize one self-existing eternal God as the first cause
of all (45), the Maker of the universe, which doc
trine agrees externally at least with that of Moses,
both in character and in the position it holds at the
beginning of the codes ; and besides this, it appears
that from the time of the Deluge, if not from an
earlier period, one family was set aside to be the es
pecial minister of God — the family of Shem (46).
And as the Brahmans (47) appear to have been at
first a colony of priests in the holy land of Brahma-

DIFFICULTIES IN HEATHEN SYSTEMS. 33
varta (48), some learned men have thought them
to be of this very tribe of Shem, who was held to be
the father of all the priestly tribes of the whole
earth (49). At all events these which have occurred
to me must, I think, be allowed to be proofs of a
similarity so striking, as to lead one to assume that
both drew from one common original tradition, which
existed, long before letters were invented.
Rad. You have shown me now how the laws of
Moses, and those of Manu, by coinciding, presume
the existence of some tradition, whence both drew,
passing in our case through the Vedas as a prelimi
nary step ; which Vedas are, I am told, about as old
as the writings of Moses. But what particular evi
dence there is for supposing the law of Moses pre
served the truer tradition, you have not yet set be
fore me.
Laur. Before I proceed to show you this, I will
first ask you whether you have any strong objection
in your mind, which would prejudice you against be
lieving that the law of Moses is divine ?
Rad. There is, Laurence, one thing which, in my
mind, is an insurmountable difficulty against it, and
which I do not believe can be got over.
Laur. Pray tell me it ; for I am so convinced of
its divine origin, that I will at least endeavour to
get over it.
Rad. It is, that there is said to be no appearance
whatever of a belief in a future state, the denial of
which Manu makes to be a sign of the quality of
D

34 ITS SEEMING NEGLECT OF A FUTURE STATE
darkness (50). And all our old books insist very
much on this belief as being, what it manifestly is,
essential to morality And I believe it to be a mark
of an ancient system that it does insist, and of a later
one that it does not insist, upon this doctrine.
Laur. I think, Radakhant, that I have much
reason to be glad that you have mentioned this ob
jection so plainly, because it will give me an oppor
tunity of discoursing with you upon two points, one
of which will furnish a general solution to your
question ; the other may be called more properly the
answer to it. And I will take them in this order,
though I know that at first sight I shall seem to be
eluding the difficulty, instead of meeting it. And
the reason why I do so is, because it will clear our
way in case we see fit to continue our conversation
together. Rad. I see that you are using an artifice to keep
me longer talking with you, and am glad that you
seem to imply, by your wish to interest and detain
me, that you think me teachable.
Laur. Kindly said, my son. However, to go to
the point to which I wish to direct your attention.
If the Books of Moses are the revealed will of God,
or were assumed to be so, then no objection what
ever, drawn from any omission of the kind you spe
cify, would be of weight against them. For in case
they are His revelation, then we are quite ignorant
what particular things ought, or ought not, to be in
a revelation ; what degree of clearness in setting

NO PRESUMPTION AGAINST THE LAW. 35
them forth was to be expected, what difficulties
would be contained in it, what would be cleared up
by it, and how far its meaning would be clear from
the first, or be gradually developed by subsequent
means. And there is a particular reason for this to
us, who both believe the world to be made and
governed by God; who gave what we respectively
believe to be revelations. For in this world which
we see about us, there are as many difficulties as in
the revealed system, which we believe but do not
see ; although, when we are familiarised with them,
we do not notice them, in most cases (5 1 ). Now we
expect that in. this world experience will clear up
difficulties of many kinds, which expectation is par
tially fulfilled, and only partially. Many and great
objections, which seem to lie against the declarations
of the wise as to the best rule of conduct in this
portion of our existence, though not to be removed
or answered, seem quite overbalanced by reasons on
the other side. Men are left in far greater uncer
tainty, indeed, as to their rule of conduct (52), than
the brute beasts are, and have to arrive by degrees
at that discrimination (53) which seems to exist from
the first in these creatures. Hence, if this be the
case in natural knowledge, it may be also in regard
to our spiritual knowledge. The means by which
He who is the source of all knowledge guides us to
one and the other have many parallels. That the
sending or not sending a reasonable soul into a state
of probation depends in many, and possibly the
d2

36 ANALOGY FROM DIFFICULTIES IN THE
largest number of instances, upon mere lust ; the use
and enjoyment of his highest faculties is often taken
away from him by the bite of a brute beast, itself in
a state of wildness and madness, are facts which,
a priori, would have been highly incredible. And
so many things of the kind might be brought to
gether as to make it seem to the profanely inclined,
that the world was governed upon the most arbitrary
principles of indiscriminating despotism, when the
other things, which prove the contrary, are put out
of sight. Hence it is plainly to no purpose whatever
to object to a revelation, that it takes no care
whether or no we are sent safely into a future state,
since, for all we see, it is a mere matter of haphazard
whether we are sent into existence at all. And when
in this state of existence experience does not give
us better than dark hints about the way in which we
are to act in a great many cases of vast importance
to us, and after all, by such a mean thing as a brute
creature man may be bereft of the only guide which
he has among these difficulties — a guide which often
seems of no use to him, especially if he allow himself
to trifle about things which may perchance be im
portant. So that the means by which the Loid of
the world leads us to ordinary knowledge, where the
comparatively unimportant interests of this world are
at stake, do not seem at all to warrant us in insisting
upon clearer evidence, where the far more momentous
concerns of the next world, so much more calculated
to rouse us, and to make us attentive to weak evi-

NATURAL GOVERNMENT OF GOD. 37
dence, are at stake : and especially is it certain that
those who make light of the experience of others,
run themselves into difficulties and miseries which
no future attention will altogether remove. Nor
does it seem at all unlikely, considering that this
world is a place of trial and probation, that these
difficulties should have been purposely thrown into
the way of all true knowledge as to conduct in regard
to this world or the next, in order that the careful
and attentive might be rewarded. Hence it will ap
pear, that if the omission of the doctrine of a future
state in the laws of Moses were a difficulty which
could not be cleared up at all, still that in itself would
be no argument against its being a revealed system :
so long, then, as it is under discussion whether or
not they are so, a difficulty of this kind cannot be
made decisive in the matter. For there are difficul
ties quite as great in that part of the system of the
universe, which becomes the subject-matter of natural
knowledge; and difficulties which experience does
not remove. We finite creatures are not at all
judges how an infinite Being ought to act ; and there
fore, going by what we see of His government, we
cannot argue from that, that any system which came
from Him would necessarily take care that we were
duly informed about our being brought into a future
state of existence, seeing that, to outward appear
ance, He commits our being brought into this pre
sent existence (or, as I should say, into existence
altogether) to mere lust and passion, in so many

38 DIFFICULTY MET BY RECOLLECTING
instances. But I will grant that, however little we
could assert that a revelation ought, necessarily, to
bestow such and such information concerning such
and such difficulties, we may reasonably expect that
as experience, which is the guide to natural know
ledge, clears up certain (though not all) difficulties in
regard to our present life, so would a revelation,
which is the guide to supernatural knowledge, clear
up certain difficulties in regard to our future life.
Hence, when we find a revelation which says nothing
of what we are all so highly interested in — viz. whe
ther our life lasts beyond the grave, or no — we natu
rally look out for some grounds for the omission.
Rad. Then you allow, if I understand, most fully
my objection, and assert that the mention of a future
life is omitted ?
Laur. I certainly feel of the opposite opinion com
pletely, but will nevertheless waive that for the pre
sent, and allow your objection to be true as a fact,
but to be of no weight whatever.
Rad. I shall be curious to know how, after what
you first said of the omission requiring to be ac
counted for, you contrive to make so light of it.
Laur. Living creatures, Radhakant, of many kinds
can be tamed, and made subservient to man, can
they not ?
Rad. You surprise me with that question ! Surely
they can, if it behoves me to answer as a dutiful
Brahmachari. Laur. And when we set about teaching children,

THE PERSONS TO WHOM THE LAW WAS GIVEN. 39
we treat them as if they had some faculties which
other living creatures have not : e. g. we do not treat
a child as we should an elephant, but as having such
and such advantages over an elephant.
Rad. It is so.
Laur. And if we had to teach a man, we should
not treat him as a child, but take it for granted that
he knew certain things, which all men, who are not
idiots, do know ; should we not ?
Rad. Assuredly.
Laur. And if we had to teach a man who, we
knew, was a Grihastha, we should not set about
teaching him things which he knew already.
Rad. That is so.
Laur. In imparting natural knowledge, then, we
consider the faculties, and advancement, and know
ledge of the person to be taught, so that we do not
trouble ourselves to teach things which we have no
reason in the world to think he does not know.
Rad. That is all most evident.
Laur. Well, then, have we any reason in the
world to think the Jews did not know of a future
state after death, at the time when Moses taught
them ? Let us see how this is. They had been living
in a country (54) noted all the world over for its
knowledge of a future state, insomuch that some
people have said the doctrine was invented there (55),
which of course is mere nonsense in the eyes of any
one who believes that ancient tradition to have ex
isted which we spoke of, or as Christians do (56),

40 A FUTURE STATE EVERYWHERE
that it was Joseph, an Israelite of far less note as a
teacher than Moses, who taught them in these mat
ters. And as for the Jews being a gross people, and
set upon things of sight, that is no more than is quite
as true of people who have revelation of a future
life to guide them. For the attachment to this world
evinced by many of them is perfectly unaccountable
upon any principles of reason. Supposing, then, that
the traditionary teaching of a future state was so well
known at that period of the world, that even the
Egyptians were aware of it, there would be no use
in enforcing what was believed ; whereas, in any age,
or part of the world, in which men had fallen into a
general disbelief of it, the republication of it would
be naturally to be expected. But to lay it down to
those who knew it, would be like teaching a Gri
hastha as you would an elephant.
Rad. But you said that you thought that the law
of Moses did contain the teaching. Explain, then,
how it comes to teach it, as you have now led me to
think that the teaching is supererogatory ?
Laur. It does not teach it in the way of formal
statement, but seems to me everywhere to take it for
granted, as you would wish me to take many things
for granted, and not state systematically things which
I should state systematically before a child.
Rad. But will you mention to me some of the
places in the law of Moses, which fall in with the
doctrine supposed to be known ?
Laur. If man was made in God's likeness, as

IMPLIED IN MOSES' LAW. 41
Moses says, and if, further, the fact of his being so
made is the reason why neither brute nor man must
slay him with impunity, the smallest possible excel
lence that would constitute any likeness between a
creature and his God must lie in his having an exist
ence prospectively eternal (57) : for any other like
ness to Him we can conceive of as being altered, but
this would endure, for all we can see, in Hell (58).
And Enoch is said by Moses to have ascended into
heaven, which shows that not only was the soul im
mortal, but that the body might become so. Men
are said also to sleep with their fathers, which im
plies that they may wake up after that likeness in
which they were first made, and also that their fathers
existed still ; and in the place of your Sraddha they
are bid to confess their sins (59), and the sins of their
fathers, which would be idle, if their fathers ceased
to exist. And Abraham is said to be like a shock
of corn, when he dies ; now, unless the words of holy
writ are mere similes like ours (which it would be
highly profane to presume, seeing that we account
them God's words), he was to be gathered into some
garner as a shock of corn : and God is called the
God of Abraham, and Isaac, and Jacob, which would
be an unmeaning title if they were not living in
another world. And Moses is said to be gathered
or added to his fathers, which were of no meaning if
they did not exist to be gathered unto (60) ; especially
as their bones were far away from the place where
he died. Nor is this an isolated doctrine, which

42 THE LAW AVOIDS DIFFICULTIES
drops with the law, but in our Sanhita of Psalms it
abounds every where ; and in the book of Job, which
is at least as old, if not older, than that of Moses (in
all probability), and in all the prophets, this same
doctrine is universally implied. Moreover, in cer
tain books which hold a middle place between the
times of the prophets and the apostles (6 1 ), in the
Paraphrases (62) made from the old Hebrew books
into Chaldee, and in all later Jewish books, with the
exception of those of an infidel sect among them, this
doctrine was universally maintained. So that there
is not anything which is at all sufficient to ground a
doubt upon it as to its ever having been disbelieved.
Hence, if this be your only objection to the law of
Moses, I think we may go on to show what evidence
can be offered to prove that he teaches a truer sys
tem than the Vedas. And, indeed, the fact of his
writing at a time when a legal enforcement of this
doctrine was not necessary, seems itself to be, when
taken in conjunction with other things, a proof of the
antiquity of the Books of Moses.
Rad. But you taught me to expect that, as ex
perience clears up difficulties of some kinds in regard
to our conduct as citizens of this world, so revelation
would in regard to our conduct as citizens of a future
world. Now, you have shown me that the patriarchs
believed in a future state ; yet, as it is not a thing plain
and obvious how men came into this world, and why
they are sent here, can you show me any thing in the
laws of Moses which would seem to meet this difficulty?
7

OF A SPECULATIVE NATURE. 43
Laur. I think I can ; and in so doing we shall
come to show the point I have just mentioned, viz.
the evidence there is that the law of Moses teaches
a system which is truer than that of the Vedas. The
belief that the world is renewed and destroyed at
different periods, is a doctrine which, however likely
or unlikely, is one which we cannot prove to any de
gree of certainty. Now it is likely, as we have
agreed, that a revelation would clear up difficulties,
arid especially difficulties of a practical kind ; the
world is God's world, and we are His creatures ; and
though we, as well as you, should allow that a reve
lation has much which is inexplicable and mysterious
in it ; still that it should explain matters of high con
cern to the welfare of man, as God's creature, is
natural to expect beforehand ; and when found, is an
evidence, and perhaps a very high degree of evidence,
in favour of a revelation. Now our system contains
nothing at all about previous creations, cycles, and
periods, during which the Creator was successively
asleep or awake : neither does it tell us anything of
Munis or any other inferior beings (63) joined in the
Creation ; neither does it approach to a confusion of
the Creator and the created (64), or speak at all as
if there was any matter co-existent with Him from
eternity ; all which, if I am not misinformed, the
Vedas do mention, or intimate. Now, in the ac
count of things given by Moses, there is something
especially practical ; nothing is recorded to gratify
curiosity ; no co-creators are even hinted at ; no con-

44 PROSPECTIVE AND RETROSPECTIVE PRESUMPTIONS
fusion is made between Creator and creature ; scarce
more is told us, in fact, than is necessary for prac
tice, and practice under this part of our existence,
with which we are made acquainted by experience.
And though it may be true that, in the government
of the world, other ministering spirits are employed,
still there seems to be some divine foresight evinced
in the omission of any specific account of their cre
ation. For as their ministrations were ineffective
save through the abiding presence of God sustaining
them in existence, the silence upon the subject of
their early and remote existence served to fix men's
attention on the Creator more undividedly. And
when we contrast this silence with the talkativeness
of other early books claiming to be revelations on
the subject, and consider how such beings so spoken
of have subsequently formed the groundwork of poly
theistic worship, the silence in itself appears to be
no small evidence of the Books of Moses having come
from Him who knew before-hand what was in man,
and so to be an instance of the practical character of
that revelation. Further, there is nothing which can
be reasonably looked upon as a mere imagination of
Moses to account for the speculative difficulties of
curious minds. His way of speaking of things
throughout is simple (65), and awful to those only
who are seriously-minded, and consider what is
spoken of, and how, upon the supposition of its being
true, it would be of importance to man. All which
things, in themselves, are presumptions of the strong-

IN FAVOUR OF MOSES' LAW. 45
est kind that it is a true revelation, and those conse
quently which conflict with it not so. And further,
it may be shown, in several particulars, that your
greatest men have deviated from the doctrines of the
Vedas, and that the institutions of Manu are not ob
served in many things. The theory of the castes in
this latter (66) is different from what the Vedas
teach ; the Kalika Purana (67) recognizes the bloody
service of Kali, which is quite contrary to Manu's
prohibition of such offerings ; laborious penances have
been changed into easy repetitions of verses, or chap
ters of sacred books ; Vishnu is repeatedly declared
to be Pradhana in opposition (6S) to older teaching ;
the injunction on certain occasions to eat flesh and
drink wine (69) is disregarded ; the food in the code
directed to be given to (70) Brahmans at a Sraddha
is given only to the relatives of the deceased ; all
which are things of some importance, in which you
have deviated greatly from older practice, whereas it
appears that the Jews were jealous of their law even
to the last, so that either you admit the inferiority
of your own code to theirs by deserting it, or else
are bound to show cause why inferior laws have a
stronger claim upon that people than yours upon
you. Consider, too, whether any nation which for
more than 1500 years adhered to one code, or in
case of deviations recurred to that code in order to
correct them, and to no other, does not give proof
of some special Divine Providence interfering to
keep up what He is assumed to have given ; which,

46 MOSES' LAW A PERMANENT STANDARD,
perhaps, in itself is considerable proof of the majesty
of that code, to say nothing of its being held divine
by Christians also, and only abused as contrary to the
spirit of Christianity (71) by heretics or ignorant
persons, who do riot understand the Christian sense
of particular parts of it. And the permanence of
the law of Moses is a proof of its having come from
God, of the same kind as is afforded by the perma
nence of some other systems to their divine origin :
for instance, the permanence of the laws of the ex
ternal world affords a proof of its having come from
God, although there are many things in the external
world also, which it would be preposterous to apply
in the present Kalpa to the same purposes to which
they were once applied, whether as remedies of dis
orders, or contributing in any other way to render
life more available for the service of God and our
fellow-creatures. So, too, the permanence of the
moral law graven in men's hearts affords proofs of its
being His will, although, when exerting its influence
in the codes of different nations at different periods
of the world, the positive forms into which it throws
itself, fluctuate according to circumstances. Fur
ther, there are a number of particular things which
the Books of Moses clear up, and which yours do not,
such as the way in which the nations after the Deluge
came to be dispersed ; the way in which traditions,
more or less clear, of a division of the first Purusha
into male and female came to be handed down to
several nations ; the way in which man, originally

A CORRECTIVE OF GENTILE TRADITIONS. 47
made upright, came to fall : things of which other
books have only dark and disfigured traditions, though
the whole of them more or less immediately bear
upon practical points. Again, there are several of
your rites and ceremonies which the Books of Moses
come in to explain, such as a belief in the sanctity
of the number seven ; the words (72) used in the
marriage ceremony while the water is poured on the
bride's head ; the notion that children (73) contracted
sinful taints in the womb of the mother ; the idea that
man is formed out of earthy particles (74); the notion
of a heavenly city, out of which four mighty rivers
flowed in four (75) different directions ; the belief that
the world was created (76) by more beings than One ;
the notion that a certain plant communicated im
mortality , or that men were saved from some general
destruction : and a number of similar circumstances,
which the study of the Books of Moses would clear
up to you. But I may add here, a little more at
length, one instance in which the account of Moses
seems to furnish a clue to the meaning of a kind of
tradition existing, not only among you, but also among
several other people of the world. It is this : —
several nations agree with you in speaking of enor
mous periods during which the world has lasted ; the
notion is a favourite one with those (77) who do not
admit the teaching of our Scriptures. Now these
enormous periods do not coincide with each other,
and therefore do not form a universal consent against
. Moses's account. But it has been thought by some

48 INTERESTS TEMPORAL AND ETERNAL
that these enormous periods have concealed in them
a near approximation to the Mosaic period: for,
according as each nation pleased, they multiplied the
truer number by another, which served to conceal
that truer one from the vulgar gaze. And, in gene
ral (78), some number connected with the position of
a star much observed by the nation was selected for
that purpose. Now supposing a x to represent one
of these enormous periods, and that the factor w re
presents the multiple selected by any nation ; di
viding by it, you will, in each nation, find that the
whole sum a x is reduced to a quantity a, which is
a tolerably close approximation to the period assigned
by Moses for the world's duration.
Rad. I must acknowledge that there is some
weight in all these observations, especially when I
consider how curious it is that they should all apply
to one book.
Laur. That, Radhakant, is a most excellent ob
servation, and falls in with what I have before men
tioned : viz., that the things relating to our higher
and eternal interests were evidenced in the same way
as those relating to our present interests. As in
our present life we find it is not one proof, but many
little circumstances taken together, which forms the
evidence upon which we act, and that the weight of
that evidence lies in their being taken conjointly.
So is it in regard to our future life ; we act upon
evidence, which is made up of a number of points ;
and though we might take exceptions, possibly,

PUT BEFORE US ON WEAK EVIDENCE. 49
against each one of them, when taken singly, we
could not refuse to feel the weight of them when
taken jointly, and to let it influence us, without our
giving up all claim to be prudent men. And it
should be observed, that the kings of this world often
punish men, and that capitally, upon the strength of
such evidence, especially when several points co
incide in one man : by the voice, colour, countenance,
limbs, eyes, and actions (79), they form their judg
ments. Hence, as our present welfare is made to
depend upon such evidence, so may our future and
eternal welfare also; and "justice being destroyed
will destroy ; " but the not attending to these things
may destroy justice in temporal, and so also in eternal
things. You have, then, to consider whether you are
doing justice to the Books of Moses, if you do not
weigh well the force of this evidence in their case.
For the only firm friend who follows (80) men even
after death is justice. If much depends upon evi
dence in itself uncertain, we are bound to act upon it
as certain. If a shower of rain might do infinite
harm to a Vaisya in some trade, he would be mad to
take no heed of the peacock's cry, or the ants' gather
ing together of eggs, though Gotama(81) suggests
that a man may imitate the peacock's cry, or some
other cause set the ants upon so doing. Much more
then, where eternal interests are at stake, are we
bound to attend to uncertain evidence. The Gospel
is, in some things, clearer than the law of Moses, yet
if you believe not Moses, neither will you believe
E

50 THE DUTY OF ATTENDING
the Gospel. That, then, is the reason why I am so
urgent about the duty of believing the law of Moses,
and on this ground wish to sum up to you what I
have been trying to teach you.
Rad. That may, perhaps, much facilitate my
coming to a conclusion ; for it is impossible, in mat
ters of religion, to enter all at once, by a single
hearing, into a great system.
Laur. The revelation, then, wliich I have been
treating of, claims to be from that God who is the
Lord and Proprietor of the whole earth, and who will
judge the world by the rule of His revelation : you
are therefore bound in prudence not to set it aside
until the evidence has been fairly gone into, and
weighed with thoughtfulness and prayer. Further,
several points of difference have been noticed, with
the especial view of showing how much more prac
tical the revelation given to Moses is than other
supposed revelations. And as there were several
proofs of its length of duration in the world, some of
which were alluded to, so the book itself declares
that many of its rites were more ancient (82) than
Moses' time, which, of course, is proof of still greater
permanence in regard to those particular rites. And
the objection, from the supposed omission of a future
state, was also considered, and shown not to be of
weight. Now all these things, taken together, are
evidence in favour of the Books of Moses far stronger
than what we are often given to act upon in regard
to the poor concerns of this life. Much more, then,

TO SUCH EVIDENCE IMPERATIVE. 51
may it be expected of us that we should be awake to
our truer and eternal interest, and ready to attend
to the lesser degrees of evidence concerning an in
terest so important, as to involve no less than the
eternal happiness or misery of those who are the
subjects of it. Let me, then, entreat you to con
sider this well ; for now that I have put thus much
evidence before you, if you make light of it, you
will be in a worse state to all eternity.

END OF THE FIRST DIALOGUE.

e2

NOTES TO DIALOGUE I.

Note (1.) p. 3.
This is the opinion of Professor Wilson, in his preface to
the Vishnu Purana, p. lxvii, and is, I believe, that which is
generally received. The following passage may be extracted
from that work, as being one not within every one's
reach : —
" The earliest seat of the Hindus within the confines of
Hindusthan was undoubtedly the eastern confines of the
Panjab. The holy land of Manu and the Puran'as lies be
tween the Drishadwati and Saraswati rivers, the Caggar and
Sursooty of our barbarous maps1. Various adventures of
the first princes and most famous sages occur in this
vicinity; and the A's'ramas, or religious domiciles, of
several of the latter, are placed on the banks of the Sara
swati. According to some authorities, it was the abode of
Vyasa, the [reputed] compiler of the Vedas and Puran'as :
and, agreeably to another, when on one occasion the Vedas
had fallen into disuse and been forgotten, the Brahmans
were again instructed in them by Saraswata, the son of
Saraswati." The name Saraswati is also that of the goddess of elo
quence, which possibly is a mythical mode of representing
1 Professor Wilson has furnished other specimens of these barbarisms, '
Notes 1 and 7, P- 170, &c. These rivers are, it seems, transposed in the
common maps.

54 NOTES TO
the view of the origin of learning here contended for. I
may also add, what has been also noticed to me by Professor
Wilson, viz., that the clothing mentioned in Manu, ii. 41
^MTk^FrTTf^ WfoT sf^TftOT :
is evidently of a very warm kind, and so indicative of a
northern nation. The dress described in Arrian, p. 539.
(ed. Blancard.) and Philostr. V. Apoll. T. ii. 20, seems to
have been of a warm kind, though not so warm as this. See,
too, Biihr on Herod, iii. 106. Perhaps, however, the
alterations in it arose from Buddhist superstitions against
animal clothing. Other authorities for the view here given
(viz. that the north of India was the original seat of Brahmani
cal learning,) may be found in Ritter's Erdkunde, iii. p. 1094.
There was a tradition that Pythagoras was a disciple of
the Brahmans, (see S. Clem. Al. Strom, i. § 70. Apul. Flo
rid, ii. [p. 130, Bip.J quoted by Brucker, Philostr. Vit. Apoll.
T.i. 2. vi. 11. viii. 7, § 4.) which would show that they were
supposed, at least, to be early known. Euseb., P. E. p. 511,
mentions an Indian as being in Athens in the time of Socrates.
Clearchus of Soli, a disciple of Aristotle, in Diogenes Laert.
Procem. vi., says, that the Gymnosophists were descendants
of the Magians ; which would go to show a connexion be
tween the Persians and Indians ; while the alledged prohi
bition to leave India, and the absence of any traces of Indian
learning having come from Persia or Egypt, have induced
Windischman (p. 614) to hold that the reverse was pro
bably the case, and that the Persians drew from Indian
sources. Were the question of the antiquity of the Zend
language and books one which I could enter upon, doubtless
much might suggest itself as to the priority or posteriority
of the Indian to the Persian system. (See Wilson's Ariana
Antiqua, p. 122.) For the present I have been content to

DIALOGUE I. 55
follow the opinion of Windischman, and will only add here
that a system might have been developed in India, and tra
velled back to Persia, although its original basis was, as is
below assumed, a tradition drawn from the neighbourhood
of Babel. Note (2.) p. 5.
Thus, Borhan Eddin. p. 19, ed. Caspar. ^LJUI Ji*L L»j|
^ALJ! £L*Jy : and with this agrees the Persian doctrine
of the Fervers or lower genii attached to each man. See
Creuzer, Symbol, i. 2, § 5, p. 201, and compare Alex. Poly-
histor. ap. Euseb. P. E. ix. 17, extr. With this notion
the following striking language of St. Cyril, de Ador. in S.
et V., may be contrasted, as pointing to the truth contained
under this heathen belief. Speaking of Saul, he says, p. 191 :
rote iraporpvvovai Kai KaraXvrrdv uiodoaiv cnroKaXvTrrei
Geoc, Kat St' aiv rJKtara xprj s<70' lire ra laofitva, lvi)\ovvro)v
Kara to eikoc ayioiv 'AyyEAwv tig avdpwirivov vovv amp
av ei fiaQoitv ot tytXoirtvaruv yprffxivoi icararaKrjtrovrai Xtav
Kai a-n-apxhv uamp riva Trig (T(j>iaiv s-n-riprtifiivriQ opyije te
Kat StK7ie inrofiivovai rrjv rrpoyvoxnv. This passage must
be taken here for what it is intended ; namely, to bring be
fore the reader the fact that men's minds were accessible to
angels, and that they might be instrumental in nurturing
with reproof even heathens. Its bearing, however, will
appear more fully in the sequel (Note 25).
Note (3.) p. 6.
Vishn'u-s'erma is the author of the Hitopades'a; the
line referred to is the 149th :
where the word, rendered in the text " close union with
the senses," is hardly expressible in English. " Sinnver-

56 NOTES TO
schlungenheit" might be a good German version of it,
perhaps. Note (4.) p. 6.
Windis. p. 1759. "This simple perception is only one
source of knowledge. The Scholiast of the Sutras (i. e. sen
tentious rules) adds other besides to them; viz. conse
quence, comparison, conjecture, privation, and oral tradition.
Of all these, none is a sufficient ground of duty save oral
tradition, since the others are all grounded on perception,
(here meaning particularly the receiving of the rule by
sense,) which in itself is no ground at all." The Mimansa
is a system of interpretative philosophy, and the Karma-
mimansa is such a system in its bearings upon moral and
religious obligations. Note (5.) p. 6.
" According to the declarations of the Vedas, what the sun
and the light are for this visible world, that is the highest
good and truth for the spiritual and invisible world ; and
as our bodily eyes have a definite perception of the objects
which the sun illuminates, so do our souls obtain positive
knowledge, through contemplation, upon the light of truth
which flows from the Being of beings. This is that Light
through which alone our spirits can be led to the path of
happiness." Wind. p. 815, where there is a very long pas
sage setting forth this doctrine in all its bearings. Although
the passage of Plato alluded to may be a well-known one,
it may be added here to show the similarity : — "Orav Si y
otfiat, oiv 6 rjXioe KaraXajU7rEt, eacjiwg opwm, Kai roTe avrotg
ofif.iaaiv oxpig Ivoxiaa Qalvirai. Tt jujjv ; Ovtid roivvv Kai rb
rijg ip^Xm wSe vo'ei. "Oral- /xtv ov KaTaXafnrti aXriOua rt
Kat to ov Etc tovto ampuainrai, ivorio-i rt Kai s-yvw avrb Kai
vovv e'xeiv fyaivtrai. "Orav Se Etc rb rq OTcoVqj KEKpa/xsvov,
to yiyvofttvov te Kai avroXXii^Evov §o£a£ti rt Ka\ a.fifi\vo>TTti

DIALOGUE I. 57
ava) Kai Kano rag So£ac ;ii£Ta|3aXXov, Kai eoikev av vovv ovk
t\ovri. ' Eoike yap' tovto roivvv rb ttjv aXriduav rrapixov
rolg yiyviiHTKOfitvoig Kai tm yiyvwtTKOvri ttjv Suvajutv airo-
otoov, Trjv tov ayaOov iSlav (j>aQi tlvai, alriav §' ETriaTrj/xric
ovaav Kai aXriddag wg yiyvwtncofitvrig juev Siavooij, ovrw
oe KaXwv afxajoTtpuv ovroov yvo>ata>g rt Kai aXriOtiag, aWo
Kai KaXXtov eti riyovfitvog avrb opOiog riyriati. De Rep.
vi. 18. And Eusebius notices, p. 471, that Plato was said
to have been a disciple of the Brahmans (x. 4) ; and at
p. 51 1 he mentions, on the authority of Aristoxenus Musicus,
that an Indian had taught Socrates that " to know human
things was impossible unless he knew also things divine," — a
doctrine which Plato also taught, as he there remarks (xi. 3).
Apul. de hab. doctr. vol. ii. p. 159, says, "Ad Indos et
Magos intendisset animum nisi eum bella tunc vetuissent
Asiatica." All traditions of this kind imply that he was
supposed to be acquainted with Indian philosophy. A resi
dence of several years in Egypt (Tennemann, Platonische
Philos. i. p. 37) would have given him ample opportunity
for acquiring a knowledge of kindred doctrines ; while the
account of Aristoxenus, just noticed, would seem to make
it probable that he might have had intercourse with Indians,
and that in Athens, even if there were no probability that the
Egyptians had intercourse with the Indians as well for
commercial as for other purposes. But without doing more
now than mention so controverted a point, it may be in
structive to conclude this note with the words of Lactant.
de V. Sap. iv. 2. " Philosophi quoniam peragratis et ex-
ploratis omnibus nusquam nullam sapientiam comprehende-
runt, et alicubi esse illam necesse est : apparet illic potissi-
mum esse quserendam, ubi stultitiae titulus apparet ; cujus
velamento Deus, ne arcanum summi sui ac divini operis in
propatulo esset, thesaurum Sapientia? ac Veritatis abscondit.
Unde equidem soleo mirari quod cum Pythagoras et postea
7

58 NOTES TO
Plato amore indagandse veritatis accensi ad iEgyptios et
Magos et Persas usque penetrassent, ut eorum ritus et
sacra cognoscerent, (suspicabantur enim sapientiam in re
ligione versari,) ad Judseos tantum non accesserint, penes
quos tunc solos esset, et quo facilius ire potuissent. Sed
aversos esse arbitror divina providentia : nec scire possent
veritatem ; quia nondum fas erat alienigenis hominibus re
ligionem Dei veri justitiamque cognoscere." (Referred to by
Staudenmaier, Encyclop. i. p. 260.)
Note (6.) p. 6.
Not seeing the sun for a season. The Greek here is
axpi Kaipov, and the Syriac (which our version generally
seems to follow) ^i^.]^ \^>^- "until fit time;" on which
Origen (Philoc. xxvii. p. 106, Spencer.) asks, What time ?
does he mean that time when he should be corrected through
his sins, and so through repentance should be worthy, in
both senses, to see the sun in soul and in body ; — [in body,]
that the Divine Power might be proclaimed in the resto
ration of his eyes ; and in soul, because he was, by believing,
to avail himself of God's religion ?
Note (7.) p. 8.
This passage is a very famous one in the Timseus of Plato,
§ 5. 'ii SoXojv, SoXwv, "EXXtjvec atl Tratdig ectte, yspoiv Se
EXXjjv ovk iariv. 'AicovtTag ovv, rroig, ti tovto Xiyag ; <j>avai.
Neoi eote, Ei7T£iv, rag xpvxag iravrtg' ovotp.iav yap lv avraig
tXETS 8£' apxaiav aKor/v TraXatav bo^av ovol fiaOrtfia XP°~
vot woXtbv ouSev. And so D. Laertius, init., says, to r^g
tf>i\oao<piag ipyov tviol <j>aaiv airb /3apj3apwv ap%ai : on
which Menagius truly observes, " Ita Justinus Martyr,
Tatianus, Clemens Alexandrinus, Theophilus, Eusebius,
Athanasius, Theodoretus, alii." See Potter ad Clem. Al.
Strom, v. § 90, p. 699. Philostr. Vit. A. T. ii. 29. Porphyr.

DIALOGUE I. 59
ap Euseb. Prsep. Ev. p. 742, who says that Egyptians,
Phoenicians, Chaldeans, Assyrians, Lydians, and Hebrews
found paths to the gods, from which the Greeks erred.
Note (8.) p. 11.
Orig. c. Celsum, p. 244, Spencer. <Pejoe -n-apao-Tno-wfitv,
on etvSpatri, oiik tvicata^povfiroig rrjc XoyiKije evekev 9tw-
piag Kat twv biaXtKTiKwv aKtpp.arwv, trtpoSp' amfjupaivovra
XeXektoi. Kai Et XPW pvxOlZttv wg rairtivoiig Kai ypawbtig
Xo'yoiic, ekeivouc juaXXov xprj, rj roiig riptripovg. <Pa<ri Sr)
ot arrb Trig 'SiToa.g, Kara rrtpioSov SK-irvpwtnv tov rravrbg
ylvtaOai, Kai ic,rig avry StaKoVjurifftv iravT aTrapaWaicTa
txovaav, wg rrpbg rrjv 7rpor£pav SiaKO<X|UT)<Ttv. oa-oi S' aiirwv
riotauriaav to coy pa, oXiyriv Eipr/Kaci rrapaXXayfiv Kai a<j>6$pa
|3pax£tav yivtauai Kara 7T£ptoSov toic Itt\ Trig irpb avrrig
irtpioSov. Chrysippus, ap. Lact. vii. 23, is evidently arguing from
premises when he says, Tourou Se oiirwc ixovrog SfjXov
Kai oiiSev aSvvaTov Kai rip.ag ptra to TEXEVTfjcrai 7raXtv 7T£pt-
oSwv nvwv uXripivwv xpovov, tig o vvv haplv Karaarriaiavai
axvpa- See Potter on S. Clement, v. p. 649. M. Anton, x. 7.
Note (9.) p. 11.
Butler's Analogy, part ii. c. 6. It is not unreasonable to
suppose that the same wise and good principle, whatever it
was, which disposed the Author of nature to make different
kinds and orders of creatures, disposed Him also to place
creatures of like kinds in different situations ; and that
the same principle which disposed Him to make creatures
of different moral capacities, disposed Him also to place
creatures of like moral capacities in different religious situ
ations, and even the same creatures in different periods of
their being. And the account or reason of this is also most
probably the account why the constitution of things is such,

60 NOTES TO
as that creatures of moral natures or capacities, for a con
siderable part of that duration in which they are living agents,
are not at all subjects of morality and religion 2 ; but grow
up to be so, and grow up to be so more and more, gradually
from childhood to mature age. What, in particular, is the
account or reason of these things, we must be greatly in the
dark, were it only that we know so very little even of our
own case. Our present state may possibly be the consequence
of somewhat past, which we are wholly ignorant of; as it
has a reference to somewhat to come, of which we know
scarce any more than is necessary for practice. A system
or constitution, in its notion, implies variety ; and so com
plicated an one as this world, very great variety.
Note (10.) p. 12.
The theory of pre-existence does not necessarily imply
the theory of transmigration. Origen, for instance, held
the former, but not the latter. (See Schubert, Gesch. der
Seele, p. 659, compared with Orig. c. Cels. p. 203.) The
latter will be treated of at length in the sequel.
Note (11.) p. 12.
"Auf Traditionen der Urwelt berufen sich die Veda-
schriften ganz haufig." Thus, in the Yajur-Veda, xl. 10. 13,
" Thus we have heard from the sages, who have delivered it
to us," which has been obligingly pointed out to me by Dr.
Mill, and appears to be a formula.
Note (12.) p. 13.
S. Austin c. Faust, vii. fin. " Sed cur non potius de
Christo, discipulis ejus qui etiam corporaliter ei adheeserunt
credimus, qui non solum per Spiritum Sanctum ab ipso im-
2 Compare, as explaining this, Mr. Newman's Sermons, vol. iv. p. 356.

DIALOGUE I. 61
pertitum scire potuerunt, si quid lateret in rebus humanis,
sed tam recenti et prsesenti memoria, etiam solo hvmano
sensu, genus Christi secundum carnem et totam originem
collegerunt V And with this maybe joined an important
passage from the same Father, de Cons. Evang. ii. 51, on the
mysteriousness of memory, even in ordinary cases. " Quia
enim nullius in potestate est, quamvis optime fideliterque res
cognitas, quo quisque ordine recordatur ; (quid enim prius
posteriusve homini veniat in mentem, non est, ut volumus, sed
ut datur ;) satis probabile est quod unusquisque Evangelis-
tarum eo se ordine credidit debuisse narrare, quo voluisset
Deus ea ipsa quae narrabat ejus recordation! suggerere, in
eis dumtaxat rebus, quarum ordo, sive ille, sive ille sit, nihil
minuit auctoritati veritatique Evangelicse." Such passages
as Amos, vii. 14, and Matt. xvi. 17, constitute, of course,
no real objection, since all the common means of knowledge
were open to those there spoken of, in the previous part of
their life. The following words of St. Clement will throw
light on the latter passage : 'A/xe'Xei Kai rwv lirifiowpivwv
tov Kvpiov avrbv ol plv rroXXoi' vit Aafllc tXirjaov pt, eXe-
¦yov, 6X1701 Se Ylbv ty'iyvwdKOv rov Geov, Kadamp 6 IlETpoc,
ov Kai tpaKapiatv, on avrtjp aapS, Kai aipa ovk amicaXvipt rrjv
aXriOuav, aXX' rj 6 Ilarrjp aiirov 6 tv ro'ig ovpavotg, SrjXwv
t6v yvwariKov ov Sta tt/c (rapKog avrov Trig KvriOdorig, aXXa
Si avTtjg rijg Svvaptwg rrjg irarpiKrig yvwpiZeiv tov Ylbv
tov navTOKparopoc- ou povov roivvv roig tTrirvyxavovmv
airXwg ovrwg StitTKoXoc V rrig aXriOttag KTijcrte, aXXa. Kai wv
rvyx&vti 17 £iri<TTrjjur) otKEta jujjSe rovroig aOpoav SiSoaOai rrjv
Otwpiav ri Kara, rov M.wv<rta laropia StSaffKEi, pixpig av
idiaOivTtg avTwirtiv, Kaddrrtp ol 'Ej3paTot, ry So£^j ry Mwv-
aiwg, Kai ol ayioi tov 'Io-parjX toTc twv ayytXwv oirraoiaig,
ovrwg Kai vptig ratg rijg aXriOtiag pappapvyaig avTifiXtwuv
BvvriBwptv. Strom, vi. § 132.
Under the Jewish dispensation, one of these common

62 NOTES TO
means would be the traditions handed on by the Scribes
and Pharisees who sat in Moses' seat. Thus St. Gregory,
Mor. xiv. 56. " Scribse itaque et legis doctores, qui erudire
populos ad vitam consueverant, quid aliud quam venturi
Redemtoris consiliarii fuerunt 1 Qui tamen dum incarnatum
Dominum conspicerent, consiliis suis multos ab ejus divise-
runt, quamvis prius ad credendum Incarnationis ejus mys-
terium per Prophetarum verba multos docuisse viderentur."
To the same purpose are the words of Eusebius, Prsep.
Evang. xi. 5. Kai rbv XoyiKov Se rponov Trig 'E(3paiwv <j>iXo-
<ro(j>iag, ov KaOarrtp "EXXrj<7t <j>iXov, SEtvorrjri aocfu&parwv
Kai Xoyiapolg irpbg a-nrartiv Ttrtxvatrpivoig SeTv (povro pn-
tivai, KaraXriipti Se ai/rrig aXriOtlag rjv vtto udov (j>WTog rag
xpvxag KaravyacrOtvTtg ol 7rap' avrolg 9t6ao(j>oi, tvpov rt
Kai ttywTiadriaav, t(f> rjv duLOvwvrtg rovg to. otKEta paOripara
TraiStvopivovg, Xoywv rt avrolg hpwv dnayytXlag laropiwv
rt atpvwv Sinyrj/xara ySwv te Kai trrwSwv ipptrpovg avv-
Oirrtig Kai sri 7rpo/3XjjjuaTa Kat alviypara, Kai nvag <ro(j>ag
Kai aXXrjyoptKac Otwpiag ptra KaXXouc tven-dag, Kai Trig
Kara rrjv oiKEtav yXwrrav tv(j>paSovg cnrayysXiag, e£ c'ti
vrjwiag avrolg rraptcioocrav riXiKlag. val pyjv Kat twv irpwrwv
padr/parwv Atvrtpwrai rtvtg %aav avrolg' ovtw Se <j>lXov
roitg 'E^rryrirac twv Trap avrolg Tpafywv bvopaZ,uv' ot ra Si
alviypaTO)v hr&OKiaaptva, d Kai prj rolg Tract, rolg yovv -rrpbg
rovrwv aKOrjv tmrriSdoig, St' tpprivtiag Kai aa<j>rivdag i%-
i(j>aivov. This passage will throw light upon what is offered
in Note 20. Note (13.) p. 17.
Thus the words vaj3Xr), Kiwpa, &c, are derived from
723 "Tti3, &c, where see Gesenius. St. Clem. Strom, i. § 71.
J. Pollux, iv. 60. 74, &c, mention other instruments taken
from Asiatic nations. And Julian, ap. Cyril, p. 178, Spanh.,
allows that the Greeks had their music from foreigners origi
nally, though he ascribes to them the invention of what he

DIALOGUE I. 63
calls harmony. Such instances as DYlJTp. rWlBOID and
^HtOJDB, which were borrowed from the Greeks at a later
period, will not prove any thing as to the origin of music,
although it seems fair not to omit them.
Note (14.) p. 17.
Aristot. Soph. Elench. vers. fin. Twv yap tvpiaKopivon
uirdvTwv to. ptv 7rap' ETEpwv Xti<j>9ivra Trportpov TTt-novripiva
Kara pipog eViSeSwkev vtrb twv TrapaXafiovrwv vartpov' to.
S' e£ vrrapxrig tvpiaKoptva piKpav to rrpwrov iiriSoaiv Xap-
j3av£tv tiwds, XPrl'T,-rlWT^Pav JUevtoi TroXX^j rijg ScrTEpov ek
tovtwv av^riatwg. piyiarov yap 'lawg apxfj rravrbg, wtnrtp
Xiytrai' Sib Kai ^aX£7ra>TaTOv- oaw yap Kpariarov rrj Sv-
vapti, tooovtw piKporarov bv r<jp ptytOti xaXl7rwraT°'v iariv
6<j>Qrivai, ravrrig S' tvptipivrig pi{.ov to rrpoirndivai Kai awav-
^tlV TO Xoi7TOV EtTTlV" 07T£p Kai 7T£pt TOVC |Or)TOpiKOt>C X6yOVg
<rvp(3i($riKt, o-^eSov Se Kai 7TEpi rag aXXag Traaag rixyag. And
in his Metaphysics, i. minor, p. 993. b. 11, Bekk. ov povov
Se Yaptv tx^lv S'lKaiov rovroig, wv av rig Koivwaairo ralg
So^aic, aXXa Kai rolg iirnroXaioTipwg a-KO(privapivoig' Kai
yap ovroi avvtfiaXovro n' rrjv yap Vc,iv fl-porjcrKrio-av i]pwv,
k.t.X. What Aristotle here notices ofthe importance of
small beginnings, is thus applied, nearly as in the text, by
St. Cyril. C. Jul. p. 154. Et Se Sr) avvSpopa rolg Mwaiwg
Ettriv Ivia^ojj ra. ekei'vwv, evSokijuowi Se Xiav, on rolg vopoig
twv 'E)3patwv avpipipovrai, irwg oiik alaOavtrai rolg riptri-
poig rrpoyovoig avyKaraipiy wv rovg eovtov ; aXX1 on toic
ava. wdaav rrjv ytiv yvwpipd rt tan Kai TETrjprjTai to. Mai-
aiwg, Kai ovStvX to ovprrav tnrqSti, ravry toi <pricn kokv-
vtadat Seiv avrd. Kat toi irwg ov jtxaXXov ravrrig tvtKa rijg
alriag ixPVv naraOavpdZtaOai Trpiirtiv, on ralg tpriQoig cnrav-
twv TETt/urjVTai ; *H SiSa<TK£rw 7raXiv, ri paXXov Ian rwv
irpayparwv, otc av 'iwoiro SiKaiwg to i-rraivtlaOai Seiv. ripa
rd ttcktiv apioKOvra Kai dig av rb ti) m-rroiriauai Xiav ixttv

64 NOTES TO
te 6p6wg £7rilpri^io-aiTO tic, rj to. oXiyotg, rj Kai oXwg ovSivt.
dXX' oiiiat to. iraaiv. "Eveoti Se tovto rolg Sid Mwaiwg
Oto-n-lapao-iv. Eira riva Sr) rpo-jrov, Si wv rjv SrjTrou Kara-
OavpdZto-Oai XPVV avrd, Sid tovtwv avrwv ralg icrxdratg
SiafioXalg £vt'rj<7iv dpadwg ; Et Si on irporiyoptvKt plv 6
Mwtrrjg, apiaKti Se 7rao-tv, d-n-oaofidv d£,tol rov Kai E7ratv£Tcr-
8ai Trpimiv avrd, (jtairiv av oti Kai 7roXXotc iripoig oiik
ayEvvij Xaxovo-i rt)v S6E,av, i-irifiovXtvautv av, UKorwg rd
lad rig airy <j>povtlv -rjpripivog. Tlpwroi nvtg rwv rtxvwv
tvptral Kai i-marripwv ytyovaai rolg ava tovSe tov piov. ol
ptv yap v<j>avnKrjv, ol Si rrjv ^aXKOfpyiKrjv, etejOoi Se q-kvto-
TopiKrjv, larpiKrjv Se 7rpoc rovroig, 'irtpa rt TrXtlara twv
dvayKaiwv tig bvriaiv rroXXolg TrpoatTrtvor)9ri. dpa ovv tl
ravra Traaiv dpiaKti, Kat dvayKaiwg i-n-irriStvtTai, Kai Etc
SEiipo KpaTEi, tov Kara9avpdZta8ai Stlv roiig tivptiKorag viro-
artpriaoptv ; aXX' ovk av yivoiro tovto SiKaiwg. dSporipovg
yap pdXXov avrolg roiig Irraivovg ampydZtrai, to ripdaOat
rrapa trdvrwv rijg ivovarig avrolg tvTtxviag rd tvpr)para.
Note (15.) p. 17.
The analogy between Scripture and a harp is thus noticed
by St. Augustine, de Civitate, xvi. 2. " Non sane omnia qua?
gesta narrantur, aliquid etiam significare putanda sunt : sed
propter ilia quse aliquid significant, etiam ea quse nihil signifi
cant adtexuntur. Solo enim vomere terra proscinditur ; sed
ut hoc fieri possit, etiam cetera aratri membra sunt neces-
saria : et soli nervi in citharis atque hujusmodivasis musicis
aptantur ad cantum ; sed ut aptari possint, insunt et csetera
in compagibus organorum, quse non percutiuntur a canen-
tibus, sed ea quse percussa resonant, his connectuntur. Ita
in prophetica historia dicuntur et aliqua quse nihil significant,
sed quibus adhsereant quse significant et quodam modo reli-
gentur." So, too, St. Ephrem adv. Scrut. xxi. fin. and
xxii. init., where he writes as follows: " Praise to the Lord

DIALOGUE I. 65
of all, who devised, yea ordered for Himself two harps, of
the Prophets, and also of the Apostles : for one Finger
struck two different sounds of the two Testaments ; and as
the harp changes the sounds, while it is the same harp and
the same artist, so do the harps of Truth, my son, change
their voices while the Truth is One. Yea, one pipe also is
able to gender diversities of sound : for the ear of the ma
ture, it singeth mature sounds ; for the ear of children, simple
sounds ; for the ear of the wise, refined sounds : so also those
trumpets of the Truth yield perfect sounds for him that is
perfect, and for him that is a child, they frame for him pro
mises of milk and honey." See also St. Gregory, Moralia,
i. 11. Note (16.) p. 17.
Plato, de Leg. iii. 1. AG. Q>lpE Sij voriawptv piav twv
ttoXXwv ravT-riv rr)v tw KaraKXvapig TTOTi ytvopivrjv. K A. To
7roiov ri -irtpl avrrjg Siavor)divrtg ; AG. Qc ol tote TrtpKJrv-
yovrtg tt)v <j>0opdv (t^eSov opEioi Ttvsc av titv voprjg, iv ko-
pvtfialg irov apiKpd Z,wTrvpa tov twv dvvpw-irwv Siaatawa-
piva yivovg. KA. Ai^Xov. AG. Kai Sr) touc rotovroue yt
dvdyKri rrov twv aXXwv drrdpovg tivai te^vwv Kai twv iv
rolg aartai rrpbg aXXrjXouc pr}X"-Vwv tig rt -rrXtovi^iag Kai
ftXovttKiag, Kal biroa aXXa KOKOvpyripara rrpbg aXXrjXouc
lirivoovaiv. KA. Eikoc 70VV. AG. Qwptv Sr) Trie ev toic
TttSioig -iroXtig Kai 7rp6c OaXdrTri KaTOiKOiicrae apSrjv lv rq
tote XP°VW SiacjtOdptaOai; KA. Qwptv. AG. Ot/Koiiv bp-
yavd te rrdvra dnoXXvadai, Kai ti n rixvrig i)v ixoptvov
arrovSaiwg tvpripivov rj rroXiTiKrig rj Kat ao(j>iag nvbg iripag,
irdvra tppuv iv t<£ rort X9°VM <j>V<roptv ; KA. Ilaic yap av,

i >'

'aS;

w apiart, tt yt ejueve tooe ovtw tov rravra XP0V0V WC vvv
SiaK£KO<Tjur|Tai, koivov avEvpto-KEro itote Kai ortovv ; ori juev
yap pvpiaKig pvpia etij SisXavflavEv apa roi>e tote' x^la ^'
ad)' ov yiyovtv rj Sie roaavra srij, Ta ptv AaiSaXtj) koto-
thavr) yiyovt, rd Si 'Op$£i, rd Se IlaXa/xrjSEi, rd Se irtpl pov-
F

66 NOTES TO
aiKr)v Mapo-iia Kai "OXvprrw, vtpl Xvpav Si 'A/x^i'ovi, Ta S'
aXXa dXXoig TrdpiroXXa, wg tirog eItte'iv x&C Kai 7rpwrjv yt-
yovora. Whence Aristotle, Metaph. xi. 8, IlapaSE'SoTai Se
7rapa twv apxaio)v Kai -n-ap-traXaiwv iv pvOov axvpan Kara-
XeXeijuxie'vo toic So-tejoov, on Osoi te slaiv OVTOl Kai ^SpiE^El
to 0eTov rrjv SXrjv (j>vaiv. rd Si Xonrd pvQiKwg r/Sri 7rpo<r-
rJKrai wpbg rrjv miOw twv ttoXXwv Kai 7rpoc rf/v tig roiig
vopovg Kai rb avp<j>ipov xp»i<"V dvOpwTTOEiStlg te yap rov
rovg Kai twv dXXwv £ioa)v bpoiovg tkti XE'yoixrt Kai rou-
toic ETEpa aKoXovfla Kai TTaparrXriaia rolg tlpriptvoig. wv ti
ng x^piuae avrb Xaj3oi povov rb rrpwrov, on Otovg wovro
rag rrpwrag ovaiag ttvai, Odwg av Elpr)a9ai vopiaEitv, Kai
Kara rb eikoc 7roXXaKie tvpripivrig tig to Svvarbv EKao-rric Kai
rtxvrig Kai <j>iXoao([>iag Kai 7raXtv fOtipopivwv Kal ravrag
rag S6%ag tKtivwv, dlov Xsixpava mpiatawadai pixpi rov
vvv. r) piv ovv Trdrpiog So£a Kai rj Trapa twv rrpwTwv i-iri
Toaovrov riplv tpavtpd povov. St. Clement, Strom, vi. § 27,
says that Aristotle took to TrXsTo-Ta Kai KvpiairaTa twv Soy-
pdrwv from Plato ; and this is one out of many instances
tending to show the truth of his assertion — an assertion which
will strike any careful reader of the two philosophers as of
much weight, in spite of their great discrepancies. Imagi
nation has its field, whether Plato went beyond it or not ; and
imagination always precedes induction, which is but a mere
organ of proof. Plato may be taken as symbolizing the
former, while Aristotle certainly does the latter (induction),
whatever people who do not read him may say.
Note (17.) p. 18.
The case of letters will furnish an illustration of the pro
gress of invention noticed in the last note. It should
seem, on the whole, that the original of the Hebrew alpha
bet was something hieroglyphic : for the names of the letters
have a meaning which approximates more or less closely to

DIALOGUE I. 67
the most ancient form of those letters with which we are
acquainted. Thus the ancient ?nem seems to have origi
nally been a symbol for "water," which the word mem
means. The ancient nun resembled a fish, and tau in the
Phoenician and Hebrew, as given in a table at the end of
Ewald's Arabic Grammar, was a cross : the word seems to
mean a brand or mark in this form. And the same is the
case with other letters. This was urged of old (see Euseb.
Prsep. Ev. x. 5. Cyril, c. Jul. p. 231.) as a proof of the
derivation of the Greek alphabet from foreign sources. And
as all tradition ascribes the introduction of them to Phoe
nicians, we may see how the letters of (probably) all Europe
came from a Phoenician source. For whether the ancient
Celtic alphabet constitutes an exception, we do not seem in
a position to judge at present 3. And I may notice, too,
the use, for a considerable period *, of the Greek alphabet
by the Copts. And if the old enchorial alphabet was not
taken, as Gesenius (Gesch. der H. Sprache und Schrift,
p. 139.) supposed, from the Phoenician, but the Phoenician
from it, as Ideler (Hermapion, p. 80. note 5. Tab. ix.) is
confident, there will still be but one source of all the afore
said alphabets. Without having gone into all that Ideler says
on the subject, I shall add here the words of Eupolemus (ap.
S. Cyril, 1. c.) Ev7ToXejUOc ev t<£ mpl twv iv ry 'IovSaia
paatXiwv <j)r)a\v ivapywg, M.wata Srj rrpwrov ysviadai aoipbv,
Kai ypappariKrjv rolg 'IouSatotc 7rapaSo0vat rrjv to rriviKaSt
3 See Ad. Pietet de l'Affinite' des Langues Celtiques avec le Sanscrit, p. 6.
" L'authenticite' de cet alphabet (appelC Coelbren y Beirz) n'a pas iti Ctablie
ni meme discutee, sous le point de vue historique ; mais sa perfection, qui
egale peut-etre celle du Devanagari est une forte presomption en sa faveur."
ApoUonius, it may be observed, found in Spain characters unknown to him,
which Olearius (ad Philostr. V. 5) imagines was Phoenician : would not Apol-
lonius have known these, being from Cilicia ? Can they have been Celtic ?
J Probably from the introduction of Christianity. See A. Peyron, Gram.
Linguae Copt. p. 2.
f2

68 NOTES TO
T&xa ttov vtvopiopivriv, QoiviKag Si irap' avrwv KaraKTrj-
aaaOai te rrjv Imarrjpriv art Sr) bpopovg bvrag 'lovSaloig-
rrapaSovvai Si rolg 'EXXnvwv rraial, KdSpov SinXovon irap'
avrolg ytyovorog Kat avrd Se SiSd^avrog to. irpwra aroixda.
It seems allowable, when the matter is so obscure, to think
there is something in the tradition (Plato, Phsedr. § 134.
Phileb. § 23. comp. Kennicott, Diss. ii. p. 148.) which as
cribed the invention of them to Theuth or Divinity, (see Ast
on Phsedr. 1. c.) indicative of a divine origin, and possibly
faintly speaking of Moses as having been the instrument to
convey the invention to men. For if, upon looking at the
transition from hieroglyphics to letters, as Ideler gives
them, tab. ix., such transition should appear easy to us, the
first suggester of it must have been no ordinary person
(ovx " tvx>>>v avrjp). It is impossible for us, who have
grown up in the habitual use of an alphabet, to form, per
haps I may say, even the remotest conception of the depth
of mind required to suggest that transition.
But to return : my main object in the text is to show, by
way of illustration, how a great variety of seemingly uncon
nected forms may be traced to one source ; and although I
shall be extremely glad if future researches tend to prove
that that source was a Semitic one, that is not the thing I
am concerned to show in order to make my illustration
good. I shall proceed, then, to another class of alphabets.
At p. 219 of the sixth volume of the Journ. ofthe Asiatic
Society of Bengal, we find the following observations : — "It
is worthy of remark, that in > this alphabet, which we may
aptly denominate the Andhra character, from its locality,
may be traced the gradual transition from the more simple
Devanagari to the complicated or florid writing of the
southern peninsula. On comparing it with the Hala-Ca-
nara, or ancient Carnatic, the letters n, t, y, r, I, M, th, dh,
ih, which may be regarded in some degree as test letters,

DIALOGUE I. 69
because they have undergone more variation than others in
the modern writing of different provinces, are nearly iden
tical. There is also an incipient loop in the lower line of
many of the letters, which becomes afterwards more de
veloped in the west and south. The Telinga or Telugu
character is one step further removed ; but it springs di
rectly from the Hala-Canara, and retains many of the An-
dhra letters still unchanged, particularly the dh and th."
Mr. Prinsep then gives a plate, in which any eye accustomed
to the Devanagari will readily see, that it is the basis of
these subsequent formations. The importance of noticing
these transitions may perhaps be greater than at first we
should be supposed to surmise, as Grimm is said (by Pott,
Etym. Forschangen, p. xii.) to have shown them to be cor
relative to certain etymological changes. I may also notice, in
passing, that it appears as if some mysterious change in the
degree of diversity between handwritings has taken place
in the course of ages — a subject upon which the reader will
find a very curious discussion in De Maistre, du Pape, i. 15,
from which I shall give only the following sentence : — " La
correspondence mysterieuse entre les langues et les signes
de l'ecriture est telle, que si une langue balbutie, fecriture bal-
butiera de meme ; que, si la langue est vague, embarrassee,
et d'une syntaxe difficile, recriture manquera de meme, et
proportionellement, d1 elegance et de clarte." This remark
I think of the utmost importance, and in my own mind is
at the bottom of what I am here saying. To proceed :
Professor Wilson, in his Ariana Antiqua, p. 242, &c, has
discussed the alphabet deducible from the coins found in
those parts. At p. 260 he notices the correspondence of
some of these with the Hebrew, and observes, p. 262, "At
any rate this much is ascertained, that we have on the coins
of Menander and his successors one of the earliest speci
mens of a well-defined alphabet of the Semitic family ;"
referring to Gesenius, Mon. Phcen. p. 74. And as this

70 NOTES TO
alphabet is, in a plate, compared with the Devanagari, we
see another widely extended branch from Semitic sources,
besides the Greek already noticed.
Before winding up this note, it may be well to make two
remarks : —
1. Those not accustomed to see different alphabets may
be reminded, that diversities, seemingly the greatest pos
sible, at the termini (so to speak) will be no argument
against an original common source, if we consider that al
phabets probably were originally diffused through the medium
of inscriptions on stones or coins. These being hard ma
terials, of course drove artists to expedients varying accord
ing to their own skill, or the degree of hardness in the ma
terial; which circumstance alone, apart from other consider
ations of climate, moral condition, &c, would introduce
almost an infinity of variations.
2. I would suggest whether, as Philostratus (ii. 27) and
Suidas (v. yujuvoo-o^to-rat) lead us to think that there was an
intercourse between Babylon and India in the third century,
it would not be worth some philologian's while to examine
the signs used for vowels in early Indian inscriptions, in
order to ascertain whether divers Semitic vowel-points may
not have been borrowed from them : an investigation of this
kind might also throw some light upon the subject of the
connexion between Cabalistic and Indian metaphysics.
To conclude : it will not, perhaps, upon mature reflec
tion, seem unreasonable to any one to suppose that there
is something very wonderful and mysterious in the signs
by which language is, so to say, gifted with a body and
permanent shape. He that feels no serious thoughts at
these signs 5, considered as a system over-ruled by Provi-

5 The numeric signs employed by different nations might furnish a simi
lar illustration in some respects to the one in the text. See Humboldt's
paper in the Journal of Science for 1830, p. 300.

DIALOGUE I. 71
dence for men's use, will feel no such thoughts at the in
vestigation of language either. The want of this species
of awe has perhaps been the ground of many hasty specu
lations of which it may be hard to divest the subject. Of
this, as of many other subjects which men handle now-a-
days, I cannot but confess that I would use the words of
our great poet : " Blind fear that seeing reason leads, finds
safer footing than blind reason stumbling without fear." —
Troil. and Cres. Note (18.) p. 18.
The Armenian alphabet is here referred to. It is said
that Mesrop and Isaac invented this alphabet to suit the
wants of the language ; the Syriac letters, which they had
hitherto used, being insufficient. But it is also said, that they
put them together out of existing alphabets (Neuman, Ar-
men. Literatur. p. 32). Ideler has somewhere noticed that
one of the letters was borrowed from the Coptic ; and Peter-
mann (Gr. Armen.) that the order was taken from Dionysius
Thrax. At any rate there would be a manifest absurdity
in trying to throw a Sclavonic language into a Semitic atti
tude, so to call it. Note (19.) p. 18.
Compare note 16, especially the passage from Aristotle
there quoted. Note (20.) p. 19.
I have stated in the text that the nation which most
faithfully kept up the oral tradition had also fresh written
tradition given to it. It will be my object, in the present
note, to show, as concisely as may be, first, the existence of
an oral tradition amongst the Jews; and secondly, that
there were colleges of prophets, who were trained up in the
study of it, and the commissioned teachers of it. The evi-

72 NOTES TO
dence offered for this will, I fear, necessarily admit of cavil,
and must not be considered as the whole of what can be
adduced in its support, but merely as a sample which will
suggest to thoughtful readers of Holy Writ the mode in
which such evidence may be continually amassed.
First, then, I think it will be allowed that there is an
appearance of ceremonialism, as it might be called, about
the law of Moses. The rules and regulations for sacri
fices and offerings are numerous and minute, and enforced
with very severe sanctions in some instances. And the
general way of modern commentators and of some ancient
ones, perhaps, is to assume that the prophets gradually
abrogated this ceremonialism ; and in particular that any
sanctions of a temporal kind were spiritualized only after
a lapse of ages. I hope I shall not seem opinionated if I
state that my own growing conviction is, that such a mode
of interpretation is an untenable one. For does it not seem
to involve a direct contradiction of such a passage as
Jerem. vii. 21—23 ! " Thus saith the Lord of Hosts, the
God of Israel, Put your burnt offerings unto your sacrifices,
and eat flesh. For I spake not unto your fathers, nor com
manded them in the day that I brought them out of the
land of Egypt, concerning burnt offerings or sacrifices. But
this thing commanded I them, saying, Obey my voice, and I
will be your God, and ye shall be My people ; and walk ye
in all the ways that I have commanded you, that it may be
well unto you." Here, then, we see that the ceremonial
law was not the real object of the legislator, even from
the very first : the moral law was given first in the deca
logue; the ceremonial was added after, because of trans
gressions. (See St. Irenseus, iv. 17. § 3. S. Cyril de Ador.
p. 58, and St. Ephrem and St. Jerome on the place.) But
were there any interpreters of it from the first ? Jeremiah
proceeds, ver. 25, " Since the day that your fathers came

DIALOGUE I. 73
forth out of the land of Egypt unto this day, I have even
sent unto you all my servants the prophets, daily rising up
early and sending them." Here, then, an uninterrupted
succession of prophets is asserted. And we find that it is
not at a late, but at an early period, that the ceremonial law
is disparaged in comparison of obedience. See 1 Sam. xv.
And with regard to the theory of temporal rewards and
punishments, is it not Solomon, the most prosperous of all
the kings, who teaches that " all things come alike to all ;
that there is one event to the righteous and to the wicked ;
to the good, and to the clean, and to the unclean . . . under
ihe sun ? " Eccles. ix. 2, 3. Is it not David who owns that
he is a stranger and sojourner, as all his fathers were?
Moses, who is excluded from the temporal land of promise !
Asaph, who is perplexed at seeing the ungodly in such
prosperity? Say what you will to good men and saints
having so much higher a view as to be able to suffer patiently,
as looking to the recompense of reward, still the prosperity
of the wicked seems wholly unaccounted for upon the theory
of temporal promises. It is in the law that we are taught
that the poor shall never cease out of the land ; and it is
the law which abounds with exhortations to be kind to the
poor, and which bids men give temporal goods to those who,
upon this theory, do not deserve them. For if poverty, a
temporal evil, were a mark of sin, may we not well ask why
should such great care be taken throughout the Penta
teuch to make men of wealth feel that the poor were objects
of love, tenderness, and compassion ?
It seems, then, that these things force one upon supposing,
a priori, that there must have been an interpretative system
of some kind from the first, even if the passage just quoted
(Jer. vii. 25) had no appearance of asserting it. And
Malachi, who at the very last bids men recur to the law of
Moses, also tells us that the priest's lips should keep know-

74 NOTES TO
ledge ; to the intent, doubtless, that the dark sayings of the
law might not be hid from the successive generations. (See
Ps. lxxviii. Mal. ii. 7. iv. 4, and the place of Euseb. given
in note 12.) Let us proceed to show, a posteriori,
Secondly, That there were schools of prophets, who were
trained up in the study of this tradition, and the com
missioned teachers of it. With a view to doing so, I may
notice, first, that the New Testament recognises the di
vision of Scripture into Law, Psalms, and Prophets, which
is a Jewish division ; and according to it the historical
books are called the Former Prophets. Conformably with
this, we learn from 1 Chron. xxix. 29. 2 Chron. xiii. 22.
xx. 34. xxiv. 27, that prophets or seers were employed to
compose these books, wliich looks as if they were commis
sioned to select such facts as had a typical bearing, and
group them with a view to that, and with great indifference
to chronological order 6. For the books are styled D^TID
in 2 Chronicles xxiv. 27, and xiii. 22, the root of which
word has always reference to somewhat mysteriously con
cealed and hard to find out, in which sense the Jews
used the word itself from of old. If then the historical
books are rightly looked upon by the Jews as prophetical 7,
we shall have evidence of a perpetuation of the prophetical
schools during the time of the kings. And in Saul's time
such assemblages of prophets were looked upon as com
mon, and as consisting of men of holy lives : for their habits
must have been openly known to be ordinarily holy ; other
wise it were no contrast to say, " Is Saul also among the
prophets?" Further, the ordinary mode of training

6 Aretas in Apoc. p. 297, ed. Oxf., well says, M-nSkv Gtin ypap) ntpi rd
XpoviKa dia<Tr-fi[iaTa /^iKpoXoyetrat.
7 Orig. in S. Joann. a. § 13, Ov vopiOTtov rd ioropiKa iaropiKiuv ilvai
rviroig, &c.

DIALOGUE I. 75
men to be prophets, to be educated by them. For an ex
ception proves a rule to exist, from which rule it is the
exception ; and Amos (vii. 14) is evidently surprised at his
being commissioned to prophesy, seeing he was " neither a
prophet nor a prophet's son." Now the sons of the prophets
would mean those who gave themselves to that office as their
proper profession and occupation ; after the way of speaking
used by all antiquity. (See Stallbaum on Plato's Phsedr.
§ 74 ; and for an account of the name, Moehler's Patristik.
Einleit. § 3, and Pott, in S. Clem. Strom, i. 1.) But he
who has spiritual sons must of necessity have something to
teach. Thus when St. Austin (c. Faust, xiv. fin.) says, "Quis-
que pro modulo suo prsedicando Christum debet generare
Christianos," the faith must have been received by hearing,
which he is to hand on, in order to have that heritage and
gift which cometh of the Lord. And so, too, must the
prophets have had a tradition to deliver, else they could not
have had sons (1 Kings xx. 35) ; and if it be needful now
to show that they were the ordinary instructors of the
people in difficult cases, which the law anticipated the ex
istence of (Deut. xvii. 8 — 10), it must be obvious, from
1 Sam. ix. 9, that going to the seer was a common way of
enquiring of the Lord ; so common as to give rise to the
ordinary form of expression there specified, even long before
Samuel's day : D^H)1?. Thus much, then, may suffice to
suggest evidences showing the existence of such schools,
the perpetuation of them from the earliest times, and that
they were the usual educators of the prophets ordinarily so
called, whether those prophets were laymen, as Isaiah, Amos,
&c, or priests, as Jeremiah and Ezechiel, &c. For there
may well have been regular and secular priests then, to
use the Christian distinction. What has been here said
will be found summarily given by St. Hilary in Ps. Prolog.
or Euseb. Prsep. Ev. xi. 5. xii. 1, and more at length by

76 NOTES TO
Molitor, Philos. u. Geschichte, i. p. 155, and John Smith,
Discourse vi. Note (21.) p. 19.
See Windischm. i. 1. p. 70, who shows how well attested
the antiquity of the King, or Chinese scriptures, is ; as Cole-
brook (Essays, i. p. 98) does in a most striking manner for
the Vedas. Hence, doubtless, it was that " in their know
ledge of the being and nature of a God, they were already in
possession of a light which was but faintly perceived even
by the loftiest intellects in the best days of Athens," as
Elphinstone, i. p. 94, justly speaks. This possession of
ancient scriptures constitutes, indeed, one chief difficulty in
dealing with the Eastern, as contrasted with the Western
forms of paganism. For those against whom the Fathers
wrote had no ancient scriptures, and therefore were pro
perly met by exhibiting to them the antiquity of the Books
of Moses, &c. It may be said that this is a mere argu-
mentum ad hominem, and not therefore a valid criterion of
a revelation. But a little thought will, I trust, show any
one who reflects upon what goes on in his own mind, that
it is not evidence which makes him believe, but somewhat
moral which leads him to wish for the truth of what is
presented to him. When that has preceded, then argu
ments serve to exhibit and embody to himself the fact that
he believes ; but he must feel that they are but an inade
quate ground for that conviction which results from his
whole nature. To try and convince a man upon mere argu
ments, would be much as if a man should attempt to argue
one into a love of one for whose character and ways —to
use a homely term — one has no sympathy. Indeed, this
illustration holds in the other point noticed. For whoever
tries to give a reason to himself (i. e. even without attempt
ing to put it into words) for his love of such and such an

DIALOGUE I. 77
intimate friend, will feel at once that he can but state a part
of the grounds of it, even to himself. Arguments, then,
only serve to hold up the truth before the mind, and are in
no sense to be looked upon as generating belief ; and if so,
the Fathers did right in holding up before western pagans
the truth by such arguments as presented for the heart's
acceptation one property of it, — viz. antiquity. But this is
not essential to truth, nor do I believe it was ever insisted
on of old as such ; it is a probable argument, and as such
proper to use in moral matters. Where not available, other
probable arguments must be used ; and what has been my
difficulty in this part of the Essay is, that I have here to
deal with a case not contemplated by ancient writers in
defence of Christianity, and therefore to find arguments in
a great measure of my own choosing, or at least to apply
ancient doctrines or opinions in a way that might require
some further justification, were the case other than it is.
I ought to add, that this note is suggested by an appa
rently kindly intended anonymous letter, which acutely states
the difficulty just alluded to, though it does not speak, as
it seems to me, with becoming reverence of the sainted
champions of the faith in early times, nor with sufficient
apprehension of the very small importance of the logical-
ness of arguments as compared with the moral proof (-n-iang
riBiicfj) of Christianity. Note (22.) p. 19.
See Windisch. p. 1684 to 1686, where he says, "Die
Autorifat der Schrift und Tradition ist also fiir den recht-
glaubigen Brahmanen iiberall das Entscheidende ; ' denn wer
die heiligen Biicher genau kennt,' sagt Sankara, ' der stelle
keine Untersuchung der Brahma-erkentniss nach seiner
Willkiir an, sondern ziehe den Lehrer zu Rath. Dieser
7

78 NOTES TO
verkiindigt ihm, wenn er bezahmten Sinnes ist, die Brah-
ma-wissenschaft, kraft deren er jenen ewigen wahren Mann
(den Puruscha) erkannt.' Der Lehrer aber hat sie wieder
von seinem Lehrer und so der Reihe nach: der erste aber
hat sie von Brahma selbst (S. Mundaka) ; denn dies ist der
Quell jenes grossen Ganzen von Biichern, das mit dem Rig-
veda anfangt, und, viele Wissenschaften enthaltend, gleich
dem Licht alle Dinge erleuchtet und mit Allwissenheit he-
gabt ist. Nur der Allwissende selbst kann der Urheber
davon seyn," &c. Note (23.) p. 20.
Windisch., p. 1 690, 2, quotes the Chandogya as follows :
" Die Rede ist grosser als das Wort ; die Rede macht erken-
nen den Rigveda, &c. ; ware die Rede nicht, dann wiirde
sich weder Recht noch Unrecht, weder Wahrheit noch Un-
wahrheit, weder Gutes noch Boses, weder Freund noch
Feind zu erkennen geben. Rede lasst dies Alles erkennen ;
verehre die Rede," u.s.w. Note (24.) p. 20.
We probably at no time fairly enter into the feelings of
the ancients respecting the importance of music, as bearing
on religion and morality. Minds so different as Plato
(Lach. 16. 22. Rep. iii. 12, &c), Aristotle (Polit. viii. 5),
Aristophanes (Nub. 950), Thucydides (v. 70), St. Basil
(in Psalm, ap. Hooker, v. 38), St. Clement (Psedag. ii. 44.
Strom, vi. 90), and of the Indians (Philostr. Vit. Ap. ii. 34),
could never have all agreed upon it, were it not something
entirely above the conceptions which the generality of men
now form of it. Its religious use, as here alluded to, has
been paralleled with that amongst the Jews, who were so
particular in their accentuation, that Molitor somewhere
tells us that a well-instructed ear knew by the tune any

DIALOGUE I. 79
verse of the Bible from any other. V. Windisch. pp. 627
and 71 7, notices that the intonation of the Vedas ^?ST?T
was an important part of the instruction of a Brahman.
Note (25.) p. 21.
The words used in the text are taken -from the Septuagint
Version of Deuter. xxxii. 8. "Ote SiEpip&v 6 "Y^kttoc
E0vr), wg Siia-rttiptv vlovg 'ASaju, eotijo-ev bpia iOvwv Kara
dpiOpbv a-yyEXoTv Qeov. To give this version full weight,
some little discussion may be necessary ; but, perhaps, upon
reflection, the reader will not think the subject by any
means an unimportant one. I shall observe, first, that the
chapter is one in which the LXX. make an addition, which
is quoted in Hebrews i. 6, and has no existence in the
Hebrew Scriptures, although it may be proved by them.
This begets some presumption that there may be other
things in the LXX. version of the same chapter which may
be proved by other Scriptures, although they also do not
exist in the Hebrew. Now the Hebrew text has in this
place, " according to the number of the children of Israel;"
and if Israel's children, as here spoken of, were twelve in
number, and we learn from Daniel x. 13, that Michael,
the prince or chief angel of Israel, was one of more (for
he is there styled one of the chief princes or archangels, to
use the Greek word which would correspond with it) ; and
if, as there is no objection from any thing in the Old Testa
ment to their number being twelve, so in the New Testa
ment there is direct mention of twelve legions of angels :
then, if each were presided over by an archangel, this would
furnish a number exactly corresponding with that of the
sons of Jacob. This, then, if it be but a weak way of
arguing, to some minds at least, is yet sufficient to show
that the LXX.'s substitution of the heavenly archetype for
the earthly counterpart is far from involving in itself any

80 NOTES TO
contradiction of the Scripture account of things. If, again,
by the number of the sons of Israel is meant the number of
those going down to Egypt, still the earthly and heavenly
hierarchy might correspond in number. But without going
into any discussion as to the subdivisions of this number of
angels, which may be requisite to furnish a more exact cor
respondence to the subdivisions of the nations anciently
assumed, it must be evident that some relationship between
the number of the angels and that of the nations is implied
by the language of the Septuagint. Nor, indeed, is it easy
to see how the number of the sons of Israel should be the
ground of a division of the nations which was so long ante
cedent to their birth, unless this same number were itself
also grounded upon something antecedent and mysterious.
If, then, we once assume that the number of the nations
was any way dependent upon a number of the angels, the
important thing is assumed. For the important thing is,
the connexion between the divisions of the heavenly host
and that of the divisions of the nations : once grant this,
and it is immaterial whether the number prevailing in both
is smaller or larger than twelve now; whether there be
more or fewer subdivisions ; whether they be or be not
ascertainable by us, and the like. For, from the assumption
of such a connexion, the mind is naturally prepared to ex
pect that the angels will be guardians of the nations, or at
least in some way further connected with them. Did Scrip
ture contravene such an expectation, of course we should
feel it a duty then to own that we were misled through the
feebleness and imperfection of human knowledge. But it
is evident that I am only trying here to put down, in the
shape of a consistent theory, what Scripture, as matter of
fact, appears to countenance and fall in with. Let me,
then, proceed to put together some passages bearing upon
the subject : and to prevent mistake, I will again state that

DIALOGUE I. 81
what I consider the important point to be proved is, that
there is ground from Scripture for thinking that there are
superintending angels charged with the execution of the
designs of Providence, in regard to the several nations. I
do not enter upon the specific numbers employed — a question
upon which I might be apt to become fanciful, or perhaps
lead persons to mistake the mere statements of a law of
Providence for assertions of some inherent value in the
numbers themselves : nor, again, do I at all touch upon the
development of the Christian polity as bearing upon, or
altering in any way, this order of things in the ancient dis
pensation. To proceed : —
1. I have already noticed in the text two passages from
Daniel (x. 13. 20), and referred to one from Ezekiel, in
which mention is made (xxviii. 16) of a covering cherub
which God " will destroy from the midst of the stones of
fire." I quote this, not by any means as a clear passage to
the point, but as seeming to imply that there had been an
anointed cherub set over them by God (14), and that
they had made an unauthorized image of him after the
pattern of the Jewish tabernacle. St. Ephrem on the place
notices that the king of Tyre made himself altogether as a
proselyte, jooi f-N^i Or-s^5 ? and vet he was not °? ^e
true seed of Judah 8. Verse 14 seems to imply a reality ;
verse 16 an idolatrous representation of it, and an abuse of
knowledge gotten from the Jews. To this may be added
Gen. xxxii., where the name Mahanaim, signifying "two
hosts," bestowed upon the place where " angels of God
met" Jacob, is taken to imply that Jacob passed from one
camp of angels to that of another, as he left one country
for another. See Corn, a Lapide on the place.
» I quote this as coming from one probably versed in the history of those
nations. The Syriac differs here from the Hebrew, so far as to prevent our
having St. E.'s opinion, in the way one could wish, upon the passage.
G

82 NOTES TO
2. In the Psalms (Ixvi. 7) we read, " His eyes behold the
nations," rti«)lfcn D^aa VTV; and in Prov. xv. 3, "The
eyes of the Lord are in every place, beholding the evil and
the good." And in 2 Chron. xvi. 8, 9, Hanani says, " Were
not the Ethiopians and the Lubims a huge host, with very
many chariots and horsemen ? yet because thou didst rely on
the Lord, He delivered them into thine hand : For the eyes
of the Lord run to and fro throughout the whole earth, to
show himself strong in the behalf of them whose heart is per
fect toward Him. Herein thou hast done foolishly ; there
fore from henceforth thou shalt have wars." And in Zech.
iv. 10, mention is made of seven " eyes of the Lord, which
run to and fro through the whole earth." And in Rev. v. 6,
the Lamb is said to have " seven horns and seven eyes, which
are the seven Spirits of God, sent forth into all the earth."
This last text seems to show that though the seven gifts of
the Spirit rest upon the Lamb, yet also there are seven
angelic Beings, who go forth from Him and run to and
fro in the earth : and so would seem to point out how the
language of Zechariah may be understood of the seven
Gifts of the Spirit, though not in such way as to exclude the
intervention of ministering Spirits. For though the Word
Himself is said to run very swiftly (i. e. by His operations),
yet D^ZOftltyQ is more naturally understood of Beings
than of operations (as of Satan in Job i.). St. Ephrem
gives both senses, understanding the passage of the Dis
pensing Angels, Lo j.Oj.^o, as well as spiritually, also of the
operations of the Holy Spirit ; of which St. Jerome and
others appear to take them exclusively. The passage of
Chronicles might seem to imply that the nations should no
longer be restrained from falling upon Asa through the
instrumentality of these Eyes, which run to and fro through
the earth. (See Epiphanius, as quoted presently.) And with
these passages before us, we may be inclined to think that

DIALOGUE I. 83
the words of Ps. Ixvi. 7, imply something as to the mode
in which God exercised His superintendence over the
nation — viz. through the instrumentality of angels, or Eyes
of the Lord s- St. Hilar, in loc. " Ergo incorporalis Deus
misericordise suse oculis et tanquam ministerio famulantium
Angelorum protegit gentes, et in omnes credentes donum Di-
vinse miserationis efnindit." And that the nations were under
a dispensation then, we learn from Ps. xciv. 10, and cxlvii. 20,
(on which St. Clement, Strom, vi. 63, says, To " ovk iiroi-
i)<7£v oiiTtoc" 7r£7roirjK£vat piv SrjXoT, aXX' ovx ovrwg,) as
well as from other Scriptures, e. g. Job xii. 22 — 25. Hence
there is some reason from Scripture for assuming the truth
of the teaching implied in the passage of Deuteronomy, from
which we started, and which was quoted repeatedly by the
Fathers, from St. Clement of Rome (i. 29) downwards.
Having then stated the hints of such a system given us in
Scripture, I shall next proceed to put together some pas
sages from the Fathers which express a belief in it. And
while so doing, I must urge upon the reader the duty of
patiently endeavouring to enter into expositions of passages,
which, as they seem suited to the mind of Orientals, so
doubtless were not written without some superintending
Providence, whether it be the hints of Holy Writ, or the
language of the Fathers about such hints, which we con
sider. And they will be found some of them to come from
minds as different as those of Origen and Jerome.
St. Clement, Stromat. vi. 157. (Pott. p. 822.) Kai al
rwv Evapkrwv dvOpwirwv E-rrlvoiai Kara iirivoiav Osiav yiy-
9 It may be worth noticing, that there were Persian officers called j3an-
\'eu>e bipOaXfiol, (Aristoph. Ach. 91, and Aristot. Pol. iii. 16, ap. Scholiast.
Philostr. Vit. Apoll. i. 21, et seq. ed. Olear.) which possibly were a heathen
imitation based upon some tradition of the same thing ; for we find that there
were seven chief counsellors in Ezra's time (Ezr. vii. 14. Esth. i. 14) ; and
the passage of Aristotle clearly shows that there were more /3. 600aXjuoi
than one.
g2

84 NOTES TO
vovrai SiariOtpivrig wwg rijg ^VX^ Ka' StaSiSopivov tov
ddov OtX-fiparog tig rag avdpw-irivag ipvxng rwv iv pipti
Odwv Xurovpywv avXXapfiavopivwv tig rag roiavrag bta-
Kovt'ac, Kara te yap rd 'i6vr) Kai 7toXeic v£V£'/xr?vTai rwv
ayyEXwv al -irpoaraaiui, rdxa Si Kai t<Iiv im ptpovg, wv
ivioig a-n-orirdxaTai nvtg, where Potter's note may be con
sulted. Also Strom, vii. 6. (Pott. p. 832.) Ovtoc eotiv 6
SiSoiig Kai to?c "EXXrjo-i rrjv (j>iXoao(j)iav Sid twv v7toSeeo-T£-
pwv dyyiXwv. tlal yap avvSiavtpripivoi -n-poardS,Ei dda te
Kai apxaia dyyEXoi Kara Wvin. Strom, vii. 12. (Pott. p. 835.)
IlatSEVo-£ic Se al dvayKulai dyaOorriTi tov i<j>opwvTog ptyd-
Xov KpiTOv Sta te rwv 7rpo<7£x<x>v dyyiXwv Sta te TTpoKpi-
atwv ttoikIXwv Kai Sid rrjg Kpiatwg rrjg rravTEXovg roiig irri
rrXiov aTrriXyriKOTag iK^idZovrai ptravoslv. Also Origen, in
Num. xi. § 5. " Ex initio sseculi hujus, cum dispergeret Deus
filios Adam, statuit fines gentium secundum numerum an-
gelorum Dei, et unaquseque gens sub illo angelo facta est ;
una autem fuit, et electa gens Israel, quse portio Domini
fuit, et funiculus hsereditatis ejus." And, In Luc. Horn.
35. (p. 219, Lommatsch.) " ' Quando vadis ad principem.'
Quisnam iste princeps est ? Quando dividebat Altissimus
gentes, quando disseminabat filios Adam, statuit terminos
nationum secundum numerum angelorum Dei ; et facta est
portio Domini populus ejus Jacob, funiculus hsereditatis
ejus Israel. Igitur principibus, id est, angelis, ab exordio
terra divisa est. Daniel quippe manifestius, quos Moses
angelos nominarat, principes esse testatur, dicens, ' Princeps
regni Persarum, et princeps regni Grsecorum, et Michael
princeps gentium.' " St. Jerome also paraphrases Isaiah xiv.
fin. " Si, inquit, qusesierint angeli gentis Assyrise ; quare
solus Judas evaserit ? " On xxxiv. 3. " Ita ut sanie earum
et spurcitia ac sanguine montes repleantur ; sublimes quoque
virtutes et angeli qui singulis gentibus prsesidebant." On
Isaiah xlvii. init. " Significat autem angelum gentis Baby-

DIALOGUE I. 85
Ionise prsesidem, qui cum cseteris angelis loquitur." Again,
St. Basil adv. Eunom. iii. 1 . "AyysXoi vdvTEg wamp -rrpoa-
riyoplag pidg, ovtw Kai (pvaEwg Trdvrwg rrjg avrrjg aXXrjXoic
rvyxavovaiv" aXX' bpwg ol ptv avrwv iOvwv irpotarriKaaiv'
ol Se, Ivi EKao-TW twv marwv tlai TraptTroptvoi. "Oaw pivroi
wponportpov Wvog bXov tvbg dvSpbg, roaovrw Sr)?rov ptlZ,ov
vrrapxtiv avdyK-r] a£,iwpa rov tBvdpxov ayyiXov 7rapa to tov
tvbg EKaarov rrjv trpoaraaiav TTtmartvptvov. To Se trvvEtvai
EKaaTw twv marwv dyysXov, oTov 7ratSa,yw,yov nva ko.1 vo-
pia rrjv Zwrjv SiEvOivovra, ovStlg avrtpsl, ptpvnptvog rwv
rov Kvpiov Xoywv, tlrrovrog' Mr) KaTa^povr)ar\Tt tvbg rwv
iXaxivrwv tovtwv, on ol dyyEXoi avrwv Sid rravrbg j3Xe-
TTOvai to wpoawTTOv tov IlaTpoe pov rov ev rolg ovpavoig.
Kai 6 ^aXjuwSoc (prjaf TlaptpfiaXXEl dyyEXog Kvpiov kvkXw
twv <j>o(3ovpivwv avrov. Kai, 'O dyytXog b pvaaptvog ps
ek vtorrrrog pov' Kai o<ra roiavra. "Ote Se -irdXtv tlai nvtg
dyyEXoi Kai oXwv l9vwv wpotarwrtg, Mwo-Jjc rjjuae SiSao-KEt
Sta Trjc wSrjc, Xtywv' "Ort Supipi%tv 6 "Yxpiarog £0vr], wg
Siiarrtiptv vloiig 'ASaju, tarriatv bpia iQvwv Kara apiQpbv
a-y-ylXwv avTOv. Kat 6 aofbg AavirjX iv ry tov ayyiXov
birraaiq rjKOVo-sv airrov XlyovToe, OTi"Apxwv /3a<7iX£t'ac IlEp-
awv tiarriKti i^tvavriag pov' Kai iSov Mix<*r?X Etc twv apxbv-
twv twv Ttpwrwv r)X0E |3ori0r)(7ai poi, Kai avrov KariXnrov ekei
jueto tov dpxovrog fiaaiXiwg Iltpawv. Kai ptr bXiya ^rjo-iv 6
avToe' Kai 6 apx<»v twv 'EXXrjvwv rjpxET0- 'AXXa Kai ripx'-
(TTpaTrj-yoc tic Trjc Svvdpswg Kvptov XsyETai, 6 Irjcroi> toj tov
Navrj £7ri rov 'IopSavou <j>avEpw8dg. Kai 7raXiv tivec X£yoi>-
rai Xtytwvtg twv d'yyEXwv, tov Kvpiov dirovrog rolg pauri-
ralg' *H Sokeite on ov Svvapai -irapaKaXiaai tov IlarEpa
pov, Kai Trapaarr)ati pot wSt TrXdovg rj SwStKa Xtytwvag
dyyiXwv ; 'O roivvv apxL<*r partly og twv iv ralg Xtytwai Kara-
rtraypivwv ayyEXwv, apxwv ^°"r' SnXovoYt. Also St. Gregory
Nyssen. de V. Mosis, p. 194. Aoyoc tic eotiv ek TtarpiKrig -n-a-
paSoatwg rb marbv ex^v, og $rjor \~liaovar\g rjjuwv Etc aiiap-
riav rrig (j>vaEU>g, prj irapiSElv tov Qtbv rrjv rrrwaiv rifiwv

86

NOTES TO

aTrpovoriTov" aXX' ayyEXov nva twv rrjv dawparov EiXrjxo-
twv (pvaiv, TrapaKaOiarqv slg avppaxiav ry EKaarov Z>wy.
ek Se tov ivavriov, rbv tpBopia rrjg <j>vatwg dvnprixavaadai
rb laov Sid irovripov rtvog Kai kokottoiov Saipovog, ry tov
dvBpwTTov £wrji Xvpaivoptvov. Again, Severus of Antioch,
amongst much akin to what has gone before, has the fol
lowing passage, which contains an a fortiori argument from
the above quotation from St. Gregory (in Geotokov 'Etlpa
on the place). Et Se toic KaB' EKaarov " AyytXov, wg t<jtaptv,
E7TEo-Tr)o-£v 6 Ge6c, 7tw"c oi>xX pdXXov Kal tOvEai, Kat Sripoig,
Kat ttoXectiv ; b toIvvv (jirial Mwo-ijc, tovto iariv' on Sia-
pspiaag 6 Yipiarog rd iBvr], Kai bpia Trr)%dpEvog, EKaarw rw
rwv bpiwv pirpiy Kai dpiBpt} 'AyyiXovg irriSiivEiptv. St.
Epiphanius, Hser. xxxi. § 34, p. 456, observes, on quoting
Apoc. ix. 14, 'Eav ydp Xiyy roiig riaaapag 'AyyiXovg roiig
iv to] ErKJipdry KaBtZ,opivovg, 'iva Sti^y rag riaaapag Statjio-
pdg TWV SKEICTE lOvWV Ka0£^OjU£VWV £7Tl tov Ev^parriv, oi' TIVEC
£io-iv, 'Aaavpioi, Baj3vXwvtoi, MrjSoi Kai Ilspo-at. avrat yap
al riaaapsg (iaaiXslai Kara SiaSoxvv iv tu} AavirjX iptpipov-
rai, wg rrpwroi 'Aaavpioi IflaaiXEvov, Kai Ba/3vXwvioi iv
Xpovoig avrov. MrjSoi Se SieSe'Sovto. juet' aiiroiig Si IIsp-
aai, wv irpwrog ylyovE Kvpoe 6 jiaaiXsiig. rd yap E0vrj vtto
'AyyiXovg rtraypiva tlalv, wg impaprvptl pot Mwiitrrjc 6
aytoc rov Geov BtpaTrwv, tov Xoyov Kara aKoXovOiav Ipiiri-
vevwv Kat Xtywv' 'ErrEpwrriaov rbv rraripa aov, Kai avayyt-
Xtl aoC roiig wptafivripovg aov, Kai Epovcrt aoc ort Sitpipi^tv
6 "YuWoc tBvin, wg Sdamipsv vloiig 'ASdp, sarrjo-Ev opia
E0vwv Kara dpiOpbv 'AyyE'Xwv Geov' Kai iyEvvr)Bri pEplg Kvpi
ov Xabg avrov 'Iokw/3, (rxoivierixa KXrjpovoixt'ac aiirov 'lapariX'
ti ovv rd iBvr) inrb 'AyyiXovg tlai rtraypiva, SiKaiwg dm,
Avaov roiig riaaapag 'AyyiXovg roiig iv ry EvQpdry kuBe-
Zopivovg Kai ETTEpxoixEvovc imrpimiv rolg 'iOvsaiv tig ttoXe-
pov, twg Kaipov paKpoBvpiag Kvpiov, twg TrpoardZu Si avrwv
ekSikiov ylyvtaBai rwv avrov dyiwv. EKparovvro ydp ol
Imriraypivoi " AyytXoi tnrb tov UvEvparog, pr) EXovTtg Kai-

DIALOGUE I. 87
pov ETTiSpojurjc, Sid rb p-firrw Xveiv avrolg rrjv StKrjv, tov rd
Xoi7rd savrj XvEaBai, evekev rijg rrpbg roiig aylovg vfipEwg.
Xvovrai Se ol toioxitoi Kai E-rripxovTai rr^i yijj, wg 'Iwdvvrig
TrpotpriTEvti Kai oi Xonroi ilpo^rjrai. Kai ydp Kivovptvoi ol
' AyyEXoi, kivovui rd Wvri tig bpprjv ekSik^oc- on Si rrvpivovg
Kai BtiwStig, Kai vaKivBivovg BwpaKag atnpaivti, ovStXg dptyi-
paXXti. EKEiva yap rd iBvti, d-irb Trig rotavrrrc XPOaQ %XU
rrjv apipiaaiv. rd jiisv ydp BtiwSr\ Ipdna, XP°"a r'C ^art pri-
Xtvri, ovrw KaXov^iEvri Epla. rd Se rrvpiva, "va E'lrry rd kok-
Kripd EvSvjuara Kai vaKivBiva, 'iva SdZ,y rrjv KaXXatvrjv EpEav.
A striking passage to this purpose from St. Ephrem, vol. ii.
p. 224, has been quoted in Nature a Parable, p. 310, upon
Daniel x. 14 ; a text which is also used by Aretas in Apoc.
p. 412, Oxf. ed. Something externally similar was held by
the Persians; v. Baehr's note on Herodotus, vii. 53: and in
1 Kings xx. 23, it is implied, by what the Syrians say, that
they also believed such different apportionments of superior
orders of beings to different places. Nor were the Greeks
without a similar belief; for in Plato de Legg. iv. 6, we
have the following passage : Tiy vwo-kwv 6 Kpovoc apa, KaB-
dwEp vptlg SitXr{XvBapEv, wg avSpwirsia (pvaig ovSspia tKavr)
rd dvBpw-triva SioiKOvaa avroKparwp rravra pr) ovx vfipEwg te
Kat dStKiae ptarovaBai, raiir ovv Siavoovpsvog i<j>loTri j3a<7t-
Xsac y£ Kai dpxovrac raic 7roX£o-iv ripwv ovk dvBpwirovg,
dXXd ylvove Bsioripov te Kai dpslvovog Saipovag, oTov vvv
Vpslg SpwpEv rolg rroipvioiai Kai oo-wv r)ptpoi Eiatv dytXai'
ov |3ovc j3owv ovSe aiyac aiywv dpxovrag iroiovpEV avrolai
Tivag, aXX' r)ptlg avrwv StairoZopEv, dpuvov ekeivwv ylvoc-
ravrov Sr) Kai 6 Geoc apa Kai (piXdvOpwrrog wv rb yivog
dpEivov r)pwv itpiarr) to twv Saipovwv, o Sid 7roXXfJc ptv
avrolg pqarwvrig, TroXXrjc S' tiplv ettijUeXovjuevov rjjuwv, Etprj-
vrjv te Kai alSw Kat Evvojutav Kai atpBoviav StKrjc TrapExbpE-
vov, daraaiaara Kai EvSaipova rd rwv dvBpw-irwv dmipyd-
Zeto yEvrj. The following are the words of St. Augustine

88 NOTES TO
de Trin. iii. 9, upon the same subject: "Quod ergo de
uno sapiente, quamvis adhuc mortale corpus gestante, quam
vis ex parte vidente, posuimus exempli gratia, hoc de aliqua
domo, ubi aliquorum talium societas est, hoc de civitate vel
«tiam de orbe terrarum licet cogitare, si penes sapientes
sancteque ac perfecte Deo subditos sit principatus, et regi
men rerum humanarum. Sed hoc quia nondum est : (opor
tet enim nos in hac peregrinatione prius mortaliter exer-
ceri, et per vires mansuetudinis et patientise in flagellis
erudiri :) illam ipsam supernam atque ccelestem, unde per-
egrinamur, patriam cogitemus. Illic enim Dei voluntas, qui
facit angelos suos spiritus et ministros suos ignem flagran-
tem, in spiritibus summa pace atque amicitia copulatis, et
in unam voluntatem quodam spiritali caritatis igne con-
flatis, tanquam in excelsa et sancta et secreta sede prsesi-
dens, velut in domo sua et in templo suo, inde se, quibusdam
ordinatissimis creaturse motibus, primo spiritalibus, deinde
corporalibus per cuncta diffundit, et utitur omnibus ad in-
commutabile arbitrium sententise suse, sive incorporeis sive
corporeis rebus, sive rationalibus sive irrationalibus spiriti
bus, sive bonis per ejus gratiam sive malis per propriam
voluntatem. Sed quemadmodum corpora crassiora et in-
feriora per subtiliora et potentiora quodam ordine reguntur ;
ita omnia corpora per spiritum vitse, et spiritus vitse irra-
tionalis per spiritum vitse rationalem, et spiritus vitse ratio-
nalis desertor atque peccator per spiritum vitse rationalem
pium et justum, et ille per ipsum Deum, ac sic universa
creatura per Creatorem suum, ex quo et per quem, et in
quo etiam condita atque instituta est ; ac per hoc voluntas
Dei est prima et summa causa omnium corporalium spe-
cierum et motionum. Nihil enim fit visibiliter et sensibiliter,
quod non de interiore invisibili atque intelligibili aula summi
Imperatoris, aut jubeatur, aut permittatur, secundum in-
effabilem justitiam prsemiorum atque pcenarum, gratiarum

DIALOGUE I. 89
et retributionum in ista totius creaturse amplissima quadam
immensaque republica."
But it is time to draw this note to a close. I feel per
suaded that any person who reflects upon that part of the
system of Providence with which experience makes us ac
quainted, will see no room to object to this doctrine, at least
in its main outlines, upon the ground of its opposing that
experience. For in that system, as Plato suggests, we are
not furnished with blessings without the intervention of
others ; " since we find by experience that God does appoint
mediators to be the instruments of good and evil to us ; the
instruments of His justice and His mercy. And the ob
jection here referred to is urged, not against mediation in
that high, eminent, and peculiar sense in which Christ is
our Mediator, but absolutely against the whole notion itself
of a mediator at all." Butler, Anal. ii. 5, § 1. So far as this
doctrine has been shown to be a Catholic one, so far it will
be found to possess that wonderful attribute of all Catholic
truths whereby they meet the promptings of human nature,
as shown in Pagan systems, and give them the reality of
which they had hitherto had but the shadow. Erroneous
systems are but imitations of the true : they may be so,
either from their being but partial disclosures, or from their
being the produce of demonaical foresight. In either case
the Catholic system, and it only, can stand among them
and try the spirits, whether they be of God.
Note (26.) p. 23.
The heathen notion of incarnations is, of course, but a
very marred and dark one : the two following notes will
show that they involved generally a belief of the frequent
repetition of incarnations, the folly of which will be noticed
in a note upon the fourth dialogue.

90 NOTES TO
Note (27.) p. 23.
Muller, in his Dorians, p. 330, &c, represents Apollo as
born to be an ambassador, intercessor, and prophet with
mankind. Mr. Clinton, in his Fasti, i. p. xiii., has rightly
objected to the strain he puts on authors to justify some of
his splendid expressions ; and one cannot but fear he has
overstrained them with bad intentions. Still even the
Greeks had some kind of belief in such incarnations. Ori
gen (c. Celsum, p. 232) urges some of them, as showing
that Celsus could not consistently admit them, and deny the
true. And the Egyptians taught that the deity appeared
in different forms, sitting on a lotus, &c. (Porphyr. ap.
Euseb. Prsep. E. p. 198) — a doctrine probably taken from
India, as the lotus is not indigenous to Egypt. (See Meier's
Hermap. p. 52, note.)
It is much to be observed, as bearing upon these ob
scured traditions of an incarnation, how Cyrus, Cypselus,
and Romulus, as well as Krishna (see Vishnu Pur. v. 3, 4),
are described as concealed and persecuted in their infancy,
as though they were in some weak way allowed to be types
of the great Lawgiver to come. As this is an important
subject, especially to those who have to deal with uncon
verted Gentiles, I shall offer a few observations upon it
here. First, The truth of the supposition that they were intended
to be types of that Lawgiver is not destroyed by the sup
position that they were diabolic imitations of true prophe
cies : for it is quite intelligible that Satan should have been
overruled in such way as to force him to minister whole
some teaching to those who, in every nation, were looking
after God, to the best of their power, and ruling their lives
with a view to finding Him. Nor is it inconsistent with
reason to suppose Satan to be conscious of this ; since does
he seem to desire now to thrust wicked men into the wretch-

DIALOGUE I. 91
lessness of unclean living, although he must know from
experience that the sight of such persons fills the saints
with deeper awe * and humility, and arouses the undeveloped
seeds of grace in the hearts of others. Satan, we know,
did go to and fro in the earth of old, and was counteracted
in some degree, as we have seen, even then, by the ministry
of angels.
Secondly, As we have the authority of Scripture for taking
Cyrus to be a type of Christ, (Is. xiv. 1, &c.) so we find
things noticed of the Persians which seem to render them
particularly fitted to furnish a type of one to come. The
seven eyes of the king already noticed (in Note 25) were
one thing of the kind, and furnish, as there noticed, a
parallel to Zechariah's prophecy. And it seems as though
Scripture might have given us this as a clue to guide us in
the use of history, so that by availing ourselves of it, we
might be ever looking towards Christ. Thus it is certainly
remarkable that Arrian records of Cyrus (p. 528), that he
was sealed into his sepulchre by Alexander, a stranger, to
prevent his own people from stealing the body. And the
fact that prophecy throws such a light upon this history,
leads one to think that there may be other histories on which
it would throw similar light. For, as antecedently to proof,
there might be a strong presumption against God's prophet
anointing a Gentile king externally (1 Kings ix. 15), so
might there be also against his anointing him internally
(Is. xiv. 1), i. e. bestowing any remarkable office upon him,
such as that of Cyrus was, when he led the Israelites, the
1 See Ps. cxix. 53. -irrviri nw awcno 'jrnrw nesto Tlle nrst wora *s a
very strong one : Kimchi explains it of fear that shakes the whole body.
One cannot help remarking, that this fear may hold some especial place
in the time preceding the Judgment, such as to supply the place of other
preparations for God's presence in those then alive. Satan seems to be
ever out-reaching himself, and benefitting the lot of the righteous, on
whom his rod does not fall.

92 NOTES TO
type of mankind, out of Babylon, the type of the kingdom of
Satan. Hence all that suffered for righteousness sake were
in some measure types of Him ; and it seems of the greatest
importance, in dealing with heathens, to allow for such
resemblances, and to believe there may be somewhat mys
terious in them ; for so we shall escape sometimes from a
groundless scepticism in treating of passages in Pagan
writers (e. g. Plato, Rep. ii. § 5), and be more likely to
win men when we clear up the rude outlines of the shadow
by exhibiting the reality. The following passage from Origen
is instructive upon this point : (c. Cels. p. 24.) ''Apa ydp
ovk Iwpwv oi rov 'Irjaov paBriraX, toXjUwvtec oil povov 'Iov-
Saioig ek rwv Trpo^rjriKwv Xoywv TTapiardvEiv, on ovrog sirj
6 7rpo$nrEV0£ic, dXXd Kai rote Xot7roTe tBvtaiv, on 6 X^C Ka'
rrpwriv aravpwutXg, ekwv tovtov rbv Bdvarov imp tov twv
avBpwnwv yivovg avtSi^aTOfdvaXoyov rolg drroOavovaiv imp
irarpiSwv, im rtj) afiiaai XoipiKa Kparrjo-avra Karaarripara, rj
dtjiopiag rj Sva-rrXoiag ; t'lKog ttvai ydp iv ry tjrvaEi twv rrpay-
pdrwv, Kara Tivag drroppriTovg Kai Svo-Xrj7rrovc rote 7roXXo!c
Xoyouc, (pvaiv roiavrriv wg 'iva StKaiov, imp rov koivov d-TroBa-
vovra tKOvaiwg, airoTpo-maapoiig iprroitlv (jiavXwv Satpoviwv
ivtpyovvrwv Xotpoiig rj dtpopiag rj Sva-nrXoiag, r) n twv rrapa-
TrXriaiwv. Atyirwaav ovv ol (dovXoptvoi amaruv rw 'Iricrovv
VTTEp dvBpwTTWV aTTOTEBvtlKivai TpOTTW OTavpOV, TXOTtpOV OvSe
rdc 'EXXrjviKae TrapaSE^ovrat Kai j3apj3apiKae woXXde laro-
piag, -irtpi tov nvag imp tov koivov rtBvriKivai KaBaiptriKwg
twv 7rpoKaraXa/3ovrwv rdc itoXeic Kai rd Wvti kokwv ; rj
EKtlva piv ytyivrirai, oi/Sev Se mBavbv e'xei 6 vopiZ,6ptvog
dvBpw-Kog irpbg rb drroBavtlv im KaBaipiati ptydXov Saipo-
vog, Kai Saijuovwv apxovroe, vTrord^avroc oXac rdc £7ri yrjv
iXtiXvBviag dvBpwtrwv tpvxdg ; bpwvrtg Si ravra ol rov
'Irjaov paBtiraX Kai aXXa rovrwv 7rX£iova, a HKog avroiig iv
dwopptiTty d-irb rov 'liqaov ptpaBinKivai' 'in Si Kai SvvdjuEwc
rivoc 7rX/jpa»0£vr£c (imX e'Swkev avrolg pivog Kai Odpaog oil

DIALOGUE I. 93
TTOirjriKrj ric TrapBivog aXX' r) dXriBwg <j>povriaig ko.X ao(j>ia
tov Geov) EaTTEVcrav, iv EKSrjXot jUErd fl-dcriv
ov povoig' Apydoig yivoivro, dXXd Kai 7raaiv "EXXrjo-iv bpov
Kai j3apj3dpoic Kai kXeoc iaBXbv dpoivro.
With regard to Cyrus, the following two passages from
St. Cyril of Alexandria may be advantageously consulted :
llwe Se Kai ovtw Xpiarbg Kai dyiog, wg av Etvat, Xsyofro
Xpiaroc Kiipoc te 6 rwv Ilspo-wv j3£J3ao-iX£UKWc Kai prjv Kat
avroi riEpo-ai te Kai MrjSoi" wpa ydp £t7T£tv jurjSE ayiaaBai
Xptcrrov dv0pw7rivwc, Kairoi KaraTrravTog ett avrov tov ayiov
Ylvtvparog iv t'iSti -irspiaTEpag. Kvpoc piv ydp 6 Ka/xj3vcrov
KarEarpdrEverE rrjc Baj3vXwvtac Kara Kaipovc, 7r£7rXdvrjro Se
Kai rote aKaflaprotc Saipoaiv dv£ri0£i to aij5ag. 'EtteX Si
Geov TrapaBtiyovrog Kai Siavio-rdvroc avrov Eig bpydg ovo-
pan koivw, Kairoi Uvtvpan rw dytw pr) Ksxptapivog, Etpnrai
Xpio-roe- dytot Se ovtw Uspaai rt Kai MrjSot, oi ^vvaarri-
ZovTtg avrtjp' XsXaTpEVKaai yap KaKtlvot ry Kriati trapa rbv
Kriaavra Qtbv, Kai 7rpoo-K£Kvvacri toic Epyotc rwv iStwv x£t_
pwv. 'EiTEi Se Kai dwaS, Kara rt rag iv rd] MwcraiKw vopw
<pwvdg to arpopiaBiv rw GeoJ Bvpa Kav site poaxog sir) rvxov
r) 6'i'c, ayiov wvopd^Ero' ravry Kai Sid rijg tov 7rpof/>r)rov (ftwvrjg
dyioi KEKXrivrai, Kai avroi, SiaToi rb d<jtwpiaBai rolg Bsioig
vEvpaaiv wpbg [r6?] dXwvai rrjv Baj3vXwviwv. £t7TEp ovv
'eotiv ovtw Xpiarbg b 'Eppavovr)X, KaBd Kat 6 Kvpoc, Kai
ovrwe dytoc KaBd Kai MrjSot Kai Ilspo-ai. c. Nest. ii. p. 43.
Here he refers to passages where t£Hp is used of those
Gentiles whom God appoints to execute vengeance, e. g.
Jer. li. 27. Joel iv. 9 ; and shows to what Nestorius's mode
of speaking will lead to. The other passages in the Glaphyra
upon Gen. p. 53, where, after quoting Is. xliv. 24, he says :
'AKOvtig orrwg ivapywg to ovk $'Seic pt, ftjaiv. ovSi iv
rolg tlSoai Qtbv rbv ovtw mpi<j>avr) KararaTTtiv d£iwv, bv
avrbg iriBu Kai (5aat\iwv Kptirrova Kai pvpiwv oawv iBvwv

94 NOTES TO
Seottottiv, tvttoi yap rjerav rd in' avrov rwv Sid Xpiarov Kar-
opBwpdrwv. IIporryopEvcrE jUev ydp wg avrbg SiaaKtcaati
rag Baj3vXwviwv tptvSopavrdag Kai rd rwv iyyaarpipvuwv
ariptla' rag Si twv iStwv irpo^rrrwv ovg Kai ayyAovc et-
wvopaaE ]3ovXdc, rjroi irpoayopEvatig, ov StEtpEvapivag airo-
<j>avEi. II/aOKarajUEjurjvEVKE Se on Kai rdc rrjc 'IovSat'ae oikoSo-
priaEi ttoXeic, Kai rrjv dfivaaov ipripwaEi Kai 7rdvrac avrf/CKa-
ra?rjpav£i rovg -irorapoiig, dfivaaov otpai ttov rrjv BapuXwva
Xiywv, Sidroi to irXrjBog rwv KaroiKOVvrwv lv avrrj, 7rora-
povg Se aurrje rd £0vrr rd avppiovra iravraxbBEV tig iiriKOv-
piav. 'AXXa (pipE Xiywptv rd im Kvpw aa<j>wg ptrairXdT-
rovTEg eic rb Xpiarov pvarripiov rd Si ekeivov KarwpBwpiva.
ViyovE roivvv 6 Kvpoc pr\rpbg piv MavSdvrjc rrjc 'Acrrvdyov
Bvyarpbg tov MrjSwv E^dpxovroe, irarpbg Si Kapfivaov
IlEpo-ov ^iev to yivog, imtiKOvg Si Xiav roiig rpoirovg' bBtv
nvig twv apxaiorlpwv trplovov rt Kai ETEpoc^vd r6v Kvpov
wvopaZ,ov Sid yt olpai to irarpbg Kai jurjrpoe we ev rw ylvsi
Siatjtopov. Uipaai ydp Sr) irapd MrjSove tBvog 'irtpov. "iSotg
S' av n toiovtov Kai hti Xpiorov* prjrpbg piv yap ytyovt
Kara crdpKa rrjc ayiag irapBivov, KaB' r)pdg te ovcrrjc Kai dv-
Bpwirov rrjv tjivaiv, irarpbg rt twv KaB' r)pdg ovStvbg, dXX'
'iv ovrwg tiirwptv tTEpotyvovg tig airav Kai avwKiapivov rrjv
(jivaiv Kai 7rdv impBpwaKOvrog to teXovv iv rolg yEvr/rolg.
It is evident that St. Cyril here insists upon parts of Cyrus's
history not alluded to in prophecy, as having a typical
meaning to be elicited by that clue which prophecy has
given to such meaning : and this is what has been here also
insisted on as allowable, and as a useful means for leading
Gentiles towards the truth. And it may be a question
whether the fact that occasional statements of this kind
occur in the Fathers is not to be taken as showing that such
a view of things was recognised by them, although they had
no occasion to avail themselves of that view, when writing
against such Gentiles as had no books looked upon as
7

DIALOGUE I. 95
canonical. The reader may compare Menard's note on the
Epistle of St. Barnabas, cap. xii., and Bishop Fell on St.
Cyprian's Test. i. 21.
Thirdly, If it be said that the stories of the infancy of Ro
mulus, Cypselus, or Cyrus, might have been taken from some
loose account of Moses's childhood, this will not alter the
state of the case : for it is not so material what the fact was,
as what the general behef was. If any influence, good or bad,
induced men to believe generally that account, then it was
a preparation for belief of the truth with good minds, and
with bad for disbelief of it. Bad minds were thus enabled
to classify the truth and such accounts alike under the
fabulous, — good, to see the reality they pointed towards.
(Compare Plato's account of a bad man's death-bed, Rep.
i. 5, Oi MYGOI 7T£pi rwv iv $Sov .... KarayEXwjUEVOi riwg
tote Sr) arpitpovaiv avrov rrjv ipvxvv, prj dXriBtlg wai.) The
case of Socrates, " a preacher of righteousness," in his
measure, is noticed by St. Justin Martyr, Apol. i. § 5, (or
p. 55,) and of course is not open to such an objection as that
just mentioned. His words are as follows : "Ote Se SwKpdrrje
Xoyw dXr}Btl Kai i^EraanKwg ravra Eig (j>avtpbv imipdro
<j>ipEiv Kai a7rdy£iv rwv Saipovwv rovg dvBpwirovg, Kai avroi
ol SaipovEg Sid rwv xalpovrwv ry kukiu dvBpwmov Evrjpyrj-
crav we S-Beov Kai dcr£J3rj d7roKT£tvai XfyovrEc, Katvd tlatpiptiv
avrov Saipovia. Kai bpo'twg £f/>' -r)pwv rb avrb ivtpyovaiv.
Oil yap povov "EXXrjtrt Sid SwKpdrovc r)XiyxBti ravra dXXd
Kai ev j3apj3dpoic iir avrov tov Aoyov pop(j>wBivrog Kai
'AvflpwTTov yEvopivov, k. t. X. Compare ii. 8 — 10.
Fourthly, The credibility of such a system of things as the
one here supposed, (viz. that even among the Gentiles there
were providentially appointed types of Christ, however feeble,)
is materially increased by reflecting that different rites were
to be found throughout the world, the meaning of which
could only be ascertained by the introduction of Christianity.

96 NOTES TO
They were types of Christian sacraments and ordinances,
and had their origin doubtless in primeval times. Thus,
in the Hindu marriage-ceremony, the bridegroom says, " I
unite thy breath with my breath, thy bones with my bones,
thy flesh with my flesh, and thy skin with my skin." (Colebr.
Essays, i. p. 224.) This may serve as a specimen ; since, if
it could be traced to Genesis, it is explained, as well as the
passage in Genesis, only by the Christian doctrine of mar
riage. And one cannot see why, when imitations of such
high truths come into the Gentile dispensation, imitations
of the highest should not also exist under it.
Fifthly, The idea of such a dispensation having existed is
rendered further credible by considering, that trade, which
as far as it is the offspring of covetousness 2, is of the devil,
has ever been the forerunner of the Gospel. Men were
fishers for gain before they were " fishers of men." The
traffic of Tyre, and her whoredoms (as Scripture calls
them), which constituted her the type of Antichrist, (see
Ezek. xxviii.) did but form connexions with other nations,
which in many ways facilitated the spread of the Gospel.
Thus does it seem that while Satan, as Leviathan, taketh his
pastime in the great and wide sea, he does it but to be mocked
by Him whose kingdom is also like, in another sense, to a
merchantman. Covetousness goes (if one may say so) be
fore man's redemption, false merchandise before the true
riches, imitation of an Angel of light before the Very Light
of Light. Note (28.) p. 23.
The following is a note in Windischmann, p. 364, on the
Chinese traditions of an incarnation : " Die Vorstellung von
2 It is plain that conquests might have been noticed here as a species of
covetousness, if not that for gain. E. g. Alexander, who set himself up
as God (like Antichrist), spread that Macedonian Greek abroad in which
the Gospel was afterwards written.

DIALOGUE I. 97
einer jungfrauhchen Mutter des Heiligen kommt nicht bios
in der Tradition, sondern auch in dem King sehr haufig vor.
Die Heiligen, die Weisen, die Befreier der Volker werden
von Jungfrauen geboren. Die Heiligen und Weisen, sagt
das Schu-wen, wiirden Gottessohne (Himmelssohne, Thian-
tseu) genannt, weil ihre Mutter sie durch die Macht des
Himmels empfangen hatten. Kog-jang-tseu sagt noch
klarer : ' Der Heilige hat keinen Vater ; er ist durch die
Wirksamkeit des Himmels empfangen.1 Diese Vorstellung
wird so hoch gehalten, dass jede Dynastie gerne ihrem
Stifter dieselbe Ehre vindicirt. Es ist fiir uns genug, dass
dieses Bedurfhiss einer reinen Empfangniss und Geburt
ausgesprochen ist, hier wie in Indien. Auch die Namen
der reinen Jungfrau sind bemerkenswerth ; sie heisst die
erwartete Schonheit, die Aufsteigende, die reine Jungfrau,
die allgemeine Gliickseligkeit, die grosse Treue, die an sich
selbst ihren Schmuck hat. Das Schi-king singt von der
Mutter Hoang-ti's, ' Sie brachte ihr Gebet und ihr Opfer
dar, dass der Ersehnte kommen moge, und indem sie von
diesem Gedanken erfiillet war, erhorte sie Schang-ti, und in
dem Augenblick und auf der Stelle fiihlte sie ihre Einge-
weide erschiittert und war durchdrungen vom Schauer der
Ehrfurcht. So empfing sie den Hoang-ti, und gebar, da
ihre Zeit gekommen, ihren Erstgebornen, wie ein zartes
Lamm, ohne Verletzung, ohne Anstrengung, ohne Schmer-
zen und ohne Befleckung. Himmlisches Wunder ! Aber
Schang-ti hat nur zu wollen — die zartliche Mutter gebar ihn
in einer Hiitte am Weg ; Ochsen und Lammer erw'armten
ihn mit ihrem Hauch ; die Bewohner des Geholzes liefen
trotz der strengen Kalte herbei ; die Vogel flogen nach dem
Kind hin, um es mit ihren Flugeln zu bedecken ; er selbst
aber Hess seine Stimme weithin horen,' &c. Dieser und
andre ahnliche Gesange des Schi-king zur Feyer jungfrau-
licher Mutter und von ihnen geborner Himmelssohne sind,
H

98 NOTES TO
nach den sorgfaltigen Forschungen eines mit dem Alter-
thum sehr vertrauten Missionars, wohl nichts anders als
Anwendungen einer alten Weissagung, deren Spuren wir
bei den gebildeten Volkern des Morgenlandes, ja selbst
bis nach Amerika hin, nebst vielen andern Traditionen an-
treffen. Ein Glossar zum Schi-king fiigt noch hinzu, ' Der
Thian will seine Macht offenbaren und zeigen, um wie viel
der Heilige liber andre Menschen ist.' Der Name der
Mutter Hoang-ti's — Kiang-jneu — ist librigens aus zwei
Charakteren componirt; der erste begreift in sich Lamm
und Jungfrau, der andre Quelle und Jungfrau. Der
character Niu, der hier doppelt vorkommt, bezeichnet ein
Madchen von reiner Tugend, die Hande gefaltet, bescheiden
sitzend, still und nachsinnend." Note (29.) p. 24.
Clem. Strom, ii. 100. Twv -rrpb vopov vopipwg j3e/3iwko-
rwv at irpd^Eig vopoi ysyovao-iv sic r)pag. We find, indeed,
that the customs of the Patriarchs were gradually adopted
as laws: neither does it seem right to assume that the
Jewish people were miraculously and suddenly transferred
from a natural system to a supernatural one wholly distinct
from it, unless we were positively told so. Rather, ancient
usages, in several, though not in all instances, gave rise to
the subsequent laws. Circumcision, for instance, was of the
Fathers ; abstaining from the sinew which shrank, was of the
Fathers ; the distinction between clean and unclean animals,
was of the Fathers, as were the sacrifices of certain animals,
the washing of clothes before sacrifice, the anointing of
things in order to consecration, the marriage of brothers1
widows, the rite relating to it, and other things. (Vide
Grabe ad Test. xii. Patriarch, vi. 3.) In St. John vii. 22,
our blessed Saviour appears to reason with the Jews thus,
if one may venture to paraphrase His words : " Ye observe

DIALOGUE I. 99
a patriarchal law, to the neglect of the Mosaic 3 institution
of the Sabbath ; why, then, complain of Me for doing an
act of mercy upon that day ? If the priority of patriarchal
laws gives them a title to preference, much more will the
law of nature written in the heart, which is prior to both
patriarchal and Mosaic laws, be entitled to preference."
And if so, it would be plain that laws said to be laws of
Moses might have yet been of prior existence, and only re-
sanctioned by him. And so it would not be wrong to speak
of the institutions here alluded to as " of the Fathers." Yet
perhaps it may be right to profess myself unable to con
ceive of a nation at once set down (so to speak) among in
stitutions perfectly new to them, as of an individual born
into the world full-grown ; the absurdity of which Bishop
Butler has shown in the Anal. i. 5, p. 123. Such an account
of Moses1 legislation seems to me to betray an ignorance of
the original text, the words and phrases of which often point
most significantly to those older customs in which the laws
took their rise. It were much to be wished that men would
make themselves acquainted with that text before they
speculate upon the law it contains : for else they run into
that censure which Aristotle bestowed upon a system not
intended for this world, though he represents it as such :
SeT juev iiroTiBtoOai Kar tvxrjv, pr)Siv pivroi dSvvarov.
Note (30.) p. 25.
Ps. ix. 17, " All the nations that forget God." Ps. xxii. 27,
" All the ends of the world shall remember and turn unto
3 D. Justin. Mart. c. Tryph. p. 236, ed. 1686. Kai ydp pr) aaPPariaavrtQ
di irpooivo/iaaiikvoi -n-avrtg dUawi r<f 9f<p evripiarriaav Kai pir avrovQ
'A/Spad/i Kai ol tovtov vioi S-rravne ju«xpi Mmo-iug. A common argument
this against Judaism in the Fathers. See Tertull. adv. Judseos, c. iv. The
same interpretation of St. John vii. 22, is given, I see, by St. Cyril in his
commentary on the place, p. 419.
H 2

100 NOTES TO
the Lord." " Si autem reminisceris, profecto redis in memo-
riam tuam, et in ea invenis quod non fuerat penitus oblivione
deletum," says St. Augustin, de Trin. xiv. 17, who quotes
these passages ; and St. Clement, (Str. vi. 64) of Ps. ix. 17,
says, 'EmXavBdvovrai Si SijXov on ov irportpov ipipvrivro,
Kai ov 7rpiv rj iKXaBiaBai iyiyvwaKov, tovtov irapa-rripirov-
rai' r)v apa EtSrio-f'e ric apavpd tov Geov Kai 7rapd rolg iBvtai'
referring, probably, to Aristotle, Rhet. ii. 19, Et ettiXe-
Xrrorat Kat ipaBi iron tovto. And iii Isaiah xxxvii. 26,
Sennacherib is reproved for forgetfulness ; (" Hast thou not
heard long ago?" &c.) and in xl. 21, the nations in general
(" Have ye not known ? have ye not heard ? hath it not
been told you from the beginning ? have ye not understood
from the foundations of the earth ? ") See, too, Rom. i. 28,
ovk iSoKipaaav rbv Qtbv e'xeiv ev iiriyvwati' and 2 Pet. m.
5, XavBdvti ydp avroiig tovto BiXovrag. To the same pur
pose St. Irenseus, cont. Hser. ii. 9, " Omnibus hominibus ad
hoc demum consentientibus, veteribus quidem et in primis a
primoplasti traditione hanc suadelam custodientibus, et
unum Deum fabricatorem coeli et terrse hymnizantibus ; re-
liquis autem post eos a Prophetis Dei hujus rei commemo-
rationem accipientibus : ethnicis vero ab ipsa conditione
discentibus. Ipsa enim conditio ostendit eum qui condidit
eam ; et ipsa factura suggerit eum qui fecit ; et mundus
manifest ateum qui se disposuit." St. Augustin, c. Faust.
xx. 19, " Gentes non eo usque ad falsos deos sunt delapsse,
ut opinionem amitterent unius veri Dei ex quo est omnis
qualiscumque natura." The general principle is concisely
stated by Tertullian, " Quod apud multos unum invenitur,
non est erratum sed traditum." Prses. 28. See also St. Cyril,
c. Jul. p. 16, "Evoa piv ydp rolg rrjg Btoirvtvarov ypatprjg
avptpipovrai Xoyoig, tavrwv bvrag dpdvovg KariSot rig av
Kai 6/xoXoyovvrae dXXrjXote' tvBa Si rwv oikeiwv ekoo-toc
Evpripdrwv iroitlrai rrjv diroSoaiv, Sia<j>6povg te bvrag Kai

DIALOGUE I. 101
aXXoKoraie So^aig KaraptBvovrag KaraStl^at pqov. ov yap
j)v bXwg KaraBptlv SvvaaBai rd v7T£p vovv Kai Xoyouc rovg
iv r)plv, pr) oi»xi rov irdvrwv Kparovvrog Geov, Kai 0we ev-
tivrog Etc vovv Kai aotjiiav evtiktovtoc, Kai yXwo-o-av Evpvvov-
toc, Kat n rwv airoppriTwv mpX avrov Kara y£ to iyxo)povv
i<t>tivrog avrolg Kai voeiv Kai (ppdaai.
Note (31.) p. 25.
V. Procl. ad Tim. p. 30, and Plut. de Is. et Osir. p. 354,
C. T6 S' lv 'Sidti rrjg 'ABrjvdg (rjv Kai TIutv vojui£ouax) e'Soc
imypatfirjv eixe rotavrriv, 'Eyw eijui Trdv to ytyovog Kai ov,
Kai iaopEvov' Kai rbv ipbv itiirXov ovSstg irw Bvrirbg dixtKa-
Xviptv. 'in Se twv ttoXXwv vopit,6vrwv i'Stov 7rap' Atyv7T-
riote bvopa rov Aibg tivai rbv 'Apovv, (b rrapdyovrtg iiptlg
' Appwva XiyopEv,) M.avtBwg piv 6 S£j3£vvtrrje r6 KtKpvp-
pivov o'itrai Kai rrjv Kpviptv iirb ravrrig Sr)XovaBai rrjg tpwvijg'
EKaraToc Se 6 'Aj3Snptrr)e <j>r)aX toiit^ Kai 7Tp6e aXXrjXouc
rw pripan xP^Bai rovg Alyvirriovg, orav nvd irpoaKaXwv-
rai, 7rpoo"KXrjrtKr)v ydp Etvai rrjv (fiwvriv. Sib tov rrpwrov
Qtbv riiij iravrX rbv aiirbv vopiZovaiv, wg dtpavrj Kat KtKpvp-
pivov bvra, irpoaKaXovptvoi Kai 7rapaKaXovvr£C ip<jiavrj yiy-
vtaBai Kai SrjXov avTOtC) 'Apovv Xiyovaiv. And ApoUonius,
ap. Philostr. Vit. p. 337, says, Tov Se Xoyov Se ig tov Srj-
piovpybv Etprjrai oiirw n iiraivovaiv [ol Aiyv7rrtot] we Kai
Erlpote SiSd£,aaBai, 'IvSwv ovra. 6 Xoyoe Se rrjc juev twv
oXwv yEVECTEwe koi ovaiag Beov Srjjutoupyov oTSe. This may,
indeed, be a pantheistic statement ; but surely pantheism
implies the pre-existence of a monotheism, of which it is the
corruption. Porphyr. de Abst. ii. 26, extr., well illustrates
how pantheism again paved the way to polytheism : AiyvTr-
noi Toaovrov dmlxov tov ((ioveveiv n rwv Xowrwv £wwv,
wote rdc tovtwv EiKOvae pipripara twv Btwv iiroiovvro-
ovrwg o'iKila Kai ^vyytvi) ravra rolg Btolg ivopiZov tivai Kai
roie avBpwiroig. Thus were they led by confounding the

102 NOTES TO
creature with the Creator, to passing into idolatry — a fear
ful judgment from Him to whom all judgment is committed,
for corrupting traditions of Him who one day would unite
the creature with the Creator without confusion !
Note (32.) p. 26.
This is said with reference to Ps. cv. 22, 02^ Vlpfl.
Note (33.) p. 26.
And Aristotle, Metaph. p. 981, b. 23, notices how mathe
matics were first learnt in Egypt : ekei ydp d$Ei'0ri a\oXd-
Ztiv rb twv hpiwv Wvog' on which words Asclepias Tral-
lensis rightly observes : oi hpslg rd dvayKala eIxov oXXoBev
avrolg iraptxbpEva Kai lo-xoXa£ov povoig rolg p.aBfipaaf
which quite falls in with the Scripture account of the im
munities bestowed upon the priests in Moses1 days. Cf. Diod.
Sic. Biblioth. i. 21, and 73—4. Porphyr. de Abst. iv. 6.
That Pythagoras and others drew from Egypt is generally
allowed, and thus a link is furnished by Egypt with other
nations. Note (34.) p. 26.
Potter ad S. Clement. Strom, i. § 9, p. 321, gives some
passages in proof of this, which St. C. asserts in his Pseda-
gog. ii. § 100. Strom, v. § 90, &c. See also Tertullian,
Apol. 47, where Dr. Pusey has given a collection of re
ferences. Eusebius, in particular, as there cited, gives a
long comparison between Plato's doctrines and those con
tained in the law. Note (35.) p. 26.
This is twice asserted in St. Luke's Gospel, i. 70, and
xi. 50, and is to be found stated in several authors, both
Jewish and Christian. The motto of this dialogue is an

DIALOGUE I. 103
expression of the Jewish opinion upon the subject, which
will be found stated more at length in Molitor. Phil. d.
Gesch. i. § 196, &c. Indeed, were there no evidence of a his
torical kind for such a system of things, we might, or rather
must, assume that some creed was handed down of the
Creation, of the Unity of God, of the fall, and other doc
trinal points ; wliich, like every thing dogmatical, neces
sarily implies an order of men to propagate it. 'AeI ydp
6 Qtbg rw EatiTOV Aoyw Kara yEVEac eic 4>vXaG baiag ptra-
fSaivovri Kai (piXovg Geov Kai irpotjiriTag KaraaKEvaZovn
iiravopBol rovg aKovovrag twv XEyofilvwv* as Origen well
replies (p. 163) to Celsus, who urged that Christ, if God,
might have amended man's estate without coming down
to men. And St. Athanasius, de Deer. S. N. § 5, writes
thus : °A yovv Mwo-Jje eSiSoo-kev, ravB' (sic) 'Afipadp itjiv-
XarTEv, a Se 'Afipadp E(j>vXarrE, ravra Nwe Kai Evu>x Eyi-
vwaKOV, SiaKpivovrtg KaBapd Kai aKaBapra, Kai svapEoroi
yivojiiEVOi rtj! Gew* Kat ydp Kai 'A/3eX ovrwe Ejuapruprjo-EV
EiriardpEvog ravra, amp r)v paBwv irapd tov 'ASdp, tov Kai
avrov paBovrog irapd Kvpiov, bg Kal iirX o-vvrEXEia rwv
atwvwv iXBwv Etc dBirriaiv Trig dpapriag sXsyEV, Ovk ev-
roXrjv Katvrjv SiSwpi vplv, aXX' ivroXrjv iraXaidv rjv rjKOv-
o-ar£ air dpxng- 1 John ii. 7. And to the same purpose
are the words of St. Ephrem, ii. p. 494 : —
>o?| <_!c \kx. : lax3a£, jjio ooi y'rZt : La,j..\*.X q2cl\»| L^lj
i. e. " The prophets delivered it to the Apostles. Blessed
be the Lord of successions ! He handed it down from
Adam even to Noah : it reached from Noah to Abraham,
and from Abraham on to Moses, and from Moses unto
David, and from David again to the Captivity, and from
Babel to our Redeemer." The same is also said by S.

104 NOTES TO
Methodius, Conv. Virg. vii. 4—7. Archel. Cascharensis, c*
Manet, xxviii. And Melchizedek, Abimelech, and Job, are
instances serving to show that this tradition was widely
spread over the East ; two of whom were kings, priests, and
prophets, and, as such, might have been urged above (Note
27) as notable Gentile types of Christ.
It may, perhaps, be as well to observe in this place, that
any rites existing among the Gentiles which Moses adopted,
are not here noticed for anything more than the external
resemblance. And admitting such resemblances to have
been ever so common, they will still be merely external
ones, whereas the Revelation given to Moses breathed an
internal life into those rites, which, though invisible from
without, wholly altered them in consideration of their pro
phetic character, for those within. This may be illustrated
from the later revelation, the Gospel : under it certain out
ward signs found already existing in the world, valueless in
themselves, yet not wholly devoid of mysteriousness, became
the vehicles of the highest Christian doctrines. And what
words were in this instance, that other outward signs, viz.
ceremonies, were in the former. Profane people, under
cither dispensation, would see nothing but outward signs in
them, and consider them, not in the aspect of sanctified
things, but as mere human forms ; not as expressions for
doctrine held from the first, but as importations of Gentile
theories or ceremonies, as the case may be.
Note (36.) p. 27.
St. Cyril, c. Julian, p. 9, notices, that Moses made the
wisdom of Egypt, which was human, a irpoyvpvaapa to
things divine. And of course what he received (as ob
served by St. Ephrem and St. Athanasius in the last note)
from the patriarchs could be but an imperfect sketch of
that great mysterious Temple to be reared in the earth by

DIALOGUE I. 105
Christ, which Moses saw in a figure upon the Mount. The
idea of a visible Church to come is given by this vision to
Moses, with a minuteness of detail such as nothing pre
ceding that vision appears to have disclosed. Take away
from the Pentateuch this description of the Tabernacle, and
with it you ruin the whole edifice of subsequent prophecy.
Any Hebrew scholar knows that Isaiah, for instance, with
out the references to the Pentateuch, would cease to subsist.
Note (37.) p. 27.
Aristot. Eth. N. i. 8. Tij! dXri^Et raxv iravra ovvcilSei rd
iirdpxovra' rtjl Se i//evSeT raxv Sia<j>wvtl rdXtiBig. Origen,
c. Cels., well observes, p. 361, Eikoc pdZova piv i) Kar
dvBpwmvtiv (jivaiv tivai rrjv yvwaiv rov Qtov' Sib Kai rd
roaavrd ian irtpX Geov a(j>dXp.ara.
Note (38.) p. 28.
Mr. Elphinstone, Appendix i. p. 429, is of opinion that
the laws of Manu were in force in the ninth century before
Christ : the date of the Vedas has been shown by Cole-
brooke, Essays, vol. i. p. 98, to be nearly the same as that
of Moses. Of course, in the present argument, what is
generally believed by Hindus forms a tolerable substitute
for what is true ; and therefore I content myself with this,
without entering into diversities of opinions which may exist
as to the real degree of antiquity to be assigned to the
books in question. And, indeed, persons who argue for the
much later date of Manu's laws do so on grounds which
would lead to the discussion of subjects very foreign to the
present. Remusat, for instance, in his Nouveaux Melanges
Asiat. ii. p. 334, argues, from the mention of the Chinese,
that the book must have been later than the dynasty which
gave them that name. But as the name (Sin) occurs in
Isaiah, it could not have been so late as he places it. Yet

106 * NOTES TO
the mere mention of these two facts will show the reader
that it would be endless to discuss the date of this or that
book, even were I competent to the task. And of course
the laws of Manu, as well as any other laws (see above, ^
p. 99), could not have been given all at once. The Greek
account (Strabo xvii. p. 1035) that they had no written law,
though possibly originating only in their getting the name
Smriti etymologically interpreted to them, is worth noticing
here, as suggesting evidence that there had been a time
when the laws existed only as oral tradition.
Note (39.) p. 29.
Joseph, c. Apion. ii. 29. Oiirwe riptporriTa Kai (jiiXavBpw-
rriav r)pdg iiraiStvatv, wg oiiSi twv aXoywv £wwv wXiyw-
prjKEv- dXXd povov piv atjtrJKE rovrwv XPr)<Tlv Tr)v vopipov,
rraaav Se Irspav ekwXvctev. "A Se wairtp iketevovto 7rpocr-
<j>tvyti ralg o'lKiaig, dirtlirtv oveXeiv. OvSe veottoTc iirirptipt
roiig yoviag avrwv avvt^aiptiv' fdStaBai Se Kai iv iroXipo)
twv ipyaZopivwv %wwv, Kai pr) (povtvtiv. And so St. Clement,
Strom, ii. § 92, p. 477, Pott : AiriKa rwv ytvvwpivwv Kara
te rag iroipvag, Kara te rd aliroXia, Kai ]3ovKoXia, rrjc 7rapa-
Xprjjua diroXavaEwg pr)Si iirX irpoipdati Bvaiwv Sitiybptvatv
EKyovwv te eveko Kal /urjrlpwv Eie vptpoTtira rwv dvBpwmov
KarwBEv dirb twv aXoywv Z,wwv dvarpifwv. Xdpiaai yovv,
(jiriaX, ry prrrpX to tKyovov Kav E7rra rdc irpwrag ripipag' si
yap juijSev dvairiwe yt'vErat, ydXa te Eiropf5ptlrai ralg rtro-
Kviaig tig SiarpO(j)r)v rwv EKyovwv, airoairwv rrjg rov yd-
XaKroe oiKOVopiag to TtxBiv dnpdZ,ti rrjv (jivaiv. Avawirr)a-
Bwaav ovv "EXXtjvec, ko! ei rte Erspoe ectti rov No/zou Kara-
rpixoiv, ei 6 juev Kal iir' aXoywv Z,wwv xpvrrtvtrai, ol Si Kal
rd twv dvBpwmov EKTiBiaaiv wyova, Kairoi paKpoBtv Kal
irpo(j>riTiKwg avaKOirrovrog avrwv rrjv dypioYrjra rov vopov
Sid rrig irpoEipripivrig IvroXrjc- One might also notice
other instances in which the law provided for cattle, e. g.

DIALOGUE I. 107
the command that they should share in the rest of the
sabbath, that they should be rescued when in danger, or
when sunk under a1 burden.
With regard, next, to the use made in the text of these
prohibitions to injure brute creatures, it will be proper again
to remind the reader that the similarities noticed are there
represented as external ones. The internal scope of the
law of Moses in such prohibitions may have been, and
doubtless was, most essentially different. Thus it seems to
have been a favourite heathen notion to represent brutes
and men as beings of the same class, and to contend that
kindness to them was a duty, on the ground of a fellowship
with them. This is acutely defended by Porphyry, (de
Abstin. lib. iii.) the fallacy of whose reasoning seems to lie
in his assuming that the foresight, memory, and skill of
brute creatures is their own, which we cannot prove. And
although wanton cruelty to animals can hardly be repro
bated in too strong terms, it may be a question whether
some persons now-a-days do not speak of the duty of a
gentleness to them in a way which originates in some
feeling akin to the pantheistic one just noticed. The con
duct of our Lord, in bidding St. Peter take a hook and cast
it into the sea for a fish, would be condemned upon the
theory of such persons, though practically they might
shrink from condemning it. Yet it may be quite intelligible
that the permission to kill living creatures did not at once
remove the backwardness in doing so which must have been
felt at first, and therefore intelligible, how (as stated in the
text) some cases of kindness towards them should be repre
sented as originating with a tradition of the antediluvian
system. For if it be not absurd to suppose, as Aristotle
does (vide note 16), that remnants of arts and sciences were
handed down from that period, then neither is this sup
position absurd.

108 v NOTES TO
Note (40.) p. 29.
St. Clement, Strom, ii. 91, says : ip.oX Si SokeT 6 TlvBa-
yopag to riptpov mpl rd dXoya £wa 7rapd rov Nd/iov EiXrj-
ipivai. Note (41.) p. 30.
The Bauddhas or Buddhists, and the Jains, both con
demn the practice of sacrifices and other ceremonies which
the followers of the Vedas perform (see Colebrooke's Es
says, ii. p. 192): and in a kindred spirit Porphyry, de Abst.
ii. 9, contends that sacrifices of animals were an innovation
upon the sacrifices of fruits, &c. He notices (ii. 25) that
no animal was sacrificed which men could not eat; and
thus, while he would argue that the defenders of animal
slaughter only made sacrifices a plea for their lust after
flesh meat, he incidentally shows how faithful the universal
tradition of the world was in keeping up the doctrine of a
sacrifice to come, of which also they " have a right to eat"
who are Christians. So essential does the ceremony of
eating of the sacrifice seem to have been, even to the
heathen notion of a sacrifice, that some Americans ate of
their human sacrifices. See Carli Rubbi Lett. Americane,
Opere xi. p. 170. Yet Satan seems to have tried, under
the pretence of abstinence from flesh and greater sanctity,
to persuade heathens everywhere to drop this vestige of
more ancient doctrine. Thus true is St. Austin's teaching
(de Civ. Dei, xv. 1) that the Civitas diaboli, set up from the
first against the Civitas Dei, began with Cain, — the first
gainsayer of sacrifices in which blood was shed ! For though
Porphyry would say in words, that he considered absti
nence from meat to be the duty of priests only, and not
binding upon all, (see Van Rhoer on i. 27,) yet the whole
way of speaking of the eating of flesh as unholy (see ii. 31
particularly, and 46) shows what his bias was, viz. to deny

DIALOGUE I. 109
the lawfulness of the act, and set aside the permission to
kill and eat as far as possible. That nothing but a divine
permission to kill and eat will fully account for the eating
of animals, is also, I think, made out from what the ob
jectors themselves say ; for they urge well against those who
opposed them, that the thing to be accounted for is, not
how Pythagoras and others, who borrowed from Eastern
philosophy, came to give up eating flesh, but how the
eating of flesh first came in at all. (Porph. de Abst. ii. 1,
&c. Plutarch. Mor. p. 993.) Plutarch also argues that if
the doctrine of Metempsychosis, or more strictly of Meten-
somatosis \ be not demonstrable, still it ought to have a
moral cogency. Trjc XEyopiEvrje rate ipvXa^ f'C awpara ptra-
poXrje, ei pr) iriarswg a£iov to airoStiKviptvov, aXX'
tvXajitiag rt ptydXrig Kai Seovc to dptplfioXov. (p. 993, C.)
Now a revelation, as has been suggested in the text, is a
full answer to all difficulties of this kind ; for they are based
upon the fact of our ignorance of the whole destiny of a
brute creature ; whereas a revelation as coming from God,
who is acquainted with their destinies, is a sufficient
guarantee for our destruction of them. For antecedently
to the knowledge of such a revelation, Plutarch's is evi
dently the religious way of arguing against the Stoics and
Peripatetics ; the only question being, whether the Gentiles
ought not to have "retained in their knowledge" that reve
lation, or rather whether they did not retain it, as Hera-
clides Ponticus ap. Porph. (i. 4) seems to imply. In this
case, of course, the deviations from the revelation would
come under the censure in the text : men would be acting
upon their own judgment against universal tradition. I
will conclude this note with quoting St. Paul's words to the
4 Metempsychosis is the belief of the wandering of souls into other
human bodies ; Metensomatosis, into the bodies of other animals.

110 NOTES TO
Colossians, ii. 21, which appear to some, at least, in the
Greek, to point out very strikingly the distinction between
abstinences resulting from the heathen principle of con
tagion from matter, and those resulting from the Christian
principle of voluntary offering and humility of mind, leaving
it to others to decide whether the words do convey that im
pression or no. Et dmBdvtrE ovv Xpio-rw a7ro rwv aroi-
XEiwv rov Koapov, ri wg £wvrse ev Koapw SoypanZtaBt, ' pr)
aipy, iitjSe yEvtrrr, iuiSe Biyyg,' (a ian iravra tig <j>Bopdv ry
airoxpvati) Kara rd ivrdXpara Kai SiSao-KaXtae rwv dvBpw-
ttwv ; driva ian Xoyov piv %xovra aotpiag iv iBtXoBpriaKtiq
Kal ramivotppoavvy [koI] d<j>EiSiq awparog, ovk ev npy nvi
irpbg irXriapovrjv rrjg aapKog.
Note (42.) p. 30.
Joseph, cont. Apion. ii. 24. 26, notices how pollutions of
the body were thought, from its connexion with the soul, to
affect it also. And whoever will compare the words of
Moses, Levit. xv. 4, &c. with Manu, ii. 181, will find a
similarity between the pollutions there specified and the
rite of purification. In Deut. xxii. 8, we find that men are
to beware of bringing blood upon their house, by so con
structing it that a person may fall from the roof. In
Manu, iii. 68, 69, we find that five sacrifices called Ma-
hayajna are appointed for the expiation of such guilt as is
brought upon a house by the killing of living creatures
accidentally in it. In Manu, iii. 132, we read :
" for hands stained with blood are not to be purified by
[mere] blood," and this as a reason why they must go to
a learned Brahman, which implies, of course, a pollution
coming from the blood, though it is also important as
showing the obligation to go to the priests. In Manu,

DIALOGUE I. Ill
v. 64, 65, mention is made of the pollution from touching a
corpse ; and in 85 it is said that one who has touched a
corpse is made pure by bathing ; which may be compared
with Numbers xix. 11 — 13, where purification by water is
also specified for the same pollution. Comp. Eccl. xxxiv. 25.
In like manner abstinence from intercourse with a men-
struous woman is enjoined, as in Levit. xv. 19, 20 ; so in
Manu, iv. 40. xi. 174. But the comparison cannot be
carried to a greater length without giving more time to it
than is necessary for the present purpose.
Note (43.) p. 30.
This right of discriminating between the fitness or unfit
ness of things for sacrifice seems everywhere implied in the
law of Manu (see iii. 128. 135. 168. 185. 253. iv. 81, &c);
though I cannot specify a definite statement of it. " The
Ved says (observes Rammohun-Roy, p. 21) that he who has
true faith in the omnipresent Supreme Being may eat all
that exists, i. e. is not bound to inquire what is his food
or who prepares it. Nevertheless the Vedant limits that
authority thus. The above-mentioned authority of the Ved
for eating all sorts of food should only be observed at the
time of distress " — a common limitation to many permis
sions in Manu's laws, and parallelled by what David did
when he was an hungred, in some measure. And in Manu,
v. 23, we read, " Doubtless in the ancient sacrifices and
in the offerings of Brahmans and Xhatriyas there were
sacrifices of such birds and beasts as may be eaten." A
remarkable passage, both in connexion with the admission
of Porph. de Abstin. ii. 25, noticed in p. 108, and also for
its assertion of the antiquity of the sacrifice of animals !
However, it is here produced as a limitation on a different
ground to that of the Vedanta just cited, and illustrates

112 NOTES TO
our present subject. For the verse before says that the
best kinds of birds and beasts

Qmrtl JpFTfgnr :

may be killed by the Brahmans for sacrifice ; which of
course constitutes them the judges of what are the best.
Akin to this is what we read in Levit. xxvii. 11 : " If it be
any unclean beast of which they do not offer a sacrifice to
the Lord, then he shall present the beast before the priest,
and the priest shall value it whether it be good or bad:
according to the estimation of the priest, so shall it be."
In Manu, iv. 49, we read thus : " Let him void his ex
crements, having covered the earth with wood, potsherds, dry
leaves, and grass : " and 77, " Never let him look at urine
or ordure." Parallel to this is Deut. xxiii. 13, 14 : " Thou
shalt have a paddle upon thy weapon ; and it shah be, when
thou shalt ease thyself abroad, thou shalt dig therewith,
and shalt turn back, and cover that which cometh from
thee : for the Loed thy God walketh in the midst of thy
camp, to deliver thee, and to give up thine enemies before
thee ; therefore thy camp shall be holy, that He see no un
clean thing and turn away from thee." Such passages as
these, which blend thus fearlessly the mention of things now
accounted obscene with the name of the Most High, are
indeed a searching warning against all impurity of heart, but
may perhaps be noticed also not irreverently, as far as it is
to these in particular to which we find parallels in the older
heathen systems, as well as to other enactments. Porphyry,
1. C. ii. 50, says : ol twv rySs Itptlg .... ko! rdtpwv airixEa-
Bai KtXtvovaiv iavrolg rt koX rolg dXXoig Kal rwv dvSpwv
avoaiwv Kal ipprivwv Kal o-vvovo-iwv Kal 0Eae t)Sj7 aicrxpde Kal
7TEv(7iK7Je, k.X., which need not necessarily allude to the Pen
tateuch, as similar observances occur elsewhere. E. g. Carli

DIALOGUE I. 113
R. says, vol. xi. p. 184, of the Peruvians: " I tempi de i
naturali spurghi muliebri erano, per legge quasi universali,
interdetti alia congiunzione."
In Manu, xi. 227, occurs the following rule : " For sins
not public the assembly of priests must award them punish
ments with holy texts and oblations by fire. By confession,
by repentance, by [austere] devotion,
^T^=TTgr,N?Trricr$n
by reading of Scripture, a sinner may be released from
his guilt," &c, with which Levit. v. 5 — 8, may be placed in
juxtaposition : " It shall be that when he shall be guilty
in one of these sins, that he shall confess that he hath
sinned, and shall bring his trespass offering unto the Loed.
.... and the priest shall make an atonement for him con
cerning his sin." Compare Josh. vii. 19. " My son, give,
I pray thee, glory unto the Loed God of Israel, and make
confession unto Him ; and tell me now what thou hast done ;
hide it not from me ; " a notion likely to be prevalent
where much importance is attached to a visible channel of
grace. But perhaps I have put together a sufficient num
ber of instances to illustrate what has been said in the text.
Note (44.) p. 32.
Justin Mart. c. Tryph. p. 237. T<£ Nwe o-vyKExwprirai
virb rov Geov Sikoiw ovti ;rdv 'ipipvxov iaBitiv, irXr)v Kpiag
iv a'ipan, bmp iarl vtKpipalov. Gen. ix. 3. " Every moving
thing that liveth shall be meat for you ; even as the green
herb have I given you all things. But the flesh with the
life thereof, which is the blood thereof, shall ye not eat."
On which Jarchi observes : '"\S\ \TWin vbv. " In that I
gave not the first man power save over the green herb, to
you have I given, as the green herb which I left open to
I

114 NOTES TO
the first man, to you have I given all." And Hizkuni : "As
the green herb. There are herbs that be fit to eat, and there
are that be unfit to eat : thus of cattle, birds, beasts, and
fishes, there are that be fit to eat, and there are that be
not fit to eat. ' Have I given them all unto you? After
they were rescued in the ark, and by your hands the rescuing
came to them, behold they are in your hands, to do with
them as it is good in your eyes." And that this permission
was necessary may be argued even from what Porphyry says,
ii. § 13. Kai ydp dXXwc irdvra piv twv Qtwv iariv' ripwv
Se Sokovo-iv Etvat ol Kapiroi' nptlg ydp Kal aireipopEv aiiroiig
Kal tjivrtvoptv Kal rate dXXaig imptXEiaig dvarpitjiopEv. If,
then, they — or, as we should say, He — whose they are, give
the permission to slay, how is this less just than for us to
give permission to gather the fruits we have made ours by
sowing, as he would have it? In truth we might well
answer in the Apostle's words : "A0pov, aii b airtiptig . .
ov to awpa rb ytvr)aoptvov airtiptig, dXXd yvpvbv kokkov . .
'0 Se Ge6c avriji SiSwai awpa KaBibg r)BiXr)at, Kai EKaarw rwv
airEppdrwv rb i'Stov awpa. So plain is it that we have no
right whatever to the things in the world except as a grant
from Him who is " Possessor of heaven and earth."
Note (45.) p. 32.
See the passage given by Rammohun Roy, p. 22, and the
opening of Manu's laws, which begin with the creation of
all things by God. The reason why this is so striking is,
that so many of the Greeks omitted to notice God at all
in their speculations upon the Creation. Eusebius, P. E.
i. 8. p. 25, C. Toiavrri Kal rwv wavao<}>wv 'EXXrjvwv, rwv
Sr) <j>vatKWv <j>iXoao<l>wv imKXriBivTwv, r) mpl ttjc avardatwg
rov iravrbg Kai rrjc irpwrrje KOtr/zoyoviae SidXr)ipig, ov Sr/jui-
ovpybv rj uoir\rriv rtva rwv oXwv iixoartiaapivwv, dXX' ovS'

DIALOGUE I. 115
bXwg Geov juvrj/xriv iroiriaaptvwv. Thus Homer seems to look
on the gods as a sort of secretion from the ocean, 'Qkeovov
te Btwv yivsaiv, II. S. 201 ; and Aristotle, Ethics, iii. 5, gives
dvdyKrj, <pvaig, and rvxij as the principles of causation ; and
in his Physics, ii. 4, 5, expresses his surprise that none of the
ancients insisted enough upon chance as one of them, al
though he is aware that there are people who say that
chance is a cause indeed, but one obscure to the mind of
man as somewhat divine and superhuman. Eto-i tivec oic
SokeI Etvai piv atria r) tvx*1j dSrjXoc Se dvBpwirlvy Siavoiq,
wg Btlov n ovaa Kal SatjuoviwrEpov. Compare Metaph. xi.
3. p. 1070. a 5, and what he says of Anaxagoras, p. 985,
a 18. That I may not be overhard upon the Greeks, I
again state the language of St. Cyril, c. Jul. p. 16. Xprjvai
Se <j>rip\ juErd rovro rrjv 'Ej3paiwv rjjuae 7roXv7rpayjUOV7Jo-at
So^av, rjv Eo-xrjKacri WEpl Geov Kal rrjc rov Koapov ysviaEwg,
rjroi KaraaKtvrjg' s'iB' ovtw Kai n rolg 'EXXrjvwv eSo£e <ro-
(polg iptjravig Karaarrjo-ai evtev^ojuevoic- "EvBa piv ydp
rolg rrjc 0eo7Tvevo-tov ypa^rje avptyipovrai Xoyotg, iavrwv
bvrag dptivovg KariSoi rig av Kal o/xoXoyovvrae aXXrjXoic'
tvBa Si twv o'iKtiwv tKaarog tvpriparwv ironlrai rrjv airo-
Soaiv, Siatjtopovg te bvrag Kal dXXoKorate Solvate KaraptBv-
ovrag KaraStl^ai pqov. Note (46.) p. 32.
St. Ephrem, Prsef. ad Gen. : —
\J V2.U* "'"""» vi\gi? __.cii>io^> Lva^oA OoZ, Ut\^Q ^=o
i. e. " From the tower of Babel to Moses the preaching of
these things among the sons of Shem wore not out." He
also says, (i. p. 466.) " Ophir was a mountain in the East by
India, (: o,joi Z.o2^ Ljj^iao) where dwelt the sons of Joe-
tan, son of Heber." This would bring a Semitic fountain
I 2

116 NOTES TO
close to India, unless the Ojjoi of St. Ephrem be, as seems
unlikely, different from the Hodu5 of Esther.
Note (47.) p. 32.
Windisch. p. 978. Braunschweig. Umrisse, p. 92. " Die
Braminen, als einer besonderer Priester-kaste, bildeten sie
aus den alten Semiten und deren Fiirstenfamilien." One
could wish this thoughtful author had given his authorities
for many of his statements. However, it may not be amiss
to add one or two reflections which suggest themselves
upon the supposition of the truth of his statement.
1. We find it to have been a common thing for priest
hoods of different gods to be confined to families, not only
among barbarians, but also among Greeks, (see Wesseling
on Diodorus, i. 73.) and even where this was not the case,
that sacra privata existed, which, as being confined to fami
lies, appear to be traces of and witnesses to the principle
of confining priesthoods to certain families. Lands were
set apart for them, as in Egypt (Gen. xlvii. 20. Diod. Sic.
i. 21. 71), in Cappadocia (Strabo xii. p. 809, as there cited),
and it should seem in Ethiopia, (Diod. Sic. iii. 3, says : rd
avarripara twv Itpwv TrapairXriaiov txti rd\iv irap' dptjio-
ripoig rolg Wvtaiv, i. e. Egyptians and Ethiopians,) and in
Chakfcea (ibid. ii. 29).
2. Besides this general principle, we find, as reference to
the passages of Diodorus and to Philostr. ii. 29. Porphyr.
de Abst. iv. 8, p. 320. Vit. Pythag. p. 12, (Kiessling,) will
show, that they handed on a system of doctrine from father
to son, analogously to what was the case amongst the Jews,
and which may have been a feature in the family of Shem —
s The o seems to have originated in a nasal pronunciation of Hendu, or
Heandu, as it is called in the Zendavesta. Gesen. Lex. Maj. p. 366.

DIALOGUE I. 117
a natural tendency, of which providential use was made in
the Jewish dispensation.
3. We find a reason for thinking that the Chaldeans 6
and Ethiopians were Semitic tribes (although some have
thought otherwise) in their language ; and if this is ever
shown to be the case, we can see that these two centres
would abundantly account for the transmission of Semitic
families through the world. For the Ethiopians claimed to
be the instructors of the Egyptians, and seem to have been
known in Homer's days as the blameless Ethiopians, in
some way specially connected with the gods. (Diod. Sic. iii.
1.) And the Chaldeans, whose name became synonymous
with soothsayer, (Wess.7 ad Diod. Sic. ii. 29.) were known
through the world as such. (See Cato de R. R. p. 14, Bip.
Arrian, p. 196. 478. St. Basil, Hex. vi. 5. Aul. Gell. i. 9.
Olear. ad Philostr. vi. 41.) At all events, if not belonging
to the Semitic family, they had means of access to that
family, and may have copied from them. I ought to add,
that I merely put these few observations together in the
hopes that some abler person may investigate the subject.
To my own mind the idea seems antecedently probable,
and to gain some confirmation from the consideration that
St. Ephrem^ statement, quoted in the last note, was pro
bably wholly unknown to Braunschweig.
Note (48.) p. 33.
See the passage from Professor Wilson in Note 1.
6 I see not myself why 'fym r^ra -fiyo, Job xii. 19, should not be taken
with the Septuagint and St. Ephrem of Gentile priests, which of course
would be an early and authoritative recognition of their existence as a com
mon order, and as under God's providential government ; and also as
an object of spoil, possibly as having lands, as described in Diodorus.
7 "E8vo£ and natio (see Vales, de Harpocr. p. 297) were used of classes
of artificers, &c. Does not this imply that they were originally kept to dis
tinct nations, as they even now are in some instances ?

118 NOTES TO
Note (49.) p. 33.
The Jews (see Eisenmenger Entd. Judenthum, i. p. 319)
and certain heretics (Epiph. xxxv. 6) held Melchizedek to
be Shem. He who has thought at all upon many apparent
absurdities in Jewish tradition will, perhaps, be disposed to
allow that it was common for later writers to take up as
realities what were only intended for symbolical represent
ations. If this be so, then the Jewish tradition about
Melchizedek could only be a symbolizing of their belief that
even priests external to the covenant were of Shan's family.
Note (50.) p. 34.
Windischm. p. 1 665, so explains the word ?f jf^rf^"
in Manu, xii. 33, on the authority of the commentator
Kulluka Bhatta, if I am not mistaken. The quality of
darkness was supposed to be the prevailing and characte
ristic quality of the last age.
Note (51.) p. 35.
This is frequently observed by St. Austin : thus, upon
Ps. xc. En. ii. § 6. " Ipse fecit de quinque panibus multum
panis, unde saturaret tot millia, qui facit quotidie in terra.
de paucis granis messes ingentes. Ipsa enim sunt miracula
Domini ; sed assiduitate viluerunt." It may be observed,
as bearing upon the text, that the book of Deuteronomy
may be considered as a development having a character of
its own, and containing in it much that throws the law into
a new light. As such, it would have cleared up the diffi
culties of serious minds ; and as such, if we may venture to
notice it, it seems to have been frequently cited by our
blessed Saviour. Its conclusion is such as to force upon
men's minds that Moses looked for a recompense of reward
not to be found on earth. The mention of Hell in xxxii. 22,

DIALOGUE I. 119
is very awe-striking, as indeed the whole prospect of future
retribution there spoken of must have been to such as were
" wise and would consider their latter end."
Note (52.) p. 35.
Aristot. E. N. vi. 9. "Ert rd avrov irwg Sti SioikeTv
dSijXov Kal o-k£7tteov. See the Analogy, ii. vi. p. 307 — 8.
Note (53.) p. 35.
Aristot. Analyt. Post. ii. 19. (jialvtrai tovto irdaiv iirdp-
Xttv rolg X,woig' £X£i ydp Svvapiv avp(pvrov KpiriKTJv, tjv
KaXovo-iv a'iaBriaiv. In the Hitopadesa, i. 690,
^fl^T f^ mfo^ 3KTC?;TT f^W
" Discrimination is a thing to be learnt, when misfortunes
have been fallen into. Of them who act without discrimi
nation, mischances will be the lot from time to time."
With regard to what is noticed presently, namely, the
mere arbitrary passion which seems to give us our present
being, and certainly is instrumental in giving it, the follow
ing passages of St. Austin are, I think, worth the reader's
attention. De Trin. xiii. 23. " Melius judicavit de ipso
quod victum fuerat genere assumere hominem Deus, per
quern generis humani vinceret inimicum ; et tamen ex
virgine cujus conceptum Spiritus non caro, fides non libido
prsevenit. Nec intermit carnis concupiscentia per quam
seminantur et concupiunt cseteri qui trahunt originale
peccatum, sed ea penitus remotissima credendo non con-
cumbendo sancta est fecundata Virginitas : ut illud, quod
nascebatur ex propagine primi hominis tantummodo generis,
non etiam criminis, originem duceret. . . . Quamvis enim
carnali concupiscentia quse inest genitalibus membris bene
utatur castitas conjugalis ; habet tamen motus non volun-
7

120 NOTES TO
tarios, quibus ostendit vel nullum se in paradiso ante pec-
catum esse potuisse, vel non talem fuisse, si fuit, ut ali-
quando resisteret voluntati. Nunc autem illam talem esse
sentimus, ut repugnans legi mentis, etiam si nulla est causa
generandi, stimulos ingerat coeundi ; ubi si ei ceditur pec-
cando satietur," &c. c. Jul. Pelag. ii. 32. " Dicit beatus
Ambrosius  omnes homines sub peccato nasci quorum
ipse ortus in vitio est ; qui quia concupiscentice voluptate con-
creti prius subirent contagia delictorum quam vitalem de
hoc aere spiritum ducerent." iii. 49. " Malarum cupiditatum
una est concupiscentia carnis ex qua et cum qua nascuntur
et propter quam renascuntur infantes." iv. 34. " Ideo sub
diabolo sunt qui de corporum commixtione nascuntur, ante
quam per spiritum renascuntur ; quia per illam nascuntur
concupiscentiam, qua earo concupiscat adversus spiritum, et
adversus se coget concupiscere spiritum." Indeed, much of
the Pelagian controversy necessarily ran upon this point,
which has elicited from St. Austin many observations use
ful to those who, whether in single or married life, covet
earnestly that most excellent gift of chastity, yet dangerous
to those who not only think that much that is incident to
married life is not venial sin, (see iv. 33, &c.) but even
count mortal sins before marriage to be venial. One more
passage shall be added, for the fearful thoughts it ought to
suggest to sinners. It is from the same treatise, vi. 43.
" Non habitat Deus in corpore subdito peccatis, et tamen
operatur hominem in utero meretricis. Adtingit enim
ubique propter suam munditiam, et nihil inquinatum in
Eum incurrit. Et quod multo est mirabilius, aliquando
adoptat in filium, quern format in utero immundissimse fce-
minse ; et aliquando non vult esse filium suum, quern format
in utero suse filise. Ille quippe ad Baptismum nescio qua
provisione pervenit ; iste repentina, morte non pervenit.
Atque ita Deus, in cujus potestate sunt omnia, facit esse

DIALOGUE I. 121
in Christi consortio, quem formavit in diaboli domicilio ; et
non vult esse in regno suo, quem formavit in templo suo."
Note (54.) p. 39.
Molitor, Phil, der Gesch. i. § 561. " Allein eben das Bei-
spiel der Zaduzaer beweist gerade fiir die Existenz einer
Tradition im Judenthume. Denn wo ist wohl ein Volk,
welches nur auf der ersten Anfangs-Stufe der Cultur ste-
het, ohne den Glauben an Unsterblichkeit gefunden worden ?
Haben nicht alle Volker rund um die Juden herum den
Glauben an Unsterblichkeit gehalt, der selbst dem rohesten
und sinnlichsten Menschen ein Bediirfhiss ist. Haben
namentlich nicht die Egyptier, von denen man doch vorgiebt,
dass Moscheh bei ihnen alles entlehnt, an Unsterblichkeit
geglaubt? Und wie sollte denn Moscheh, selbst wenn
man ihn bios als politischen Gesetzgeber betrachtet, dieses
grosse in der Sehnsucht der menschlichen Natur gegriindete
Motiv in seiner Religion aufzunehmen versaumt haben ? Ist
also Isra'al das von Gott auserwahlte Geschlecht, wie lasst
es sich wohl denken, dass Gott seinem eigenen Volke diesen
einzigen und hochsten Zweck fiir den der Mensch auf
Erden lebt, fiir den er durch die Religion soil erzogen wer
den, verborgen haben wiirde ? Aus diesem Allen gehet also
klar hervor, dass, obwohl zwar nirgends mit deutlichen
Worten von einem jenseitigen Leben, sondern immer nur
von irdischen Vergeltungen die Rede ist, jene sinnlichen
Bilde nichts anders, als bios mystische Symbole gewesen
sind, deren Aufschluss nothwendig einer Tradition voraus-
setzt." To this may be added the practical remarks of the
venerable Pocock, which are very instructive, even if some
what diffuse. On Hosea, vol. ii. p. 39 of his Works, he says:
" Those that Christ had to call into His kingdom were such,
for the most part, as had little or no knowledge of God and
of the world to come ; and therefore, agreeable to His pur-

122

NOTES TO

pose, was it expedient that he should take chief care, that
He should instruct them concerning those spiritual things
and concerning the other life which they were ignorant of,
and give them such laws which might conduce to their
attainment thereof and their well-being therein ; and ratify
them with such promises and threats as might have respect
thereto ; yet so as to let them know, too, that His law did
concern their well-being in this world as well as in that
other world ; and that godliness had the promise of this hfe
also as of the life to come, under the Gospel as well as under
the Law, though the promises to it of the life that now is
were more clearly and frequently expressed under the Law,
and those of that which is to come, under the Gospel. And
this consideration will afford us a plain and easy solution
to the question why, under the Law, the promises and
threats, blessings and curses, on obedience or disobedience,
were as to the letter more temporal and carnal, under the Gos
pel more spiritual, and concerning things eternal, — and show
the cause to be not so much by reason of the dulness, gross
ness, or carnality, of the minds of the Jews above other
people, as some are apt to say ; which reason I think ought
not to be pressed far, except it could be made appear that
such to whom the Gospel with its promises and threats
hath been preached, have showed themselves as dull of
hearing, as refractory and as stiffnecked as ever they
under the Law were : nor doth this difference of promises,
threats, blessings, and curses, under the Law and the Gospel,
show that they under the Law were ignorant of the other
life, and those eternal rewards and punishments in it,
or left in doubt of them, but give us rather to suppose that
they were instructed in those things from the Father's s time,
even before the giving of the Law, and that it was given to
them as supposing that they were so, and well aware of them.
8 See Job xxi. 29, 30.

DIALOGUE I. 123
However, in process of time, there rose up among them
sects that doubted of, yea plainly denied, that future state
of reward to the godly, and punishment to the wicked, — as
particularly the Sadducees."
So, too, Origen c. Cels. p. 260. 'Oirolov Si r)virap' avrolg to
Es 'in airaXwv ovvxwv SiSdo-K£o-0ai, v7T£pavaj3aiVEtv jusv 7rdcrav
rrjv alaBrrrriv tyvaiv Kal jurjSa/xov avrrje vopiZ,uv "iSpvaBai rbv
Qtbv, dvw Se Kal v7TEp rd awpara Z,rrrtlv avrov ; 7rrjXiKov Se
to Kai ctxeSov apa ytviati Kal avpirXripwati rov Xoyov Sioaa-
KtaBai avroiig rrjv rfje ipvxrjg dOavao-tav, Kal rd iirb yrjv
SiKatwrrjpla, Kal rag npdg rwv KaXwe j3eJ3iwkotwv. Holding
to this most firmly, I wish also not to be misunderstood
as if the existence of temporal promises under the Law were
denied in these notes : that was not intended to be done,
but to assert that more was meant by them than things
temporal ; that a Law of God's government, applicable to
all times and nations, was distinctly revealed in the Penta
teuch, the seeming contradictions to which Law had a place
amongst the Jews as well as elsewhere, and were in them
selves enough to force upon them the expectation of a future
state of rewards and punishments. And that the existence of
such a Law9 was so vouchsafed to them by revelation, must
have removed many doubts, and left the mind free to reflect
upon the heart-searching rule by which God, even in this
world, judged mankind. The riches and wealth which have
made themselves wings, and fled from the Christian Church,
do in a like way force upon us that she has not been covetous,
above all things, of that holiness to which God by His
prophets and by His Son promised that all these things
should be added. Both we and the Jews have this law re
vealed to us ; and are consequently driven, by its non-fulfil
ment, to search our own hearts for those sins which God
9 Ps. cxlvii. 20. " He hath not so dealt with any nation, neither have the
heathen knowledge of His Laws."

124 NOTES TO
seeth there, if we will not. Thus, in each case the certain
knowledge of the existence of such a law, in regard to tem
poral goods and ills, helps us to prepare for things eternal.
The heathen had not knowledge of the laws by which God
does govern this world, and so were in a worse state for
preparation for the next. Note (55.) p. 39.
Herodotus, ii. 123, has been taken by some to assert this,
though it seems that he may have meant that they were the
first who taught a metensomatosis. His words are, irpwroi
tovSe rbv Xoyov Alyvirnoi tlai ol dirovrEg, wg dvBpwirov
i^vxr) dfldvaroc tan' tov awparog Si KaratyBivovrog ig dXXo
£wov aid yivoptvov iaSvErai. I cannot say that the words
seem to me to do else than imply that the Egyptians first
taught both the immortality of the soul as one thing, and
its migration as another ; though the commentators appear
to think otherwise. I am not aware myself, indeed, that
the immortality of the soul was ever taught by earlier
heathens apart from the doctrine of transmigration (see
Note 63), so that we should come to the same point in the
end. Aristotle, indeed, argued against the doctrine of met
ensomatosis (de Anima, i. 3) ; but then he held but very
loosely to the other doctrine (de Anim. iii. 5), as Atticus, an
acute Platonist, well urges against him (ap. Euseb. P. E.
p. 810). Note (56.) p. 39
The reader may compare the remarks of Molitor, i. § 270,
who points out that Jewry knew not of any mysteries in
the heathen sense of them ; had nothing, that is, exclusively
confined to the priests, but consisted of an exoteric and
esoteric, which were but slightly separated from each other,
and that in such a way that the former was a step to the

DIALOGUE I. 125
latter. The priests of Egypt, on the contrary, seem to
have kept to themselves whatever Joseph, who had pro
cured them their immunities, taught them. Yet still the
doctrine of the soul's existence after death was attested
to the people by a public ceremony. See Diod. i. 72.
Note (57.) p. 41.
This is noticed by R. Menasse de Resur. Mort. cap. x.
Euseb. P. E. p. 550. Methodius, Conv. Virg. vi. 1 . XoyiKi)
Kat d&dvarog iariv, KaB' eikovo Sripiovpyr\Btlaa, &C
Note (58.) p. 41.
For this remark I am indebted, I think, to Tertullian,
but am unable to refer to it again : it seems, however, to
carry its own proof with it.
Note (59.) p. 41.
This we find in the collection of Jewish prayers published
by Landau, p. 393, ""D 1 ZlDtM DT6a TOP. " May the
Loed remember the spirit of my father that taught me,
who hath gone to his own world : because that I vow alms
for him, by this price may his soul be bound in the bundle
of life with the spirits of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, and
with the remnant of the righteous men and righteous women
that are in the garden of Eden. And let us say, Amen."
And in the same way, in Nachmanides1 form of prayer for
the dead, given by Pocock, vol. i. p. 209, Not. Misc.
cap. vi. "M, ">sbl2 TCH V!\ " May it please the Lord our
Gop, our Creator, our Holy One, the Holy One of Jacob,
who formed all the children of his covenant in judgment,
and gave them life in judgment, and killed them in judg
ment, who shall also raise them to the life of the world
to come, and knoweth the number of them all, that He
would haste and speedily raise up our lord and doctor,

126 NOTES TO
this illustrious one, or this righteous man or wise rabbin,
whose body dwelleth in this tomb, whose bones are resting
amid these stones, and quicken him with life everlast
ing, that hath no death after it— the life that swalloweth
up all death, that blotteth out all tears," &c. &c. With
regard to confessing sins of the fathers, one may notice
how Daniel, ch. ix., was continually used in the Selichoth or
litanies, of which several MSS. occur in the Oppenheim
Collection, now in the Bodleian. Several of the things
instanced here are taken from R. Menasse de Resurrec-
tione Mortuorum. Note (60.) p. 41.
Calov. on Gen. xxv. 8, notices how even bad men are said
to sleep with their fathers, whereas ' to be gathered to their
fathers' is said only of the good. St. Clem. Strom, ii. § 28.
p. 444, (Potter) Ei Se al avraX povaX r)plv rt Kal rote 7rarpi-
dpxaie KarayyEXXovrat, Etc dptjtolv ralv SiaBr/Kaiv Seikvvtoi
6 Geoc- The application in the text is from R. Manasse.
Note (61.) p. 42.
Austin, c. Faust, xix. 31. "Dicitur quidem ibi, (in ve-
teribus Hebrseorum libris,) Diligite sapientiam, ut in seter-
num regnetis (Sap. vi. 22). Et ipsa vita seterna si non illic
in manifesto prsedicaretur, non diceret Dominus etiam malis
Judseis, Scrutamini Scripturas in quibus vos putatis vitam
seternam habere; ipsse testimonium perhibent de me. Quo
enim nisi ad hoc pertinet quod ibi scriptum est, Non moriar
sed vivam, et enarrabo opera Domini : et, Illumina oculoS'
meos ne unquam obdormiam in morte ; et, Justorum animse
in manu Dei sunt et non tangit illos tormentum (Sap. iii. 1).
Et paulo post, Illi autem sunt in pace, et si coram homini
bus tormenta passi sunt, spes illorum immortalitate plena
est : et in paucis vexati, in multis bene disponentur. Et in

DIALOGUE I. 127
alio loco, Justi autem in perpetuum vivent, et apud Domi-
num est merces eorum, et cogitatio eorum apud Altissimum;
ideo accipient regnum decoris, et diadema speciei de manu
Domini (Sap. v. 16). Hsec et alia multa, sive apertissima
sive subobscura, inveniuntur illic testimonia vitse seternse.
Et de ipsa corporum resurrectione non tacuerunt Prophetse.
Unde Pharissei adversus Sadducseos," &c.
Note (62.) p. 42.
Chald. Paraphr. Deut. xxxiii. 6. Htiby *TQ pim TT1
W Hb HM/l NJ11D 1. " May Reuben live in life eternal,
and not die the second death." Job iii. 17—19. "jnn NDJT
" There the wicked that have done penance cease from the
turmoil of hell ; and there rest the disciples whose might
hath been spent in toiling at the Law : at the same time,
they that are bound to the schools [of the prophets] are
at peace ; the babes of the rabbin's house hear not the
voice of their master. Jacob, that is called the Small, and
Abraham, that is called the Elder, are there, and Isaac, the
servant of the Lord, that went forth free from the bond,
from his master 1." The reader will observe how Abraham,
Isaac, and Jacob, occur frequently as chief among the dead
(see Note 60) ; as in St. Matt. viii. 11, &c. Ps. lxiii. 4, 5.
"til 2D Dm. " For better is the mercy that Thou wilt
do unto the righteous in the world to come, than the life
that Thou hast given to the wicked in this world : there
fore my lips shall praise Thee. I will bless Thee in the life
of this world ; in the name of thy Word (comp. St. John
xvi. 23) I will spread forth my hands in prayer for the
world that is to come," i. e. for the kingdom of the Mes
siah. Jer. li. 39. "I will bring upon them trouble, and
they shall be like unto drunken men, seeing they shall
1 One suspects the reading here should be n>TT rjrvp ]Q> instead of c'Tp,
which would be ' from the tying of his hand.'

128 NOTES TO
not be strong, and shall die the second death, and shall
not live in the world to come, saith the Lord." Zech.
iii. 7. " Thus saith the Loed of Hosts, If thou wilt
walk in upright paths and keep the commandment (Ch.
keeping) of My Word, then shalt thou also judge them
that minister in My sanctuary and keep My courts, and
in the resurrection of the dead I will give thee feet that
walk among these Seraphin." The Chaldee paraphrast is
well worth a careful perusal — a much more careful one
than I can own to having given it. Yet the reader
will, I think, feel that these passages which I have se
lected are remarkable for this, that they are paraphrases
of passages which do not force the future state upon the
mind, and which could not therefore have been so para
phrased, save by persons fully possessed with the doctrine
beforehand. Tradition certainly does something towards
the interpretation of Scripture : and I may suggest, by
way of parallel, that the passages in the New Testament in
which we rightly find the doctrine of the Holy Spirit's
Divinity, or of infant baptism, do not force such doctrines
upon misbelievers. Note (63.) p. 43.
This seems to have been adopted from heathenism by
several heretics, as by Saturninus (see St. Irenseus i. 24,
where Saturninus is said to argue from Gen. i. 26, in proof
of his doctrine), and byBasilides (St. Clem. Strom, ii. §38.
p. 449, Pott.), and Bardesanes, of whom St. Ephrem, ii.
p. 444, A, writes thus: —
" In Bardesanes flamed forth the error of the Greeks
(i. e. heathens) who taught that the universe was created
by several essences and formed. Marcion and Bardesanes
bear witness and blasphemously say that there is not one

DIALOGUE I. 129
Creator only: The things made by their Maker they
attribute to those He made." And so Archel. Caschar. c.
Manet, cap. x. says of Manes, that he attributed the cre
ation of Adam to the chief Angels : Sevte . . . rroiriawptv tov
avBpwirov Kara rrjv ripwv rwv ' Apxbvrwv poptfirjv, KaB' rjv
eiSojuev o ian Trpwroe dvBpwirog. Julian also complains of
Moses for having omitted to say anything of the Creation of
Angels (Cyril c. Jul. p. 98, c. coll. p. 102). This, indeed,
seems to have been a masterpiece of Satan, as will appear
in the sequel perhaps more clearly.
Note (64.) p. 43.
Greg. Nyss. de V. Mosis, 193, d. "Eo-n ydp n rrjc <j>tXo-
aotpov yovrje ev paBr)paai aapKwSig rt Kal aKpofivarov, ov
7r£piaipE0Evroe, rrjc 'Io-parjXiriKrje tvytvdag iarX to Xeitto-
ptvov. oTov dBdvarov tivai rr)v \pvxvv Kai rj 'i^wBtv tpiXo-
aotjiia (jiriaiv. ovrog tvat(3r)g iariv TOKog' dXXd ptra-
fiaivtiv dirb awpdrwv tig awpara, Kai ek XoyiKrje (pvaswg
dg dXoyov avrrjv ptratjivtaBai, tovto 17 aapKwS-rjg Kai dX-
X6(j>vX6g iariv aKpofivaria' Kal aXXa roiavra 7roXXd" Qtbv
Eivai 0710-iv, aXX' vXikov aiirbv o'israi' Aripiovpybv Avrov
o'itrai, aXX' vXrjc TTpoe rrjv Sripiovpyiav Stopsvov. dyaBov
te Kal Svvarciv Etvai StSwo-iv, dXXd 7rapaxwp£tv iv rolg iroX-
Xolg ry dvdyKy rrjg Elpappivrig. With this account of
heathenism the ancient religion of the Hindus falls in, if
according to Colebrooke, i. p. 27, it recognises but one God,
yet does not sufficiently discriminate the creature from the
Creator. The whole of the Essay of Colebrooke referred to
may be consulted, though it must be confessed that we yet
want an accurate account of the theology of the Vedas.
Parts of them are now in the course of publication. Dr.
Stevenson, Pref. to Sama Veda, p. xi., mentions that at the
Pralaya (the destruction or absorption of all things) Soma
only is said to remain, and the womb of Ocean (as in
K

130 NOTES TO
Homer2, II. xiv. 201) to contain all the gods. Yet he ob
serves, that " nothing definite can be learnt from this and
similar expressions as to the particular scheme of Hindu
philosophy taught in the Vedas."
Note (65.) p. 44.
Longinus, in the well-known passage, page 70, Toup,
notices this of Moses. After saying of Homer, 77-oXv rwv
7TEpi rrjv Btopax'to-v rd baa axpa-vrov ti ko! fiEya to oai-
pbviov, w'e dXriBwg, Kal aKparov 7rapio-rr?o-tv, he adds,
ravry Kal 6 rwv 'IovSatwv BtapoBirrig ovx b tvx&Jv avrjp,
iirtiSr) rr)v tov 0eiov Svvaptv Kara rrjv ac,iav ixwpriat
Ka^itpyvtv, tvBvg iv ry dap'oXy ypaipag rwv vopwv tiirtv
b Qtbg, <j>riaX, ri ; ' ytviaBw (j>wg, Kal iyivtro,^ k. t. X. And
it was the same simplicity that won for the Christian
Church one whom St. Austin and St. Jerome looked upon
as one of the great lights of the West. " Hsec multaque
alia cum animo reputans," he says, speaking of the way in
which the inconsistencies of pagan systems struck him,
" incidi in eos libros quos a Moyse atque a prophetis
scriptos esse Hebrseorum religio tradebat, in quibus, ipso
Creatore Deo testante de Se, hsec ita continebantur, ' Ego
sum qui sum.' Et rursum, Hsec dices filiis Israel, ' Misit
me ad vos is qui est.' Admiratus sum plane tam absolutam
de Deo significationem, quse naturse Divinse incomprehen-
sibilem cognitionem aptissimo ad intelligentiam humanam
sermone loqueretur." S. Hilar, de Trin. i. init. A striking
contrast this language with the heartless dignity of Lon
ginus1 unpractical admiration !
2 Would not a comparison thoughtfully and diligently executed between
Homer and several of the ancienter Hindu books show him to be the great
preacher of pantheism in the West % Strabo, at least, lib. i., thought him to
have travelled where he might have met with doctrines derived from India ;
and are not his epithets explicable by reference to such a system ? I can
only offer this suggestion now, which with me is not an off-hand one.

DIALOGUE I. 131
Note (66.) p. 45.
See Windischmann, as above, p. 947.
Note (67.) p. 45.
Ibid. p. 851 . " Das Indische Gesetz hat sie denn (die
Menschenopfer) fiir den weitern Verlauf des Zeitalters, in
welchem Ungluck und Verganglichkeit herrscht (des Kali-
yuga) untersagt, weil Manner und Frauen der Sunde erge-
ben (und daher kein angenehmes Opfer fiir Brahma,) sind.
Um so mehr haben wir es als einer der vielen Abweich-
ungen vom Gesetze des Manus zu betracht, wenn selbst
Brahmanen den blutigen Dienst der Kali angenommen und
durch besondre Ritualien ihn geregelt haben."
Note (68.) p. 45.
See the Vishnu Purana, Pref. p. Ix. " The course of
the elemental creation is in the Vishnu, as in the other
Puranas, taken from the Sankhya philosophy; but the
agency that operates upon passive matter is confusedly ex
hibited, in consequence of a partial adoption of the illusive
theory of the Vedanta pliilosophy, and the prevalence of the
Pauranik doctrine of Pantheism. However incompatible
with the independent existence of Pradhana or crude mat
ter, and however incongruous with the separate condition
of pure spirit or Purusha, it is declared repeatedly that
Vishnu, as one with the Supreme Being, is not only spirit,
but crude matter ; and not only the latter, but all visible
substance and time. He is Purusha, ' spirit ; ' Pradhana,
' crude matter ; ' Vyacta, * visible form ; 1 and Kala, ' time.1
This cannot but be regarded as a departure from the primi
tive dogmas of the Hindus, in which the distinctness of
the Deity and his works was enunciated, in which, upon
his willing the world to be, it was," &c
k2

132 NOTES TO
Note (69.) p. 45.
See ibid. p. 300, note 2.
Note (70.) p. 45.
Ibid. p. 317, note 8. " The food directed to be given to
Brahmans is given in general only to the relatives of the
deceased, who are already unclean. In this respect our text
and the modern practice seem to differ from the primitive
system as described by Manu, iii. 187," where not only is the
gift limited to Brahmans, but the particular description of
Brahmans is specified. The remark at the end of the
sentence is taken from Josephus, c. Apion. ii. 38. Ei Se
QaiXoig ovrwg r)pdg ippivtiv iiroXapfidvovai, ri ovk av
avroi SiKaiwg irdBoitv, rovg Kptirrovag ov (jivXarrovTEg ;
'EmX roivvv b iroXiig xpbvog maTtvtrai irdvrwv tivai Soki-
paarrjg dXr)Biararog, tovtov av iroitiaaipriv iyw pdprvpa
rrjg dpfrrje r)pwv tov vopoBtrov Kal rrjg V7r' ekeivov <fr-r)prig
mpX rov Geov 7rapaSo0£to-rjc. Autipov ydp tov xpbvov
ytyovorog, t'i rig avrov irapaf3dXXoi ralg rwv dXXwv riXiKlaig
vopoBtrwv irapd irdvrag tvpoi tovtov. Compare St. Cyril
against Julian, p. 154, D, above p. 63.
Note (71.) p. 46.
This was the case with Marcion, the Manichees, and
others, who rejected the Law as contrary to the New Testa
ment, because they would not recognise the principles of
typology. Note (72.) p. 47.
The words alluded to have been given above, in Note 27,
p. 96. Note (73.) p. 47.
Colebrooke, i. p. 225. " Among the Hindus a girl is

DIALOGUE I. 133
married before the age of puberty. . . . Because the bride
groom, too, may be an infant, it is rare that a marriage
should be consummated until long after its solemnization.
The recital of prayers on this occasion constitutes it a re
ligious ceremony ; and it is the first of those that are per
formed for the purpose of expiating the sinful taint which a
child is supposed to contract in the womb of its mother."
The author might have recollected Ps. li. 7, "In sin hath
my mother conceived me " — a text of considerable conse
quence against the Pelagians. Note (74.) p. 47.
Windischmann, p. 1911. "In der Lehre vom Korper
haben die Anhanger der Nyaya das Eigenthumliche, dass
sie ihn bios aus Erdtheilen, nicht zugleich aus den iibrigen
Elementen bestehen ; diese aber nur als accidental gelten
lassen, mit ausdriicklischer Polemik gegen andre Ansichten,
nach welchen er aus Erde, Wasser und Feuer, oder aus
diesen und dem Wind, oder aus alien fiinf Elementen, als
eigentlichen Bestandtheilen zusammengesetzt ist."
Note (75.) p. 47.
Vishnu P. p. 169. " On the summit of Mount Meru is
tjie vast city of Brahma, extending 14,000 leagues, and
renowned in heaven ; and around it, in the cardinal points
and the intermediate quarters, are situated the stately
cities of Indra and the other regents of the spheres. The
capital of Brahma is enclosed by the river Ganges, which
issuing from the foot of Vishnu, and washing the lunar orb,
falls here from the skies ; and after encircling the city, di
vides into four mighty rivers flowing in opposite directions."
The notion of the fourfold division of the earth, mentioned
by Strabo (i. p. 59, ed. Amstel. 1707), as held anciently,
and the notion that there were but four winds (A. Gell.

134 NOTES TO
ii. 22), are witnesses, in their measure, to the existence of
some tradition of the same kind.
Note (76.) p. 47.
The passage alluded to in Note 63 would furnish a source
for such a notion, which is thus expressed in the Bhagavat
Purana, iii. xii. 5. "To these his sons the Self-existing
said, Men do ye create, my sons ; " which is expressive of
the belief, in spite of the context in which it occurs. The
fact that heretics argued as they did from the passage of
Genesis seems very instructive : for as there can be no
doubt that heretics learnt their creed from heathens, the
mode in which the former dealt with the sacred text may
show the way in which heathens would have dealt with the
creed conveyed in that text to us, but existing in tradition
to them. What the servants of Satan did in latter times
may perhaps have been so overruled as to disclose to us what
they did in earlier times. And as there is every appear
ance of his carrying on his aggressions upon the truth on a
system, and as there is a duty lying upon us to be 'not
ignorant of his devices,' it is a part of that duty to avail
ourselves of the lessons to be drawn from the parallelisms,
so to say, traceable in his mode of government in early and
later times. That government may have been carried an
upon a certain amount of prescience of things to come ;
or at least (where such prescience was very indistinct) upon
the hopes of subverting the Divine system, in case it turned
out to be such-and-such. Hence the skirmishes (if one
may use the word) between his servants and those of the
Truth in earlier times may have their character and bearing
explained from the arrayed battle between the heretics and
the Church. The history of heresy may reflect a lurid light
upon the history of pagan error : the simultaneity of at
tacks through heresies really of one kind, though outwardly

DIALOGUE I. 135
multiform, — and the preparation made for one heresy by
another, which was its seeming opposite, — are features of
his government strongly brought out in the history of the
Church, yet existing as certainly, though less palpably, in
his mode of conduct against the Truth in the old dispen
sations. These remarks, though raised upon a single in
stance, are yet of so strong a bearing upon much said in
this work, that I hope it is unnecessary to apologize for their
introduction here. When Shakspeare said that ' the devil
can cite Scripture for his purpose,' he uttered a truth which
common minds often will not grasp, and therefore use for
profaneness. What is contended here is only an extension
of his remark to those that are " of their father the devil."
And fearful reflections it must suggest to all who are mind
ful of their own liability to forfeit that image of which the
text in question speaks ; from which heretics argued for a
plurality of Creators, — the orthodox, for the Equality of
Persons in the Most Holy Trinity, to whom be all worship
and honour, Amen.
The notion of a plant conveying immortality was found
not only in India (where it was ascribed to the Soma plant) ;
but also in America, China, Egypt, and elsewhere, similar
notions occurred. (See Carli Rubbi, xi. p. 192. Windisch.
p. 255. Euseb. P. E. p. 48.) St. Jerom, p. 137, Erasm.,
on those words of Isaiah, " Bread shall be given unto him ;
his waters are sure," says, " hsec gentilium fabulse in am
brosia et nectare intelligunt ; " and St. Justin Martyr,
p. 296, explains it of the Eucharist, the new Tree of Life.
Note (77.) p. 47.
In St. Cyril against Julian, p. 106, the Apostate says,
mpitiStv irwv pvpidSag, d Si iptlg ^ovXtaBe, x«XtdSae.

136 NOTES TO
Note (78.) p. 48.
The statement made in the text is, it must be remem
bered, only one out of several instances in which the account
of Moses comes in as an umpire and explainer of heathen
traditions. Hence, if great chronologers of the present day
dispute it, their opinion only impairs one amongst several
such instances, and so weakens -the aggregate of evidence
but very slightly. The sort of thing, however, which is re
ferred to in the text, may be understood from the following
passage of Jackson's Chronological Antiquities, ii. p. 98.
" The [Egyptian] chronicle contained a term of 36,525
years, which was made out of the famed period of 1461
years, multiplied by a cycle of 25 years, and contained the
whole Egyptian chronology, from the beginning of their
computation to the end of the reign of the last king o'f
Egypt. The part of it from the gods to the Cynic circle
was merely fictitious, to make the Egyptian nation as old as
Berosus made the Chaldean, and to commence before the
flood, which was absurd in the Egyptians to pretend to ;
but the rest, from the Cynic circle to the end of the
Egyptian empire, is founded upon their ancient records and
monuments. ' It has been before observed that the Egyptians,
whose complete year consisted of 365 days and six hours,
never intercalated the odd quarter of a day, so that the
beginning of the year was removed back a quarter of a day
in every year, and was in four years one day less than the
Julian year. These quarters, in the space of 1460 years,
made 365 days, so that in the space of 1461 years the
Egyptian and Julian year coincided and began in the same
point of the zodiac; and 1461 Egyptian years were equal
to 1460 Julian years. The period of 1460 Egyptian years
was called the great year, the canicular and Sothiac year ;
and also the year of the god Sol, and hence the heliacal
year. It was called the canicular year or period because in

DIALOGUE I. 137
Egypt it began with the heliacal rising of the dog-star on
the day of the new moon, which was called Thoth, from
the Egyptian Hermes or Thoth  The grand
period of the zodiacal revolution, or 36,525 years, was
formed of the two great cycles of the sun and moon multi
plied into each other ; and this sum was also made to com
prehend the whole of Egyptian chronology."
Here we see a process which was regular and systematic
in itself, and concealed a real under an enormous fictitious
number, which fictitious number might have the appearance,
to those not in the secret, of being intended to be one really
maintained. There is evidence also to show that the Indian
numbers were formed upon some system, though I am
not able to say whether the rational number has yet been
limited from them. Ideler, in the Preface to his " Mathe-
matische und Technische Chronologie," gave up the dis
cussion of these and the Chinese, whatever he has done
since. He notices, however, (ibid. i. p. 214) quoting
Euseb. Chron. i. p. 27, that the 432,000 years ofthe Chal
deans was thought to have contained similarly a shorter
number under it. Windischmann (p. 12) observes, that
in China the same monstrous periods appeared, which,
though originally only symbolical expressions, in time were
mistaken for real numbers. This is, however, too wide a
subject to discuss at length in a note ; and I shall therefore
content myself with the general statement of Windisch
mann upon a subject of which I must confess my inability
to give a full and satisfactory account. His opinion is thus
stated, p. 12. " Thus much is deducible at once from the
closest investigation of the Chinese numerical system, and
the chronology of this kingdom, that the Mosaic account,
even in the most trifling point, is just as little injured
thereby as by the Indian, Babylonian, or Egyptian, which,
in their astronomical signification and value, are throughout

138 NOTES TO
perfectly accurate calculations." And to this I may add,
to prevent persons arguing at once in favour of the Septua
gint calculation, from its apparently closer conformity to the
numbers deducible from heathen calculations, the following
passage from Schubert's Gesch. der Natur, vol. i. p. 176.
" Eine der am nachsten liegenden Ausgleichungs-perioden
ist das vom Alterthume oft erwahnte zehn-monatliche Jahr
(Censor, de Die Nat. viii. xxi. &c. &c.) welches zugleich
als eine fiir die Entwickelungsgeschichte des Menschenlei-
bes, da er die Zeit der Schwangerschaft, die Zeit der
Ausgestaltung des im Leibe der Mutter, umfasset, die des
zehn-monatlichen Jahr bestund namlich nicht aus zehn syno-
dischen, sondern aus zehn siderischen oder Knoten-monaten.
Hiermit wurde es eben zu einer Ausgleichung des Sonnen-
laufes mit dem Mondenlaufe. Denn am 274sten Tage
endigt der zehnte siderische, und zugleich auch der 9te Son-
nenmonat, oder das 9te Zwolftheil der Sonnenjahres. Es
scheint daher dieser dem Menschen so nahe liegende Aus-
gleiehungsperiode im friihesten Alterthiime ofters zum
Behuf einer kunstlicher Zeitrechnung gebraucht worden zu
seyn, deren Spuren wir in Septuaginta und in anderen
chronologischen Systemen finden (m. v. meinen Lehrbuch
der Sternkund. zweite Auf. in dem Abschnitt, die Zeitrech
nung der Volker)." Note (79.) p. 49.
Manu, viii. 25, 26. "By external signs let him (the
judge) discern the inner being of men, by voice, colour,
gesture, attitude, eyes, and action. From the attitudes,
gestures, motion of the body, and the speech, and the
changes of the eye and the face, is discovered the inner
mind." See Cicero pro Rose. Amer. cap. 23.

DIALOGUE I. 139
Note (80.) p. 49.
Manu, viii. 17. " Verily justice is the only friend who,
even in death, follows one : all others perish along with the
body." The other passage just alluded to is from v. 15.
Note (81.) p. 49.
Windisch., p. 1909, gives these instances from Gotama.
Note (82.) p. 50.
See the instances referred to in p. 98. I may add here,
that the same view of ancient tradition as that there given,
is taken also by H. J. Schmitt, " Uroffenbarung," Pref.
pp. iv. v., a work I had not then seen, but the design of
which, judging from the Preface, is one which it were to be
desired he might carry out. The published portion of it is
confined to the Chinese.

END OF NOTES TO DIALOGUE I.

DIALOGUE II.
ON THE SOUL'S MANIFOLD RELATIONS TO MATTER.

S. Ephrem. adv. Scrut. xiv.

' The eye and mind each
One another teach.'

DIALOGUE THE SECOND.

Laur. You have seen, Radhakant, how it may be
that in your ancient books there is kept up a part of
an ancient tradition, which contains the true doc
trine, more or less disfigured : and one reason why
so much of it has kept up in India, doubtless was the
austere habits of your ancient seers. For by absti
nence from the good things of this life, the soul is
purged to see the good things of another life. Calm
ness of the mind, with fitness for receiving the good
things of another life, cometh out of the devotion of
the Sannyasi, who leaves father and mother, and
houses and lands, and all that is dear to him, for
the mere hope of seeing what he believes to be
truth. But to Christians who so act, our Master
promises an hundredfold in this life, that is, through
joyous calmness of mind, and in the world to come
life everlasting. I have said that your ancient sages,
through Tapas, attained to the sight of much holy
truth, being fitted for the transmission of it from
the discipline they observed, and able to see and
understand it, because they were not a dissolute set
like the Greeks, whose very priest class were fre
quently licentious, and did not seek chastity and

144 A FABLE IN ILLUSTRATION OF THE
holiness by stern discipline, but by sundry devices
which it were shameful even to speak of ( 1 ). Hence
one of them, who was a very shrewd and sagacious
person, thought that your philosophy and that ofthe
Jews was all one ; and another, who belonged to the
same school (2), said that all the wisdom of the wise
in deep things was derived either from the Jews (3)
or the Indian Brahmans, for he mentions them by
name. Plain, then, it is, that even in the West you
were looked upon as inheritors of great wisdom ; and
doubtless, if there were a common source of all wis
dom through tradition, then you and the Jews may
well have had much in common.
Rad. But will you again go over your doctrine
about this common source of knowledge, whence,
even before the art of writing was known, men of
old drew all wisdom, in order that I may see better
if I understand what you mean ?
Laur. I have been thinking, since our last con
versation, of a fable to illustrate the subject of it,
which I will now proceed to tell you. There was
once a time when all the rivers in the world met
under the earth, to hold a conversation upon certain
phenomena which they had observed, and had now
and then talked one by one with their sisters * about,
but could not quite understand without a general
council. They had observed that there grew upon
the banks of each river certain crystals of anomalous
1 Rivers are feminine in Sanscrit.

PROPAGATION of early tradition. 145
shapes, which their own waters could not melt at all.
There were many which they did dissolve with ease,
many which after a long time they succeeded in
drinking into their own essence, but some still re
mained which they could not solve at all. Whereupon
one or two of the great rivers of Europe came to a
certain very large river, whose mouth and face were
always looking towards Asia, and brought her some
of these crystals ; and she found that she could dis
solve several of them with great ease, but that some
still remained which defied her powers of solution,
would not be absorbed into her essence, but clung
sulkily to the banks whenever they could, and re
sisted all the coy embraces and wheedlings of her
sportful wave. This odd circumstance led the Euro
pean rivers to consider further whether anything else
occurred along their banks which would throw any
light upon the subject, as they were unwilling to
trouble their Asiatic sisters to come to a general
meeting, and many of them lived so far off that they
would have a long way to come, and were also not
very likely to bring the refractory crystals into that
dissolved state in which their character could be
examined. The European rivers, therefore, consi
dered whether the trees which grew on their banks
had any part in the crystals' conspiracy to resist their
combined powers. Upon comparing notes, they
found that though the trees upon their banks were a
good deal alike, yet there was some dissimilarity too,
which possibly might affect the soil upon which these

146 A FABLE IN ILLUSTRATION OF THE
crystals grew, and in some cases was found especially
to have done so. They then began to think that if
they could classify these varieties of trees, and reduce
the different species each to his proper genus, they
would perhaps be able to analyze the whole diffi
culty, and find out what prevented their dissolving
these refractory crystals. This process was next
entered upon, and it was found that, sure enough, it
answered in a great many cases. When the influ
ence of one genus of trees upon the soil was ex
amined, it explained how such and such crystals
were formed, and in consequence suggested a mode
for solving them. But this did not satisfy them;
there evidently was still a cloud hanging over the
whole subject, and they therefore agreed that a
general council of all the rivers in the world was the
only thing which would perfectly clear up the diffi
culties as to the crystals and as to the trees. As,
however, this would have been an awkward thing to
manage, they appointed deputies ; and though I
cannot remember the names of them all, I will men
tion a few of the most prominent. There was the
Thames for England, the Rhone for France and the
rest, the Danube for a very large tract of country,
the Tiber — who had turned his back upon Asia
so long that he was afraid to come almost, besides
several Russian rivers of high rank and import
ance. In Asia the Oxus, the Ganges, the Euphrates,
the Indus, and several others, which will readily
suggest themselves to your memory. After several

PROPAGATION OF EARLY TRADITION. 147
attempts made by the Euphrates, she found that she
could not effect any thing like a perfect solution of
the crystals ; here and there they yielded to her
solicitations, but for the most part they could not
be made to do more than show some faint lines
which pointed out in which direction they would
break; and in a still greater number of instances
not even this was effected. Passing over other at
tempts, I shall not surprise you when I tell you that
the Ganga explained how all of them might be
solved, and how the trees on the shores had influ
enced the growth of these crystals, which none of the
rivers of the West could at all explain.
Rad. The fable is one which has pleased me ; but
now relate to me what the fable means, what the
rivers are, what the trees, and what the crystals.
Laur. Thus let it be heard ! The waters (4) of
the rivers are the nations of the earth, and the crys
tals are their languages, which, when one nation can
not furnish roots to explain, then recourse must be
had to another ; and when the smaller waters and
those which are less ancient will not explain the
difficulties of a language, then recourse must be had
to another. The ancient language of the Goths will
explain the difficulties of many languages of Europe,
by furnishing older words and forms of nouns, which
have dropped into disuse in other nations. This,
then, Radhakant, is the meaning of the solving of the
crystals. But the difficulties of the language of one
people cannot always be explained by the language
l2

148 THE PROXIMATE MEANING
of another : we must also consider how the trees
which grow on the banks may affect the soil. And
these are the customs of different nations, their laws,
usages, and religions. These, then, will explain much
more; and sometimes those of the most ancient
nation will explain things in the languages of the
less ancient. The Danube may represent the Gothic
language, the Thames the Anglo-Saxon, the Rhone the
Celtic, and the Tiber the Roman, which mightily in
fluenced (5) all the languages of Europe. But by
the Danube, or so as to have connexion with it, dwelt
a people called the Hyperboreans (6), and they were,
according to a most learned geographer, a priest-class
who brought their learning from India. Along with
these may be reckoned the Sacse, who also came and
spread Indian learning through the world, pure or
impure, corrupted or not. So wide did the name of
these spread, that the Egyptians style a wise scribe
Sach (7), and in Latin the word sacer is used for holy.
But though the examination and comparison of these
languages did much towards attaining some clearer
notions of their structure and formation, and setting
the study of language upon a surer footing ; still,
until they went to Ganga, which the Vayu-Purana
well calls the assemblage (8) of all holy waters (for
the name well suits with our Myth), nothing com
paratively was done towards clearing up the difficul
ties, both as to the formations of words and to the
customs to which allusions were contained in divers
languages. Like a mighty solvent, the Sanscrit

OF THIS FABLE UNFOLDED. 149
language, although unknown for so many (9) cen
turies in the West, and itself in fact ceasing to be
spoken commonly when Greek was first in full
vigour (10), made the crystals melt before it; like
the universal solvent of the alchemist, the institutes
of Pan'ini made the sturdiest of them crumble before
them. The customs of the ancient Indians served
to explain sundry things hitherto unexplained ; and
the people of the West saw how vain it was to go
to the waters of Babylon (11) to have the difficulties
of European languages clearly solved. The Myth,
O Radhakant ! and the explanation thereof, is
ended, is ended.
Rad. But what has this to do with the subject of
which we were talking — the propagation of sacred
knowledge in the world ?
Laur. Thus let it be heard. There is an explana
tion of the explanation. The Ganga is said to be
the river which cleanses (12) away all sin; and so
also do sacred words (13) cleanse away sin. Ganga
is said to have sprung from (14) Siva's foot, or finger,
according to different accounts. Let it be the finger
then, for the sake of the explanation ; and let it be
remembered, that language was the vehicle of tra
dition, and, according to Gotama (15), came from
the gods, and was an inspiration. If, then, the true
and ancient doctrine was pointed out to man (16)
first by the finger of God, it may be not amiss to
make the Ganga here the representative of that pure
and ancient doctrine which, by its fulness, explains

150 THE ULTIMATE MEANING
the difficulties and perplexities of all nations, and
wherein they but lisped imperfectly, and had dark,
or exaggerated, or disfigured, accounts of the truth,
it was able to speak plainly. For what fruit (17) of
its long travails did philosophy show forth ? what
worth so many and so great labours? Were they
not all pregnant with nought but wind, and unable
to bring to the birth what they had conceived?
They had but abortions till they came to the light
of the knowledge of God. The ancient tradition in
the books of Moses was able to clear up sundry
things which were like the truth ; and by so clearing
them up, to show wherein also they were but false
shows and unreal resemblances of the truth which
the other nations of the world possessed : for the
object of this ancient tradition was to lead men to
God. And in vain do men think to worship God,
save when they worship Him as He has revealed
Himself. And like as the Sanscrit language made
it possible to trace and clear up many things in the
languages of Europe which will probably facilitate
the communion between the nations, lead towards
peaceful intercourse, and so eventually be a great
blessing to those nations, although it was so long
unknown, having first ceased to be a spoken lan
guage about 400 years before Christ, and then being,
for almost 1000 years more, scarcely heard of in
Europe; so will the true revelation, though long
unknown to the other nations, at last work out great
and inestimable blessings, inestimable blessings.

OF THIS FABLE UNFOLDED. 151
Rad. You have explained to me how there came
to be similarities between Moses' law and that of
other nations, upon the supposition of an ancient
tradition kept up with greater or less purity by
different nations ; but you have not explained how
it came that there were these similarities, seemingly
of a different kind, of which you now speak.
Laur. I taught you, if you recollect, how that it
was not the whole of that revelation which was con
veyed to men by tradition, but only certain seeds
and beginnings of it, which, for all we know, are
absolutely necessary in order to the attaining of true
and Divine knowledge. Instances may exist of
nations who, without alphabets or letters, have kept
up by memory (18) a larger share of truth than even
others with better means : but no proof, as far as I
know, exists of these elementary principles ever
having been reasoned out, whatever reason may
have done to confirm them when known. If, then,
they came to men through the sense of hearing,
which is the means, according to our books, divinely
employed for communicating the substance of things
unseen, they may, through want of listening, gradu
ally have been lost. But the sins of men make
them by degrees indisposed to listen to religious
truth, and so they drop parts which, being omitted,
distort the whole. This, then, would be one account
of the distortions of the truth which we find among
other nations. As, then, according to our books,
death first entered in by the ear (19) of our first

152 PERVERSE RESEMBLANCES OF
parents, so by the ear it kept entering in, and by
the ear too truth must enter in, and life.
But there was also another source from which
these semblances of the truth arose. For the same
evil spirit who at the first deceived Eve, the mother
of all living, did also contrive perverse resemblances
of the truth to deceive them further. When once
the nations were split into different languages for a
great sin, the report of which has of old been kept
up in China (20), then they could no longer so easily
have recourse to Shem's race, the preachers of the
true doctrine ; and so Satan availed himself of this
confusion entailed by sin, to lead men further and
further from the truth : for this confusioD befel men
while they were attempting to build a tower to defy
heaven ; and it seems likely that they then changed
the tongue they all had in common for several new
ones : for unless their former language had perished,
their work would not have been brought to a stop.
It was, then, by the loss of that language that was
lost by all other races, and was left with one only,
that the building was stopped ; and because by the
new tongues they were estranged from each other,
neither could they hear each other, they had wars
among themselves, and occasions of separations,
which the tongues occasioned among them (21).
Hence they were not only unable, but also unwilling,
to receive truths at the hand of each other, and were
more easily a prey to error, and less able to return
from it when they had fallen into it. Hence evil

THE TRUTH DEVISED BY SATAN. 153
spirits seeing that other nations had no access to the
Hebrew, in which, by the race of Shem, the truth
was kept up, put into men's hearts sundry sem
blances which, from their likeness to it (22), might
weaken the credit of the truth, or rather gain it over
to their own side : and as they knew which was the
truth, and had much to fear from its success, they
seem to have been especially careful to put into
men's minds sundry doctrines of incarnations (23)
throughout the world : and hence, though the Ve
das say nothing, I believe, of incarnations, ten are
mentioned amongst you. Of these, that of Chrishna
has in it certain points calculated to deceive. He
is mentioned to have been brought up among the
kine, and to have given in his youth early proofs
of his supernatural strength : things these which
bear a rude likeness to the accounts of Him who
was really incarnate. Other things might also be
mentioned ; but I am afraid of comparing things
sacred to me, even in this way, with things which
to me, of course, when so compared, cannot be
else than profane. If, however, this suggests the
kind of thing to you, we should then have considered
another of the ways in which tradition, which came
by hearing, was interfered with. And in such a
case it is plain that we ought to consider not only
what information for the truth has been brought to
men by means above the senses, but also what has
been brought to men against it by the like means.
However, having, I trust, now made this pretty

154 ANALOGY SHOWS THE IMPORTANCE OF
clear, I may go on to insist upon the importance of
the senses. I hope that you will no longer fancy
that I deny the absolute need of supernatural assist
ance in order to arrive at knowledge concerning the
invisible world, seeing that I assume (what all
nations have believed more or less) that there are evil
spirits (24) who work upon our minds, and present
to them distorted views of moral and religious truths,
as well as a good spirit, who presents them with right
views. And as Kanada (25), as well as Gotama (26),
allows that we must fall back upon something more
than the senses ultimately for rules of Dharma, we
may consider that as a settled point, and proceed
further to consider the use made by the Lord of the
creation of the senses, in bringing His creatures to
divine knowledge. Only I again and again assert
the absolute need of the divine Prasada along with
them. First, then, I shall proceed to show how
there is this mutual co-operation of the two in
common things. Now, we find that our memory is
capable of containing in it a vast number of cog
nitions. No one can enter into it and feel out where
they are. They (27) take up no room in it, though
they abide in it without wearying out the vigour or
elasticity of it ; and though man is but a single
being, and of a single nature, so far as his soul is con
cerned, still the memory is at times as good as igno
rant of things which yet afterwards prove to be re
tained in it, though we cannot be properly said to
know them at those times. For there are particular

EXTERNAL MEANS IN A REVELATION. 155
occasions on which we are unable to call a thing to
mind without some external aid from the senses.
The slightest outward and visible thing is sometimes,
for all we see, absolutely necessary as a condition
upon which alone the inward and invisible faculty of
the memory (28) will perform its functions at all.
Again, there are many discoveries important in order
to man's welfare, which, for all we know, the mind
could never have struck out without the aid of some
silly thing which occurred to the senses at the time.
Analogy, then, would lead us to think that we might
be greatly beholden to the senses in order to our
arriving at supernatural truth, seeing that the method
by which the Lord leads us to natural truth involves
the use of these external things, in spite of the co
existence of the greatest internal gifts.
2. The body, also, must be in a certain degree of
health in order to the full vigour of the mind ; and
I say a certain degree (29), because I think the full
vigour of both at the same time perfectly incom
patible : still, this shows further how we depend upon
our bodies.
3. These things, taken along with the following
considerations, may perhaps prove important. The
whole way of thinking and acting in the concerns of
our present life is as if our bodies and the things
about us were real ; therefore, for all practical pur
poses they may be considered as real. It seems, then,
to me vain to imagine a philosophy so impractical as
the Vedanta sometimes is, which contradicts the

156 UNPRACTICAL TO ASSUME THE
whole system under which it has pleased Providence
to put us. For we find that even for the most
sacred science we are made to depend upon our
senses, which seems very much as if the senses were
intended to be looked upon as having a reality
about them, and as if the objects of them were
real ; so far, at least, as we are concerned with
them. We are placed in a system in which man
kind will deal with us, and we must, in spite of
all theories to the contrary, deal with mankind, as
if the objects of sense were real. Hence it does,
I own, seem to me an unpractical philosophy, which
leads men to treat these things as if they were
unreal. 4. And a further confirmation of the idea, that
we were intended by Providence to treat matter
as if it were real, is, that He has not placed within
the reach of our knowledge, so far as I know, any
one single instance where it can even be surmised
that matter of any kind whatsoever (30) is annihi
lated : while, on the contrary, the fact that matter is
susceptible of such prodigious changes in the mode
of its existence, as we see it is in several cases, e. g.
in the case of ice, which is convertible into steam ;
of several gases, which, by being generated under
sufficient pressure, may be made fluids, while the
essence of the gases in this case, and of the water in
that, remains unimpaired : — this fact, I say, is a direct
presumption that matter is susceptible of yet further
and more wonderful changes without its undergoing

UNREALITY OF MATTER. 157
annihilation. And therefore, if a revelation treats of
the senses or the body in general as a necessary
condition, or as a vehicle of the means of salvation
in all ordinary cases, our experience in fact offers abso
lutely nothing at variance with this teaching, what
ever our theories may do. And as experience is our
guide, and not theory, in practical matters ; as, further,
men often entail upon themselves, and even upon
others, very great misery indeed, even in this life, by
obstinately following their own theories of things in
opposition to the teaching of men of experience ; it
becomes a very serious question for you whether you
ought not to be able to prove the Vedanta system
far more demonstratively, before you let it have the
least influence upon your practice. And the choice
between Christianity and Brahmanism is a practical
question, and one which you will find, the more you
know of Christianity, to be materially affected by the
view you take of our relations to matter. And let
me add, by way of caution, that I am not at all
stating that matter is indestructible, or that it will
or will not be in fact destroyed ; but what I now
urge is, that if particular things in a revelation seem
in our present state of insight into that revelation to
be built upon the supposition of matter lasting for
ever, we cannot (if we go by what we actually expe
rience of God's government of the world, and not by
our theories of what it may be) make such particular
things any objection whatever to that revelation.
Still less can we make it any objection to the reve-

158 WHY SOME USES OF EXTERNAL MEANS
lation, if we find it insists on the necessity of matter
or of the senses, during that present dispensation
under which we are living in a state of trial.
Rad. There are in all this several things which
make me distracted with new and divers thoughts.
But one thing I wish much to ask, viz. why it is that,
if you insist so much on the senses, you object so
much, as Christians do, to worshipping idols. It
seems to me, that if the senses are so important in
order to keeping up religion in the world, here is just
a case in which full use is made of them. May I,
then, ask how it is that you seem to hold here such
contrary opinions?
Laur. If, Radhakant, you can prove that these
idols were set up at the command of revelation, then
I shall be bound to answer that question ; but if they
are only the produce of your own imaginations, then
I am in no way bound to answer it. For it is right
to show that what we experience under God's
natural government does not contradict, but fall in
with, what we are told of His revealed government.
But it is to no purpose to show that under His natural
government there are things which fall in with in
ventions of man's own, in order to serve (31) Him or
other beings. When He discloses to us a part of
His invisible government, then it is dutiful to trace
out similarities in that part of it which comes under
our experience ; but it is not right for man to decide
for himself, and by his own invention, what the in
visible system of things is, and then. to make out
7

IN RELIGION ARE UNJUSTIFIABLE. 159
that it squares with the visible, since this would be
to make ourselves gods, and assume that we knew
what His unseen government was. The Vedas, I
believe, make no mention of the worship of idols, so
that your oldest revelations would be here agreed
with ours (32) in rejecting them.
Rad. You before let me see that you were deter-
minately opposed to Polytheism ; but I should much
wish to know what other objections you have to it,
save the one you have now intimated, that you think
it is not revealed to man. I do not at all wish to
justify a belief in (33) more than one Supreme Being,
although our practice is to worship other beings also ;
and it still seems to me that what you have said of
the importance of the senses, goes towards justifying
this practice.
Laur. I think there are most numerous objections, •
though perhaps the chief one in my mind is, that it
appears that there were no images in any country till
religion came to be corrupted : the tendency of men
is certainly to degenerate (34), and along with that
degeneration the adoption of images (35) has been
prevalent, which does seem to me a most cogent
presumption against the use of them. All men look
back to earlier ages as more pure than their own,
and our Master spoke (conformably to what your
books say of the Kaliyuga) (36) as though when He
came to judge mankind there would hardly be any
faith left on earth. At sundry times, when by His
judgments upon the earth He has made men's con-

160 ESSENCE OF IDOLATRY LIES
sciences tremble with the expectation of some more
final judgment to come, He has punished nations
most severely for worshipping them, and by such
severe punishment alone has He cured the Jewish
people of this practice. But our books especially
represent the worship of idols as having a connexion
with the unseen world, and putting men into a
fellowship with devils (37), which of course may in
fact be the essence of idolatry, if, according to your
own views of it, it does not lie so much in wor
shipping the visible image, as in reverencing the un
seen beings they represent. If, then, these unseen
beings are the creations, or what seem to be the
creations, of your own fancy, though they are really
inspired by these wicked beings, how dreadful will
it be to risk even the danger of supposing them gods,
which are men departed at best, or perhaps evil
spirits, who are glad enough that you should fall
down and worship them, and believe that they can
give rain and increase, though really they have no
such power. I know, indeed, that when people have
long worshipped idols there is in them some wonder
fully infatuating power (38) which binds the soul
down to them, and which only the more convinces
me that they are, as our books represent them, con
nected with evil spirits. Here, then, is what should
seem to be an instance of man selecting for himself a
relation to matter, into which God has not put him —
for it seems to me impossible to get over the fact,
that so many nations plead guilty to having invented

IN ITS BEING A WORSHIP OF DEVILS. 161
idols, when the simple worship of their fathers died
away along with their simpler manners. To say that
what suits one age may not be fit for another, is only
smothering the truth that a corrupt Kali age does
not worship as spiritually as a simple Satya one.
This, then, Radhakant, seems to me a thing in which
your ancestors were nearer the truth than you now
are by many degrees. They may, indeed, have paved
the way for your present system, as I before hinted.
And indeed I think that this is in itself a proof of
there being a great evil spirit, the ruler and manager
of a counter system to the truth, who at different ages
of the world seems to have contrived to carry out his
system by false oracles, gradual encroachments on
the truth, lying wonders, and other stratagems.
Neither do I know that it would be wrong to think
that where he found he could get no hold of some
virtuous heathen, he may have left him unmolested
with the purpose of letting him serve the better to
deceive others, who should mistake such a man for
the true Messiah, the great pattern of all holiness.
Hence those who have yielded themselves to him as
his servants, have in very many instances put on an
air of sanctity, and made conscience and religion a
plea for wicked deeds. And the reverence which
men came to pay to ancestors departed, or to other
beings besides the Supreme God, looks like an act
of a dutiful and religious kind at first, and may, I
freely allow, be plausibly defended as not interfering
with the reverence due to Him only; but the history
M

162 IN WHAT SENSE THE LAW OF MOSES
of the world, which is the record of experience, tells
sadly to the contrary, and is the best answer to all
theories and excuses of the practice. No where
amongst the nations did idolatry come in till men
had lost the austere simplicity of early piety ; and
never, as far as I know, has it thriven without doing
mischief to the idolater's mind.
Rad. Then you mean me to conclude, from all
you have said, that though we are put into sundry
relations to matter affecting our religious interests,
this is not one which can be proved from reason or
antiquity. And if this is your way of arguing, and
you set reason aside where antiquity is clear, how
comes it that the particular relations to matter, into
which Moses' law put you and Manu's law us, are
now quite discarded by Christians, who eat flesh like
Pisachas, and have no idea that pollution of any kind
comes from matter?
Laur. That question, Radhakant, is, I suppose,
tantamount to asking how it is that the Mosaic law
is in one sense no longer binding upon Christians :
at least I take it that you feel that I ought in fair
ness to account for this, as I have allowed that your
own law agreed with the law of Moses in several of
the points in which Christians now discard it. Or
at all events I must own that / see this, that your
question ought to be fairly met and answered, and
that I cannot give it an immediate answer, but must,
upon attempting to answer it, be directly driven
upon the wider question, " Why Moses' law is no

IS POSITIVE, AND SO MUTABLE. 163
longer binding?" When this difficulty is solved,
the particular difficulty about pollutions from matter
will be solved also. Let us, then, bear in mind what
has made us digress from the subject of our relations
to matter, in order that when the question of the
abrogation of Moses' law has been discussed, we may
return to what we were before conversing upon.
Rad. I long to hear how you will answer this, but
will not forget what we digressed from.
Laur. All society is bound together, is it not, by
law? Rad. Assuredly so.
Laur. And if we look to the common little civili
ties and courtesies of life, we shall find them in effect
to be laws resulting from the law of nature which
makes men social creatures ; is it not so ?
Rad. Certainly it is.
Laur. But the modes of expressing civility are
merely conventional signs ; nobody thinks himself
obliged, now-a-days, to salute people of station pre
cisely as Ashtavakra did Rama and Sita in the
Uttara Rama-Cherita (39), or to invite suitors to the
Swayamvaram precisely as Bhima did the Heroes in
the Nalopakhyana (40). In fact these are (are they
not ?) things which may alter without impairing the
duty of civility, of which they are the vehicles.
Rad. This, too, is clear.
Laur. Laws, then, are of two kinds ; positive,
which are mutable at the will of the authority who
institutes ; and moral, which are not mutable at the
m 2

164 IN WHAT SENSE THE LAW OF MOSES
will of the authority who institutes them ; because
(whether or no, as matter of fact, such laws flow from
the will of the authority) by a moral law, we mean
one in which that will exerts itself uniformly ; and
therefore, without entering into the further question,
whether moral law is in any way dependent upon
arbitrary will (41), we may have a notion of it suf
ficiently clear for the present purpose if we suppose
that that Will which originally constituted it, is one
from which there is no appeal whatever, and which
does not alter or change. Thus we can conceive of
the duty of civility, abstractedly from and wholly in
dependent of any particular forms in which it is ex
pressed, and as a duty of permanent obligation.
This, then, is, I trust, clear.
Rad. It is so.
Laur. The code of Moses, then, is made up of
these two kinds of law, positive and moral; and
though, indeed, so far as mortals are concerned, all
laws seem (42) to fluctuate, moral as well as positive ;
as, for instance, the laws relating to so solemn a
thing as marriage (43), still there is such a thing as
a notion of right and wrong, which cannot be effaced
from men's minds, — which is the common property
of all men in all ages and countries, — through which
alone we are able to enter in some degree into the
feelings of all human beings whatever. Now this
notion of right and wrong is such, that obedience
and disobedience to it are connected with hope and
fear of something (44) further, which hope and fear

IS POSITIVE, AND SO MUTABLE. 165
make up, in fact, a part of the system of retribution
in this present life, and last on up to the hour of
death in such a way as to make it appear, in several
instances, that they are likely to last beyond the
grave. Hence, going by what we see, and acting up
to what, upon this knowledge, is the safe course, we
may conclude that the things condemned or approved
by this internal monitor will be condemned or ap
proved in a future state also, or in other words that
the obligation to obey is a permanent one, to last
through the whole of our duration, as far as we can
learn. Thus if any one were to say that the misery
of an idolater on his death-bed is an argument
against idolatry, it is equivalent to saying that there
is a permanent law of God against our being idol
aters ; and supposing we saw this misery continually
happening, we should conclude that men on their
death-bed, foreseeing (45) the punishment to follow,
did, with the unerring instinct of impiety, fixing upon
that which it hated and dreaded, single out the truth.
Such laws, then, would be permanent laws of nature,
not positive or mutable ones. And any code coming
from the Author of nature must of necessity not
gainsay them. And see how the law of Moses
would confirm what anciently most nations seem to
have felt, in that it is so severe as it is against all wor
ship of the likeness of anything in heaven or in earth.
However this may be, certain it is that Moses' law
does embody all the moral (46) code of other nations,
so far as nations in general are agreed. And the

166 PREFERENCE TO MORAL DUTIES
way in which it begins with the worship of one God
and forbidding ofthe worship of any others, is perhaps
unparalleled by the laws of any other nation. And
this being so, its very majesty and moral fitness be
come a reason for taking the positive laws upon trust,
as having something further in them which may be
of importance to all ages.
Rad. However, that the Vedas teach all moral
law perfectly is my belief, and therefore why is it
that we have not the same right to alter and depart
from their positive (47) institutions in the course of
time as you have to depart from those of Moses ? If
the law of Moses and the Vedas both teach the same
fundamental moral truths, I must have some further
reason for thinking the mutable and positive parts of
the law of Moses, in all their particulars, much
better than those parts in ours, before I can give the
one up for the other.
Laur. The law of Moses, in all its positive parts,
prophesied until John, the forerunner of Christ ; and
by looking to the analogy of discoveries in the arts
and sciences, we have certainly abundant reason for
thinking that the whole bearing of a revelation of
this kind would not be apparent at once (48). Let
us, then, proceed to consider what evidence there is
that the positive enactments of Moses contain in
them some further and more durable meaning than
appears on the surface. If we examine the last of
all the prophets, he does not draw the attention of
the Jews to the later of the prophetical books, as the

UNDER THE JEWISH ECONOMY. 167
best preparation for the Messiah's coming, but to the
law of Moses. And when the Messiah came, He
also told the Jews that if they believed not Moses,
neither would they believe Him. Here, then, is
something remarkable, and requiring to be accounted
for, since it would seem from this and other parts of
the New Testament, that each and every portion of
the Law was replete with instruction for Christians.
Add to which, the law itself intimates, — what Samuel
and all the prophets, as many as followed after, seem
to have preached, — that it was not sacrifice and
burnt offering as such, but obedience which God
looked favourably towards. Thus one of the prophets
said, " I spake not to your fathers in the day that I
brought them out of the land of Egypt (49), concern
ing burnt offerings and sacrifice ; but this word did I
speak unto them, saying, ' Hear ye my voice, and I
will be unto you a God, and ye shall be unto Me
a people.' " This, then, puts it beyond all doubt
that, from the first, preference was given to the moral
law — to obedience, not to sacrifice. And if this is
so, — if the positive part of the law yielded to the
moral, — the same reasons for which the obviously
positive part yielded to moral ends also operated in
some cases to make the less obviously positive yield.
For it is plain that all moral law may also have a
positive character. Thus, in relation to the ordinary
course of things, the commandment not to kill is a
moral law : but in. relation to a supernatural course
of things it is not so. For as it is in God's power at

168 LAWS, POSITIVE IN TWO ASPECTS,
any time to take away life, He may at any time dis
close to any particular person that He wills the life
of such and such another person to be brought to a
close ; and in reference to this course of things the
obligation to abstain from killing is only a positive
law. Life, and houses, and lands, and wives (50) and
children, are all conferred upon men by God, and He
can revoke the grant of them when He chooses.
Such a system of government as continually offered
instances of such interference would indeed not be
the natural and present course of things ; yet it is
plainly supposable, without involving any violation of
the moral sense in order to its being carried on. But
if the disclosure of His will may alter in particular
cases what in ordinary cases is a moral law, much
more may the merely positive ones be altered at His
command. Supposing, then, it is His will in some
particular case to foreshadow somewhat to come, we
can easily see how, in order to foreshadow such a
thing, laws which, in either of the above specified
senses, are positive, should be suspended. Hence we
find that when it was His will that a future event
should be foreshadowed, this actually was the case.
Whenever, in fact, we see such violations, we may
presume they were designed (51) to make thoughtful
and attentive Jews see that something further was
foreshadowed, and so learn that the ritual, so far as
it was positive, was not to last. Thus the command
ment not to make any image was violated by Moses
in the letter, or positive sense of it, when he set up

WHY LIABLE TO BE SUSPENDED. 169
the brazen serpent in the wilderness. The command
to hallow the seventh day was violated by Joshua (52)
when he went, seven days running, round Jericho,
not to mention a great many other violations of the
law, in so far as it was positive, when something
future was being foreshadowed. But while this was
the case, the Israelites were not left at all in doubt
that these ordinances were but for a time ; though the
carnally-minded among them might have looked for
temporal blessings from obedience, as carnally-minded
persons always do. But so far was this from being
the thing intended, that that very king among them
who carried their temporal prosperity to its greatest
height, (though their empire was but a narrow one at
the best, compared with other empires, which shows
that the end of Moses' law was not temporal pro
mises,) that very king, I say, speaks most distinctly
upon the point ; " There is one event," he says, " to
the righteous and to the wicked ; to the good and to
the clean, and to the unclean ; to him that sacrificeth,
and to him that sacrificeth not : as is the good, so is
the sinner ; and he that sweareth is as he that feareth
an oath. This is an evil in all that is done under the
sun ; also the heart of the sons of men is full of evil,
and madness is in their heart while they live, and
after that they go to the dead." Moreover the pro
phets, not once only or twice, but in a very repeated
and marked way, speak to the same effect. Thus (53)
Ezekiel calls them " statutes that are not good ; "
Jeremiah says that God spake not to them concerning

170 THE LETTER OF THE TYPICAL LAWS,
sacrifice and offering ; Isaiah that their new moons
and sabbaths were an abomination ; David that God
delighted not in burnt offerings ; Samuel that he had
not as great delight in them as in obeying His voice :
so that you see all the prophets warn them of the
transitory nature of these statutes, while they also
tell them that to obey the law is their great duty and
privilege. If, then, these rules were oracles of God,
foreshadowing some great thing to come, it would be
easy to reconcile what these passages teach with the
fact that the having the law is viewed as a privilege.
For it were reasonable to say that you have not only
a law which republishes and sanctions the law of
nature, which alone if you had, it might with truth
be said that " He hath not dealt so with any nation,
neither have the heathen knowledge of His laws : "
but you have also a ritual which does not end in
itself, but which is a continual prophecy, and there
fore keeps you continually looking forward to some
fresh mercy of God to come, some new dispensation,
which will alter the heavens and the earth and all
that is in them, as far, at least, as they bear on you.
Accordingly all things under the law are to be looked
on as shadows of good things to come, when the
eternal God should make some fresh disclosure (54)
of His nature, and old things should pass away and
all be made new. When, then, all was made new,
all that was under Moses' law ceased not to be the
voice of God, but on the contrary became more
precious to those who learned the new dispensation,

NOT THE SPIRIT, SUSPENDED. 171
in that it enjoined to them not burdensome cere
monies, the meaning of which they did but darkly
apprehend, and were not able to fulfil, but spoke to
them new and joyous commands, while they felt
within that strength was supplied them to fulfil
these very old commandments in their new and
spiritual sense. They were unto them as the words
of a preceptor to a child, when he has come to
man's estate, and sees the drift and meaning and use
of what he could not understand, and from not
understanding fancied he should never be able to
practise. The law then, Radhakant, was, you see, a
schoolmaster to the Jews, to bring them to something
to come.
Rad. Are you now, then, in a condition to answer
my question, as to why the distinction between clean
and unclean flesh is done away ? It seems, from
what you have told me, that this must have been
meant also to foreshadow something to come, al
though I cannot help thinking that, from the fact of
Moses' law agreeing with ours herein, tliere is a
strong presumption in favour of there being some
thing real in the pollutions from these animals.
Laur. Let us then try, Radhakant, to see how far
this may be the case. There seems, then, once to
have been a time when the orders of the creation
were not at such a distance from each other as they
now are. Brute beasts used formerly to speak to
men without surprising or frightening them by so
doing. And holy saints and ascetics (55) were hos-

172 THE ENDURING NATURE OF
pitably received unawares, and angels became the
guests of men. And the sons (56) of God went unto
the daughters of men and had giants by them, and
great confusion at last ensued, and the flood came
over the world : and though this intercourse was now
and then kept up still, yet by degrees it died away.
The older the nations are upon earth, the more traces
we find of it amongst them. Hence the Ahins'a
among you may be a trace of this primeval state of
things ; and I would not at once say that there might
not be something real, as you suggest, in this dis
tinction of animals into clean and unclean, although
we know very little of the case. However, bearing
in mind what I told you of the partaking with devils
through things offered to idols, and of the way in
which they set up false oracles to look like the true,
we shall see that if they availed themselves of these
animals for false oracles and divinations, so that these
animals came to be sacred to them, there was a
reason why these same creatures should be accounted
unclean by Moses' law, seeing they were connected
with (57) unclean spirits. Thus that law served for
a reproof to the Egyptians, when it afterwards came
to be known to them through the medium of the
Greek version. But though these might in them
selves, for all we know, be sufficient reasons for the
distinction, yet we must look upon it also as fore
shadowing something further to come, in which light
it yields a proof that the law is divine, seeing it is
permanent. For as those who are eminent for

THE LAW IN ITS SPIRITUAL SENSE. 173
virtue (58) upon earth are inclinable to build up, not
such buildings as make a great display for a time,
but such as last long and benefit many ages ; so God,
from whom also they gain this slight resemblance of
His excellent goodness, is wont to give revelations
of an enduring and imperishable nature, and thus in
this new and typical relation the law of Moses (59)
may endure for ever in heaven. Considering it,
then, in this light, and remembering further, as I do,
how all nations are wont by a sort of natural fitness
in the animals themselves to select those pre-eminent
in their country as the types of men of certain moral
characters (60), as you in India do the tiger, our fore
fathers did the wolf, the Persians the lion, for types
of men of strength and courage, and other animals
for other (61) virtues; considering, too, how in Scrip
ture subsequent to Moses, the lamb is made a type
of Christ, the ox of the clergy, the ass of the laity,
and other animals of other things, there being types
of this kind for all characters but idolaters, to show,
it may be, how idolatry, as involving (62) all sin, ex
cludes from the ark ; and also considering how, in
our prophecies, the different nations are sometimes
represented by different living creatures ; and con
sidering how our ignorance (63), in many points, pre
vents our seeing the meaning of some of these ; —
considering all these things, I think you ought not
to be surprised at being told that these animals were
meant .to foreshow the distinction between clean and
unclean men, and that after a time God intended to

174 THE IDEA THAT THE LAW IS PERMANENT
remove this distinction ; and to show those to whom
He committed His new and final dispensation that
they were not to call any man common or unclean
any more. Thus you see, Radhakant, that this dis
tinction in Moses may have meant something further ;
and we Christians think, and have thought in all
ages, that they did mean something further, which is
profitable to us upon whom the last dispensation is
come. I have therefore, I trust, proved to you two
very important things ; one is, that the law of Moses,
in the positive parts of it, has a meaning still, in
which meaning it is still binding upon Christians.
Whether or no careless or ignorant or misinstructed
Christians neglected it, that is nothing to the pur
pose ; for if they hold all Scripture to be the work of
God, then they must hold it to be done for ever, that
men may fear Him2, or else be inconsistent. Ob
serve, then, how this is a proof of its divinity, in that
it is so wonderfully permanent. And the other thing
is, that there is a very good reason why those relations
to matter in which the law of Moses placed men
should not be binding upon Christians, seeing that
they were not relations which can be shown to have
flowed from any belief that pollution was inherent in
matter, but were relations which were necessarily
temporal, because instituted for a certain purpose,
viz. that of foreshowing somewhat to come which,
when it was come, could no longer be foreshowed.
2 Eccles. iii. 14.

ONLY IN A SPIRITUAL SENSE, PERPLEXING. 175
They had left speaking to hope, and addressed them
selves to gratitude.
Rad. There are in your discourse sundry things
which puzzle me, and not the least of them is this : —
I remember that we are again to return to the subject
of our relations to matter ; still this difficulty occurs
to me. Here you say that the relations to matter in
which Moses' law placed men were only for a time,
and also say that this was the case in regard to the
relations to unclean animals. But you seemed very
unwilling to allow that there was any real difference
between the animals, as neither between the kinds
of matter, which were pure or impure. And yet you
say, what is far harder to believe, if I am not mis
understanding you, that there is a difference between
one nation and another, which that distinction of
animals only foreshadowed. Now how comes it,
Laurence, if this is so, that you object to a particular
nation having different castes in it ? It seems to me
as if you had got yourself into an inextricable diffi
culty here, and that you must either admit the Tight
ness of our system of castes, or else give up all your
apologies for the Mosaic law, and own fairly that it
is not more permanent than that of Manu, and so
lose one of your great arguments for its wonderful
and divine character, viz. the fact that it is still ac
knowledged by all Christians as part of Revelation,
and looked to for guidance, in consequence of such
acknowledgment, by Christians who are devout and
in earnest. If you can get out of this difficulty, I
7

176 PERPLEXITIES OF A PARALLEL KIND
shall then begin to think there must be some truth
in a system which can extricate itself from such
weighty objections.
Laur. Oh Radhakant, I am not the least dis
mayed by your objection, though I confess it is most
ingeniously urged. I will begin to meet it, not with
saying, as I might, that you display not sufficient
attention to your Guru's words, but with a quotation
from one of the commentators on the Bhagavata and
Vayu Purana, who says that, " whatever (64) differ
ences are observed in the different Puranas, is as
cribed by the pious to the differences of their ages."
All, then, that I had said would not amount to more
than this ; and the very thing that I wished to insist
on was, that under our dispensation distinctions might
be sanctioned, which distinctions were, however, to
pass away. I, then, am the last person to be puzzled
with the difficulty you suggest.
Rad. How can that be ?
Laur. Because I should fully allow that the insti
tution of castes is one which might have been at one
period divinely sanctioned, but under another period
divinely abrogated. What can be simpler than this?
Rad. But what proof can you give for the one or
the other, consistently with your views of things ?
Laur. You set me such hard tasks to do ; but I
will attempt this also. I believe that all the whole
sum of things is ordered by Divine Providence, and
that the brute creation are, among other created
beings, under His government. Hence I believe that

IN GOD'S NATURAL GOVERNMENT. 177
the state of things which I see existing in regard to
them and their relations to man, are the results of
His government, whether the particular enactment
which brought about the present state, was a penal
one or not. If, then, I found that all the world, or
the largest part of it, at any time held and acted
upon a certain view of the animal creation, I should
say that that came of His government, and not by
mere chance. If I found different orders in the
animal creation, I should conclude they came by His
appointment ; such orders, e. g., as clean and unclean,
or any other division you choose to make. And the
same wise and good principle, whatever it was, which
induced the Governor of the world, at one period of
His government, to put some of these animals into
one condition and some into another, may also have
induced Him to put some beings of a higher grade
into different positions analogous to these. We are
told that there are different grades of beings even in
Heaven, and that one star differeth from another
star in glory (65). And unless we knew the whole
system of things, and could define precisely how
other orders of beings influenced us, as we influence
lower orders of beings, we cannot at all tell but what
such changes as I am speaking about may seem to
beings of higher orders to have come about quite in
the way of natural consequences. This we see, that
brute beasts depend very much upon us for the degree
of cultivation they obtain : they are, if one seriously
reflects upon it, as capable, within certain limits, of
N

178 CHANGES IN THE NATURAL
having their rank in the creation elevated through
the instrumentality of men, as men may be, for aught
we know to the contrary, through the instrumen
tality of higher orders of beings. Elephants (66), for
instance, may live and die to no purpose but those
of a mere brute life ; yet they are capable of being
raised by training to a very high degree of tractable-
ness and advantageousness to men. They display
considerable signs of gratitude, malice, memory,
adroitness, and half-reasoning powers, when they
have been trained. And even those animals which
are apparently of a viler grade, such as dogs and
swine, may by kindness and skill be rendered avail
able for many useful purposes. It is easy for a person
who does not consider this world as God's world, to
make mirth at all this: but when seriously con
sidered, it shows that there are existing in this world
of His, creatures capable of a state improved to a de
gree far above what we ordinarily call their natural
state. And if this is so in the ordinary course of
things, it is plain that any divine interposition,
whether or no it suspended this ordinary course of
things, might exercise a very great influence in in
creasing the capacities even of brute creatures for
intercourse and familiarity with men. Hence the
lower orders of the creation will not at all justify us
in supposing that a natural state is one which pre
cludes all improvement, although they show us most
fully also that it is not all of these lower creatures,
but only some of them, which the Almighty Disposer

CONDITION OF SEVERAL BEINGS. 179
of the Universe, in that part of His scheme of
government hitherto disclosed to us, puts into
stations and conditions in which the way to improve
ment is open to them. And as they have capacities
for improvement, so it appears also that they have
capacities for degradation, so to speak. For early
and long-continued ill-treatment, neglect, and even
being in the way of other ill-tempered brutes, appears
to have very considerable influence indeed in making
them fiercer than they are naturally, and sometimes
even irrecoverably untameable. Vain is the ridicule
with which one foresees people of shallow minds will
treat the idea of viewing these creatures as under
God's government, and part of His world ; for these
are things which cannot be made light of without
denying a Providence altogether. If, then, this is
the case with the lower orders of creatures ; if what,
apart from the knowledge of a wise Governor of the
world, would seem blind fate, finds its way into the
brute creation, it is not at all unlikely that the same
may be the case with respect to higher orders of
beings also, and with whole classes of them, such as
nations are. If, then, we turn to the state of things
existing at one time more extensively than it does
now, we shall see that there is very strong evidence
of a design upon the part of Providence that there
should be different religious situations assigned to
creatures of like moral capacities : for we see that
there are not only different orders of creatures in the
world, but also that even the lower kinds of them
n2

180 CHANGES IN THE POLITICAL
are placed in situations where they have very different
opportunities of being improved in those respects in
which they are capable of improvement. Hence it
seems to me clearly conceivable that it may have been
a part of the original design of Providence that there
should be slaves in different parts of the world, so far
as we may speak of any of His dispensations in this
way, and so far as the effects of sin (such as slavery
is) can be considered to have been (67) anticipated
and provided for in that design. Certain, however,
it is, that slavery prevailed to a far greater extent
than it now does, and that the encroachment that
has been made upon it has been made by the slow
working of Christianity. As for attempts to break
through it by political overt acts, the success of them
remains to be proved. But as I think the relation
of Christianity to slavery has a most important bear
ing upon the question in hand, I shall add a few
more remarks upon it here. Slavery, I have already
said, came in my belief from sin ; and the dispen-
sation which professes to be and is the antagonist
power to sin, has all along been operating slowly to
the removal of it. Now it is a part of that dispen
sation that it makes known life and incorrupti
bility (68), and no two persons can well realize the
fact that they stand together in this world before an
Almighty Judge, who sees and will judge all they do
in their present corruptible body, without feeling
themselves reduced much more to a level than they
before were : indeed their own differences sink into

CONDITION, DEPENDING ON RELIGION. 181
nothing when they consider the immense differences
between themselves and their Judge. Now, if you
look to the nations of the earth, you will, I think,
find, that in proportion as they have treated slaves
cruelly, they are sure to turn out to be unbelievers
in a future state, and the converse : the one is an
index of the other. The houses of the Romans (69)
were not spattered with the blood of slaves, until they
pretty generally took in the doctrines of Epicurus,
who denied a future state. In Athens, a city of
Greece famous for philosophers, we find that it was
not uncommon for men to take their fill of lust and
drunkenness (70) before death,, as though they would
have the last of their existence in brute enjoy
ment, and in this city slaves were commonly (7 1 )
killed without the least compunction, and a great
philosopher among them, who held it to be a ques
tionable thing if there were any future state of hap
piness (72), also held slaves to be property as cattle
were, or to be personified tools for work, incapable
of any civil relationship, but as things belonging to
a master ; whereas that philosopher (73) among them
who most insisted on a future state was most kindly
in his views of slaves, as was his disciple amongst the
Romans. And if we look to the nation most of all like
the Indians, the Egyptians, we find that they, held as
it was before said they were, to be the inventors of
the doctrine of a future state, had also gentle insti
tutions for their slaves (74) ; and the kindness of the
Jews, as a nation, to their slaves, should be noticed
7

182 CHANGES IN THE TREATMENT OF SLAVES,
here as falling in with what I before urged respecting
their belief of a future state, and confirming it.
Now Christianity, by making what men only guessed
at here and there before, to be a matter of moral
certainty, also removed, though through a further
and higher consideration of the relationship of Chris
tian to Christian, the hard-hearted spirit of masters
towards slaves. I do not think that where Christi
anity prevails in a real living way, we need fear much
that liberty will ensue to all men ; and without this,
liberty is only a curse ; for unless men's capacities of
action correspond up to a certain extent with their
external condition, and this with their capacities,
happiness is impossible.
But besides slaves, whose condition it thus appears
to have been the design ofthe Gospel to benefit, there
existed another class of men of which I shall here say
a few words : for on the subject of kindness to women,
I need not tell you more than that the Greeks held
them down in a state of miserable degradation, as
did several of the western nations ; and that Christi
anity has quite removed this, so furnishing a fact
more to my purpose. I should, however, observe,
that Christianity holds women to be a lower
rank of beings than men, so far as not to allow
them any priestly function. Still, as Sayana (75)
says that women and Sudras were not allowed to
study the Vedas, this ought not to be any objection
in your eyes. But it should seem that, besides the
relation of individual men towards one another in

WOMEN, AND EVEN WHOLE NATIONS. 183
ancient times, whole nations were placed in a servile
position towards one another. Thus, in the course of
time, conquering nations made those who were over
come to work upon the land they had acquired ; and
this not in one or the other part of the West (76),
but over almost the whole of it. Now these, who
were free, seem to have come much nearer to your
Sudras, who seem in the (77) Vishnu Purana to be
spoken of as a people or race rather than as a lower
grade of men. And I fear that in some measure
your fathers ran into the habit of looking upon them
in the same light as certain Western philosophers
looked upon the barbarians whom they could conquer;
as mere brutes almost, who could not be raised to
the dignity of civilized men : a notion to which our
experience even of the brute creation, as I have
shown, affords material objections. Whether, how
ever, they were a separate nation originally or not,
is nothing to my purpose, which is to show that
whole classes of men, once in a state of degradation,
may be raised to a higher grade, or (which is the
same thing, so far as I am concerned with it) may
have no bar in their mere outward condition to their
being so raised. As you have never (78) treated
them, I believe, with the same barbarity that other
nations did slaves, so it may come to pass that you
may treat them as brethren. For you may by de
grees come to take what I have tried to show you to
be a more practical view of things, and, limiting your
knowledge to the humble range of things which

184 CHANGES IN EVEN PRIESTLY TRIBES,
comes within experience, where you have no certain
revelation (79) to guide you beyond that range, you
may cease to think that a Sudra child comes into this
world with any stain on it to prevent its becoming
regenerate, and that with a far higher regeneration
than you knew of before.
And let me also call your attention to another fact.
I tried, you will remember, to show you that your
Brahmans may have sprung from the tribe of Shem,
the Priest-tribe of the whole earth. Now it is also
matter of fact, under what we see of God's govern
ment, the very people who were the chiefest of the
race of Shem, to whom, for several hundred years,
the oracles of God were committed, are at last re
jected from being a priest before God, and scattered
abroad among the nations, doing the offices of Vaisyas
to the whole world. It is certain that the Jews are
not a nation, and it does not seem at all likely that
they ever will be again restored (80). They are,
then, a standing proof that even priestly tribes may
cease to be so ; whatsoever becomes of theories, this
certainly seems a fact much to be considered.
Next, as Israel is, according to their own books,
the first-born of God, it follows that other nations
(81) are also sons, and so the objects of His fatherly
care ; and therefore the disobedience of the first-born
nation may lead to the instating of others in its
dignity. The pre-eminence of that tribe to which
they belonged, only originated with the times im
mediately subsequent to the Flood ; a dispensation,

ALLOWED POSSIBLE IN INDIAN BOOKS. 185
therefore, which puts them upon a level with other
nations, may not be any new thing under the sun,
but that which hath been already. You must, I
think, allow that your own books look back, in a way
similar to what other nations (82) do, also to a Satya
kalpa, in which there was no distinction (83) of
classes ; instances occur of Xhatriyas becoming Brah
mans ; the Gargyas and Sainyas, though Xhatriyas by
birth, became Brahmans (84), as did Kapi, the third
son of Uraxhya. Now this would go to show that
another state of things might exist under Providence.
And if the existence of such distinctions in the world
at one Kalpa is a proof of what His will was in re
gard to that Kalpa, the existence of no such dis
tinctions in another Kalpa may be a proof of what
His will is in regard to this last Kalpa. Going by
matters of fact which we see about us, is as much a
mode of arriving at His will as going by revelation
is ; only the latter is a speedy, the former a slow,
way of arriving at knowledge. Thus proverbs, the
result of experience, often fall in with the decla
rations of a revelation which they could not have
copied after : — or, to take another instance, in some
nations there is a custom for certain men to marry
their sisters ; now, supposing that there is no presage
of conscience whatever against such matches, yet the
fact that progeny produced from such unions, not
only among mankind, but also among the brute
creation, soon dwindle away and degenerate, is as
much a declaration of His will against them as a

186 THE DISTINCTIONS TYPIFIED ABOLISHED.
presage of conscience beforehand would be. And
seeing that mankind sprung originally from one pair,
they seem to have been left very much to learn this
by degrees, as time went on ; neither is it at all
clear that affinities of that kind can be proved (85)
in any other way to be wrong, revolting as they are
to us.
The fact, then, Radhakant, that such distinctions
of classes has been wearing out all over the earth,
must be taken for a declaration of God's will against
their existence, unless any thing immoral can be
shown to be involved in such a supposition. And
perhaps we should also consider here the tendency
(as such) of Christianity to obliterate all distinctions
not founded upon inward and invisible gifts, and
maintained by sanctity, as leading to the same con
clusion, especially as that tendency has already in
part become effect, and as it meets with so much in
the constitution and course of nature to countenance
it. For the sage Vishnu Serman says that the moon
doth not withhold its light from the dwelling of the
Chandala (86), and in the same way the Christian
Church does not withhold Her blessings from any of
the nations that flow in unto Her, but sets aside all
distinction of Mlechchha, Sudra, bond or free (87),
and bestows even her greatest honours upon men of
meanest birth, provided they are regenerate with the
true regeneration, and lead a holy life.
Rad. How great the changes have been in the
whole commonwealth of things, how the lower orders

THE THEORY OF PRE-EXISTENCE. 187
have been or may be advanced, and how the higher
may be degraded, you have told me. You have also
hinted that we follow not the guidance of experience,
but the roamings of our own fancy, when we con
sider the Sudra to come into this world with a stain
from a state of pre-existence upon his soul, which
prevents his attaining to a high degree. Yet cer
tainly this would account for the existence of slavery
and other like facts in the world. Now since you
adopt the principle of holding what exists to exist by
divine law, how can you deny that this distinction,
existing as it does, is a fact which proves that theory
of things to be a true one ?
Laur. All that we see in nature or in grace runs
up into mystery : we see that there is a wonderful
connexion between one event and another ; there
are reciprocal correspondences (88) and mutual re
lations, by which every thing is brought about ; and
so closely tied into each other are all things, that no
one thing stands out clear and alone in the whole
course of nature which we see before us. In other
words, we do not know of any one single thing of
which we can give a perfect account. But the
theory that a Sudra was contaminated in a state of
pre-existence will give a clear and perfect account of
the way in which he comes to be what he is : it is
too perfect a theory to be a true theory (89). It is
a specimen of a theory which does not present the
mind with something above experience, but some-

188 PRE-EXISTENCE EXPLAINS TOO THOROUGHLY
thing absolutely contradictory to it ; and, though I
may be wrong, I do not think any pure revelation
would ever contradict experience, however much it
may go beyond it. For experience, as I have so
often suggested to you, is a record of God's dealings
in one part of His government; and though, of
course, in so vast (90) a system as that government
is, it is likely that many things would at first sight
appear to contradict each other, yet it is likely also
the parts of that government would, upon reflection,
turn out to be far more consistent with each other
than at first sight they appear. And I think it is
particularly the case with what I have just alluded
to. Things in the system of grace appear to be far
more mysterious than things in the system of nature ;
and this mysteriousness is a reason with some minds
against believing them. But upon reflection it will
turn out that things in the system of nature are, I will
not say as mysterious as the other, but certainly far
more mysterious than they are at first view taken to
be, and that owing in a great measure to the wonder
ful connexions of things with others.
And I must think that the theory of pre-existence
accounts by far too philosophically for the mysteries
of the present course of God's government, to be a
true theory. Experience teaches us that we cannot
understand the whole of any thing, but that we know
in part ; whereas the theory of pre-existence is a per
fect and entire account of the difficulty we feel at

DIFFICULTIES TO BE TRUE. 189
seeing divers opportunities and advantages bestowed
on creatures of like capacities in other respects. I
also think that it is one which cannot be proved to
be revealed, and am sure that the information which
some have pretended to have about it is far too
precise to be true. When stated indefinitely, and
used merely as a metaphysical speculation, it may pos
sibly be not altogether inadmissible ; but when you
come to ground upon it a system which is practically
contradicted by what we see even of the lower orders
of creatures, I think you will, upon mature reflection,
see that we are becoming vain in our imaginations
when we insist upon it. I shall therefore leave you
to reflect upon this, without further remarks upon
it than these two. We have a difficulty (you say) in
accounting for the origin of our knowledge without
assuming certain precognita, for the sake of which we
also assume a pre-existence. But there is the same
difficulty as to the origin of our feelings. Let us,
then, when we assume a pre-existence in which the
former were planted, assume also a pre-existence in
which the latter were planted, and let that be the
period in which there existed no distinction of classes.
Let us regard those feelings of mercy towards all
creatures implanted in our breasts, as the voice of
God within us ; let us obey them with fear and
reverence, and not " ensconce ourselves into seeming
knowledge when we should submit ourselves to an
unknown fear."
Rad. Doubtless there is something in what you

190 PRE-EXISTENCE EXPLAINS DIFFICULTIES, &C.
say about the difficulty of proving the pre-existence ;
but you bid me think over what you have said, so I
will not ask any further questions now.

END OF THE SECOND DIALOGUE.

NOTES TO DIALOGUE II.

Note (1.) p. 144.
See Origen, c. Cels. p. 365. Beveridge ap. Cotel. Patres
Apost. p. 464. Note (2.) p. 144.
Aristotle ap. Jos. c. Apion. i. 22, is the person here alluded
to : the passage is as follows. "On Se ot» povov tiirlaravTo
roiig ''lovSaiovg, dXXd KaX iBavpaZ,ov, baoig avrwv ivrv-
X,oiev, oiix ol (pavXoraroi rwv 'EXXrivwv, aXX' ol iirX aoipia
paXiara TEBavpaapivoi, pqSiov yvwvai. KXiapxog yap b
' ApiaroriXovg wv paBrrrrjg, Kai twv ek tov Titpiirdrov
<j>iXoao<pwv ovStvbg Stvrtpog, iv rt^J irpwrw TTEpX virvov
|3ij3A({j> (jitiaXv, ' ApiaToriXtiv tov SiSdaKaXov avrov irtpi n-
vog dvSpbg 'lovSalov ravra laroptlv, avrov rt rbv Xoyov
'ApiaroriXei irapariBdg. "Ean Si ovtw ytypappivov,
""AXXa ra juev 7roXAa paKpbv av e'/jj Xiytiv' baa S' e^ei
twv iKtivov Bavpaaiorrird nva, KaX (piXoaocjiiav bpoiwg,
SieXOeIv ov x*i-Pov- 'Qff aatfrwg Si aoX dmlv, 'YmpoxiSr),
Bavpaarov n bvdpoig 'iaa aoX S6£w Xiytiv. KaX 6 'Yirt-
poxiSrig ivXafiovptvog, Si' avrb yap, 'itjirj tovto, KaX Z,ti-
TovpEV aKovaai iravrtg. Ovkovv, tlirtv b 'ApiaroriXrig,
Kara to twv prrropiKWV rrapdyytXpa, to yivog avroi) irpw-
rov SitXBwpEV, 'iva prj a-KEiBwpEv rolg twv dirayytXiwv
SiSaaKaXoig. AiyE, emtev 6 'YirtpoxiSrig, on aoi SoKtl.
KaX iKtlvog roivvv rb piv yivog ?jv 'lovSalog ek rrjg KoiXrig

192 NOTES TO
^ivpiag. Ovtoi Si tlaiv airoyovot twv iv 'IvSolg <f>iXoa6$wv.
KaXoiivrai Si, log tjiaaiv, ol <j>iX6ao(j>oi irapd piv 'IvSolg
KaXavoi, irapd Si 'Sipoig 'lovSalot, rb bvopa Xapovrtg airo
roil roirov' irpoaayoptvtrat yap bv KaroiKovai roirov, Iov-
Saia. To Si Trig iroXtwg avrwv bvopa irdvv okoXiov iariv,
'ItpovaaXrjp yap avrrjv KaXovaiv. Oiirog ovv 6 dvBpwirog
im^tvovpEvog te TroXXote, Kat ek twv dvw tottwv Elg roiig
imBaXarriovg ivoKarafiaivwv 'EXXtjvikoc »)v, ov ry Sia-
Xektw povov, dXXd KaX rrj ipv^y. Kat tote Siarpifiovrwv
ripwv TTEpi t?)v 'Aaiav, irapajdaXwv tig avroiig roirovg, iv
oig rjptv, ivrvyxavti r\plv te Kai natv iripoig twv axoXaa-
tikwv, mipwptvog avrwv rrjg aotjiiag. 'Qig Si woXXolg twv
iv iratStiq avvwKtiwro, irapaSiSov n pdXXov wv eT^ev."
Note (3.) p. 144.
S. Cyril, c. Jul. p. 134. 'Apto-ro'/3ouXoc Se ovtw ttov (prjaXv
b YlEpiirarriTiKbg' "Airavra piv roi ra 7TEpi ipvaEwg 1 Elpr\piva
irapd rolg dpx<tioig Xiytrai KaX irapd rolg e£o) rrjg 'EXXaSoe
(j>iXoao<j>ovat, rd piv irap' 'IvSolg iirb rwv Bpaxpaiwv' rd
Si iv ry Svpta iwb rov [tojv] KaXovpivwv 'lovSaiwv' which
account is given also by St. Clem. Str. i. § 72, p. 360, Pott.
to Megasthenes. Note (4.) p. 147.
Waters are the recognized symbol for nations, not only in
the Chaldee Paraphrast, Ps. xlvi. 5. cxliv. 7. Amos v. 8,
&c., but also in the Revelation xvii. 15. (See Aretas' Com
mentary, p. 307. St. Aust. in Ps. lxxx. 11.)
1 Td rrspi ipiatwe, with the ancients, is often taken to comprise much
more than what is now called physical philosophy, and did not include only
what could be taught demonstratively, but also much which could be gained
by experience alone. See Michelet ad Aristot. Eth. N. p. 277, and Euseb.
P. E. xi. 1, 2.

DIALOGUE II. 193
Note (5.) p. 148.
Schlegel, Essai sur la Langue, &c, des Indiens, p. 176:
" Le Latin, par ses filles les langues Romanes, domine dans
presque toutes les parties du monde ; l'ltalien est la langue
du commerce usitee dans le Levant, comme le Portugais sur
des cotes de TAfrique et des Indes. L'Espagnol est devenu
l'idiome de la plus grande partie du nouveau monde. On
sait l'influence, pour ainsi dise universelle, de la langue
Francaise," &c. Note (6.) p. 148.
This opinion is given by Ritter, Vorhalle zur Europ.
Volkergesch. &c. pp. 286 and 316, as cited, though with dis
approval, by B'ahr on Herod, vol. ii. p. 666 ; while Win-
dischmann, who was probably in a much better position of
mind (so to speak) for passing a judgment, gives his sanction
to it, p. 1206. It seems, from Molitor, i. § 115, that the
Cabbalists yet hover about the Euxine Sea, and may furnish,
possibly, at a future period, some further information as to
the route followed by the disseminators of Indian doctrines.
For Molitor thinks that they have many books hitherto
unknown. Note (7.) p. 148.
The Saca; were a widely extended race. See Windis. as
above ; and Professor Wilson on the Vishnu P., p. 188,
n. 43. The connexion between Sagax, Sacra, and Saca, is
suggested by Wind. p. 525. See also Jablonski, Prolegg. to
Panth. iEgypt. § 40, where the word Sach is made synony
mous with Itpoypappartvg. Some think the Egyptian to
belong to the Indo-Germanic class of languages, as Rhode,
Heilige Sage, pp. 4 — 8 ; Ideler, Hermap. p. 58, who writes
thus : " Quod si quis ex vocabulorum communium in linguis,
quibus finitimse gentes utuntur, copia communem originem
o

194 NOTES TO
vellet concludere, haud difficile foret demonstrare veteris
iEgypti linguam Indo-Germanicse stirpis fuisse." If, how
ever, the different castes who carried on different occupations
belonged originally to different nations, one can see how a
number of common words may have existed in languages
whose structure and family is entirely different. For Peyron.
Gram. Copt. p. x. well says : " Linguarum aflfinitas ex intima,
grammatiearum indole ac vocabulorum originibus dijudicanda
est, non vero ex minutis nominum verborumque formis aut
accidentibus, quse longa dies novare solet." And Ideler
(1. c.) has suggested that the intercourse with Ethiopians
and other Semitic nations gave rise to the seeming analogies
between Coptic and these languages. If, however, the sup
position that Hebrew roots are not triliteral, be (as I think
probable) a well-founded one, we have the same root in
TDiy \J-Di». Dwelling thus upon one word would perhaps
be frivolous, were it not that the opportunities of general
remarks which one so finds seem to make it not unprofitable.
Good instances of this may be found in Ihre's appendix to
the fragments of Ulphilas, where he has shown the connexion
between Mseso- Gothic and Greek and Latin. And this in
duces me to add here one remark more, which is, that the
older the language is, the less distinction is found between
words expressive of intellectual and moral faculties. Thus
"sacer" is here made to be connected with words of an
intellectual bearing. " C&rdatus " (in olden Latin) was used
for " clever; " 27 (a heart), in Hebrew, is used for "wisdom,"
and a heart in China was also a symbol for the same. See
Gesen. Lex. Maj. p. 739. Thus, that believing is with the
heart, was what the intuition of unsophisticated nature
readily entered into ; while the distinctions of more modern
languages are less philosophical. Well did De Maistre
say : "La langue la plus philosophique est celle dont la
philosophie s'est le moins melee."

DIALOGUE II. 195
Note (8.) p. 148.
See Vish. Pur. p. 62, where a passage from the Vayu P.
is given by Professor Wilson.
Note (9.) p. 149.
Bopp, Vergl. Gramm. Vorrede, p. ii. " Wer h'atte vor
einem halben Jahrhundert es sich traumen lassen, dass uns
aus dem fernsten Orient eine Sprache wiirde zugefuhrt wer
den, die das Griechische in alien seinen ihm als Eigenthum zu-
getrauten Form-Vollkommenheiten begleitet, zuweilen iiber-
bietet, und iiberall dazu geeignet ist, den in Griechischen
bestehenden Dialecten Kampf zu schlechten," u.s.w. As
to the other part — the way in which customs were cleared
up by a knowledge of things accessible through Sanscrit —
it was suggested by a passage in De Maistre, Soirees de St.
Petersbourg, Entr. ii. p. 102, ed. Bruxelles. He has some
excellent remarks upon language, although his instances are
ludicrous, in most cases. As I have omitted to notice down
instances, I must remind the reader that the text is only an
illustration, which if fictitious would serve my purpose,
although I have wished to convey information by all parts of
that illustration. For it has a general aim as well as par
ticular ones : the general aim is to introduce to the mind
that peculiarity of some parts of Scripture, if not all, which
is most clearly exhibited, perhaps, in Jotham's fable ; the
primary interpretation of which evidently does not account
for several expressions in it, and so leads us to look for an
explanation of the explanation. The particular aims are :
first, to introduce to the mind some of the perplexities and
wonders of the material world ; secondly, the connexion of
different languages with each other, and the things to be
learned from it. This I leave for others to follow out if
thought expedient. Thirdly, the illustration deals only with
the Indo-Germanic or Japhetic branch, as feeling it to be
02

196 NOTES TO
uncertain if there is any such thing as an orthodox Semitic
nation now, which, if the case, is too awful a thing not to
influence one in the choice of the nations used to illustrate
the diffusion of primitive tradition. This will be enough to
suggest to the reader that I have wished to look several
ways in things seemingly incidental, though anxious to have
the main thing attended to, and not these incidental ones.
A fictitious instance, then, may be given, to throw a light
on my meaning, in what I have said of customs in the text.
Suppose the word " superstitio " (whose etymology is so
controverted) meant the duty of survivors, as such, to their
ancestors ; when we see the importance attached in the
Hindu law to the worship of Pitris, or forefathers, this
custom throws a light upon the primary sense of that word.
Note (10.) p. 149.
This is Westergaard's opinion, in the preface to his Ra
dices L. Sanscritse, p. xii. " Quarto jam sseculo ante Chris
tum natum, lingua Sanscrita ex ore et quotidiano usu reces-
sisse, et, prseter viros nobiles et sacerdotes illam edoctos,
cseteri dialectos e lingua sacra ortas, sive, si vis, linguam
Sanscritam corrupte et barbare locuti esse videntur."
Note (11.) p. 149.
The waters of Babylon (in conformity with what was said
in the ninth note) mean, not the nations of Babylon only, but,
in the ultimate explanation of it, those nations as a type of
the world. It is the primary explanation with which we
are here dealing. Now though it must, I think, be allowed
that the influence of Hebrew through different translations
of the Bible has had an incalculable influence upon European
and other modes of thought and expression, yet in clearing
up the etymological difficulties of these people, the Semitic
languages did little or nothing. Even real resemblances

DIALOGUE II. 197
seemed absurd, from want of the intervening links supplied
by ancienter languages, such as the Sanscrit or Zend. I
have seen somewhere mentioned a treatise of Ernesti's on
the Semitic roots traceable in Greek and Latin ; but his
manner of disposing of facts, when they controvert his pre
conceived theories, is too well known, from his edition of
Cicero, to make one care to consult him. Of modern
writers, Fiirst, in the portion of his Aramaic Grammar which
is published, and in his Concordance (though often justly
censured by Gesenius for fancifulness) has yet paved the
way to a comparison between the Semitic and Indo-Germanic
classes of languages. He has shown that among Semitic lan
guages there are several words of like signification, two letters
of which words are alike (ab. p. 194). He assumes that these
two are the radical letters, and then proceeds to confirm
this by the fact that this residuum from the triliteral roots
meets its counterpart in the monosyllabic Sanscrit roots.
In this opinion he is followed by Delitzsch, Redslob, and
others. It is desirable to state this, lest the text should
seem in any degree to countenance the belief of a separate
fount of language, so to speak.
Note (12.) p. 149.
Vish. P: p. 228. Bhag. Pur. i. 1. 15.
Note (13.) p. 149.
The use of Mantras, .or forms of prayer, in divers cere
monies, would be an instance of this belief. Compare Ori
gen c. Cels. p. 20. S. Athan. c. Ar. iii. 28, says, rr)v aKorjv
rrjv pvirwBtlaav dirb twv fiXaatpripwv pnpdrwv dtrovlxpaaBt
rolg rrjg Evatfidag Xoyotg' which passage may suggest, that
such a use of words in false religions may be another in
stance of the way in which evil spirits inspired their votaries

198 NOTES TO
with anticipations of the true. In Manu, xi. 33, we meet
with the following example of this belief:
" A Brahman's weapons are his words ; with them let the
regenerate smite his foes."
Note (14.) p. 149.
See Majer, Mytholog. Lex. in v. Ganga.
Note (15.) p. 149.
Quoted by Windis. p. 1903. In the Vish. Purana, p.
495, Brahma, amongst other things, is said to be the spirit
who is language 2. The question as to the origin of language
will probably be always settled according to the temper of
the minds which discuss it : Aristotle and Plato took oppo
site views about it, as may be seen by referring to Origen
c. Cels. p. 18, and Spencer's note upon it. Plato, as there
quoted, says, pdZ,w nvd Svvaptv dvai rj dvBpwmiav rrjv Bt-
pivriv rd irpwra bvopara rolg irpdypaaiv. (Cratyl. v. fin.)
Aristotle, on the contrary, that they were Kara awBriKtiv.
(De Interp. 2.) Perhaps the latter, if hardpressed, would
have owned to holding a belief in the theory of a civil com
pact (see Eth. Nic. viii. 11, p. 1160, a. 10), which is the
counterpart in morals to this theory of language in intellec
tual matters. Even Mohammed found it advisable to keep to
the higher theory. Koran, Sura ii. 29. l^ L^J] ^ j\ A^
" So he (God) taught Adam the names of them all." Other
authorities may be found in Walton's Prolegom. i. § 1, &c.
Dathe's Pref. p. vi. &c. De Maist. Entret. ii. Diod. Sic. i. 8.
2 Possibly the word " Devanagari " contains a trace of some tradition to
the same effect ; it reminds one of the Liters; Angelomm among the Jews.
Sec Thomre Bang Ccelum Orientale, p. 96.

DIALOGUE II. 199
Euseb. P. E. p. 516. It is amusing for those who take
Plato's view, to see the endless speculations formed by the
opposite party — one assuming that prepositions and pro
nouns are only modified verbs (e. g. Hupfeld in Ewald's
Zeitschrift fiir K. des Morgenl.) ; another (e. g. Redslob de
Part. *0) contending that they are apocopated verbs ; while
all seem unwilling to acknowledge any thing divine in the
matter. I shall avoid any further discussion here, and con
tent myself with quoting Dante's words de Vulg. Eloquio,
i. 5. " Opinantes autem non sine ratione tam ex superioribus
quam ex inferioribus sumpta, ad ipsum Deum primitus
hominem direxisse locutionem, rationabiliter diximus ipsum
loquentem pfimum, mox, postquam afflatus est ab animante
Virtute, incunctanter fuisse locutum. Nam in homine sentiri
humanius credimus quam sentire, dummodo sentiatur et
sentiat tanquam homo. Si ergo Faber ille atque per-
fectionis Principium et Amator primum hominem omni
perfectione complevit, rationabile nobis apparet nobilissimum
animal non ante sentire quam sentiri coepisse. Si vero quis
fatetur contra objiciens, quod non oportebat ilium loqui,
cum solus adhuc homo existeret, et Deus omnia sine verbis
arcana nostra discernat, etiam ante quam nos; cum ilia
reverentia dicimus qua uti oportet cum de seterna Voluntate
aliquid judicamus, quod licet Deus sciret, immo prsesciret
(quod idem est quantum ad Deum) absque locutione con-
ceptum primi loquentis, voluit tamen et ipsum loqui, ut in
explicatione tanta dotis gloriaretur Ipse qui gratis dota-
verat. Et ideo divinitus in nobis esse credendum est quod
actu nostrorum affectuum ordinato lsetamur ; et hine penitus
eligere possumus locum ilium, ubi effutita est prima locutio :
quoniam si extra Paradisum afflatus est homo, extra ; si
vero intra, intra fuisse locum prinue locutionis convicimus."

200 NOTES TO
Note (16.) p. 149.
The Finger of God is synonymous with the Holy Ghost
(see St. Matt. xii. 28, as compared with St. Luke xi. 20) ;
and the thing here supposed is, that this Indian legend was
based possibly on a diabolic imitation of the truth ; for the
phrase is frequently so used in the Old Testament. See
Ps. viii. 3, as compared with Job xxvi. 13.
Note (17.) p. 150.
These words are taken from St. Gregory of Nyssa, i. p. 189.
Note (18.) p. 151.
S. Iren. lib. iii. 4, § 1, 2. " Quid autem si neque Apostoli
quidem Scripturas reliquissent nobis, nonne oportebat ordi-
nem sequi Traditionis, quam tradiderunt iis quibus com-
mittebant Ecclesias ? Cui ordinationi assentiunt multa?
gentes barbarorum, eorum qui in Christo credunt, sine
charta et atramento scriptam habentes per Spiritum in cor
dibus suis salutem, et veterem traditionem diligenter custo-
dientes, in unum Deum credentes. . . . Hanc fidem qui sine
literis crediderunt, quantum ad sermonem nostrum barbari
sunt, quantum autem ad sententiam et consuetudinem et
conversationem, propter fidem perquam sapientissimi sunt,
et placent Deo, conversantes in omni justitia et castitate
et sapientia." So Plato, Phsedr. § 133- — 135, thought the
invention of letters contributed to the perversion of truth
rather than otherwise ; and it must be obvious, to any one
who thinks at all, that oral teaching has its advantages,
which advantages would gradually be lost sight of in pro
portion as written teaching took its place. By this, of
course, it is not intended to deny that written teaching is a
blessing to men when too corrupt to be trusted with oral
teaching, but merely to intimate that we do not well to
pride ourselves upon having a medicine healthful to us.

DIALOGUE II. 201
Note (19.) p. 151.
Pseudo-Aust. de Nativ. Serm. 22. " Deus per Angelum
loquebatur, et Virgo per aurem impregnabatur," quoted by
Assemanni, B. 0. i. p. 91, when speaking of a similar pas
sage in St. Ephrem, ii. p. 328 b. " By the voice Mary con
ceived the Might, that came to her body."
Note (20.) p. 152.
See Windisch. p. 224, who mentions that the Chinese
argued, from the universality of the language of brute
creatures, that man must have forfeited that universality
by sin. Compare also, for other traditions on the subject,
Abydenus, ap. Cyr. c. Jul. p. 9, and Note g to the preface
of Meninski's Lexicon, Sect. i.
Note (21.) p. 152.
The matter here is borrowed from St. Ephrem's com
mentary upon Genesis i. p. 59 ;
"o ja^ , »M oooi ^.o>o;.ioJ2 Lto?
Note (22.) p. 153.
The whole subject of the interference of Satan in the
world before Christ is one which I have already touched
upon in page 90 and page 108. If it seems, at first, strange
to assume that evil spirits coined resemblances to the truth,
and those often minute ones, or stole from the prophets a
knowledge of things to come, I am persuaded that this
strangeness arises merely from not having thought of the
subject. It will wear off as men come to reflect upon it,
especially if habits of self-examination shall have predisposed
them, from a knowledge of Satan's mode of dealing with
individuals, to think that there is an antecedent probability
in the view of his government, which it is hoped the fol
lowing passages from the Fathers will put before the
7

202 NOTES TO
reader. For whether it be from a preternatural intelligence
of the meaning of the least outward movements of our
features, or (what seems to me most probable) from some
more recondite mode of access to our thoughts, that Satan
is permitted to know what goes on in our minds, with a
view to avail himself of it ; certain it must be, to any one
who attempts a strict watch over himself, that he does exer
cise a marvellous foresight in dealing with us, to effect if
possible our ruin, and does set before us counterfeits of our
true good, to bring about that end. Hence it would seem
to be antecedently credible that his more extended govern
ment should be carried on upon the same rule, that there
should be amongst the heathen external resemblances to
Catholic doctrines and practices, which men who unhappily
have never been led to look deeper than at the outside of
things, ever have made, and probably ever will make, in one
way or other, an excuse for their rejection of the truth. The
following texts of Scripture may be cited, as showing that
it is distinctly revealed to us that the heathen did worship
devils. Levit. xvii. 7. " They shall not offer their sacrifices
any more unto devils (UHifflrb), after whom they go a
whoring." Deut. xxxii. 1 7. " They sacrificed unto devils that
are not gods." (Tibi* itb DHttf1? Tt2V. Syriac, \>\x*± o^;
joi^- oooi y?) 2 Chron. xi. 15. " He ordained him priests
for the high places and for the devils (D^TytyV), and for the
calves which he had made." Ps. cvi. 37. " So they sacrificed
their sons and their daughters unto devils (DHty1?), and
shed innocent blood, even the blood of their sons and their
daughters, whom they sacrificed to the idols of Canaan.'"
1 Cor. x. 20, &c. The Gentiles " sacrifice to devils and not
to God," Saipoviotg KaX oil 9e<j>. Syr. j»|«\ 1 Tim. iv. 1.
" In the latter times some shall depart from the faith to
seducing spirits and doctrines of devils ; " where St. Paul
is plainly speaking of heresies which borrowed from pagan

DIALOGUE II. 203
systems most largely. Rev. ix. 20. "They should not
worship devils and idols of gold," &c. To which add
Ps. xcv. 5, in the LXX., a text much quoted by the
Fathers : Travrsc oi BtoX rwv iBvwv Saipovia' which version
shows that the opinion of the Jews of the time coincided
with the subsequent teaching of St. Paul. These texts,
then, show first, that devils were worshipped by the heathen ;
secondly, that the sacrifices offered to them put men into
connexion with those evil spirits, and so had more than an
external resemblance to the true sacrifice; and thirdly,
that there was seductive doctrine conveyed by them to men,
Satan being able to transform himself into an angel of light.
Let us next proceed to some passages of the Fathers, which
will but form a comment upon these passages.
Tertul. Apolog. adv. Gentes, c. xxii. " Operatio dsemo-
num est hominis eversio ; sic malitia spiritalis a primordio
auspicata est in hominis exitium. Itaque corporibus quidem
et valetudines infligunt et aliquos casus acerbos ; animse vero
repentinos et extraordinarios per vim excessus. Suppetit
illis ad utramque substantiam hominis adeundam subtilitas
et tenuitas sua ; multum spiritalibus viribus licet, ut invisi-
biles et insensibiles in effectu potius quam in actu suo
appareant : si poma, si fruges, nescio quod aurae latens
vitium in flore prsecipitat, in germine exanimat, in puber
tate convulnerat, ac si cseca ratione tentatus aer pestilentes
haustos suosoffundit. Eademigitur obscuritate contagionis
adspiratio daemonum et angelorum mentis quoque corrup-
telas agit furoribus et amentiis foedis, aut ssevis libidinibus
cum erroribus variis ; quorum iste potissimus, quod eos
ipsos captis et circumscriptis hominum mentibus comedat,
ut et sibi pabula propria sudoris et sanguinis procuret simu-
lachris imaginibusque oblata; et quae illi accuratior pascua
est, hominem a cogitatu verse divinitatis avertat prsestigiis
falsis, quas et ipsas quomodo operetur expediam. Omnis

204 NOTES TO
spiritus ales est ; hoc angeli et dseniones. Igitur momento
ubique sunt. Totus orbis illis locus unus est ; quid ubique
geratur tam facile sciunt quam enunciant. Velocitas, divinitas
creditur ; quia substantia ignoratur. Sic et auctores inter-
dum videri volunt eorum qua? annunciant ; et sunt plane
malorum nonnunquam, bonorum tamen nunquam. Disposi-
ones etiam Dei, et nunc prophetis concionantibus excerpunt,
et nunc lectionibus resonantibus carpunt. Ita et hinc su-
mentes quasdam temporum sortes aemulantur divinitatem,
dum furantur divinationem. In oraculis autem quo ingenio
ambiguitates temperent in eventus, sciunt Croesi, sciunt
Pyrrhi. Ceterum testudinem decoqui cum carnibus pecudis,
Pythius eo modo renunciavit, quo supra diximus ; momento
apud Lydiam fuerat. Habent de incolatu aerio, et de
vicinia siderum, et de commercio nubium, coelestes sapere
paraturas; ut et pluvias quas jam sentiunt repromittant.
Benefici plane, et circa curas valetudinum. Lsedunt enim
primo, dehinc remedia prsecipiunt ad miraculum nova," &c.
Cf. de Baptismo, v. " Nam et sacris quibusdam per la-
vacrum initiantur (nationes extranese) Isidis alicujus aut
Mithrse . . . quo agnito hie quoque studium diaboli recogno-
scimus, res Dei semulantis." And as Tertullian says this of
one Sacrament, so of another, St. Just. Mart, pro Christ.
Apol. ii. p. 98 b, says : Ot a7roo-roXo£ ev rolg ysvopivotg
iir' avrwv diropvripovivpaaiv, a KaXtlrai tvayyiXia, ovrwg
irapiSwKav ivrsraXBai aiirolg rbv 'Irjcovv, Xafibvra dprov
tvxapiaTr)aavra e'itteIv, Tovro 7TO£Eire dg rrjv dvdpvr\aiv pov'
tovto ian to awpa pov' KaX to irorripiov bpoiwg Xaj3ovra Kal
EvxaptaTriaavra tltrtlv, Tovro ian to dipd pov Kal povoig
avrolg ptraSovvai. "Oirwg KaX iv rolg tov MiBpa pvarripioig
irapiSwKav yivtaBai pipriadptvoi ol irovripol Saipovtg' on
yap aprog Kai irorripiov vSarog riBtrai iv ralg tov pvovptvov
TtXtralg ptr ETriXoyoJV nviov, i) iiriaraaBE, rj paBtlv SvvdaBt'
to which a parallel imitation already referred to (Dial. i.

DIALOGUE II. 205
page 135) existed amongst the Chinese and the Americans.
To proceed with St. Just. Mart. Dial, cum Tryph. Jud.
p. 294 d. Ev "iaBi ovv, w Tpvtjiwv, Xiywv iiritjitpov, on a
irapairoifiaag b XtyopEvog SidfioXog iv rolg "EXXtjo-jv Xe^-
Brjvai hroiriatv, wg KaX Sid twv iv Alyvitrw pdywv ivf)p-
•yrio-E, Kai Sid twv im 'HXta ipEvSoirpotjiriTwv, KaX ravra
ptpaiav pov rrjv iv ralg ypatjialg yvwaiv KaX irianv Karia-
rriatv. Orav yap Aiovvaov piv vlbv tov Aibg ek pi^twg,
rjv ptpixBai avrov ry SejueXt;, yE-yEvijcrvVit Xiywai, Kai rovrov
tipErfjv apiriXov ytvoptvov, KaX StaairapaxBivra KaX diroBa-
vovra avaoTrjvat, Etc ovpavov rt avtXriXvBivai laropwai, ko.X
oivov iv rolg pvartipioig avrov irapatjiipwatv, ov^i rrjv irpo-
XEXEypivriv iirb Mwatwg dvay pafytlaav laKwp roil irarpidp-
X°v irpotytiTtiav ptpiprjaBai avrov vocxi ; ETrdv Si rbv 'HpaKXIa
laxvpbv KaX mpivoaTriaavra irdaav ttjv 777V, Kat avrov rw Aa
i% 'AXk/xj,vt7C ytvoptvov, Kat airoBavovTa tig oiipavbv dvtXr}-
XvBivai Xiywaiv, ovxX rrjv laxvpbv wg yiyag Spaptlv bSbv
avrov mpX Xptcrrov XeXey/xevtjv ypatyrjv bpolwg ptpiprjaBai
vow ; lirav Se tov ' AaKXrimbv vtKpovg dvtytipavra, KaX rd
aXXa irdBri Btpairtvaavra irapatpipy, ov^t rdc irtpl Xptcrrov
bpolwg irpotjiriTElag ptpiprjaBai rovrov Kat eVi rovrig rpripi ;
Here there are a number of minutiae observed, such as to
justify the allusions made in the text, p. 153, to the story of
Crishna. Dial, cum Tryph. Jud. p. 296. "Orav Se ot rd rov MiBpov
pvarripia irapaSiSovTEg, Xiywaiv ek jrlrpac 7,£y£vi}o-3rat aiirbv,
KaX airr)Xaiov KaXwai rbv roirov, ivBa pvtlv roiig irtiBopivovg
aiiTw irapaSiSwaiv, ivravBa ov^t rb tlpripivov iirb AavtrjX,
on XiBog dvtv xiipuv irpriBri i£, bpovg psydXov, pspiprjaBai
avroiig iiriarapai, KaX ravra iroirjaai opoiwg, oil Kat rovg
Xoyovg irdvrag pipr)aaaBai iirsxEipriaav' SiKaioirpa^iag yap
Xoyovg KaX irap' iKEivovg XiytaBai irsxvdaavro. If the
passage of Tertullian remind us of Satan's power to pass
through the world in a moment of time, these serve to recal

206 NOTES TO
to our recollection his boldness in mingling with the angels,
even when presenting themselves to God (Job i. &c). If
he dared to be among them, much more would he venture
into places where upon earth he might attain to a know
ledge of God's designs for his purposes. Again, p. 308,
he says : Eute yap on tjjovtvtaBai ko.X piatlaBai Sid rb
bvopa avrov piXXoptv, KaX on ^/tvSoirpotjrrirai KaX ipEvSo-
Xptaroi 7roXXoi im rtji bvopan avrov iraptXivaovrai, Kat
7roXXovc TrXavjjcrovo-iv' OTTEp Kat ian' 7roXXoi ydp aBta Kai
fiXdatjiripa KaX dSiKa iv bvopan avrov irapaxapdaaovTtg
iSiSa^av, Kai ra dirb rov aKaBdprov irvtvparog Staj3oXov
ipfiaXXoptva ralg Siavoiaig avrwv iSiSa^av, KaX SiSdaKOvai
pixpt- vvv. Hence we see that St. Justin recognizes a
parallel mode of acting upon the part of devils before and
after Christ's coming, although we may notice with Molitor,
iii. § 59, that Satan is spoken of in the Old Testament as
having a much freer access to the court of Heaven than in
the New Testament. S. Clem. Alex. Strom, lib. i. § 81,
p. 366. Nai c/iacriv ytypdtpBai, iravrtg ol irpb Trig irapov-
aiag tov Kvpiov KXiwrai tlai Kai Xriarai'' Trdvrfc piv ovv
ol iv Aoyq, ovroi St) oi irpb rijc roil Aoyov aapKwatwg,
Et;aKOvovrat KafloXtKwrEpov" dXX' of piv irpotjiriTai, art diro-
araXivrtg Kai ipirvtvBivrtg iirb tov Kvpiov, ov KXiirrai,
dXXd SiaKOvoi. tpTjcrt yovv -r) ypatpr), diriartiXtv r) aotjiia
roiig tavrrig SovXovg, avyKaXovaa ptrd v^tjXov Ktipvyparog
im Kparrjpa o'ivov. (Prov. xi. 3.) QiXoaotpla Si ovk dma-
rdXri inb Kvpiov, aXX' ^XBt, (fnnaX, KXamlaa, rj irapd kXeV-
tov SoBtlaa' iir ovv Svvapig rj dyytXog paBwv ti rijg
dXri&dag, Kai prj Karapdvag iv airy, ravra eveVvevcte Kai
KXiipag iSiSa^E, ov^i prj ElSorog tov Kvpiov rov rd riXr}
twv iaopivwv irpb Karaj3oXjjc rov EKaarov Etvat iyvw-
Korog, dXXd pi) KwXvaavrog' ei^ev ydp riva w(j>iXtiav
rort r) tig dvBpwirovg ipxopivri kXo7T7}, ov tov itptXopi-
vov to avprpipov aKOirovpivov, KaTtvBvvovarig Si tig to

DIALOGUE II. 207
avprjitpov rijg Ilpovoi'ac rrjv £KJ3acriv rov roXuriparog3 .
Potter's note upon this place may be worth adding : —
"Clemens superius memoravit nonnullos fuisse qui dia-
bolum philosophise auctorem existimarent, Strom, i. § 18,
p. 326. Putarent enim e veteribus non pauci, angelos
malos, sive feminarum amore captos, sive ut homines in
errores traherent, varias illis artes ac disciplinas revelasse.
Tatianus Orat. ad Grsec. pp. 28, 29: 'Y7ro0£o-ic Se avrolg Trig
diroaraaiag ol dvBpwiroi yivovrai' Stdypappa ydp avrolg
darpoBtaiag dvaSd^avrtg, wamp ol rolg kv]3oic irait^ovrtg,
rrjv Elpappivriv dariyriaavro Xiav dSiKOv' Defectionis occasio
ipsis et scopus sunt homines. Figuras enim positionis
siderum hominibus ostendentes, tanquam in testarum ludo,
fatum, rem prorsus iniquam, introduxerunt. Hermias phi
losophus, cum Tatiano editus, pp. 213, 214. AokeT ydp pot
(aotpia) rrjv apxvv dXricpivai dirb rrjg twv dyyiXwv diro
araaiag. Videtur enim mihi sapientia ab angelorum de-
fectione principium habuisse. Tertullianus, Apolog. cap. 35.
Qui astrologos, et aruspices, et augures, et magos de Cse-
sarum capite consultant, quas artes ut ab angelis deserto-
ribus proditas, et a Deo interdictas, ne suis quidem causis
adhibent Christiani. Idem de Idololatr. cap. 9. Angelos
esse illos desertores, amatores feminarum, proditores hujus
curiositatis (astrologise) proinde quoque damnatos a Deo.
Idem de Cultu Femin. lib. i. cap. 2. Nam et illi qui ea con-
stituerunt damnati in poenam mortis deputantur : illi sci
licet angeli, qui ad .filias hominum de ceelo ruerunt, ut hsec
quoque ignominia feminse accedat. Nam et cum materias
quasdam bene occultas, et artes quasdam non bene revelatas,
saeculo multo magis imperito prodidissent, (siquidem et me-
tallorum opera nudaverant et herbarum ingenia traduxerant,
et incantationum vires provulgaverant, et omnem curiosi-
3 Compare what has been said above, p. 90. " First, the truth," &c.

208 NOTES TO
tatem usque ad stellarum interpretationem designaverant,)
proprie et quasi peculiariter feminis instrumentum istud
muliebris glorise contulerunt lumina lapillorum quibus mo-
nilia variantur, et circulos ex auro, quibus brachia arc-
tantur, et medicamenta ex fuco, quibus lanse colorantur,
et ilium ipsum nigrum pulverem, quo oculorum exordia pro-
ducuntur. Clemens postea, Strom, v. p. 650. Ot dyytXoi
EKEtvot, ol rbv dvw KXripov eiXtj^otec, KaToXiaBr)aavTag tig
riSovdg, i^tlirov ra airoppr}ra ralg yvvai&v, baa te tic
yvwaiv avrwv dtplKro, KpvirTovrwv twv dXXwv dyyiXwv,
pdXXov Se rripovvTwv tig rrjv tov Kvpiov irapovaiav. Conf.
Strom, vi. p. 822. Psedag. lib. iii. c. 2. extremum, et quse
ibi adnotata sunt. Porro his aliisque hujusmodi opinionibus
originem prsebuisse videtur Enochi liber supposititius, qui
Spicileg. Patrum, sec. 1, a Joan. Grabio editi p. 350, de
quodum lapso angelo hsec continet : 'ESiSa^E ydp rd pva-
rripia, Kai dmKaXvipE rtji atwvi rd iv ovpavQ' imrriSEvovai
rd imrriStvpara avrov, tlSivai rd pvarr)pia roXpwaiv ol vloX
twv dvBpwirwv. Secreta palam fecit, et ista quse in ccelis
occlusa erant sseculo revelavit. Genium ejus student as-
sequi, et arcana quseque perscrutari non verentur filii homi-
num." This passage, however, of the book of Enoch is, in
part, in the ancient iEthiopic version (ix. 5), which, if a liber
supposititius, certainly contained much ancient tradition,
while the fact that the Fathers in general (i. e. the Holy
Spirit in them possibly, as in St. Jude) recognized a certain
part of it to contain divine teaching, is additional reason for
reverencing such parts.
Origen c. Cels. lib. iii. p. 129. 'EiTEi Si ptrd ravra KaX
irtpl rov KXaZ,opEviov b KsXcroc EnrE, 7rpocr0Eic £7ri rrjc Kar'
avrov laropiag, " pwv ov tovto ipaaiv, wg apa -r) i//v^r) avrov
ttoXXcikic aTToXi7TOvcra rb awpa -mpitiroXtl aawparog; Kai
ovSe rovrov ivopiaav Qeov ol dvBpwiroi'" KaX irpbg tovto
(jtriaopEV, on rdxa irovripoi nvEg Saipovsg roiavra wkovo-

DIALOGUE II. 209
prjaav avaypafrjvai (oil yap marEvw bri KaX ysviaBat wkovo-
prfaav)' 'iva rd irpotpriTtvBivra irtpX rov 'Itjctov, koi rd Xtx~
Bivra iir' avrov, rjrot wg irXdapara bpoia ekeivoic Siaj3dX-
X-r\rai, rj wg ovSiv itXeiov iripwv E^ovra, prj iravv BavpdZrirat.
And so again, ibid. lib. iv. p. 228. Et Se vttep tov i^trdaat
rd KiXaov tokoXovBov aKOirovpEv, SrjXov on Kar' avrov
UpwTEpai twv aspvwv $£jOEkvSov, Kai YlvBayopov, Kai Soj-
Kparovc, Kai nXdrtovoc, Kai rtov c/JiXocroc^wv bpiXiwv Etcrtv
at rdiv aXoywv Z,wwv' bmp iarX Kai avroBsv ov povov aiTEp-
(jtalvov, aXXa Kat droirwrarov' 'iva Si Kai iriaTEvawptv, Tivdg
ek rijc aar)pov (jtwvrjg twv bpviBwv paBovrag on airiaai iroi
01 bpviBsg, Kai iroir)aovai rttSs rj roSt, irpoSriXovv' Kai tovt
ipovptv airb twv Saipovwv avpfioXiKwg dvBpwiroig SeSjjXwct-
Bai, Kara okottov rbv irtpX rov dTrartjfljjvat virb rttiv Sautovtov
tov dvBpwtrov, KaX KaraairaaBrjvai avrov rbv vovv air'
ovpavov Kai Geov sVi yijv Kai rd in Karwripw. It seems
to have been a common plan with the Platonists afterwards
to avail themselves of such incidents as those here alluded
to, in order to show that they could produce a parallel to
our Lord's history. This, then, might furnish a good in
stance of Satanic foresight.
St. Athanasius, de Incar. Verbi Dei, § 11. p. 56. Too-ovrov
Se r/aifiovv on KaX Saipovag IflprjcncEvov Xonrbv Kai Btoiig
dvJjydpEVov, rdc imBvpiag avrwv diroirX-ripovvTEg- Bvaiag te
ydp X,wwv aXoywv, Kai avBpwirwv afyaydg, wamp Etprjrai
7rpdrEpov, Etc TO EKElVWV KaflijKOV ETTErlXovv, ttXeiov tavrovg
rolg tKtivwv olarprip.aai KaraStaptvovTEg. Sid rovro yovv
KaX paytlai trap'1 avrolg iSiSaaKovro, KaX pavrda Kara roirov
rove dvDjOojTTOue E7rXdva, Kai 7rdvr£c rd yEVEcrEoje, Kai tov
Eivai iavTwv rd airta rote aarpoig Kai rote Kar' ovpavov
iraaiv avEriBovv, jujjSev ttXIov rdiv (jiatvopivwv XoyiZbpsvoi.
Kai bXwg TTavra t)v datfidag Kal irapavopiag ptard, KaX
p.6vog 6 Qtbg ovSi b rovrov Aoyog imyivwaKtro, Kairoi ovk
d<pavii iavrbv rolg dvBpwiroig imKpvipag, ovSi airXrjv rrjv
P

210 NOTES TO
;rEpi savrov yvwaiv avrolg SsSwKwg, aXXd Kai 7roiKiAwc nai
Sid 7roXXwv avrrjv avrolg itpairXwaag.
Page 88, § 47. Kai irdXai piv rd iravraxov ri)g dirdrrig
rwv juavrEtwv EiTETrXrjpwro, Kai rd iv AtX(j>olg, Kal AwSwvr^,
Kai Boiwrfa, Kai AvKia, Kai Atfivy, Kai Atyv7rrw, Kai KapsZ-
poic> pavTEvpara Kai 77 TlvBia iBavpdZ,ovTO ry Qavraaiq
twv dvBpwmov. vvv Si de/>' ov Xjotcrroe KarayytXXETai iravra-
Xov, rrirravrai Kai tovtwv r) pavia, Kai ovk Ecrriv in Xoiirov
iv avrolg 6 juavrEvdjuEvoe- Kai 7rdXat juev SalpovEg EC/iavracrio-
o-kottovv role dvBpwiroig, irpoKaTaXapp'dvovTEg irriyag, v iro-
rapovg, rj KvXa, rj XiBovg, Kal ovtw ralg payyavEiaig i%iirXrrr-
tov roiig dtypovag. vvv Si Trig Bdag imtyavEiag tov Aoyov ye-
ytvripivrig, iriiravrai tovtwv -r) tjiavraaia. rw yap arjptiw tov
aravpov KaX povov 0 dvBpwirog ^jowjtiEvoe, a7TEXavvEt rovrwv
rde aTrdrae- Kai rrdXat piv rovg irapd iroiryralg Xtyopivovg
Aia Kai Kpdvov Kai 'AjToXXwva Kai rjpwae evojuiSov ol dv-
Bpwiroi Btoiig, Kai rovrovc £7rXavwvro aifiovrtg' apn Si rov
Ewrijpoe ev dvBpwiroig tyavivrog, ekeivoi juev iyvpvwBr)aav
bvTtg dvBpwiroi BvrrroX, povog Si 6 Xptaroe ev dvflpwTTOte
iyvwpiaBri Qtbg dXriBivbg Geov Ge6c Adyoc- Ti Si mpl rijg
BavpaZ,opivrig irap' avrolg paydag av rig ei'ttoi ; on 7rpiv
juev E7riSt|/irjcrat tov Aoyov, i'tr^vE Kai ivripyti irap' Alyvir-
rioig Kai XaXSaiote Kat 'IvSote avrr), Kai E^ETTXrjrrE rovg bpwv-
rag' ry Si irapovaiq ttjc aXr}BEiag, Kal ry iiri(jiaveiq rov
Aoyov, SiriXiyxBrf Kal avrr), Kai Karrjpyrjflrj TravrsXwe- And
to this opinion thus expressed in his earlier work, he ap
pears to allude in a later one, as follows : cont. Arianos, i.
§ 43, p. 447. OvkeYi Se povog b 'Icrpa^X, dXXd Kai irdvra
rd iBvri Xowov, wg irpotipr\Ktv 6 irpotyryrrig, rd juev Et'SwXa
Eavrdiv KaraXtju7rdvov<ri, r6v Se aXriBivbv Qtbv rbv tov Xptcr
rov 7rar£pa imyivwaKOvai, Kal 17 juev rdiv Satjudvwv c/Javracrta
Karrjpyrjrai, povog Si 0 ovrwg Qtbg iv Tip bvopan rov
Kvpiov ripwv 'Irjerov Xpiorov 7rpo<TKUVElrai.
St. Cyril of Alexandria, de Ador. p. 185, says, as the

DIALOGUE II. 21 1
reason why Christ bade the devils to hold their peace, even
when they spoke the truth, was for our good. To ydp toi,
he adds, jur) Seiv rote irap' ekeivoic irpoaKElaBai Xoyoig, Kav
tt avrrjv iBiXottv dvarjiwvElv rrjv dXriBsiav, Kal rd ivapywg
irvpa Xiytiv Sid tovto iraiStvoptBa. ' AvairXiKovreg ydp
eaB' tire ry dXrj0£(a r6 ipEvSog Karaaivovrai rovg aKpowpi-
vovg, ov KaB* ETEpov otjuat rpoirov rj KaB' bv Bei£to ng roiig ry
tov piXirog jut'^Et irapatrovjUEVove rrjv a'laBriaiv rwv iriKpwv,
Kai r-y rwv yXvKtwv imirXoKy KaraavXqv iBiXovrag to 'iaB'
brt Xvttovv. And again, p. 190 E, he lets us see how Satan
promised oracles through the same channels in different ages
of the world. . . . Eira frialv' 'Avdyayi poi rbv "SiapovrjX,
ov^ wg rrjg E7rwSrje ijrot rfje judywv rs^vrje rrjv tov ayiov
ipvxrjv iraptvtyKElv Svvapivrig, aXX' wg dtl twv pavrtvo-
pivwv ry TOiqSe ke^ptj/uevwv (jtwvy' irrvBopriv Si on Xoyoig
rialv d-rropprrroig KarayorjrEvovrEC rd Saipovia, KaX vSan
KareirqSovrtg t'iSwXa Kai crKtdc Kai we ev E(rd7rrpw pop<j>dg
KaraBEwvrai nvwv, rd^a irov twv Saipoviwv KarairXarro-
juevwv daTEiwc rd rwv Xsyopivwv diroKOpiEiaBai axvpara.
And again, ibid. p. 322 A, he speaks of earthly wisdom as
i% dvBpwirivwv ivvotwv Kai SaipoviwSovg ipirvoiag e£ev-
prjjUEvov. St. Ephr. ii. p. 478, speaking of the belief of certain
heretics, that good angels went in to the daughters of men,
says : " If the angels gendered children, then were it easy
for devils at all times to commit whoredom with women and
gender children. Lo ! there are devils and women ! con
sider of these, and see if they have had children. Let the
virgins confute them, who, apart from men, have never borne
children at any time. Mary alone it was that bore a Child
without a man ! for to God all things are easy. But if
angels gendered children, no marvel then any more would
be the virginity that bore our Saviour. For Satan, sure,
would fain have had that virgins should conceive, that by
P2

212 NOTES TO
a virgin he might make a semblance of the Virgin Mary.
His fraud made semblances of every thing, «*io? Wa^ cjiajl.
By virginity alone was he conquered, so as to be unable to
counterfeit it." The stories of Mars being the father of
Romulus and Remus, and other kindred lies, appear to be
on St. Ephrem's mind here. Ibid. p. 533. " Errors as coin
did the evil one strike out ; and in all ages did he melt
iniquity, and in all times did stamp fraud," &c. : and pre
sently after, " These things did he introduce among the
Greeks according to fit season, and other ones among the
diverse nations, mischiefs suited to each generation : and
among the Hebrews he mingled his own feasts with their
feasts ; among the priests, priests of Baal ; and sacrifices
amid sacrifices ; amongst prophets, prophets of fraud." So,
too, vol. iii. p. 92, after noticing again how Satan despoiled
all generations, he gives us the clue to his mode of doing so,
in the following awful words : — " Who would not be ashamed
that his own soul is so foolish ? that the evil one dwells
within it, and it feeleth not his intimate access ? He lets
himself not be seen to the eye nor touched by the hand,
neither is he to be tasted, that it should know that he is
bitter, neither yet can he be smelt, that it should perceive
that he is brimstone. Blessed be He that makes him to
be without effect ! The soul, then, perceiveth not the devil,
though he dwells in it ; yet does it not perceive his approach,
nor his creeping up to it. And if he camp against it, yet
doth it not find out his access ; and if he be in its neigh
bourhood, or if even in its own self, the soul doth not per
ceive it. Let us bewail our having boldly scrutinized the
Son of our Creator." This passage is quoted with a wish
to make people consider, whether Satan's present mode of
dealing with those he tempts, does not make it credible that
he is, even after the Incarnation of our Lord, allowed a
wonderful power of access to our souls, so as to be able to

DIALOGUE II. 213
inspire them with bad thoughts even now. Neither do I
think that any supernaturally accurate observance of ex
ternal features, &c., will account for all his modes of
tempting ; since, when he finds a proposition in our minds,
which we use as an argument against him, he raises up
another to meet it, or endeavours to make us believe that
this case is an exception. However, to proceed : we have
here a witness from the great Syriac Father to the same
doctrine which, as we have seen, was taught by St. Justin
Martyr, Tertullian, and several of the Alexandrine Fathers,
the most learned and acute writers of Christian antiquity.
The same doctrine is also held by Pseudo-Basil in Es. § 218.
Euseb. P. E. p. 161 c. p. 329 d. Cyril of Jerusalem, Catech.
xv. 11. (quoted by Dr. Pusey on Tertullian, p. 55.) who
mentions his counterfeits of the birth from a virgin ; Jerome
on Esai. xii. p. 158. Erasm. Methodius, Conv. Virg. x. 4 & 5.
Aretas on the Apocalypse, p. 382, 1. 21. p. 440, 1. 28. The
doctrine thus generally held is stated in several places by
St. Augustine, who reviewed the teaching of earlier writers,
and often systematized it, thus standing as a particularly
Catholic writer. Some of these are the following : —
C. Faustum, lib. xx. c. 21. " Sed maledicendi cupiditate
Faustus qui profiteretur, oblitus est ; aut forte dormitans
umbras somniando dictavit, nec cum verba sua legeret
evigilavit. Populus autem Christianus memorias Martyrum
religiosa solemnitate concelebrat, et ad excitandam imita-
tionem, et ut meritis eorum consocietur, atque orationibus
adjuvetur; ita tamen ut nulli Martyrum, sed ipsi Deo
Martyrum, quamvis in memoriis Martyrum, constituamus
altaria. Quis enim antistitum in locis sanctorum corporum
assistens altari aliquando dixit, Offerimus tibi, Petre, aut
Paule, aut Cypriane ? sed quod offertur, offertur Deo, qui
Martyres coronavit, apud memorias eorum quos coronavit ;
ut ex ipsorum locorum admonitione affectus major exsurgat,
7

214 NOTES TO
ad acuendam caritatem, et in illos quos imitari possumus, et
in Ilium quo adjuvante possumus. Colimus ergo Martyres
eo cultu dilectionis et soeietatis, quo et in hac vita coluntur
sancti homines Dei, quorum cor ad talem pro evangelica
veritate passionem paratum esse sentimus. Sed illos tanto
devotius, quanto securius post certamina superata ; quanto
etiam fidentiore laude prsedicamus, jam in vita feliciore
victores, quam in ista adhuc usque pugnantes. At illo
cultu, quse Grsece XarpEi'a dicitur, Latine uno verbo dici
non potest, cum sit qusedam proprie Divinitati debita ser-
vitus, nec colimus, nec colendum docemus, nisi unum Deum.
Cum autem ad hunc cultum pertineat oblatio sacrificii,
unde idololatria dicitur eorum, qui hoc etiam idolis exhibent ;
nullo modo tale aliquid offerimus, aut offerendum praecipi-
mus, vel cuiquam martyri, vel cuiquam sanctse animse, vel
cuiquam angelo; et quisquis in hunc errorem delabitur,
corripitur per sanam doctrinam, sive ut corrigatur sive ut
caveatur. Etiam ipsi enim sancti, vel homines vel angeli,
exhiberi sibi nolunt, quod uni Deo deberi norunt. Apparuit
hoc in Paulo et Barnaba, cum commoti miraculis quse per
eos factae sunt Lycaonii, tamquam diis immolare voluerunt ;
conscissis enim vestimentis suis, confitentes et persuadentes
se Deos non esse, istoc sibi fieri vetuerunt. Apparuit et in
angelis, sicut in Apocalypsi legimus, angelum se adorari
prohibentem, et dicentem adoratori suo, Conservus tuus
sum, et fratrum tuorum. Ista sibi plane superbi spiritus
exigunt, diabolus et angeli ejus, sicut per omnia templa et
sacra gentilium. Quorum similitudo in quibusdam etiam
hominibus superbis expressa est ; sicut de Babylonia? qui
busdam regibus memorise commendatum tenemus. Unde
Sanctus Daniel accusatores et persecutores pertulit, quod
regis edicto proposito, ut nihil a quoquam deo peteretur nisi
a rege solo, Deum suum, hoc est unum et verum Deum,
adorare deprecarique deprehensus est. Qui autem se in

DIALOGUE II. 215
memoriis Martyrum inebriant, quomodo a nobis approbari
possunt, cum eos, etiam si in domibus suis id faciant, sana
doctrina condemnet? Sed aliud est quod docemus, aliud
quod sustinemus, aliud quod prsecipere jubemur, aliud quod
emendare prsecipimur, et donee emendemus, tolerare com-
pellimur. Alia est disciplina Christianorum, alia luxuria
vinolentorum, vel error infirmorum, veruntamen et in hoc
ipso distant plurimum culpse vinolentorum, et sacrilegorum.
Longe quippe minoris peccati est, ebrium redire a Martyri-
bus, quam vel jejunum sacrificare Martyribus. Sacrificare
Martyribus, dixi ; non dixi sacrificare Deo in memoriis
Martyrum; quod frequentissime facimus, illo duntaxat
ritu, quo sibi sacrificari Nov] Testamenti manifestatione
prsecepit ; quod pertinet ad ilium cultum, quse latria
dicitur, et uni Deo debetur. Sed quid agam, et tantse caeci-
tati istorum hsereticorum quando demonstrabo, quam
vim habeat quod in Psalmis canitur, Sacrificium laudis
glorificabit me, et illic via est, ubi ostendam illi salutare
meum? Hujus sacrificii caro et sanguis ante adventum
Christi per victimas similitudinum promittebatur ; in pas
sione Christi per ipsam veritatem reddebatur ; post adscen-
sum Christi per sacramentum memorise celebratur ; ac per
hoc tantum interest inter sacrificia Paganorum et He-
bseorum, quantum inter imitationem errantem, et prsefigu-
rationem prsenuntiantem. Sicut autem non ideo contem-
nenda vel detestanda est virginitas sanctimonialium, quia et
Vestales virgines fuerunt; sic non ideo reprehendenda
sacrificia Patrum, quia sunt et sacrificia gentium : quia
sicut inter illas virginitates multum distat, quamvis nihil
aliud distet, nisi quae cui voveatur atque reddatur ; sic inter
sacrificia Paganorum et Hebrseorum multum distat, eo ipso,
quod hoc solum distat, quse cui sint immolata et oblata;
ilia scilicet superbae impietati dsemoniorum id ipsum sibi ob
hoc arrogantium, quo haberentur dii, quia divinus honor est

216 NOTES TO
sacrificium ; ilia vero uni Deo, ut ei offerretur similitudo
promittens veritatem sacrificii, cui erat offerenda ipsa red-
dita Veritas in passione corporis et sanguinis Christi."
Austin, contr. Faustum, lib. xxii. c. 17. " De sacrifices
vero nihil aliud mihi Paganus objiceret, nisi cur apud eos
ilia reprehendamus, cum in nostris libris veteribus talia
sibi Deus noster jussisse legeretur offerri. Hie ego de
vero sacrificio latius fortasse disserens, demonstrarem id
non deberi nisi uni vero Deo, quod ei unus verus Sacerdos
obtulit, Mediator Dei et hominum ; cujus sacrificii promis-
sivas figuras in victimis animalium celebrari oportebat,
propter commendationem futurse carnis et sanguinis per
quam unam victimam fieret remissio peccatorum de carne
et sanguine contractorum ; quae regnum Dei non posside-
bunt, quia eadem substantia corporis in coelestem commuta-
bitur qualitatem ; quod ignis in sacrificio significabat, velut
absorbens mortem in victoriam. In eo autem populo hsec
rite celebrata sunt, cujus et regnum et sacerdotium pro-
phetia erat venturi Regis et sacerdotis ad regendos et con-
secrandos fideles in omnibus gentibus, et introducendos in
regnum coelorum et sacrarium angelorum ac vitam seternam.
Hujus itaque veri sacrificii sicut religiosa prsedicamenta
Hebrsei celebraverunt, ita sacrilega incitamenta Pagani ;
quoniam quse immolant gentes, ait Apostolus, dsemoniis
immolant, et non Deo. Antiqua enim res est prsenuntiativa
immolatio sanguinis, futuram passionem Mediatoris ab initio
generis humani testificans ; hanc enim primus Abel obtu-
lisse, in sacris Uteris invenitur. Non igitur mirum est, si
prasvaricatores angeli, quorum duo maxima vitia sunt su-
perbia ,atque fallacia, per hunc aerem volitantes, quod uni
vero Deo deberi noverant, hoc sibi a suis cultoribus exege-
runt, a quibus Dii putari voluerunt, dante sibi locum vani-
tate cordis humani : maxime cum ex desiderio mortuorum
constituerentur imagines, unde simulacrorum usus exortus

DIALOGUE II. 217
est ; et majore adulatione divini honores deferrentur tam-
quam in coelis receptis, pro quibus se in terris daemonia
colenda supponerent ; et sibi sacrificari a, deceptis et per-
ditis flagitarent. Sacrificium ergo non solum cum juste
imperat verus Deus, sed etiam cum superbe exigit falsus
deus, satis ostendit cui debeatur."
St. Aust. De Trinitate, lib. iv. 13. " Quia enim non per-
venerat diabolus quo ipse perduxerat, (mortem quippe spi
ritus in impietate gestabat, sed mortem carnis non subierat,
quia nec indumentum susceperat) magnus homini videbatur
princeps in legionibus dsemonum, per quos fallaciarum reg
num exercet, sic hominem per elationis typhum, potentiae
quam justitiae cupidiorem, aut per falsam philosophiam magis
inflans; aut per sacra sacrilega irretiens, in quibus etiam
magicse fallacise curiosiores superbioresque animas deceptas
illusasque prsecipitans, subditum tenet; pollicens etiam
purgationem animae, per eas quas TEXtTag appellant, trans-
figurando se in angelum lucis per multiformem machina-
tionem in signis et prodigiis mendacii. Facile est enim
spiritibus nequissimis per aerea corpora facere multa, quse
mirentur animse terrenis corporibus aggravatse, etiam me-
lioris affectus. Si enim corpora ipsa terrena nonnullis
artibus et exercitationibus modificata, in spectaculis thea-
tricis tanta miracula hominibus exhibent, ut ii qui nunquam
viderunt talia, narrata vix credant, quid magnum est dia-
bolo et angelis ejus, de corporeis elementis per aerea corpora
facere quse caro miretur ; aut etiam occultis inspirationibus
ad illudendos humanos sensus phantasmata imaginum ma-
chinari, quibus vigilantes dormientesve decipiat, vel furentes
exagitet ? Sed sicut fieri potest ut homo vita, ac moribus
melior, spectet nequissimos homines, vel in fune ambulantes,
vel multimodis motibus corporum multa incredibilia faci-
entes, nec ullo modo facere talia concupiscat, nec eos prop-
terea sibi prseponendos existimet ; sic anima fidelis et pia,

218 NOTES TO
non solum si videat, verum etiam si propter fragilitatem
carnis exhorreat miracula dsemonum, non ideo tamen aut
non se posse talia dolebit, aut ob hoc illos meliores esse judi-
cabit, cum sit praesertim in societate sanctorum, qui per
virtutem Dei cui cuncta subjecta sunt, et minime fallacia,
et multo majora fecerunt, sive homines, sive angeli boni.
Nequaquam igitur per sacrilegas similitudines et impias
curiositates et magicas consecrationes animse purgantur et
reconciliantur Deo; quia falsus mediator non trajecit ad
superiora, sed potius obsidens intercludit viam per affectus,
quos tanto maligniores, quanto superbiores, suse societati
inspirat ; qui non possunt ad evolandum pennas nutrire
virtutum, sed potius ad demergendum pondera exaggerare
vitiorum, tanto gravius anima. ruitura, quanto sibi videtur
evecta sublimius." To this may be subjoined a passage
which, though it in part only applies to the present subject,
yet also contains much which bears upon other matters
treated of in these dialogues. It occurs in lib. xii. § 24, of
the same treatise. " Plato ille philosophus nobilis persua-
dere conatus est vixisse hie animas hominum, et antequam
ista 4 corpora gererent ; et hinc esse quod ea qua? discuntur
reminiscuntur potius cognita, quam cognoscuntur nova.
Retulit enim puerum quendam, nescio quse de geometrica,
interrogatum, sic respondisse tanquam esset illius peritissi-
mus disciplinse. Gradatim quippe atque artificiose interro-
gatus, videbat quod videndum erat, dicebatque quod viderat.
Sed si recordatio haec esset rerum antea cognitarum ; non
utique omnes vel pene omnes, cum illo modo interrogarentur,
hoc possent. Non enim omnes in priore vitae geometrse
fuerunt, cum tam rari sint in genere humano ut vix possit
4 I may notice here, what I ought to have noticed before, that in ecclesi
astical Latin, borrowed perhaps, as it was, from the poor who had the
Gospel preached to them, iste is used for hie ; as, Dignare, Domine, die isto
sine peccato nos custodire.

DIALOGUE II. 219
aliquis inveniri; sed potius credendum est mentis intel-
lectualis ita conditam esse naturam, ut rebus intelligibi
libus, naturali ordine, disponente Conditore, subjuncta sic
ista videat in quadam luce sui generis incorporea, quemad-
modum oculus carnis videt quse in hac corporea luce circum-
adjacent, cujus lucis capax eique congruens est creatus.
Non enim et ipse ideo sine magistro alba et nigra discernit
quia ista jam noverat, antequam in hac came crearetur.
Denique cur de solis rebus intelligibilibus id fieri potest, ut
bene interrogatus quisque respondeat quod ad quamque
pertinet disciplinam, etiamsi ejus ignarus est ? Cur hoc
facere de rebus sensibilibus nullus potest, nisi quas isto vidit
in corpore constitutus, aut iis quae noverant indicantibus
credidit, seu literis cujusque seu verbis. Non enim ad-
quiescendum est iis qui Samium Pythagoram recordatum
fuisse ferunt talia nonnulla quse fuerat expertus, eum hie alio
jam fuisset in corpore ; et alios nonnullos narrant alii ejus
modi aliquid in suis mentibus passos ; quas falsas fuisse
memorias, quales plerumque experimur in somniis quando
nobis videmur reminisci, quasi egerimus aut viderimus quod
nec egimus omnino nec vidimus ; et eo modo affectas esse
illorum mentes etiam vigilantium, instinctu spirituum malig-
norum atque fallacium (quibus curse est de revolutionibus
animarum falsam opinionem ad decipiendos homines firmare
vel serere) ex hoc conjici potest, quia si vere ilia recorda-
rentur quae hie in aliis antea positi corporibus viderant,
multis ac pene omnibus id contingeret, quandoquidem ut de
vivis mortuos, ita de mortuis vivos, tanquam de vigilantibus
dormientes, et de dormientibus vigilantes sine cessatione
fieri suspicantur6."
So, again, the same great writer speaks (as St. Clemens
5 The fact that magnetized persons pretend to such reminiscences is a
ground, not for unbelief in what really happens to such persons, but for
" trying the spirits " who so influence them.

220 NOTES TO
does) of their philosophers as follows : xiii. § 24. " Illi prse-
cipui gentium philosophi, qui invisibilia Dei per ea quse facta
sunt intellecta, conspicere potuerunt, tamen quia sine Media-
tore, id est, sine homine Christo, philosophati sunt, quem nec
venturum Prophetis, nec venisse Apostolis crediderunt, veri
tatem detinuerunt, sicut de illis dictum est, in iniquitate.
Non potuerunt enim in his rerum infimis constituti nisi
quserere aliqua media per quse ad ilia quae intellexerant subli-
mia pervenirent, atque ita in deceptores dsemones inciderunt,
per quos factum est ut immutarent gloriam incorruptibilis
Dei in similitudinem imaginis corruptibilis hominis, et volu-
crum, et quadrupedum, et serpentium. In talibus enim
formis etiam idola instituerunt sive coluerunt."
Such, then, is the concurrent testimony of the Fathers
to the doctrine that all the gods of the Gentiles were
demons ; and that these beings revealed to men resem
blances of the truth, with a view, by such anticipations of it,
to keep them from the truth. It follows from this, that
no external resemblances to any part whatever of the
Catholic system, form any kind of presumption against that
system, seeing that such anticipations oi parts of it are, upon
this theory, to be expected. And in regard to the credi
bility of the theory itself, the proper question for serious
people to ask themselves, before rejecting it, seems to be
the same as in other cases of concordant testimony of the
Fathers — whether or no they believe the Holy Spirit in any
sense to guide the Church into all truth ; and if they do,
whether they can refuse to believe that He does so guide
her in cases of universal consent : or whether they will run
the risk of blasphemy against Him by making light of what,
perchance, He has guided the Church to. It does seem
that if Christians will not fearlessly and uncompromisingly
ask themselves these questions, they are coming before God,
as revealing His will in His word, with their own idols in

DIALOGUE II. 221
their hearts ; and one cannot be surprised if He will not
be at all inquired of by them. For opinions, self-chosen
and without submission to the Church, are as much idols as
solid things are : there is no worshipping of God, save as
she teaches ; all others worship idols, i. e. creations of their
own heart. The Mohammedans do not worship the same
God as the Church does ; and others who affect an abhor
rence of idols may, we know, commit sacrilege. Upon this
ground it may be that idolatry was looked upon of old as
the type of heresy, and the threats of Scripture against the
former to be now-a-days applicable to the latter.
In conclusion, it may be proper to add, that the power
of Satan and his angels extends of course only so far as
God permits it. The claim to have all the kingdoms of the
world, and the glory of them, is a lie of his, which he
endeavoured to use against the Truth Himself, before he
knew to Whom he was speaking. His dealing with the
Son of Man does, however, confirm the doctrine that has
been here stated, and show (what is very fearful) that he
has an intimate acquaintance with Holy Writ ; for he was
able to quote it with an adroitness which (as has been
observed of St. Paul in regard to heathen authors) shows
that he did not possess a mere chance knowledge of it.
His omission of the context of Psalm xci. 12 — 14, in the
Temptation, also seems a type of his way of teaching doc
trine by parts only, so that it amounted to error at last.
Of course it should be carefully remembered, then, that
Satan could have no power, unless by permission from above ;
and therefore it must not be assumed that the Fathers meant
to teach that the world was governed by demons, which is
indeed a lie that the father of lies uttered to our Lord,
(St. Luke iv. 6.) but is often contradicted by those writers.
See S. Irenseus v. 21, § 2. 22, § 2, &c. S. Aust. Civ. D.

222 NOTES TO
libb. vi. viii. S. Cyril, c. Jul. p. 124. Indeed the reader
will have perceived that they have in some of the passages
quoted guarded themselves against such a misrepresenta
tion, as also that they do not contemplate the rites, &c,
so far as they were witnesses to what was good to good
men, but so far as they were a cunningly devised scheme to
anticipate, and so make men satisfied while rejecting the
teaching of the Church. Note (23.) p. 153.
See above on Dial. i. Notes 27 and 28.
Note (24.) p. 154.
Orig. c. Cels. p. 377. $avXovc Si Saipovag ov povoi Xi-
yoptv ripug, dXXd Kai ct^eSov 7rdvr£c baoi Saipovag nBlaaiv
Eivai. See Berkeley, Min. Philos. vi. § 12. Phocylides
ap. Clem. Strom, v. § 128, p. 726.
Note (25.) p. 154.
Wind. p. 1931. " Das Dharma ist ihm (dem Kanada,) der
Inbegriff von heiligen Gesetzen, Gebrauchen, und Uebun-
gen, wodurch Brahma-erkentniss erreicht und das Bose fiir
immer entfernt wird. Dies aber kann nicht geschehn ohne
festen Glauben an etwas besseres als Menschenzeugniss,
an den Veda, der gottlichen Ursprungs und die Recht-
schnur (Sastra) des Lebens ist."
Note (26.) p. 154.
Ibid. p. 1896. "Beide Schule halten," &c.
Note (27.) p. 154.
This is taken from St. Ephr. adv. Scrut. p. 107. The
passage may be given at length : — " Who hath searched out

DIALOGUE II. 223
his soul, and touched it ever with his hand, how and where
it culls and lays up in itself its harvest of knowledge, sup
plying by repetition books which are in its heart, gathering
by recollection, multiplying by reflection, minishing by re
mitted exertion? for in all these there is a wonder, and
musings on Thy Majesty. Who is there that can enter
into it, and understand how that place sufnceth for so much
knowledge, and yet the soul lacketh? And is there any
wonder at all greater than the memory that taketh in, yet
filleth not, that giveth and yet lacketh not? in the heart
there is every thing, while yet there is nothing in it. Who
can gaze upon the brightness of the memory, which is a
shadow of the Creator, who cannot be comprehended, what
He is ? It taketh in without trouble the names of the
creatures, and though there be no space in it, yet for every
thing is there space in it. And how doth it by the names
contain all things, while its strength weareth not out ?
Who can enter into the midst of the memory, and feel
where they are, those names of the creatures, since neither
it nor they are to be felt ? in the mind and in the Essence
they wholly dwell. Thus in the Very Father is the Very
Son, while neither He nor they may be felt [to know]
where they are." Note (28.) p. 155.
Aristot. Topic, viii. 14. p. 163. b 29. 'Ev rw juvrjjuovtKt^
vopov ol toitoi TEBivrtg svBiig iroiovai pvtipovtvtiv.
Note (29.) p. 155.
Aristot. Polit. viii. 4. Tovvavrtov EKarEpog ampydZtaBat
iri(j>VKt twv irovwv, ipiroSiZ,wv 6 juev tov awparog irovog rrjv
Sidvoiav, 6 Se ravrrig to awpa. That this was Aristotle's
own case we learn from Censorinus de D. N. cap. xiv. extr.,

224 NOTES TO
who expresses his surprise that, suffering as he did from
continual indigestion, he should yet have done so much.
Origen's language, c. Cels. p. 393, may be added to this :
*H toprdZwv ng r<£ irvtvpan kokoi to awpa, prj mtyvKog Sia
<j>povripa rrjg aapKog ioprdZ,Eiv jU£rd rov irvEvparog' r\ iopra-
Z,wv Kara adpKa, ov XWP£' Ka' TT>V KaTa irvEvpa loprrjv.
Note (30.) p. 156.
It may be as well to suggest to persons unacquainted
with chemistry, that the cases in which fuel of any kind, or
other matters, are converted apparently or really into air,
are not cases in which the substances used are destroyed ;
for air is ponderable, and may in some instances be made
to surrender up again the substances combined with it.
Whether, indeed, ponderable matter may, under any cir
cumstances, be converted into imponderable or radiant
matter, is (I am kindly informed by an experienced chemist
whom I have consulted upon this subject) a question that
may be entertained, yet could not affect the statement in
the text, whichever way it was decided ; for imponderable
matter would still continue to be matter.
Note (31.) p. 158.
Justin Martyr, p. 267. OTe ov avvTlBtpai' . . . imiSr) ovk
dvBpwmioig SiSdypaai kekeXevo-juevV iir avrov rov Xptcrrov
irdBtaBai, dXXd rolg Sid twv paKapiwv irpotjiriTwv Krjpvv0£tcri
Kai rote Si Avrov SiSa^aEicriv. Note (32.) p. 159.
On the bearing of the Mosaic code upon polytheism,
whether as formally developed by the servants of Satan in
earlier times, or as subsequently adopted in an unconscious
way by heretics, the reader may be referred to St. Athanas.

DIALOGUE 11. 225
c. Arian. iii. 8. Elm roaavra (after quoting Deut. vi. 4.
xxxii. 39, &c.) ovk £ie dvaiptaiv tov Ylov, ovSi Si avrov
tan ra roiaiira prrra' aXX' tig dBirriaiv tov iptvSovg. 'E£
apxvg yovv 6 Qtbg ovk eitte rtjii 'ASdju rdc rotavrag cpwvdc,
Kairoi bvrog rov Aoyov aiiv avrw, Si ov rd iravra iyivtro'
ov yap r)v XP£'a JKrjirai ytvopivwv aSwXwv, k. r. X.
Note (33.) p. 159.
Colebrooke, Ess. i. p. 196. " Five great sects exclusively
worship a single deity: one recognizes the five divinities
which are adored by the other sects respectively, but the
followers of this comprehensive scheme mostly select one
object of daily devotion, and pay adoration to other deities
on particular occasions only. Even they deny the charge
of polytheism, and repel the imputation of idolatry. They
justify the practice of adoring the images of celestial spirits,
by arguments similar to those which have been elsewhere
employed in defence of angel and image worship." Possibly
Colebrooke takes rather an external view of things here,
seeing the Church early recognized the distinction between
XarpEia and other worship. See St. Austin, as quoted
above, p. 214, and de Trin. i. § 13, in Ps. cxxxv. § 3.
Note (34.) p. 159.
The traditions of a purer or golden age, so common
in the world, cannot be looked upon as mere witnesses to
the fall of man, as something past. For had there been
nothing in the continual declension of manners to keep up
the tradition by falling in with it, man's pride would surely
have forgotten it. Homer's words attest this belief :
Ilavpot ydp rot iralStg bpoloi irarpX iriXovrai'
Ol irXiovEg KaKiovg' iravpoi Se te warpoc dpdovg.
Odyss. ii. 275,
Q

226 NOTES TO
as do those of Aratus, Phsen. 135.
OvS' et', i(j>ri [17 Atari], acrwrToe, iXEvataBai KaXiovaf
Oirjv xpvatioi iraripsg ytvtrjv iXiirovro
Xtiporipriv, iptlg Si KaKwrtpd r ic,dtaBt.
KaX Sr) kov ttoXejuoi Kai Sr) Kat dvdpaiov apa
"Ecrcrar' iv avBpwrroiai' kokov S' itriKtiatrai dXyog.
and Horace, Od. iii. vi. 46, on which place Doring quotes
these passages, attesting a belief in a degeneracy.
Note (35.) p. 159.
Herodotus (i. 131) tells us of the Persians and (iv. 59) of
the Scythians, that they had neither images (dydXjudra) nor
altars to the gods: the same Varro (ap. Aug. Civ. D. iv. 9)
assures us was the case with the Romans in early times, as
Bardesanes (ap. Eus. P. E. p. 274. d., 275. b.) does of the
ancient Seres and Brahmans ; and Euseb. (p. 29. d.) thinks it
was the case with most ancient nations. Tacitus (Germ. c. 9)
mentions the same of the ancient Germans, as does Win
disch. (p. 348) of the Chinese ; and Carli Rubbi (xi. p. 171)
remarks of the Americans what will apply to other nations :
" La superstitione si modified in proportione che la dottrina
teologica si corruppe. Le rappresentazione della Divinita
si multiplicarono. Queste divennero altrettanti oggetti di
adorazione. Cos! i tempj, gli oratorj, e le piramidi, si pro-
pagarono in onore degli Dei particolari o penate." See also
Cyril, c. Jul. p. 193, and Menard on Diog. Laert. ii. p. 159,
ed. Hiibner. Note (36.) p. 159.
See St. Luke xviii. 8. For a description of the Kaliyuga,
or last age, see the Vish. Purana, bk. vi. ch. 1. The fol
lowing is a part of it : — " The laws that regulate the con
duct of husband and wife will be disregarded, and oblations
7

'dialogue ii. 227
to the gods with fire no longer be offered. In whatever
family he may be born, a powerful and rich man will be held
entitled to espouse maidens of every tribe. A regenerate
man will be initiated in any way whatever, and such acts of
penance as may be performed will be unattended with any
results. Every text will be Scripture that people choose
to think so ; all gods will be gods to them that worship
them, and all orders of life will be common alike to all per
sons. In the Kali age, fasting, austerity, liberality, prac
tised according to the pleasure of those by whom they are
observed, will constitute righteousness," &c. The lawless
ness of the last times contemplated in Scripture is here
also spoken of, as by Aratus, Phsenom., as just quoted.
Note (37.) p. 160.
See 1 Cor. x. 20. Ps. xvi. 5, &c. St. Austin in Ps. cxxxv.
3, upon those words of the Septuagint, Ps. xcv. 4, " Dii
Gentium dsemonia," thus observes : " Hoc quidem in He-
braeo dicitur non ita esse scriptum, sed, ' Dii Gentium simu
lacra.' Quod si verum est, multo magis credendi sunt Sep-
tuaginta Divino Spiritu interpretati, quo Spiritu et ilia dicta
sunt quae in Hebrseis literis sunt : eodem namque operante
Spiritu etiam hoc dici oportuit quod dictum est : ' Dii Gen
tium dsemonia,' ut intelligeremus sic in Hebrseo positum,
' Dii Gentium simulacra,' ut dsemonia potius quse sunt in
simulacris significarentur. Nam quod attinet ad ipsa simu
lacra quse Grsece appellantur idola ... ait Apostolus, ' Sci-
mus quia nihil est idolum ; ' hoc enim retulit ad materiam
terrenam sensu carentem. Item ne quisquam putaret non
esse aliquem viventem sentientemque naturam, quse Gentium
sacrificiis delectetur, adjunxit, ' Sed quse immolant Gentes,
dsemoniis immolant et non Deo. Nolo enim vos socios fieri
daemoniorum.' "

Q 2

1

228 NOTES TO
Note (38.) p. 160.
St. Austin in Ps. cxiii. En. ii. § 5. " Quis autem adorat,
vel orat intuens simulacrum, qui non sic afficitur, ut ab eo
se exaudiri putet, ab eo sibi prsestari quod desiderat speret
Itaque homines, talibus superstitionibus obligati, plerumque
ad ipsum solem," &c. : and in § 6, " Plus simulacra valent
ad curvandam infelicem animam, quod os habent, oculos
habent," &c. Note (39.) p. 163.
In Wilson's Theatre of the Hindus, i. p. 293.
Note (40.) p. 163.
See Bopp's Nalus, p. JI.
Note (41.) p. 164.
It may be as well to make a few remarks upon the text
here, in order to secure it against mistakes that possibly
may arise from it.
1 . Moral laws are here spoken of as mutable, only in the
sense in which they are expressions of a moral law which
cannot be wholly enunciated in words. Thus when St. Paul
says that all the special commandments are " briefly com
prehended in this saying, Thou shalt love thy neighbour as
thyself," the former (viz. the special commandments, " Thou
shalt not kill," &c.) are what are here meant by moral
laws : the latter is a close approximation to what is meant
by a moral law. Now it may be made a question whether
this moral law is dependent upon the mere will of the Al
mighty, or whether there is an eternal, immutable fitness in
it ; and the reason why I wished to avoid entering into this
question in the text is, because it appears to me to partake,
in one light at least, of the temper of that insolent remark
made by Aristotle's pupil, Agatho — viz. that " God cannot

DIALOGUE II. 229
undo what is once done." As if, where there is Omniscience
to foresee, and Omnipotence to prevent withal, it were by
any means possible that He could wish a thing undone !
And in a like way, if there be a law written on our con
sciences, which has no appearance of having changed, to
what purpose is it to inquire whether such a decree of God
can be undecreed by Him ? Surely He foreknew the con
sequences of such His unchanged decree, and does reward
or punish, and has ever done so, those who abide by or
depart from it. The very notion of a law, in this view of it,
implies subjection and creatureship. And to suppose any
immutable thing which bound God to act so and so, and
not otherwise, would be to suppose Him to give up His
attributes as Creator. This, indeed, He did at the Incar
nation, yet so as that He became obedient to the Law only
so far forth as He was man. See St. Cyril Al. c. Nest. ii.
p. 40. b.
But if by moral law is meant, not a decree which renders
it obligatory on creatures to act so and so, and not other
wise, but an attribute of God displaying itself to us and in
us, as Christ is said to be made unto us righteousness and
sanctification and the like, then this Moral Law7 is Christ,
and so immutable. This is that Law of which the Psalmist
saith that it converteth the soul, that Law which is the
Truth, and so the Way and the Life. To discuss whether
it is mutable would be the same with discussing whether
God Himself is mutable. If God maketh a decree no
otherwise than by His Word, we ought to consider how
weak our conceptions are at best concerning His Word
who is God, before we pry overmuch into His Word, as He
is Law. It may suffice thus to have touched upon this in-
' It is worth observing that a personality was commonly attributed to
Law or Duty in the East. See Tholuck, Speculative Trinitats-Lehre, p. 43.

230 NOTES TO
tricate question, which cannot be fully treated without going
into the doctrine of 'ISe'oi. Enough, however, has been
said to show what is meant by speaking of the further
question, whether moral law is dependent upon arbitrary
will. But besides this question, which deals obviously with law
in a high and transcendental sense, there is another question
far more important to the present subject, which is, whether
the laws — i. e. the expressions into which the Moral Law
is thrown in order to its being audible to us, so to speak —
admit of change. And this they cannot be said to do in
the natural course of things ; in a supernatural one (that is,
one in which God discloses His will in regard to individual
acts) they are mutable. Thus, if love be the fulfilling of the
Law, and we are not judges, from partial knowledge, what is
our neighbour's greatest good, then Divine knowledge may
reveal what this is, though He do not show us how it is the
greatest good. It may be a good to a reprobate to be cut
off in his sins, if his further continuance in this state of
probation would only entail upon him greater punishment
in the next world. The knowledge of the whole of the case
may constitute an act moral, which in ordinary cases were
not so. It would not be moral in a parent to kill his son,
or a host his guest ; but God, who may take away life when
He wills, and does take it away in many cases by rules of
which we are entirely ignorant, may command any person
to do so, and therefore may command a father to do so, as
He did Abraham ; or a host to kill a guest, as He did Jael,
whom His prophetess would else not have praised. So,
again, to tell a lie is immoral; yet we often are obliged to
say things to those to whom we do say them, in the hearing
of those to whom we do not say them, and to which last
they convey a false impression. Hence, if we suppose the
cloud of witnesses, of saints and angels, present, when the

DIALOGUE II. 231
saints of old were commissioned to teach things to these
principalities and powers in heavenly places, it may have been
for these last, and not for man, that they were speaking;
and this must necessarily make a great difference in those
actions of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, for instance, which
at first sight appear to result from want of faith. Saints in
all ages have been " as deceivers, and yet true ; " men of
the world " daily mistake their words," because they live
not in the same world of angels and men in which the saints
do live. To take an illustration from revelation itself : men
of letters are at great pains to defend, even if they do not
recklessly pronounce spurious, whole passages of holy writ,
because not historically accurate : but if (not historical ac
curacy, but) the grouping of events, real in themselves, in
such way as may best typify things to come (see p. 74), was
the object of the authors, then the events, unseen except
by faith, in this case as in that, alter the character of the
act of the writer or agent. What I am contending for is,
that it is more credible that great saints of old were in
spired, under a supernatural system, to do typical actions,
which without sufficient thought appear unsaintly, than that
Scripture should have pandered to men's captiousness, in
giving evidence of its own honesty, by recounting their
failings. I would not, however, be misunderstood to imply that
the moral lessons to be drawn from the appearance of failings
in the old saints were not intended: I think their actions
might be intentionally so framed as to teach moral lessons
to those who went no deeper, but to have far sweeter and
deeper teaching for those who, not finding it in them to
think aught amiss of the saints of God, believe that it was
of the Lord that Samson sought a Gentile spouse, and
Sarah drove out her which should be in bondage with her
children — believe that the outward violations of the moral

232 NOTES TO
law in the saints were obedience and love, when looked at
from within. Is the love and awe of God in the saints now-
a-days never mistaken for mere prudence or politeness, or
some other low worldly principle ? Happy they whose de
light (as their Master's was) is in the saints that are upon
the earth, and such as excel in virtue ; for by so delighting
in them, they at times see the fulfilling of their Master's
Law converting the soul ; while others have but the gloomy
sight of slavery to the world. Happy they who have oppor
tunities of learning from the world's treatment of holy men
now, to amend their own opinion of the old saints, and see
the deeper view of their conduct, according to which they
were obeying, not written laws, but Christ, who is the Law,
as He is the Way, the Truth, and the Life.
The reader may find the distinction between moral and
positive laws drawn out by Bishop Butler, Analogy, part ii.
chap, i., and between the injunction of acts and that of
habits in part ii. chap. iii. Upon the subject of man's obli
gation to obey the voice of conscience, considered as the
pulse (so to speak) indicative of the Divine Will, he will
find very valuable remarks in Bishop Berkley's Sermon on
Passive Obedience, § viii. &c.
Note (42.) p. 164.
Aristot. Eth. Nic. v. 10, p. 1134. b. 25 . . . r6 juev fiati
aKivrjrov Kat 7ravraxov rrjv aiirriv e^ei Svvapiv, wairtp rb irvp
KaX ivBdSt KaX iv Uipaaig Kaiti' rd Si S'lKaia Kivovptva
bpwaiv tovto Si ovk ecttiv oiirwe sx°v, aXX' ecttiv wg'
ku'itoi irapd yt rolg Btolg 'iawg oiiSapwg' irap' rjjuiv S' iarX
ptv n Kai tjivati, Kivnrov ptvroi irav, aXX' ojuwe £<rri rb piv
(jivati, rb S' oil (jivati. Note (43.) p. 164.
St. Aust. de Doct. Christiana, iii. § 21 , 22. " Quicquid

DIALOGUE II. 233
congruit consuetudini eorum cum quibus vita ista degenda,
vel necessitate imponitur vel officio suscipitur a bonis et
magnis hominibus, ad utilitatem et beneficentiam referen
dum est, vel proprie sicut et nos debemus, vel figurate sicut
Prophetis licet. In quse facta legenda cum incurrunt indocti
alterius consuetudinis, nisi auetoritate reprimantur, flagitia
putant ; nec possunt animadvertere totam conversationem
suam, vel in conjugiis, vel in conviviis, vel in vestitu cseteroque
humano victu atque cultu, aliis gentibus et aliis temporibus
flagitiosam videri. Qua varietate innumerabilium consue-
tudinum commoti quidam dormitantes, ut ita dicam, qui
neque alto somno stultitise sopiebantur, neque in sapientiae
lucem poterant evigilare, putaverunt nullam esse justitiam
per seipsam, sed unicuique genti consuetudinem suam
justam videri, quse cum sit diversa omnibus gentibus, de-
beat autem incommutabilis manere justitia, fieri manifes-
tum, nullam usquam esse justitiam. Non intellexerunt, ne
multa commemorem, Quod tibi fieri non vis, alii ne feceris,
nullo modo posse ulla eorum gentili diversitate variari.
Quse sententia, cum refertur ad dilectionem Dei, omnia fla
gitia moriuntur, cum ad proximi, omnia facinora." He had
spoken of marriage in § 18, see Note 50 ; and for more upon
the subject of the polygamy of the patriarchs and others,
see de Civ. Dei, xvi. 34, and c. Faust, xxii. 30, &c. The lan
guage in Canticles vi. 8 will show that Scripture does use the
word "concubines" as figuratively descriptive of somewhat
relating to Christ ; and so of course the thing might also be,
unless a person denies " multis uxoribus caste uti quenquam
pro tempore posse," as St. Austin speaks, de D. Christ.
ib. § 27. Note (44.) p. 164.
Plato, Rep. i. 5. "Orav rte Eyyvc y, &c. Butler, Anal. i.
iii. p. 75, and below, Note 24 to Dial. iii.

234 NOTES TO
Note (45.) p. 165.
In the text allusion is made to the acute remark of De
Maistre, du Pape, conclus. § xiv. " II n'y a rien de si in
fallible que l'instinct de I'impi^t^."
Note (46.) p. 165.
See Cyril c. Jul. as quoted above, p. 64.
Note (47.) p. 166.
For instances of such departures see the Notes to p. 45.
Note (48.) p. 166.
S. Cyril, c. Julian, lib. ix. p. 313 b. M£TEjO|Ovr7Kdrwv Sr)
dg dXr/Btiav twv irpaypdrwv KaX twv iv rviroig KaX alvlypaai
rrjv dg rd djustvw Xaj3dvrwv ptrafioXrjv, ov KaraXEXvaBai
(jrapiv tov Ndjuov, iKmirspavBai Se judXXov l^i Kaipov, KaB'
bv riplv iiriXapipEV -rj dXriBsia, tovteoti Xptcrrde' d Si, on
rwv tvttwv dirtyoptBa, KaX laxyolg Siavoiag bppaai rb rijg
dXtiBdag KaraBpyaavrtg <j>wg, rrjv rolg 'lovSaiotg dvEirtrrjSEV-
rov iroXiTEtav Karopflovv -yprjptBa, rrjv irvtvpariKrjv npwvTtg
Xarptiav, iv alriq iroitlrai rd Ka0' ripag' imirXriTTiTW Kai
ralg iripaig rwv imaTtipwv, KaX rolaS' avrwv livai airovSd-
Zovai, iirdroi ptBtlai rd ev dpxalg Kai rd rdiv paBripdrwv
daaywyiKa, rb iv Ka\w ytviaBai rdiv £<r:rovSao7tEvwv Sid
7roXXr,e ylyovsv avrolg (j>pbvnSog. Where there is more
on the same analogy : dXX' oi>xi c>wpdcrwv ly wy' stcrEpxojuat,
as the comedian says. Note (49.) p. 167.
See more at length Note 20, p. 72, &c.
Note (50.) p. 168.
The word " wives " is added, to suggest a way of meeting
difficulties arising out of such cases as Hos. i. 2. St. Aust.
de D. C. iii. § 10, says concisely, " Quod in aliis personis

DIALOGUE II. 235
plerumque flagitium est, in divina vel prophetica persona
magnse cujusdam rei signum est. Alia est quippe in per-
ditis moribus, alia in Osese prophetse vaticinatione con-
junctio meretricis; nec si flagitiose in conviviis temulen-
torum et lascivorum nudantur corpora, propter ea in balneis
nudum esse flagitium est." As there was a difference of
opinion about the passage alluded to, it is open to me to add
here two or three remarks upon it.
1. The sanctity of marriage depends upon God's having
joined the persons (supposed to be fit recipients) together :
this He does by particular outward rites in ordinary cases ;
but in some few cases, for which the reason can generally
be discovered, He has dispensed with these rites.
2. The fitness of the recipients depends also upon God's
grace, whereby alone marriage with one person can be
chaste (see above, p. 120) ; by which a man might be enabled,
as St. Austin suggests of the patriarchs, to use many wives
chastely under the old dispensation ; by which harlots could
be called into His kingdom before such Pharisees8 as were
formalists, and held the truth in unrighteousness.
3. As of our Lord's female ancestors three were harlots,
Thamar, Rahab, and she that had been the wife of Uriah,
so it is likely that the coming in of the nations should be
prefigured by the prophet's marriage with a harlot.
4. The nature of marriage seems to depend most inti
mately upon the nature of the union of Christ with the
Church. When He intended one day to give the Jewish
Law and Church (see Rom. vii. 1, &c. Isai. 1. 1) a writing
of divorcement, He permitted divorces ; but after that
8 It is of the utmost importance, in understanding the New Testament, to
know that Jewish authorities mention seven kinds of bastard Pharisees, each
of which has its counterpart in the New Testament, while St. Paul and
Nicodemus, and others, which believed, would belong to the true Pharisees,
who held fast the traditions, not of men, but of Moses — i. e. of God. See
Molitor, i. p. 232.

236 NOTES TO
everlasting union with the Church, whereof Hosea speaks in
the second chapter, divorce was no longer permitted, save
for that which destroyed all membership with Him.
These remarks will, I hope, make it clear how, under a
miraculous dispensation, seeming violations of the sanctity
of matrimony cannot well have been so ; for the temper9
of mind of even a harlot may, by possibility, be far better
than that of a formalist, who walks undismayed in the very
midst of holy things, and uses the chiefest means of grace,
fasting, alms, and prayer, as cloaks for unbewailed and un
punished wickedness. Note (51.) p. 168.
This is the way in which the Fathers in general argue
against Gnostics, Manicheans, and others. Molitor, in his
book upon Jewish tradition, endeavours to show that a real
pollution was, under the old dispensation, conveyed from
matter, iii. § 159. This mode of viewing things I suspect
to have had its origin in the pantheistic theories wliich the
cabbalists seem to have fallen into. It is, however, not
necessarily a Manichean way of viewing them in Molitor ;
for he would of course hold that matter was created, and
only affected by the fall in such and such ways. The theory
which some hold, that the descent from the material blood
of Adam is the reason of men's being born in original
sin, will, however, be rather countenanced by such a doc-
9 That such was Thamar's' temper is rendered credible from the following
striking words of St. Ephrem, Horn, in Nativ. vol. ii. p. 421. f. " Holy
was the whoredom of Thamar for Thy sake [O Lord]. Thee it was she
thirsted after, 0 pure Fountain ! Judah defrauded her of drinking Thee !
The thirsty womb stole a draught of Thee from the spring thereof ! She
was a widow for Thy sake ! Thee did she long for ; she hasted and was
also a harlot for Thee. Thee did she vehemently desire, and was sanctified
because it was Thee she loved," &c. So also St. Just. Mart. p. 314. St<
Cyril Glaphyr. p. 196. St. Aust. c. Faust, xxii. 60—62, 83—86.

DIALOGUE II. 237
trine, to which it affords a strong parallel, the Catholic
doctrine being that the ippovinpa aapKog, i. e. somewhat im
material, lying in the will of the parents, is the source of
original sin. Its presence forms the opposite of that Power
which overshadowed St. Mary. See above pp. 119, 120.
Note (52.) p. 169.
The breaking of the Sabbath in going round Jericho was
often noticed of old in this light, as by St. Aust. c. Faust.
xii. 31. Tertull. c. Jud. 4. Greg. Nyss. ap. Gall. vi. p. 590.
Origen and S. Ephrem on the place. Cyril. Collect, p. 17.
Note (53.) p. 169.
Passages of this kind, if not in all cases the same, are
cited by St. Greg. Nyss. ap. Gall. vi. 589 ; by St. James of
Nisibis, ibid. v. pp. xciii. — xcv. Cyril of Alex. c. Jul. p. 309.
Note (54.) p. 170.
S. Hil. de Trinit. lib. v. p. 44. " Cum lex umbra sit futu-
rorum, veritatem corporis umbrse species expressit." So St.
Cyril, c. Nest. p. 81, c. speaking of the appearance to Jacob,
says, Svvec ovv birwg, oi>x we dcrwjuaroe te Kai ava<j>rjg
Aoyog rj^iov fyaivtaBai roj> iraTpidpxy rorriviKaSt rbv roil
juvcrrrjpiov rvirov 7rpoava</>atvwv avrt^. On the subject
of these appearances, St. Aug. de Trin. ii., and particularly
§ 27, § 32, § 33, may be referred to. They are noticed
here only as showing how, under the law, almost every thing
was but an unsubstantial shadow of the things to be re
vealed. The first and second lessons for Trinity Sunday
exhibit the shadows of the Law in striking contrast with
the mysteries of the Gospel.
Note (55.) p. 171.
Allusion is here made to the words of the Vishnu Pu-

238 NOTES TO
rana, p. 327. " He will, with the permission of the Brah
mans, give food to any guest who arrives at the time (of the
Sraddha) or who is desirous of victuals, or who is passing
along the road ; for holy saints and ascetics, benefactors of
mankind, are traversing this earth, disguised in various
shapes." This reminds one of Hebrews xiii. 2. " Be not
forgetful to entertain strangers, for thereby some have en
tertained angels unawares." Note (56.) p. 172.
I have ventured to let the words of Scripture, " Sons of
God," stand unexplained, because it does not (as Dr. Pusey
observes on Tertullian, p. 54) appear that such a title is
any where applied to men in the Old Testament. Hosea,
cap. ii., speaks of it as a name to be given at some future
time. The phrase " Sons of the Most High," in Ps. lxxxii. 6,
comes nearest to it. If the " vir prudentissimus," whom S.
Jerome quotes on Isaiah liv. p. 200, be, as one may suspect,
St. Ambrose, who wrote a commentary, now lost, upon
Isaiah, (see S. August, c. Jul. Pel. ii.) then we should
see that he did not think it incredible that demons might
have gone in to the daughters of men. For references to
passages on the subject see Dr. Pusey as above, and Gal-
landi, i. p. 223. My main object is to guard against its
being assumed that we can argue with certainty from the
present course of nature, what the course of nature was
before the flood : and it is plain that such arguing is best
guarded against, not by stating a positive opinion, but by
showing that there are difficulties in the way of our coming
to such an opinion. Note (57.) p. 172.
After Aristeas, ed. Hody, p. 18, some of the most learned
Fathers notice this as the ground why some birds are

DIALOGUE II. 239
classed as unclean ; as Origen (Cont. Cels. p. 225) in Levit.
p. 226, where Ruseus quotes Tertull. c. Marc. Theodoret
has the same sentiment. Note (58.) p. 173.
Aristotle, Eth. iv. 6, notices this of his jUEyaXo7rp£7rr)e,
TTEpi ravra judXXov Sairavq 6'cra 7roXvxpovia rdiv k'pywv.
Note (59.) p. 173.
See Rev. xv. 4, where Moses1 hymn is sung in heaven ;
(whence also the words !T JT1QT1 "tyf are quoted from it in
Ps. cxviii. 14, and Is. xii. 2, which both relate to Christian
times.) Hence, in the Law, rites are said to be by an ordi
nance for ever, because they typify something external. See
also St. Cyril, c. Jul. p. 322, a'twvtog roivvv b vopog, k. t. X.
p. 243. Moses is like Christ, not as he is a king or a priest,
but as a prophet, foreshowing that heavenly temple for
which the saints long. See S. Methodius, Conv. Virg. v. 7 ;
and St. Ambrose in Ps. xxxviii. 25, " Umbra in Lege,
imago vero in Evangelio, Veritas in ccelestibus. Umbra Evan-
gelii et Ecclesise congregationis in Lege, imago futurse veri
tatis in Evangelio, Veritas in judicio Dei." Compare S.
Irenseus, ii. 28, who assigns as the reason why Scripture is
not here fully understood, I'va ad piv b Qtbg SiSdaKy, dv-
Bpwirog Si Sid iravrbg pavBdvy irapd Geov.
Note (60.) p. 174.
This is well observed by St. Cyril, de Adoratione in Spi
ritu et Veritate, p. 498, d. "Ecm Sr) ovv ovk davpQavig, on
fitfiriXol juev ri rdiv ovrwv rJKicrra juev 6 vopog, rrdvra Si oTSe
KaBapd rote KaBapolg' aXX' Etc riBwv iroiorriTag dvBpwirivwv
rb EKaarov £wov c/wctckov ev juaXa 7TajoaXa]3wv dvtvrjcriv ov
ptrpiwg. MdBoig S' dv b cfjrjjut Sr) kok twvSe 7rdXiv aXn^Ee on
Kai dvajut/)i|3oXov. Td ydp rot 7rdcri KarEyvwer/iEva, Karajuv-

240 NOTES TO
adrrtaBai Seiv bparai 7rpocrr£raxwe KajurjXov or) Xiywv Kai rov
XOtpoypvXXiov, WKTiKopaKa, Kai rov KarajOjodKrrjv, Kai ao-Ka-
Xafiwrriv, KaX pvyaXrjv, KaX rd eti tovtwv aicrxfova . . • Ete
¦r)Bwv ovv 7roiorriTa ptraKopiariov ev pdXa ra (jivaiKwg
ivovra riaX twv aXoywv £diwv, EKao-rov <pipt tlmlv Karaypa-
(povrog, wamp iv iavn^ rbv tov Sslvog rpoirov, Kai ev oig
dv Eirj Karao-rjjuaivovroe- *H ydp oi>xi Kai riixEie avroi
KartiBiaptBd irwg roiig piv dyav Btppovg Kai £vcr0EvE(Trdrove
Kai OpdcrEi rdiv ctXXwv imptyipovrag aiig rj Xiovrag r, ri rdiv
roiovrwv ETEpov aTTOKaXav ; rovg Si irpatlg Kai -rjptpaiovg,
k. r. X. It was strikingly said by Confucius (in Windischm.
p. 159), that the later ages ran into superstition by taking
the symbol for the reality, yet that this ought not to hinder
the due use of the symbol ; and doubtless much light will
be thrown upon the whole question of symbols, such as those
just noticed, by the study of hieroglyphics, which will,
further, either show the naturalness of particular symbols,
or else force us to assume of others that they were tra
ditional. In the latter case they may be said to throw light
upon Scripture symbols, as history is said to throw light on
prophecy. Each, by reflecting the light of Scripture, throws
it on to us, and makes us conscious of it.
Note (61.) p. 173.
Aristot. Hist. An. ix. p. 608. b 4. Tovrwv Se i'xvrj piv
rwv -rjBwv iariv iv iraaiv wg eitteiv juaXXov (pavspwrspa iv
rolg ixovai pdXXov r)0oc, Kai judXicrra ev dvBpwirw' tovto
yap e'xei rrjv tjivaiv airortTEXtapivriv, iiiarE Kai ravrae rdc
e^eic Etvai cjiavEpwrlpae ev avrolg. To this may be subjoined
a passage from Quain's Anatomy, which, though not ob
viously bearing upon the text in this place, will be conve
niently put in juxtaposition with this passage of Aristotle.
It is important to put down the analogies between our
past existence in the womb and that of other animals, lest

DIALOGUE II. 241
by not stating them one should seem not to have thought
of them, while in reality they are mere analogies, upon which
we have no right whatever to build hypotheses as to any
future changes in our mode ' of existence ; changes, I mean,
which if not allowed to be at once actually against reve
lation, are certainly unrevealed by God. For it can hardly
be observed too often that analogy alone will not serve as a
guide to the truth : it presupposes a revelation, or some
what claiming to be a revelation, which it may confirm or
clear up. And the use of it in confuting false revelations is
this : that, as nature and real revelations come from one
Author, false revelations will only have partial, temporary,
and fanciful coincidences with nature. One need not fear but
that the false will, sooner or later, be found to conflict with it.
Dr. Quain writes as follows, § 61. " In reviewing the succes
sion of changes during the progress of development, we
recognize each of them as a temporary or transition stage,
which, while it lasts, bears a certain degree of analogy to
a fixed condition of the circulating apparatus in some of the
lower orders of animals. Thus, when in the embryo of a
vertebrate animal, a single vessel, without any cardiac dila
tation, runs along the back, it at once suggests the idea of
the dorsal vessels in insects. When at the anterior part of
this vessel an enlargement occurs, where the 'punctum
1 I may remind the reader here, that the doctrine of transmigrations origi
nated, possibly, in the perversion of symbolical expressions for the belief of
the continuance of habits after death. E. g. a man might be said to become
a swine, when it was meant that he would be " filthy still " in a future state.
And if such perversion of symbols took place through man's ceasing to
" hold fast the traditions," it is quite credible that there should be things
in nature seeming to confirm the error, as there are things in Scripture
seeming to confirm heresy ; and, for all one knows, designedly seeming so.
Or again, if arts are under a divine superintendence in one view, hierogly
phics may, from the first, have been overruled so as to subserve this retri
butive dispensation. R

242 NOTES TO
saliens' is seen, and which assumes the character of a
ventricle, it is the analogue of what is found in the higher
Crustacea. In the next stage, where two cavities exist, one
just before the other, representing an auricle and ventricle,
it corresponds with the condition of the central organ in the
mollusca. When the auricle ascends and the ventricle
comes forward (the bulbus arteriosus reaching upwards
from its base), it is like the heart of fishes, in which it is
called branchial or respiratory, from its sending the blood
into the gills or respiratory organs solely, and therefore
discharges the function of the right or pulmonic heart in
higher animals. When the auricular cavity becomes sepa
rated into two chambers by the growth of the septum, the
ventricle still remaining single, it passes into the condition
of the organ in the batrachial reptile. In the next place,
as the development of the ventricular septum proceeds
from the apex upwards to the base, before it is completed,
a communication will still remain at this point. The heart
in this stage, consisting of two auricles and a partially
divided ventricle, represents the condition of the organ in
the ophidian reptile ; and were its growth arrested at this
point (of which many instances have occurred), that form
of congenital malformation will remain through life in which
the two sorts of blood are blended, owing to the imperfection
of the septum. Lastly, even when all communication be
tween the ventricular cavities is cut off by the completion of
the septum, the streams issuing from them are still, to a
certain extent, blended by means of the current which
passes from the pulmonary artery through the ductus arte
riosus into the aorta. Hence, until this diverticulum is
closed, an analogy will still remain between the confor
mation of the organs of the foetus of the human subject, and
the higher animals, with that of the reptile. It is finally
cut off at the moment of birth, when the condition of the

DIALOGUE II. 243
circulating apparatus in the new being passes from that of
the cold-blooded to that of the warm-blooded animal."
Note (62.) p. 163.
Tertull. de Idol, at the close, where see Dr. Pusey's
note. Of the ass, St. Aust. on Ps. xxxi. En. ii. § 23, says :
" Populus mitis et mansuetus, portans bene Dominum,
asellus est, et tendit in Jerusalem ; " and so in the opposite
corner of the Church, St. Ephrem on Judg. v. 10, " Ye that
ride on white asses. These are mystically interpreted of
the Apostles, who are exalted in the assembly of the faithful,
and [the latter are] they who are clad with white garments
spiritually in holy baptism." An attempt has been made,
in " Nature a Parable," to put this kind of interpretation
more fully out, to which I must refer.
Note (63.) p. 173.
"Rerum ignorantia facit obscuras figuratas locutiones,
quam vel animalium vel lapidum 2 vel herbarum naturas,"
&c. S. Austin de Doct. Christian, ii. § 24 or 16.
Note (63*) p. 174.
St. Cyril, c. Jul. p. 322. Alwviog roivvv 6 vopog 6 irdXai
piv irap' 'lovSaioig alviyparwSwg, b avrbg Si vvv irap' -rjplv
vorrrwg KaX irvtvpariKwg KaX Kara ys to dXriBig' and pre
sently, Kai yovv 6 Mwotjc rdc 7rpoe y£ roiig 'lovSaiovg Sia-
Xi^tig iroiovptvog KaXvppa iriBti im rb trpoawirov avrov,
povovovxX /3odiv Sid rov irpdyparog we rb aXrjBig rov
vdjuov TrpderojTTov diroirrov -r\v avrolg. And so St. Chrys.
vol. vi. p. 657, Savile, Ei pr) So£av e'xev dirpoairov 6 vopog
2 Would not the work of Garuda throw light on these ? It were to be
wished that such works as this, Al-Damiri, &c. were made accessible by a
text and a translation.
R 2

244 NOTES TO
ovx av ®sfiOn KaXvpparog' and St. Basil, Hex. vi. 2, Ilav-
raxov ry laropiq to Soypa Trig BtoXoyiag pvariKwg avp-
iraptairaprai. Note (64.) p. 176.
The original is given by Prof. Wilson, note to Vishnu
Purana, p. 202. Note (65.) p. 177.
S. Ephrem, adv. Scrut. iii. p. 9. " When the watchers
(i. e. angels) seek to learn the generation of the Son, their
questions do they direct to them that are higher than they,
and even these high ones learn by the hinting of the Spirit.
As are the degrees of the angels, so are the questions of the
angels. None is there among them that boldly seeks to par
take of aught that is beyond his measure. To this doth
nature witness by the gradation that is in it; for order
leadeth to order until that which is the summit. The
counsels of Jethro also made gradations from rank to rank,
even unto Moses." See above, Note 25 on Dial. i. St.
Austin, de Gen. ad literam v. cap. xix., was of opinion that
the angels knew of the Incarnation long before ; nor does
his language, in his Retractations, appear to imply that he
retracted this, but only the use made of a certain text to
confirm it. Note (66.) p. 178.
The process of taming elephants in India is described at
length by Arrian in his Indica, p. 535. Strabo, p. 1030.
It shows how untractable many of them are before the
operation.

DIALOGUE II. 245
Note (67.) p. 180.
The following passage from S. Ath. c. Arian. (ii. 75) will
show that it is in a certain way allowable to speak of God's
dispensations as anticipating and providing for the effects
of sin. 'H Trapa rov Swrrjpoe tig -rjpdg ytvopivti X"P'4"
dprt juev £7T£c/>dvr] (wg eittev 6 d7rdcrroXoe) Kai yiyovtv iiriSr/-
priaavrog Avrov' irporrroipaaro Si avrrj Kai 7rpiv ytvtaBai
tjpag, judXXov Se Kai irpb rrjc Karaj3oXr,e rov Koapov' Kai rj
alria xpi°~7ri Kai Bavpaarr) irwg iariv . Ovk £7TpE7rs rbv
Qtbv vcrrEpov 7T£pi ripwv jiovXtvtaBai 'iva prj wg dyvowv
rd KaB' r/pag (paivrirai' ktIZ,wv roivvv -rjpdg Sid rov iSiov
Aoyov 6 rwv ciXwv Qtbg, Kai EtSwe rd ripwv imp -rjpdg, Kai
TTpoyiyvwcrKwv te on KaXoi yEvojuEvoi vcrrEpov 7rapaj3arai
Trjc evtoXtjc iaoptBa, Kal ek rov TTapaSsicrov iKJdXtiBriaoptBa
Sid rrjv irapaKorjv, (jiiXdvBpwirog Kal dyaBbg wv, irpotroi-
pdZ,ti iv nig iSi'w Aoyw, St' ov Kai ektictev -rjpdg, rrjv irtpl rrjg
awrripiag ripwv o'iKOvopiav, "iva Kav dirarriBivrtg irapd tov
otptwg iKiriawptv, prj riXtov diropdvwptv vtKpol, aXX %xov-
rtg iv rw Aoyw rrjv ir porrroipaapivriv 7]juT v Xiirpwcriv te Kai crw-
rr/piav, irdXiv dvaardvrtg dBdvaroi Siapdvwptv, orav aiirbg
iirip ripwv dpxrj rdiv oSdiv KnaBy, Kal 6 IlpwroroKoe rrjg ktI-
atwg yivr)rai irpwroroKog dSEXc^div, Kai avrbg dirapxri rwv ve-
Kpdiv dvaary. If any one reflect how intimately all changes,
on a large scale, in the outward circumstances of man, are
connected with changes preceding them in his inward con
stitution, this passage will be seen to have a much more par
ticular bearing upon the text than, at first sight, it appears to
have. It is by a conflict with harder external circumstances,
that man is enabled to recover, in some degree, his pri
mitive power of self government. Discipline, in all degrees
of severity (see Butler, Anal. i. v. p. 137), such as slavery
would be, may be necessary for fallen beings such as those
under the slavery of sin are, and the providing of such dis-

246 NOTES TO
cipline may be necessarily implied in the providing for the
consequences of sin. If it is wrong to say that slavery was
originally contemplated, then it would be wrong to say, as
St. Athanasius implies, that the taking of the form of a
slave (pop<pr)v SovXov) was originally contemplated. That
outward condition of slavery which yielded a temptation,
both to the master and to the slave, to different forms of sin,
did He take upon Him to make us free indeed.
Note (68.) p. 180.
The words (pwriaavrog Zwrjv KaX dtpBapaiav Sid rov
tvayytXiov are differently commented upon by different
writers, some insisting on the word rpwriaavrog as meaning,
throwing light upon an already existing belief. (See Sher
lock's Sermon on the text, and compare Pocock, quoted
p. 121.) As the Vulgate, Syriac, and (to judge from the
Latin) the Coptic, and also seemingly the Arabic in Wal
ton's Polyglott, ( -WI Aiiijjkeep the word incorruption,
one cannot but think there is something emphatic in the
word, although dtpBapaia may be in some places used of im-
perishableness, as distinct from incorruption, which seems
properly to apply to a body. The resurrection of the body
would be a natural thing to allude to, as being a great
Christian doctrine, and forming the contrast to ' death '
(which was just before mentioned), as in 1 Cor. xv.
Note (69.) p. 181.
Much here said is noticed by Mohler in a tract to be
found in vol. ii. p. 54 of his works, in Dollinger's edition.
The connexion of this with the last note will be plainer, if
we remember how the bringing to light of the incorrupti
bility of the body, when once raised again, must necessarily

DIALOGUE II. 247
affect all SovXaywyia3 of the body, whether sinful or vir
tuous. Here, however, the thing dwelt upon is, that any
belief of a future state, at all practically felt, necessarily
must influence the treatment of slaves.
Of the Romans, see Juv. Sat. iii. 261, and Rupert on the
place. Cato de R. R. i. p. 12. Bip. " Vendat boves vetulos,
&c. ; plostrum , vetus, servum senem, servum morbosum."
Cicero has somewhere observed, that the introduction of a
denial of a future state was a recent one in Rome ; and
Lucretius, lib. i. and elsewhere, speaks of the introduction
of such principles as a modern advantage, in his view of it.
See Mohler as above, p. 69.
Note (70.) p. 181.
Plato, Phsedo, § 151. OTSa Kai dXXove irdvv btpt irlvov-
rag, ErrEtSdv TTapayyEXflr) avrolg, ko.1 ^vyytvopivovg yt iviovg
wv av rvxtticriv iiriBvpovvTtg. Note (71.) p. 181.
Id. Euthyphr. § 4, where a specimen of the coolness with
which slave-murder was treated may be seen. The be
ginning of the Nubes will suggest much to the same effect.
Note (72.) p. 181.
In his Politics, vii. 15, Aristotle says, Ei tive'c eictiv, o7T£p
ol troirrrai tjtaaiv, iv paKapwv vfiaoig. It is true that Cicero
spoke in a similar way of " insulse beatorum, ut fabulse
ferunt " (ap. S. Aug. de Trin. xiv. 11), but the other writings
of the two authors colour their meaning. Atticus (ap.
Euseb. P. E. p. 809; see above, p. 124) well asks, Tie ovv
ian 6 irpwrog lyxEtprjcrae dvnrd^aaBai diroSEi^Eai kuX rrjv
livxrjv dtptXtaBai rrjg dBavaaiag, Kai rijc dXXrje rrdcrrie Svvd-
3 1 Cor. ix. Ovtw TTVKrevtxi, wc ovk tkepa fiepwv. 'AW virwTnd^u) fiov rb
oSifia Kai SovXayiiiyHi- /iij7™c aXXotg KrjpvZag, airbg adoKi/iog yevuipai.

248 NOTES TO
juewc ; n'e Erfpoe v b ' ApiaroriXrig ; I give this as embody
ing an impression I had come to before I read the passage
of Atticus. Compare Origen c. Cels. p. 67. To show how he
speaks of slaves, I may quote his Met. xi. 10. p. 1075. a. 16.
Ildvra o-vvrEraicrai rrwe, aXX' ovx bpoiwg, KaX rrXwrd Kai irrinva
Kai fvrd. Kai ovx ovrwg txti oxrrt prj thai Baripw irpbg Bdrt-
pov priBiv, aXX' iari n' irpbg piv yap ev arTavra crvvrEraKrai,
dXX' wcnTEp Iv o'lKiq rJKiara 'i^Ean on etvxe ttoieIv, dXXd irdvra
rj rd irXElara riraKTat, rolg Si dvSpairoSoig Kai rote Binpioig
piKpbv rb dg rb koivov, to Se ttXeicttov on etvxeV rotavrr)
ydjo EKacrrov dpxn avrwv 77 c/>vcrie Icrriv. See also Eth. N. V.
10, p. 1134. b. 10. p. 1136. b. 30. Polit. i. 1—7. In Eth.
Nic. viii. 13, he calls the slave an 'ipipvxov bpyavov, in
capable of civil rights. And in the Politics, lib. i., he seems
to hold that some men might be made slaves, by capture, &c.
Aristotle 4 was an acute observer of facts : may he not here
be faithfully recording then an actually existing dispensation
of Providence, and so be a witness in favour of the suppo
sition (noticed in Note 68) that slavery was intended to exist
for a time — was winked at, as perhaps in part it is still?
Note (73.) p. 181.
Mohler, as above, p. 62, has shown that the passage
(Polit. p. 113, Bip. § 46) in which Plato speaks with ap
parent harshness of slaves, is capable of being interpreted
of the slavishness resulting from vice ; and also is careful
to distinguish things which Plato puts into the interlo
cutor's mouth as suited to his character, from his own
opinion, which he thinks more kindly than that of Aristotle.
The Euthyphro would seem to show what his bias was,
4 It is to be regretted that what he says in Polit. vii. 10, extr., Aio'n j3s\-
nov -Kctoi rolg dovXotg dO\ov -n-poKuaQai Tr/v tXivQtpiav, vortpov tpoiifitv,
contains a promise, to us as good as unfulfilled.

DIALOGUE II. 249
though at that time in Athens people were obliged to be
careful what they said. Euseb. P. E. (though at 609 he
speaks otherwise) at p. 713 indeed attributes very different
sentiments to Plato, but it may be doubted if he does not
make the confusion Mohler has pointed out. I give these
passages, which contravene the statements in the text, for
fairness' sake, and not at all as doubting the general truth of
the position there stated. It is confirmed by Cicero's way
of speaking of slaves, de Off. i. c. 13. " Meminerimus autem
etiam adversus infimos justitiam esse servandum ; est autem
infima conditio et fortuna servorum ; quibus non male prse-
cipiunt qui ita jubent uti, ut mercenariis, operam exigen-
dam, justa prsebenda." And that he carried out this lenient
view of them, we see from the following words (ad Att. i.
12, p. 53, ed. Schutz.) " Quod prseterea ad te scribam, non
habeo. Et mehercule eram conturbatior : nam puer fes-
tivus, anagnostes noster Sositheus discesserat, meque, plus
quam servi mors debere videbatur, commoverat : " a passage
which at once shows his own kindliness and the heartless-
ness of the generality towards slaves.
Note (74.) p. 181.
Herod, ii. 113, mentions a temple of Hercules, to which,
if slaves fled, and had sacred marks branded on them (im-
fddXtirai ariypara ipd), and gave themselves to the god, they
might not be touched ; which law, he adds, continued from
early times to his own day. Diod. Sic. i. 77, p. 88, has the
following passage, which further shows their kindness to
slaves. Et Se rte EKOvaiwg dtroKruvai rbv iXEvBtpov rj tov
SovXov, diroBvijaKEiv tovtov oi vopoi irpoairaTrov, apa piv
(5ovX6ptvoi prj ralg Siatjiopalg rrjg tvxtjc, dXXd ralg twv
irpdE,twv imjioXalg t'ipytaBai irdvrag airb twv (jiavXwv, apa
Si Sid rrjg twv SovXwv (fipovnSog iBiZovrtg rolg dvBpwiroig

250 NOTES TO
ttoXv judXXov Etc rove iXtvBipovg priSiv bXwg iS,apaprdvtiv.
This, as Wesseling observes, agrees well with the Law of
God, Ex. xxi. 20. And so we find Garcilasso di Vega, in
his Commentarios Reales de Ios Incas, v. cap. 12, tells us
of the Incas' kindness to their vassals, whose belief in the
immortality of the soul he elsewhere mentions, as follows :
" Aquellos Reyes del Peru, por aver sido tales, fuesen tan
amados y queridos de sus vasallos, que oy Ios Indios, con ser
ya, Christanos, no pueden olvidarlos ; antes en sus trabajos
y necessidades, con Uantos y gemidos a. voces y alaridos, Ios
Haman uno a uno por sus nombres : por que no se lee, que
ninguno de Ios Reyes antiguos de Asia, Africa, y Europa,
aia sido para sus naturales vasalles tan cuidadoso, tan apa-
cible, tan provechoso, franco, y libero, como lo fueron Ios
Reyes Incas para con Ios suios." I may observe, in case
any one wishes to try how far this holds in other cases,
that care should be taken not to confound the treatment of
slaves by one branch or caste of a nation with that by
another. Thus, if it seems (from Csesar, B. G. vi. 13) that
the military part of the Gauls ill used their slaves, this will
not show any thing as to the treatment of the i£poSovXot by
the Druid class ; that is, will not show that those who did
believe in a future state were not influenced by it in their wav
of treating their slaves. The openly sanctioned unnatural
sins of the Gauls, spoken of by Ar. Pol. ii. 9 (KsXrai, TdX-
Xoi, Euseb. P. E. p. 276. a.) evidently apply to the warlike
part of the race (arpartwriKOv Kai iroXspiKOv yivog), and
seem to show that there was but little practical belief of a
future state among them, whatever the doctrines of the
Druids may have been.
Any one who watches himself will, I think, allow that
kindness towards inferiors is not only a duty which he feels
he ought to force upon himself, but one which it comes

DIALOGUE II. 251
naturally to him to exercise, in proportion as he realizes a
world to come. And if this is so, we may almost settle the
matter a, priori, that where slaves are ill-treated, there men
have no active belief of a future state.
With regard to the Jews, their kindness to slaves is
noticed by Molitor, iii. § 47. § 99 ; as by Euseb. p. 713 ;
by St. Clem. Strom, ii. § 91, p. 476. P. ; and by St. Cyril
de Ad. in S. et V. p. 263, who ends his remarks upon it
with these words : UpoaeBiZti Se Kai iripwg b vopog -rjpdg
dg (piXaXXriXlav ripqv dvamlBwv rb avyKaBiaraaBai rolg
iyyvg Kai rove rrjg dviaonqrog, KarapvaarropEvog te ko.1
KoXd^wv rpbtrovg. Creuzer also, c. iv. abt. i. p. 23, con
siders the Jewish law herein to be an anticipation of Chris
tianity. Note (75.) p. 183.
This is mentioned by Burnouf in the preface to his edition
ofthe Bhagavat Purana, p. xx.
Note (76.) p. 183.
The " Clientela " appears in one form or another amongst
the whole, almost, of the nations of the West. See for
instances, Clinton, F. Hellen. i. p. 28. ii. p. 412. Pollux iii.
83. Livy xxvi. v. fin., where they are mentioned as in
Spain. Herod, vii. 155, &c.
Note (77.) p. 183.
See on the Vish. Pur. p. 195, n. 153, where Mr. Lassen's
conjecture, that the Sudras or Sudrakas were the 'O^vSpaKai
of the Greeks, is mentioned with approval.
Note (78.) p. 184.
Arrian, pp. 529, 530, with other Greek writers, notices
that the Indians were all free. Though Sudras and others
7

252 NOTES TO
were looked upon with contempt, still the notion so common
amongst pantheists of Ahinsa, i. e. the duty of abstaining
from injury to any thing living, secured them as well as
animals from ill treatment, and is obviously a useful sub
stitute for the true principles of loving kindness, where these
have not been published. Note (79.) p. 184.
Plato, Phsed. § 94. 'Eyw Se rote Sid rdiv eikotwv rdc airo-
Sei^eic irotovpivoig Xoyoig %vvoiSa ovaiv dXaZ,6ai KaX dv ng
avrovg prj c/ivXdrrrjrai, ev pdXa i^atrarwai KaX iv yEwpErpiq
Kal ev dXXoic drTacriv. 'O Se 7T£joi rrjg dvapvrjatwg Kai juaflrj-
ctewc Xdyoe SC iiroBiatwg d'£lag diroSi^aaBai upriraf which
is an acknowledgment, seemingly, that the doctrine of
a'vdjuvncrie cannot be demonstrated. Origen well urges the
want of demonstrative evidence for the iKirvpwattg and
KaraKXvcrjuoe among heathens, as a reason why Celsus should
not condemn Christians for believing upon faith, (p. 16.)
The proper question in such cases is, of course, whether the
revelation which tenders things to be believed is or is not a
certain one. Note (80.) p. 184.
A careful examination of the context will, I think, gene
rally show that such passages as are most strong at first
sight for the return of the Jews, in a literal outward sense,
are to be understood of the Jews in a spiritual sense — the
Jews which are Jews inwardly, and children of the faith
of Abraham. This, I think, would be the result of such
examination, if made by a person ignorant of the opinions of
the Fathers and others upon the subject. Tertullian,
Origen, S. Jerome, and St. Ephrem (in Esai. v. fin.), thought
they would not be restored ; and with these St. Chrysostom
and Josephus agree. See Spencer ad Orig. c. Cels. iv.

DIALOGUE II. 253 \
p. 174. Of the same opinion, among great Hebrew
scholars, is the learned Pocock, ii. p. 67, &c. ; and I may
refer also to Dr. Pusey on Tertullian, p. 123 — 126.
Note (81.) p. 185.
St. Cyril, c. Julian, p. 105. Et7rsp Ecrri Geov 7rpwrdroKoe
6 'laparjX, ixst irdvrwg irov KaX dSsXtjroiig iripovg, wg iirb
irarepa tov Geov. Note (82.) p. 185.
See Mohler's treatise, p. 73, quoting Macrob. i. x.
Note (83.) p. 185.
Professor Wilson on the Vishnu Purana, p. 406, says
that " the existence of but one caste in the age of purity,
however incompatible with the legend which ascribes the
origin of the four first tribes to Brahma, is every where
admitted." Note (84.) p. 186.
See ibid. p. 451. Note (85.) p. 186.
The following passage from St. Augustine will justify the
language in the text : de Civ. Dei, xv. 16. " Esset enim unus
homo filiis suis fratri scilicet sororique conjugibus, et pater
et soeer, et avunculus, &c. Omnes autem istse consuetu-
dines, quse uni homini tres homines connectebant, novem
connecterent, si essent in singulis singulse, ut unus homo
haberet alteram sororem, alteram uxorem, alteram conso-
brinam, alterum patrem, alterum avunculum, alterum so-
cerum, alteram matrem, alteram amitam, alteram socrum,
atque ita se non in paucitate coartatum, sed latius atque
numerosius propinquitatibus crebris vinculum sociale diffun-
deret. Quod, humano genere crescente et multiplicato,

254 NOTES To
etiam inter impios deorum multorum falsorumque cultores
sic observari cernimus, ut etiamsi perversis legibus permit-
tantur fraterna conjugia, melior tamen consuetudo ipsam
malit exhorrere licentiam, et cum sorores accipere in matri
monium primus humani generis omnino licuerit, sic aver-
setur quasi nunquam licere potuerit. Ad humanum enim
sensum vel alliciendum vel offendendum mos valet pluri-
mum. Qui cum in hac causa immoderationem concupis
centia? coerceat, eum dissignari atque corrumpi merito esse
nefarium judicatur. Si enim iniquum est aviditate possi-
dendi transgredi limitem agrorum, quanto est iniquius li-
bidine concumbendi subvertere limitem morum? Experti
autem sumus in connubiis consobrinarum etiam nostris
temporibus propter gradum propinquitatis fraterno gradu
proximum, quam raro per mores fiebat quod fieri per leges
licebat, quia nec id divina prohibuit, et nondum prohibuerat
lex humana. Veruntamen factum etiam licitum propter
vicinitatem horrebatur illiciti ; et quod fiebat cum conso-
brina pene cum sorore fieri videbatur." The sin of incest,
we here see, is represented as a sin which had no place in
primeval times; the feeling against it is so strong, as to
offer a curious instance of a development of a new moral
instinct in our nature — new, that is, inasmuch as it is sub
sequent to the original instinctive feelings, as far as one can
perceive. And as probably there was a time when marriage
with sisters was not fully recognized to be disgusting and
revolting, so there may be times when other alliances, in
their degree disgusting and revolting, will not be fully recog
nized as such without a legal enactment. This, the Bene
dictine editor informs us, was the case with the marriage of
cousins (the feeling against which St. Augustine implies was
on the decline), against which they make it probable that
Theodosius promulgated a law.

DIALOGUE II. 255
Note (86.) p. 186.
Hitopad. 1. 368. Note (87.) p. 187.
See Origen, c. Cels. iv. p. 166. Eicri tivec elppol KaX o'ko-
Xovoiai atparoi Kai a'vEKStrjyrjrot 7TEpi rije Kara rdc dvflpw-
irivag i//vxde Siatpbpov o'lKOvopiag. And see Butler's Anal. i.
chap. vii. p. 177. Note (88.) p. 187.
This was suggested by De Maistre, though I am unable
to find the passage. Note (89.) p. 188.
Aristotle, in his Metaphysics, p. 993. b. 6, (a. 'iXarrov
init.) notices the vastness of the system of things, as cre
ating such difficulties. To bXov n ixtiv KaX pipog pr) Sv-
vaaBai SrjXoi r6 xa^£7rov avrije" i'crwc Se Kai rrjc Xa^£7ro'"
r^roc ovcttjc Kara Svo rpoirovg ovk ev roTe irpdypaatv, aXX'
iv riplv to ainov iariv avrijg. Qairtp yap rd rdiv vvkte-
piSwv oppara irpbg rb (jtiyyog exei to ptB' -rjpipav, ovrw Kai
rrjc riptriprig tpvxvg b vovg irpog ra rrj; tyvati rpavtpwrara
irdvrwv' ov povov Si X"-9lv *Xilv S'lKaiov, k. t. X. as above,
p. 63.

END OF NOTES TO DIALOGUE II.

DIALOGUE III.
OUR MORE IMMEDIATE RELATIONS TO SYSTEMS OF
MATTER.

" Ut carnis restitutio negetur, de una omnium philosophorum
schola sumitur." — Tert. Prjesc. 3.

DIALOGUE THE THIRD.

Laur. You recollect, Radhakant, that we were to
recur again to our relations to matter. Now if you
look back with a wise mind upon all upon which
we have been discoursing, you will see that I have
been exercising a sort of general government over
what we discoursed of, whereby our conversation was,
upon the whole, confined to the use which is made,
in the present world, of sundry things which could
not come about without what we call matter. The
purity and impurity of men, the cleanness and un
cleanness of animals, the freedom or the servitude
of particular classes of men, are several pairs of
things which all depend upon matter. If matter be
a non-existence, then how can it make men pure or
impure, or how can one animal be clean and another
unclean, or one man be by birth free, another not
free ? The means whereby all these ideas come
before us, in our present state of existence, all de
pend upon matter in some way or another. The
existence of any one living creature is made to de
pend upon matter, from its first conception (1) to its
death. All, then, whereof we have hitherto dis
cussed has a bearing upon the relation in which we
s2

260 THEORIES OF MATTER FORM A DISTINCTIVE
stand to matter ; and as there are several systems of
matter in the universe, whereof some affect the soul
through other systems of matter (as e. g., systems of
matter at a distance through the medium of other
natural or artificial systems of matter at hand), so
also there is a system of matter which affects the
soul without the intervention of any third thing of
whieh we are conscious. Thus diseases in this sys
tem of matter, which we call our body, impair the
vigour of the soul, without the intervention of any
other system of matter. Now I may say that it is
the view which a revelation takes of systems of
matter, which forms its distinguishing character. The
old systems of theology treated man as if he had
some impurity conveyed to him by being born of a
bad race, which runs up, if you reflect upon it, into
the belief that certain degradations were conveyed to
him by matter. And Moses' system, amongst the
rest, has the outward appearance of recognizing this
view of things. Different forms of matter are there
spoken of as conveying impurity, people of certain
races are discarded from the congregation for re
ligious rites for a certain time, and every thing in the
code bears the appearance of recognizing this dis
tinction, outwardly at least.
But different inward aspects very often alter the
whole view we take of a code. Some, for instance,
held that all matter was an originally evil principle,
and have gone so far as to think that water could
not be made a means of purification, because it was

CHARACTERISTIC OF A REVELATION. 261
matter (2). And wherever the belief that matter
was eternal existed, every rite would probably derive
a new meaning and' colouring from this: the out
ward ceremonial must be viewed in relation to the
inward theory.
Now the inward theory of Moses' law does not
appear in any place to recognize matter (as such) as
the source of evil ; in such sense the source, as that
impurity came from it by itself alone. Its inward
theory does not seem to have been much concerned
with questions of an abstract kind as to the nature of
matter, but simply to look upon some kinds of it as
the channels whereby pollution came, through which
it was conveyed, not in which it was inherent. And
even this seems to be a mere accident to the main
object of the legislator, which was to make a system
which should foreshadow and be only an imperfect
development of another system. Hence it seems that
permission was given the Jews, so soon as they
should be settled in the Holy Land, to eat animals of
every sort in their private dwellings ; they were not
forbidden to eat any thing save the blood. Now this
may be taken as a proof that under the Mosaic dis
pensation there was no distinction between unclean
and clean animals, save in order to show something to
come (3). We have, however, said enough concerning
the relations to matter into which the Mosaic code
views mankind as placed. The exception, however,
of blood is one (4) which, under the Christian sys
tem, long continued in force.

262 INDIAN AND CHRISTIAN VIEW OF
We may then avail ourselves, Radhakant, of this
to pass on now to the relations to matter into which
the Christian system views man as placed. And
though I cannot at all go into all the points in which
the Christian view of our relation to systems of
matter comes in, yet I may, I think, say, that if you
go on to become a perfect Christian, you will find
them to be very numerous, and to be concerned with
almost the whole circuit of actions, from the highest
privilege of our religion to the commonest act of
common life. I should say, then, that relations to
matter (5) into which we are viewed as placed by any
religion, must form a very prominent feature in that
religion. Rad. This seems an unusual way of looking at a
revelation. You have pointed out how the Law of
Moses, viewed from without, represents man, as our
laws do, as capable of sundry pollutions from matter :
and this whole way of looking at man and matter
may, I readily see, be called the doctrine of man's
relations to matter. But I am desirous now to
know further what the Christian doctrine of our
relations to matter may be, and how far it agrees
with the Indian schools or not.
Laur. If I mistake not, the Vedantists would
hold that all pollutions from matter are in fact un
realities (6), and take place in the world of un
realities ; that the reason why the devout must ab
stain from them is because he cannot otherwise o-et
free from the world of unrealities, and arrive at that

OUR RELATIONS TO MATTER CONTRASTED. 263
state of mind in which spirit alone is discerned to
exist. All tjiat the senses convey to you they hold
to be unreal : they think that the existence of the
world of the senses is a mere deception altogether,
and that the spirit could perform all its functions
without them. If, then, you wish to see how your
views and the Christian stand related to each other,
we must first consider this.
And to show you that I do not omit taking in
what may be the case in regard to the soul's capacity
for acting without the senses, I will state that I
think the senses, as Gotama (7) says, merely prepare
things for our minds, and are not at all themselves
organs of perception save as connected with the
mind. Hence I can clearly see how, in visions (8)
or other ecstatic conditions, the functions of one
sense might be performed by another. Things, for
all we know, might, if our souls were once set free
from the body, come (as far as the possibilities of the
matter are concerned) to the soul immediately, with
out any intervention of the senses whatever. What
is possible, and what we think possible, are two very
distinct things, which we are exceeding liable to
confuse ; but if we look, not to these, but to what
actually takes place, I fear we shall find that we are
far less independent of the body than we are minded
sometimes to think. Every thing that we know of
by experience leads to a contrary impression : an act
of memory, for instance, is never in such sense an
act of the soul alone as to dispense with the preced-

264 INDIAN AND CHRISTIAN VIEW OF
ing operations of the bodily senses, through which it
was, mediately or immediately, furnished with matter
for recollection. Even your writers who speak of
recollecting actions of a former life, mean, it seems,
actions done in a former body, so that body is essen
tial to the performing of those things which memory
remembers. And I do not know that any of those
who have laid the greatest claims to memory of such
acts, have ever succeeded in finding language (9)
which could represent them in such way as to avoid
allusions to the body : which all seems as if we were
dealing with something not meant for man, when we
speak of the possibility of the soul existing, during
all periods of its being, apart from the body ; since it
seems that, for all we know, being embodied at some
time is an essential condition to its existing at all.
But what would your sages say of the soul's con
nexion with the body ?
Rad. Our sages would teach that the soul is im
prisoned in this body for past sins in order to do
penance here, which penance, according to the de
gree of it, is looked upon as the means of liberation
from the body for a longer or a shorter period. It
is one blessing of the Yoga (as they teach) to be
free from the iron fetters of the body (10) for ever.
For the great end of our philosophy is to divest men
of unrealities of every kind, and therefore to be
divested of body is a blessing.
Laur. Hence, I suppose, it was that your ancestors
used to burn (11) themselves sometimes; and we,

OUR RELATIONS TO MATTER CONTRASTED. 265
too, hold that it is a blessing to be set free from the
body ; only we hold it so, in a very different light to
what you do. For with us the separate existence of
the soul is not looked upon as a blessing in and by it
self, but in that it is a step towards a final union with
the body, which union is to be eternal. In your view,
then, the spirit's relation to that system of matter
which we call our body is the relation which a spirit,
interrupted for a time from its highest state by the
body, holds to that body. In our view the soul's
relation to that system is an eternal one, interrupted
for a time by death. We look upon the compounded
state, so to speak, in which soul and body are united,
as essential to full and perfect happiness : you regard
it as an obstacle to that happiness. The whole of
our books teem with this doctrine. We are to be
judged by a God who can ruin both body and soul
in hell. And this is not a mere speculation with us,
but an essential fundamental (12) doctrine of Chris
tianity, insomuch that it is expressed in all our short
summaries of belief, and cannot be denied by any
man without his giving up the whole of Christianity
as a distinctive system. It was, then, in this view
that I said that our relations to matter, as recog
nized by the Christian system, were of the utmost
importance. And the least possibility that such a
doctrine should be true, ought to make it worth your
while duly to consider it ; for if it is true, it is
most awful, and throws a new light over all our
actions.

266 A RENEWED CONNEXION WITH OUR PRESENT
Rad. You seem, then, to be an advocate for the
eternity of matter.
Laur. By the eternity of matter you mean the
existence of matter from everlasting ; and so you have,
I perceive, a very confused notion of what I mean.
That which I assert is a very different position, viz.
that the same God who created matter, at the time
when He created it, or at any other subsequent time,
or in any particular instances and kinds of it, had
and has power to bestow upon it eternity ; and this
eternity is not a retrospective eternity from ever
lasting, but a prospective eternity to everlasting. As
the soul is a created thing, and had a beginning, yet
will last to eternity, so will the body, which had a
beginning, also last to eternity. But I fear that you
are so far in the habit of looking upon all created
things as subject, from the very fact of their being
created things, to destruction, that I shall not readily
make myself intelligible to you.
Rad. I own, Laurence, that it does seem to me a
most incredible doctrine that a soul should lose all
connexion whatever with a system of matter, and
yet at some time or another resume its connexion
with that system.
Laur. Let us, then, address ourselves to this diffi
culty first. To me it seems very much more credible
that the soul, supposing it can be demonstrated to
have lost all connexion with any given system of
matter (which I do not think it can), should return
to that system and vivify it again, than that it should

BODIES MORE PROBABLE THAN ONE WITH OTHERS. 267
vivify any other. Probability is the guide of life, and
by some strange process of recondite reasoning in the
mind, when a thing has once happened, it is natural
to us to expect that it may happen again. Our
souls, then, having been once in connexion with one
particular system of matter, may with the least im
probability be thought likely to resume that con
nexion at a future period. Neither is this likely
only, but far more likely (13) than that they should
become connected with any other system of matter.
But you, who believe the transmigration of souls
into other bodies, believe the more unlikely, and
therefore ought not to hesitate at the less. It does,
I confess, seem to me a very curious phenomenon,
that those who discard Christianity upon the score of
its containing in it some things incredible (14), may
almost always, upon examination, be shown to be
lieve somewhat more incredible themselves. No
man ever objects to the Truth, who does not himself
believe something harder to believe than the Truth.
Rad. But I cannot see that that is the case here.
It seems to me reasonable enough to suppose that, if
men are to be punished, they should be degraded in
the creation ; and that their souls should, in order to
degradation, migrate into other animals, is perfectly
reasonable also. Neither do I see how your mode
of arguing from experience can come in here at all.
Laur. Of course, if you think it decidedly re
vealed, then we must discuss, not the doctrine, but
the genuineness of the revelation which teaches it.
But as we have given sufficient time to that already,

268 THIS PROBABILITY INCREASED FROM
and as the notion of transmigration is completely at
variance with our revelation ; as, consequently, we
have two conflicting revelations, we cannot do better
than see whether there are not some things in ex
perience which go against this notion also. Now,
as we should both allow that the senses cannot per
ceive, except as instruments, it being the soul which
perceives, it will follow that the body must have a
certain adaptation to the soul, and the soul also to
the body ; they correspond to one (15) another. And
even when limbs are cut off, it seems that the powers
of motion in that direction which the soul had before,
still reside in it, so as that the living being who has
suffered the loss would be capable of moving as
before, if it had another limb to move with. Thus
it would be of no use to men to have in their souls
a power of moving any limb which they have not, as,
for instance, the trunk of an elephant ; neither have
we any evidence that they have any such power.
But the motive powers of the soul are precisely those
which are correlative to the body, if any are. So,
too, the body of man is capable of expressing shame,
which is a passion, as far as I know, peculiar to man ;
neither can I well conceive of its belonging to a
creature of a higher or lower grade of being. And so
great is the adaptation of the body to the soul (16),
that it is not without an effort that men can undergo
certain passions, and yet not feel the corresponding
symptoms in their body (17), nor throw their body
into the attitudes of rage or other passions, without
feeling those passions in part. Every thing, then,

THE CORRELATIVENESS OF THE BODY AND SOUL. 269
leads us to suppose that the soul is framed to suit a
certain body, and not another ; not to mention that
it seems that men who have certain passions strong
by nature have certain indications more or less pal
pable (18) in their outward make and constitutions
answerable to them. Experience, then, leads us to
think that men have no capacities for entering into
other bodies. And this experience extends over the
whole of a man's duration, so far as we have means
of knowing any thing of it ; for the powers that the
soul exercises in the conformation of the body (19)
in the womb, appear to be the same powers as those
which it subsequently has ; and the other powers ap
pear to exist there also, though not in actuality,
owing to there being no scope for their exercise. And
the notion which in the West was ascribed to your
fathers, whereby they seem to have held that death
put a man into a larger sphere of existence, as birth
does (20), would seem to be an admission that those
living powers continued both throughout the whole
period of his duration which comes under our ex
perience, and probably beyond it also. If, then, as
far as we know, it is one soul which has actuated one
body, both before that body was visible and after ;
and if, arguing from what we know, it is probable
that the soul is incapable of actuating any other kind
of body, I contend that experience does make it
more probable that the soul should be joined to the
same body, at some subsequent period, than that it
should be joined to any other body.

270 ANALOGIES SEEMINGLY SUBVERSIVE OF IT
We have, then, two revelations ; one teaching that
the soul will actuate other kinds of bodies, and another
that it will actuate the same body at a future period.
And both these revelations pretend to come from the
same God, who is the Lord and Governor of the
world ; but the things which happen under the
visible part of His government contravene the one
revelation, do not contravene the other. As, then,
both cannot be true, I think that the things happen
ing under that part of His government must be
taken as some kind of proof which of the two is the
true one. And though, of course, it is wrong to
lower revelation to the standard of experience, yet it
cannot be wrong, when two revelations are before
us, to choose that which does not conflict with our
experience in preference to that which contradicts
it, until some further evidence gives the latter a
preponderance. Perhaps, however, I ought to let
you know that I make the fullest allowance for your
having been long attached to one system, and do not
at all suppose that a man can alter his belief at a
moment's notice, as soon as arguments overbear him.
And this, perhaps, will make you not unwilling to
allow me to proceed with further arguments from
experience in favour of the resurrection of the body.
Rad. What you have urged upon the subject of,
the mutual correspondence between soul and body
has certainly in it some weight ; but I have one fact
which appears to me to make very strongly against
it, which is, that we have actual experience of certain

UPON REFLECTION CONFIRM IT. 271
insects actuating different kinds of bodies. Now, as
our knowledge of what is or is not possible in the
whole sphere of the creation is excessively limited ;
and as I hold it to be revealed that men's souls may
migrate into different animals, why may I not also
argue that my revelation does not contradict experi
ence, since this is a fact which falls in with that
revelation and confirms it ?
Laur. There seems to me to be this simple objec
tion to your argument, which is, that however sudden
such changes may be, there is no evidence that in
those cases the living powers of the insect have ever
been separated from that system of matter which they
originally actuated : and therefore it would be fairer to
urge such changes as parallel to the changes in a hu
man body, which, though not so great perhaps, are yet
surprisingly great (21). That the same living powers
produce a given number of modifications in one sys
tem of matter with which we have never seen them
unconnected, is no kind of ground for thinking that
those living powers can actuate any other system of
matter, subsequently to their having left that with
which they are at present connected. But if you
suppose the living powers of the worm to be other
than the same with those of the fly, then plainly
there is no further room for the comparison. Have
you any further objection to make ?
Rad. I do not know that this answer perfectly
satisfies me, but shall turn it over in my mind some
other time. There is, however, another objection,
3

272 THE SOUL'S SEPARATE EXISTENCE IN DREAMS
which seems also a strong one. Persons are possessed
of a power of seeing things in ecstasies and dreams
as if they were present to them, without their making
any use of their organs of sense in order to see them.
Now this seems to show that the present organs are
far from being indispensable to the soul, that it may
maintain its identity, in this life, without them, and
that consequently it might maintain its identity with
some other organs than the present.
Laur. What you argue, then, is this ; that the soul
can act without any organs ; therefore it might act
with other than the present organs. But I never at
all denied the possibility of the soul's existing sepa
rately, which all Christians believe that it will do, in
the intermediate state between death and the resur
rection of the body. All that I contended for was,
that we had no ground for thinking that it could be
embodied in any other system of matter than the
present one, or one like it. But to say that because
it may continue to exist without the present use of
the body, therefore it might exist in another body, is
to betake yourself to mere guess-work, whereas we
were examining, how far what we know by expe
rience fell in with our revelation, or with yours.
However, I am glad you mentioned this, because it
gives me an opportunity of saying that, if we had
had any experience of any other life than the present,
we should have recollections of it, as this analogy of
dreams leads us to see. For we recollect, in many
instances, the whole particulars of a dream, or, at all

NO PROOF IT COULD EXIST IN OTHER BODIES. 273
events, that we have been dreaming (22) ; whereas
we cannot recollect any of the particulars of a whole
life before the present, or even that we ever did live
before. Neither does it seem to me of any avail to
urge that some men have thought they could re
member a previous existence : since, if this were a
true account of things, all men would recollect (23)
some facts in regard to their pre-existence, or, at
least, that one fact that they had existed before,
whereas I never met any one who did recollect such
a fact. Again, if incorporation produces oblivion,
then we cannot know that we existed in a former
state. So that experience, even during the widest
range that memory can extend over, cannot offer any
proof to a revelation which teaches this as an essen
tial part of its system.
Rad. Return then, Laurence, to the arguments in
favour of the resurrection of the body, since we seem
not likely to agree upon this point, and you dissuade
any sudden change of opinions.
Laur. All that we have said of the mutual cor
respondence between the soul and the body will, if
upon further reflection you judge it true, be found to
fall in with the doctrine of the resurrection of the
body: since, if the soul requires the body here in
order to its performing several functions, the likeli
hood is that it will also require it in a future state of
existence, and not the contrary. When once the
doctrine has been put before us, the fact of the soul's
present dependence upon the body begets a likeli-

274 EXPERIENCE MAKES IT LIKELY
hood that that doctrine is true rather than the re
verse. And I think, when we come to dwell a little
upon particulars, we shall see that this gives further
weight to that general credibility drawn from the
mere fact of the present dependence of the soul upon
the body. Let us, then, proceed to notice some of
the particulars, which I urge not as proving the doc
trine apart from revelation, but as making the doc
trine probable from experience, when it has been
brought before us by revelation. First, all those
who have dwelt upon the immortality (24) of the soul
in a practical way have supposed that there was a
future state of torment for the wicked, and with this
Manu and your Purana agree. But, when they come
to speak at all in detail of that torment, they suppose
men endued with certain forms analogous, at least,
to our present bodies. Their whole language upon
the subject is just what one could conceive that of
men with some naturally implanted (25) forebodings
of the Christian view of future punishment would
be. Hence these natural forebodings are a pre
sumption strong, in proportion to the universality of
them, in all nations in favour of the Christian doc
trine, so far as the wicked are concerned. Secondly :
the condition of our present life is such, that of three
sorts of pains, those inflicted by Heaven, those of the
body, and those of the soul, none appears to go on
without the body (26). For the distresses of the
mind affect the body, seemingly, in all cases ; and in
some cases to a degree almost miraculous, both for

THE BODY WILL SUFFER HEREAFTER. 275
intensity and suddenness (27). And the inflictions
of Heaven are of course resolvable into one or the
other of these two classes of pain, and do come under
the same observation. This is particularly the case
in regard to hereditary disorders, whether of the
mental or bodily constitution. This observation,
then, that all pain appears to take place through, or,
at least, not without the instrumentality of the body,
would seem to make it (28) likely that pain may be
executed in a future state by its means. Thirdly:
a further confirmation is given to this fact by con
sidering with what wonderful capacities for suffering
we are endued; capacities to which our capacities
for enjoyment bear no sort (29) of proportion, so far
as we see them in this present portion of our exist
ence. And it seems, from what was just said, as if
no intense suffering was capable of taking place here
without the body being affected by it. If, then, this
life presents us with instances of protracted misery
which are effected by the body, or not without it, the
probability is that the sufferings of the wicked to all
eternity will be carried on by means of the body,
which is a probability that the bodies of the wicked
will be restored in order to their future and durable
state of suffering. Neither can the fact, that virtuous
joys are in a great measure independent of the body,
be made any presumption that the good will be libe
rated from the body. For this fact in itself would
hardly afford any presumption one way or the other,
since the case of dreams shows that the soul's ca-
t 2

276 EXPERIENCE FALLS IN WITH THE BELIEF
pacity for independent action of some kinds will not
at all disprove that it is embodied. But it seems
fully met by several other things which might be
noticed. 1. In the first place, there is often a positive
pleasure in bearing pain submissively, with a sense
that we are in a state of trial here, which submis-
siveness often displays itself in a wonderful sweetness
and serenity upon the outward features. This sub-
missiveness, then, may be looked upon as in some
measure, though in a very slight one, rewarded openly
here in this life through the body.
2. Again, there are several virtues, such as tempe
rance and chastity (30), which seem to be virtues of
the body almost as much as of the soul. And there
are cases in which these virtues cannot be attained
to, or at least preserved, without great toil and even
pain to the body. And to this must be added that
people's temptations to behave (31) ill seem to de
pend very much upon their natural constitution of
body, even in the case of other vices than those di
rectly connected with the body. Hence the pre
sumption that the body will be rewarded arises not
only from the consideration of one or two virtues in
which it obviously has a large share, but also from
that of others in which it has its share, though not
as obviously so. For if all good government avails
itself of pains and deprivations to check vice, then
good self-government will do so likewise; and, as
pain is effected by the body, self-government must

IN THE BODY'S FUTURE HAPPINESS. 277
work upon the soul through the body even in these
cases. And the soul must be supposed to exist in a
future state along with those particular affections
which must be supposed to remain, though subju
gated ; since it is proportionately credible, when put
before us, that the body, though brought into sub
jection, should remain also in order to have its toils
rewarded. But, as experience shows that it does not
remain, the next credible thing is that it should be
restored, since there is evidently no more difficulty to
the Almighty in restoring it than in originally at
taching it to the soul. As the recollection of past
victories over passion (32) in itself is a natural source
of pleasure and even joyousness of heart, which joy-
ousness does not arise from the passions being eradi
cated and so no longer there, but from the sense
that, though they are there, they are brought into
captivity ; so, if the body also, by means of which and
in which they have been chastised, were likewise to
remain (33), it would furnish additional happiness.
Hence the Christian doctrine, that perfect happiness
will not be attained until the restoration of the body,
is a doctrine which is confirmed even by what we see
of the purest pleasures, viz. those resulting from the
recollection of past virtues.
4. But the general fact that there are several very
innocent pleasures which the soul does not have with
out the body, such as the sight of the sun and the
stars, and of the green fields, the smells of flowers
and rain, the taste of food when hungry and of drink

278 FUTURE PAIN WHY BEST ATTESTED.
when thirsty, the joyousness of a temperate meal,
the happiness of shaking hands with those we love,
and many other things, seems to intimate that there
may be other pleasures conveyed to us in a future
state through the body.
However, supposing it could not be made at all
credible from reason that the body was requisite in
order to perfect happiness, as well as in order to per
fect pain ; supposing, that is, that the Author of
Nature had not placed within the reach of our un
assisted reason any thing which should lead us to an
ticipate the need of our bodies in order to perfect
happiness, as He has placed several which lead us to
anticipate its need in order to perfect pain; still
there would be an obvious reason why we should
have stronger evidence for this latter than for the
former. For mankind are in no need (34) of argu
ments for pleasure ; whereas there is a constant need
of their being kept in awe of punishment, especially
when the punishment is at a great distance off. And
it seems as if the sense of shame which is felt at
past sin, even a very long time after it has been for
saken, was a witness in the natural government of
God (35) (who knows best men's needs) of the ex
ceeding need we have of the fear of punishment to
keep us from going wrong. For whoever considers
what shame is, will see that it is a fear of punishment
of some kind or other. Yet I think the soul's de
pendence upon the health of the body for many.
of its present functions, in itself is to be taken as a
3

OBJECTION FROM OTHER SYSTEMS OF MATTER. 279
token of what may be the case in a future state.
And I must again remind you that I am not attempt
ing to prove the doctrine as a mathematician would
a theorem, but merely to show that, when it has been
put before us, there is nothing impossible in the thing
itself, that there are traditions and analogies within
all men's reach which fall in with it, and that all we
know of pleasure and pain is not against the doc
trine, but rather for it.
Rad. There seem, Laurence, to be two things
which I hold to be of considerable weight against all
you have said. You argue, as far as I understand
the general drift of your argument, that our con
nexion with a certain system of matter called our
body in this present life, is of such a nature as to
beget a presumption that we shall at some time re
sume that body and " not another 1." And, in par
ticular, the agency of that system in producing plea
sure and pain was very much insisted upon, they
being the means of reward and punishment. Now,
although I have other objections of a deeper kind to
this doctrine, yet there are one or two which lie
against the surface of it, which I wish to ask you
about. First, then, it seems to me that it is not that
system of matter which we call our bodies, but the
world's vastidity, which acts upon us in order to pro
duce pleasure and pain. Parts of this larger system
of matter, at a great distance off, Surya and Soma,
1 Job xix. 27.

280 POSSIBLE NEED OF SUSTENANCE
and the rest, act upon us in several ways. Why
then, if present connexion is any ground whatever
for assuming future connexion, am I not to conclude
by parity of reasoning that the devout will take this
whole system also to heaven with him ? This, then,
is one objection; and there is another connected
with it, which is, that from the instances you gave
of innocent pleasures conveyed through the body,
one might justly conclude that you expected eating
and drinking in this new heavens and new earth,
which seem to be required in order to make your
doctrine consistent.
Laur. Let me take your last objection first. Al
though the Kingdom of Heaven be not meat and
drink, according to our great Doctor, yet, had I as
serted that it was so, I do not think you would have
any right to object. For all nations, and the Indians
amongst them, have supposed some Amrita, whereby
the (36) immortals were sustained. And though the
Chhandogya speaks of the sight only as sufficient to
sustain them, still that sight presumes the existence
of the matter as necessary in order that they may be
supported in their immortal conditions. And our
books also speak of Angels as having (37) meat
which has been also bestowed on men. And so of
old the Soma drink was thought to confer immor
tality. Now much as there is of truth (38) at the
bottom of these universal traditions, I shall not
notice it here any more than I have clone ; but shall
merely caution you against supposing that we can

IN A FUTURE STATE CONSIDERED. 281
understand with what body men come into Heaven.
There all is spiritual ; spiritual bodies, spiritual sus
tenance, spiritual joys. Without at all presuming to
define what the Supper may be whereof our books
speak, I merely say thus much, that so far am I from
denying that spiritual bodies may need their proper
support, that I know not but that even souls would
come to utter annihilation (39) without support
ministered to them by God. And therefore, pro
vided you confuse not the heavenly with the gross
and earthly, I have no reason for wishing to elude
your assertion that I hold that there may be support
to be ministered in Heaven. For we see that matter
is capable of undergoing such astonishing changes
here without ceasing to be the same matter, that we
know nothing at all of the inherent capacities or
needs of special kinds of it. Hence we know not
what change our bodies may undergo. Thus when a
seed is put into the ground it dies, and recovers (40),
and gains a form which, antecedently to experience,
would have been incredible ; and yet, in a loose and
popular way of speech, we may justly say that the
life and organization of the plant which were con
tained in the seed are the same as those afterwards
developed (4 1 ). If, then, the capacities of immor
tality are sown within our bodies here, they may be
raised in a spiritual condition hereafter, and to a
sphere of agency with limits (42) indeed, yet of far
wider extent than any of which we have any present
conception. And whether or no there are to be

282 RENEWAL OF THE WORLD CREDIBLE.
new heavens and a new earth in the sense you anti
cipate, certain it is that our books do speak as if such
were to be the case (43) in some sense. And with
out going at all into any particulars of the case, I
am sure you must see that, if you once admit that a
man will exist in a future state, you must of neces
sity assume him to be in a world suited to those ap
petites, passions, and affections which he shall then
have : our nature corresponds now and, for all we can
see, always must correspond to our external condi
tion, and our external condition to it. The existence,
then, of that nature with a renewed body necessarily
supposes a sphere of action over against it, and cor
respondent to it. So that without determining what
will be the employment and happiness (44), the par
ticular life, of good men hereafter, there must be
some determinate capacities, some necessary charac
ter and qualifications, without which persons cannot
but be utterly incapable of it ; and the converse. Yet
I think there is also a great difference between our
interest in a system of matter so intimately united to
us as our bodies are, and any external system of
matter which can only act upon us through the body ;
and although there may be very great difficulty in
stating in what the identity of the body to be raised
is to consist, yet it seems a clear way of speaking
enough to say that, if all the particles which ever
entered into the composition of our bodies were
brought together, we should have a far more intimate
connexion with them than with any other particles.

DUTY OF ACTING ON WEAK EVIDENCE. 283
And to suppose that God does not know which out
of all the particles (45) they were, or is unable to
decide which are most properly and especially ours,
is plainly to set limits to omniscience. Let me, then,
beg you not to raise too many objections (46), which
may always be raised against the verbal statement of
a doctrine: when people discuss a thing together,
they are more likely to deceive themselves than they
are when thinking them quietly over (47) alone ; and
that, in a great measure, owing to the imperfections
of language. Consider, then, the thing in a practical
light, and remember that probability is the guide of
life ; that, when we have a chance of being brought
before a judge in this life, we behave in all respects
as if we were sure of it, because that is the safest way
to meet the trial (48). For, if it should by any chance
turn out true that we are to receive in the body the
things done in the body, then will it be woe to him
who has had the evidence of it put before him, and
has not acted upon it. Woe will it be to him that
has polluted himself at the feasts of idols, when he
finds that, in spite of the obscurity of the evidence,
the thing is true, and that when his limbs come to
gether again, they have in them the stains of past
sin, and he sees the Judge before him like a refiner's
fire, and a hell which no revolution of Kalpas will
ever bring to an end prepared from of old for all that
live ungodly, but chiefly for those that defile the flesh
and speak evil of authorities. The danger, Radha
kant, is very great, and enough to rouse up the whole

284 THE PANTHEISM INCULCATED BY
energies of our soul, and make us awake to the.
slightest evidence, lest we displease Him who will
destroy both soul and body in hell.
Rad. This is certainly a ground of terror, and one
which I trust I shall not recklessly put aside. Yet
I before said that there were other objections to the
doctrine which I thought lay deeper, and to which I
shall be most desirous to see what you have to say.
I begin now to see very clearly why you made such
an attack upon the Vedanta system ; since, if it were
true, Christianity must be false, according to your
representation of it. Still it has been my habit to
think that the constant flux of the whole material
world was a proof of its perishableness, and that
spirit only will ultimately survive all these changes
which we see, and those which we have been taught
to expect. Soul, by being associated with Pracriti,
appears to us to be vitiated (49), and assume the
qualities of grosser natures, although essentially dis
tinct from them and incorruptible. Now it is the
object of the Yogi to attain to discriminative know
ledge, and thereby to be liberated ultimately from
existence, and become one with the Supreme. And
it seems to me that this view has much to commend
it, and might be true even though it could be proved
that matter has a real existence, since that real ex
istence may be temporal. We hold further that the
soul consists of two parts, the Manas and the Para-
matma, and that by this latter men are capable of
union with the Supreme, of such kind that at the

VEDANTIST METAPHYSICS. 285
end of the life of Brahma they will be absorbed into
him and become identified (50) with him. And we
believe that the Paramatma is now identical with
Achyuta, only that through want of Vijnana men do
not see it.
Laur. If, then, I understand you, the Paramatma
is the only real part of a man, and the body and
Manas are but appearances and unrealities ; and the
main business of the devout is to attain, through
Vijnana, to the understanding or perception of that
reality and this unreality.
Rad. Rightly understood, Laurence. Now tell
me what Christians will say to this immaterial view
of things.
Laur. I fear, Radhakant, that you mistake me
when you speak, as you do now of yours, as an im
material view of things. The Christian religion, by
holding that there is an intermediate state in which
the soul exists separately from the body, is an antago
nist to materialism, to say nothing of its opposing a
belief in the retrospective eternity of matter, which
is an essential part of materialism. And by asserting
that our bodies will be raised again, it is an antago
nist to the Vedanta system, because such an assertion
implies the reality of matter. But you must see
at once that such a view of things, a fortiori, would
assert the individuality and real personality of the
soul. You, I know, hold existence to be pain, and
absorption — i. e. annihilation of individual exist
ence — to be the only true happiness. Let me, then,

286 IMPORTANCE OF THE DIVISION OF MAN
put before you a little more distinctly what the
Christian view of man's nature is, as more immedi
ately opposed to the one which you have just stated.
We hold, then, as well as you, that there is a
three-fold division of man into, spirit, soul, and
body; but of these three (51), two, the soul and
the body, are, logically speaking (in the Christian
view), far more essential to man than the other — the
spirit. The soul may, in some sense, be said to be
the essence of man, as the body may be supposed
to be removed from him, and is removed from
him, in the intermediate state, without destroy
ing his individuality. With the body he continues
in the visible world, and through it he receives all
the greatest blessings bestowed on him during this
portion of his existence, whether those blessings are
of a transient nature or of a permanent one. And
this body, we believe, will be raised up in conse
quence of the redemption of man by the Incar
nation (52). And though the body is essential to
our present notion of a man, yet, as it is plain that
he can exist without it, we may call it an accident
of his essence, though it is more inseparable from
our notion of man than spirit is, since the damned
in hell are to be cut off from the spirit, and are to
consist only of body and soul. Spirit, then, whereby
man communes with heavenly things, is not, as your
system represents it, the only part of man which sub
sists eternally, but a divine gift, which may be re
moved from him without destroying his everlasting

INTO SPIRIT, SOUL, AND BODY. 287
subsistency. According to your doctrine, the end of
the present Kalpa will be the end of all existence,
the spirits of the good losing their individuality, and
becoming one with the. Supreme ; according to ours,
the good will not only retain their individuality to
all eternity, but will, at the end of the present dis
pensation, resume tlieir bodies also. The bad, on the
contrary, instead of being destroyed, are to undergo
a second (53) death ; and as in the death of this
Kalpa there is a separation between the parts of the
compound (54) being into body and that which is in
corporeal, so in the second death there will be (55)
also a separation of the spirit from the soul now
united indissolubly to the body, and one with it
eternally for eternal pain and misery.
And our great doctors view this gift of the Spirit,
not as you do, as one with Achyuta, and not as if
man had never fallen from it (56), but as the very
thing which through the fall of man was forfeited to
him, which it is the great glory of Christianity to
have restored to him, and which can only be entirely
forfeited again by gross sin or long-continued care
lessness. And so very great is this gift, that the
possession of it makes all outward distinction to sink
into nothing in comparison of it. Hence we do not
teach that there are spiritual (57) castes in the world
by birth, but that the gift is not by birth but by
grace ; and that it is open to all men alike who, by
repentance and self-abasement, seek it. Neither
Mlechchha, nor Sudra, nor Chandala, is excluded

288 CHRISTIAN DISTINCTIONS FROM WITHIN.
from receiving it. And little as I care myself for
seeing these distinctions violently done away with,
much indeed do I desire to see that inward and in
visible gift of glory imparted to all, since, when it is
once imparted, much as it may be abused by many,
it will work its way through all outward distinctions
and gently level them, as men are fit for it, and feel
indeed that they are all brethren. For be assured,
Radhakant, that all these outward distinctions are as
nothing in the sight of the Most High. Already He
declares it through the works of Nature — none of
the gods of the nations can give rain as He does,
even to the unthankful and the evil, as well as to the
just, that He may win, if possible, all to Himself
through the food and gladness which He distributes
indiscriminately to all. Already has this inward and
spiritual gift broken down before its unseen agency
many of the distinctions which existed in the world,
and it will still work far and wide. And if men will
persist in pampering their bodies through luxury, or
their souls through pride, so that they will not yield
to this mighty decree of Heaven, they can only hold
out against it for a very little while. And consider
what I am saying : if by any possibility the Christian,
and not the Indian, should be the true account of
the case ; if the Lord God of Christians has made a
decree to give a new birth to all that ask it, which
makes the slave that has it better than the king that
has it not, and the Chandala that enjoys it nobler
than the noblest-sprung of all the Saraswatas ; if He

ALREADY EXIST IN GOD'S SIGHT. 289
for His wise purposes has winked at those distinc
tions for many generations, but now, by taking upon
Himself our nature, has read with a voice of thunder
to us the lessons of humility ; how dreadful, if by any
chance this be so, will it be to resist His will, who
setteth up one and putteth down another, who cares
not whether men come from the east or from the
west, or from the north or from the south, or for
any outward distinction, but for those, and those
only, who have, or by obedience are seeking to have,
this great and glorious gift of spiritual new birth,
which is a fountain open to all men ! And if you do
resist, you cannot do so long ; for He has appointed
a day in the which He will judge all men by our
Lord and Master — all men will be gathered before
Him, Christians and Gentiles, Jews and Barbarians,
Sacse and Indians, Brahmans and Chandalas ; and all
of them will be raised again with their bodies, that
all flesh may see the salvation of our God. And
when they have received their new bodies, every
knee shall bow before the Lord, and every tongue
shall confess, and give an account of himself to God.
And all men, when they see this great miracle, shall
be at length humbled before Him, from the highest
priest to the lowest slave : all distinctions will then
be seen to be, what they now at this moment are, as
nothing and less than nothing before Him. In vain
will men here have resisted His scheme for levelling
all men of all classes, when they all stand before this
judgment-seat. Consider, then, how you will feel,
u

290' THE JUDGMENT RECOMMENDS HUMILITY.
if these things are true ; if you rise up clothed with
an imperishable body which no revolutions or trans
migrations shall ever undo or dissolve ; if with that
body you shall have to go into eternal misery, pro
vided you despise the lowest Sudra who shall have
the gift of the Spirit. For me, I own that I am
horribly afraid when I consider how even Christians
ill-treat servants at times : still more am I afraid for
those who live in continual estrangement from any
class of men save those whose sins make it necessary.
And the reason is, because that day will come so
soon (considering the short-lived nature of all human
things) ; and, when I know that angels and apostles,
and saints and Gentiles, will all be present at that
great confession, I marvel and am exceedingly afraid
at what our books say : " The Lord alone shall be
exalted in that day."

END OF THE THIRD DIALOGUE.

NOTES TO DIALOGUE III.

Note (1.) p. 259.
St. Justin Martyr, Apol. p. 65. b. 'HjueTc rd vtKpovptva
KaX tig yrjv j3aXXojusva 7raXiv diroXriipEaBai iavrwv awpara
irpoaSoKwptv, dSvvarov priSiv tivai rqj Qto~> Xiyovrtg, KaX
Karavoovvri aTTicrrorEpov av juaXXov So^ai rj ei awpan prj
iirrjpxofiEV, Kai ng k'XsyEv ek piKpag nvbg paviSog rr/e rov
dvBpwirEiov airipparog Svvarov baria rt KaX vtvpa Kai crap-
Kae £iKOVOTTOir)0Evra, ola bpwpEv yEviaBai' eotw ydp vvv
i<j>' iiroBiatwg Xtyoptvov' t'i ng iplv prj oval roiovrote pvSi
toiovtwv, E^EyE to airippa dvBpwirtiov Seikvvc, koi eikovo
"ypa?Tr77v, ek tov toiovSe oiov Tt ytviaBai Siap'tp'aioptvog,
irplv iStlv ytvoptvov hriartvaart ; ovk av ne roXpriatitv dvr-
Eiirtlv' rbv avrov ovv rpoirov, Sid to pyirw iwpaKtvai vpag
dvaardvra vtKpbv, dmaria tyti. The same mystery is no
ticed by S. Method, de Eesur. § 14, p. 780, Gallandi ; Const.
Ap. v. 8 ; S. Greg. Nyss. (or probably Nemesius) de Op.
Hominis, p. 119, cap. xxvii. ; and by St. Dionysius of Alex
andria, though with a different reference, ap. Euseb. P. E.
p. 779. "  Unde autem mens humana dies istos com-
mutationis speculari et arcana naturae rimari potuerit, nemo
miretur. Hsec enim frequens medicorum experientia per-
vidit, qui cum multas animadverterint semen non retinere
conceptum, compertum habuerunt, quod intra sex dies
septemve ejiciebatur esse lacteum, et vocaverunt EKpveriv,
quod postea autem sanguineum atque EKrpwapbg appella-
U2

292 NOTES TO
batur," as Censorinus de D. N. xi. notices. The same is
noticed also by Holy Scripture, Job x. 10. "Hast thou
not poured me out as milk, and curdled me like cheese ?
Thou hast clothed me with skin and flesh, and hast fenced
me with bones and sinews ; " which passage is quoted by
St. Dionysius. See also Ps. cxxxix., which is evidently
looking to this passage. Of either place we may use the
words of St. Gregory the Great on Job, 1. c. : " Angusta
Dei laus est descriptio creati corporis, nisi etiam subse-
quenter exprimatur mira aspiratio vivificationis." Censorinus,
in another place (v. 3), also says : " Illud quoque ambiguam
facit inter auctores opinioneni, utrumne ex patris tantum-
modo semine partus nascatur .... an etiam ex matris ; " on
which Gruber observes : " Veteres philosophi de hac re valde
dissenserunt, ut noster docet ; recentiores medici vero pro-
barunt, utrumque maris seque ac foeminse semen ad pro-
creandum sobolem esse necessarium." When, therefore,
Scripture speaks of Levi as in the loins of his father, it of
course can only mean the matter out of which his body was
in part to be formed : it must not be so understood as if it
implied a materialist view of the origin of life. The exist
ence of matter in the woman, requisite also for the formation
of a man in her, leads one to very awful thoughts, were this
the place to enter upon them. See below, Note 19.
Note (2.) p. 261.
The Cainites followed out the doctrine of impurity of
matter so far as to reject baptism by water. See Dr. Pusey
on Tertull. p. 255, and Spencer ad Orig. c. Cels. iii. p. 119.
Note (3.) p. 261.
In Deut. xii. 15. " Notwithstanding thou mayest kill and
eat flesh in all thy gates, whatsoever thy soul lusteth after,
according to the blessing of the Lord thy God which he

DIALOGUE III. 293
hath given thee : the unclean and the clean may eat thereof,
as of the roebuck, and of the hart. Only ye shall not eat
the blood." This text seems to show that whatever the
soul lusteth after, might lawfully be eaten by the Jews in
their own houses ; that there no distinction of kinds of flesh
prevailed, but only in the holy place. The word " notwith
standing " obviously contrasts this with the preceding verse,
" In the place' which the Lord shall choose in one of thy
tribes, there thou shalt offer thy burnt-offerings, and there
thou shalt do all that I command thee." Verse 15 then
states the exception to this obligation, as 1 6 states the ex
ception to the permission ; each, in the original, begins with
the same particle, p~\, which the Chaldee, Syriac, and Greek
also keep the same. Verse 20 contains the same permission :
" When the Lord thy God shall enlarge thy border, as he
hath promised thee, and thou shalt say, I will eat flesh,
(because thy soul lusteth to eat flesh,) thou mayest eat flesh,
whatsoever thy soul lusteth after." In the next verse, if
we introduce a semicolon after the words, " As I have com
manded thee," which will be authorized by the Athnach in
the Hebrew, it will then state the obligation with the same
exceptions as before. Rabbi Ismael (in the Pesikta, Ugolini,
xvi. p. dccccxxi.) says that " the text shows that Israel was
forbidden flesh that they lusted after in the wilderness, but
when they came into the land, the Scripture allowed them
this." And there would be a reason for this in what Por
phyry says, iii. 18: that -God forbad eating animals, rjSovije
Xapiv, which may be taken as a specimen of heathen faith
upon the subject, and is the denial of the text in question.
For this, as well as Genes, ix. 3, quoted above, p. 113, seems
to give men an arbitrary power over the brute creation ; by
which is not meant the right to kill wantonly, but the right
to kill all and any species of animal that they fancy for food.
The principle here implied has been already given in a pas-

294 NOTES TO
sage from St. Cyril, Note 60 on Dial. ii. The text seems,
however, to contain an anticipation of Christian times, as is
well observed by an anonymous author in the Ssipa o' Ila-
rpwv, p. 1483. MaXXov irpotjiriTtvti, he says, irepl twv aXr)Bwg
'IcrparjXirwv, Xiyw Sr) ttejoi rdiv Xpiarov SovXwv rwv Kai
Kjoia ETEpa Ecrfliovrwv 7rapa ra dpripiva KaBapd. A Jewish
gloss, which has been adopted in the Vulgate, prevents our
having the opinion of the Latin Fathers on the Hebrew
text; yet St. Austin, c. Adim. xv. 1, says (after- quoting
Mark vii. 15. Matt. xv. 11. Rom. xiv. 21), "Dum cupit de
Novo Testamento Veteri adversari, ubi dictum est, Secundum
desiderium animse tuae occide, et manduca omnem carnem ?"
He presently after notices how the distinction between
clean and unclean was adopted to signify the characters of
such as were inadmissible into the Church.
Note (4.) p. 261.
On the subject of the allowableness of eating blood, the
reader will find a disquisition at the end of Tertullian's
Apology, as edited by Dr. Pusey.
Note (5.) p. 262.
St. Paul, Galat. iv. 3, speaks of being in bondage under
the elements of the world ; and perhaps, if we consider how
many legal enactments were restrictions upon the use of
matter in one way or other, there will be no need to take
the word ' elements ' in other than its ordinary sense. Com
pare Note 7 on Dial. iv.
Note (6.) p. 262.
See Frank's Vedanta Sara, p. 6 of translation. " Das
Wesen ist das seyende, denkende, seelige, nicht entzweiete
Subject-object (Brahma). Die ganze Vielheit des Unemp-
findlichen von dem Bewusstlosen Anfangend ist das Nicht-
wesen." Scarcely any thing is more terrible than a belief
3

DIALOGUE III. 295
in the unreality of matter seems calculated to become in
wicked hands. Note (7.) p. 263.
Canada held that the senses only prepared things for the
mind (Windis. p. 1933) ; and Gotama maintained (ibid. p.
1912) that they acted not independently, but by means of
the five elements which had a relation to them, and by which
they saw, heard, &c. See Manu, i. 75. Plato Theset. § 102.
Ekottei rj ietroKpiaig iroripa bpBoripa y bpwptv tovto tivai
btpBaXpovg rj Si ov bpwptv' Kal w okovo/uev, wra r, SC oil
aKovoptv ; k. t. X. And so Aristot. de Anima, i. 4. p. 408,
b. 20. iii. 1, 2. Note (8.) p. 263.
Aretas in Apoc. p. 193. Tavrov -i) irvtvpariK-r) aKOrj ry
(SXi-ipEi. S. Austin, de Trin. xv. 18. " Nec tamen quia dici
mus locutiones cordis esse cogitationes, ideo non sunt etiam
visiones exortse de notitise visionibus, quando verse sunt.
Foris enim cum per corpus hsec fiunt, aliud est locutio, aliud
visio : intus autem cum cogitamus, utrumque unum est."
Comp. de Civ. D. xi. c. 27.
Note (9.) p. 264.
If St. Paul (2 Cor. xii. 2) was, when in an ecstasy ', inde
pendent of the senses, still what he then saw could not be
uttered : dpprrra pripara a ovk e^ov dvBpwirw XaXrjcrai" on
which St. Clement, Strom, v. 80, observes : Ov vojuw KaX
c/>oj3w irapayysXiae Tivbg to ovk i%bv irpoanBEXg, Svvdpti
Si ayiq dtpBtyKrov tivai to Btlov privvwv, t'iyt iirip ovpavov
rbv rp'irov dpxtrai XaXtlaBai, we Bipig rolg eke! pvarayw-
ytlv rag iS,tiXtypivag ipvxdg. p. 293, Pott.
-j ' S. Aust. in Ps. lxvii. § 36, thus defines ecstasy : " Ecstasis est mentis
excessus, quod aliquando pavore contingit ; nonnunquam vero per aliquam
revelationem, alienatione mentis a sensibus corporis, ut spiritui quod de
monstrandum est, demonstretur.''

296 NOTES TO
Note (10.) p. 264.
The bodies through which a person had gone are com
pared by Patanjali, in Windisch. p. 1589, to iron fetters.
A kindred notion occurred among the Jews (v. Buxtorf in
v. pj) an<i ^e Stoics (see Gatak. ad Anton, ix. 3), and was
afterwards adopted by the Manicheans, who called bodies
" carceres Dei." S. Aust. e. Faust, xx. 22. Tit. Bostr. c.
Manich. i. 13, 29. Note (11.) p. 264.
See Wilson in v. r^^r-rf^f St. Clement, ii. 125, p. 494,
quotes a Stoic as saying he would rather see one Indian
roasting himself, than hear any number of demonstrations
to show that pain is nothing. Strabo, p. 1006, mentions an
Indian who burnt himself at Athens.
Note (12.) p. 265.
It would be endless to quote passages from the Fathers,
in which the resurrection of the body is pointed out as a
distinctive doctrine of Christianity. St. Justin Martyr, p. 26,
appears to think that Plato had some notion of it. Pan
theistic heresies, as borrowing from heathen systems, very
commonly deny it, and it is to be feared that too many
Christians live from day to day in a practical disbelief of the
doctrine. Note (13.) p. 267.
This argument was very often urged by the Fathers : for
references, see Dr. Pusey's note on Tertullian's Apology,
c. 48. Note (14.) p. 267.
S. Austin somewhere says : " Fit credibiliorum fides ex
incredibilioribus creditis." Similar words occur de C. D.
xxii. 5.

DIALOGUE III. 297
Note (15.) p. 268.
Aristot. de An. i. 3, extr. 'ErTixEipovcrt povov Xiytiv
irolov ti rj ipvxrj, irtpX Si rov St^opivov awparog ovBiv 'in
irpoaSiopiZ,ovaiv, warrtp ivStxbpEvov Kara rovg HvBayopi-
Kovg pvBovg rrjv rvxovaav i//vxr)v dg to tvxov ivSvtaBai
awpa' SokeT yap ekocttov toiov i\tiv tlSog KaX poptjirjv. And
in his Prior Analytics, ii. 27. p. 70, b. 7. To Se c/ivcrioyvw-
juoveiv Svvarov ecttiv, ei ng SiSwaiv apa ptrafddXXtiv to
awpa KaX rrjv \pvx~rjv baa (pvatKa ian iraBrjpaTa, k. r. X. The
principle here stated is carried out in his Physiognomonica.
The latter passage tends to show the existence of subse
quent reciprocal changes ; the former, of an original corre-
lativeness between the soul and body. This correlative-
ness is further dwelt upon by Origen in the following words,
c. Cels. iv. p. 203. "En Si KaX tovto (jiaptv r<£ KeXctw
£i7rovri on '/'vxr) juev Geov Epyov, awparog Si aXXrj (jivaig'
KaX oil povov aKaraaKEvdarwg rb ttjXikovtov Soyjua piipavn,
dXXd KaX dSiopiarwg' ov yap iaa(j>r)viaE, iroTtpov rrdaa i/'vxr)
Geov Epyov, rj juovrj 17 XoyiKr," (jiapiv roivvv irpbg avrov, e'i
piv iraaa ¦'pvxrj Qtoii ipyov, SrjXovon Kai twv aXoywv Kai
EvTEXEorarwv' 'iva KaX iravrbg awparog aXXrj (jivaig -y irapd
rrjv rrjg ipvxwG' eoike piv roi iv rolg e£tjc, ev oie Kai Btotpi-
Xiarspa rd aXoya X,wd tpriaiv ripwv, Kal tov Bdov Ttjv svvoiav
ix£lv KaBapwripav, irapiardvtiv, on ov povov r) rwv dvBpw-
irwv, dXXd iroXii pdXXov Kal 77 rwv aXoywv ZJwwv i/'v^r)
Epyov scrri rov Geov' tovto ydp okoXovAei r<j> Bto<piXiartpa
XiytaBat EKEiva ripwv. Ei Se juovrj 77 XoyiKr) i^vxtj Geov ipyov
iarl, irpwrov piv ovk iaatprivlaag to roiovrov' Stvrtpov St
aKoXovBtl rw dSiopicrrwe Eiprjcrv'ai 7T£pi rrjc ^vxrjC, we ov
irdarig, dXXd juovrje rrjc Xoyucrje ovcrrje Geov Epyov, ro jutjSe
7ravr6c awparog dvai (jtvaiv, e'i Si prj iravrbg awparog aXXrj
c/ivcrie, aXX' EKaarov Si to awpa £wov dvdXoyov ry faxy'
SijXov on oil i/wxr) Geov Epyov sari, Siacjilpoi dv to ravrrig

298 NOTES . TO
awpa awparog, iv op o'iKtl ipvxrj ovk ovaa ipyov Geov. Kai
ovtw ipEvSog tarai, to pr{Siv Sioiativ WKTtpiSog, tj tvXrjg, rj pa-
rpdxov awpa irapd rb rov dvBpwirov' Kal yap droirov, XiBovg
piv XiBwv, Kai o'lKoSoprjpara o'lKoSopripdrwv vopiZtaBai tivai
KaBapwTtpa rj piapwrtpa, irapd rb tig riprjv roil Bdov Kart-
aKtvaaBai, rj dg drtpoTaTwv awpdrwv Kal ivaywv iiroSoxvv'
awpara Se awpdrwv prj Siatyipsiv, irapd to XoyiKa aval rd
EVOiKrjcravra, rj dXoya, Kai XoyiKWV rd cnrovSaiorEpa, rj roiig
<j>avXordrovg dvBpwirovg. To roiovrov ys WEiroiriKt roXprjaai
nvag airoBtwaai piv rd rwv Siac^Epovrwv awpara, wg Si%d-
ptva lpvxwv airovSaiav' airoppiipai Si rj dripdaai rd rwv
tpavXordrwv' oi>x on 7rdvrwe rb roiovrov iyiwg ytyivtjTai,
aXX' on diro nvog ivvoiag iyiovg £<J"X£ rrjv apxvv' rj bpoiwg
b ao(j>bg psrd rrjv teXevttjv 'Avvrov Kai SwKpdrove (jipovriaEi
rrjg rac^rje rov SwKpdrove awparog KaX rov Avvrov ; Kai to
irapairXfiaiov dp^oripoig KaraaKtvdati rjpiov rj rdtpov ; KaX
ravra Sid to ' wv ovSiv ipyov Geov ' (rov wv avatptpopivov
iirX rb tov dvBpwirov awpa, rj rwv ek rov awparog btjrewv"
KaX im to pobg, rj rwv ek tov awparog j3obg peXiaawv' Kai
E7ri to ittttov, rj bvov, Kai twv it, 'iirirov piv crcfjrjKwv, iE, ovov
Si KavBdpwv') SC a -nvayKaaBtipEv iiravaXafitlv Kai rb ' i/ivxr)
piv Geov Ecrriv spyov, awparog Si aXXrj (pvaigC E'lB' i^rjg
tpriaiv, on KOivrj rj Travrwv rwv irpoeipripivwv awpdrwv (jrvaig
Kai pia ig dpoiprjv iraXlvrpoirov lovaa Kai iiraviovaa' Kai
rrpoe tovto Se SijXov ek twv irpotipripivwv, on ov povov rwv
7rpoKar£iX£yp£vwv awpdrwv koivtj ecttiv rj tjivaig, dXXd Kai rwv
iirovpaviwv, k. X. To which may be added a passage from
the work attributed to St. Gregory Nyssen, — De Hominis
Opificio, p. 125, c. "Qo-iTEp teXeiwOeic 6 dv0pw7roe ev rote
pdZoaiv, txti Siatpaivopivriv rrjg xpvxrje rrjv ivipytiav' ovrwg
iv apxrj rrjg avardatwg rrjv KaraXXr/Xov te Kai avpptrpov
ry irapovay XPila awipyeiav rrjg ipvxvg i<j>' iavroii SiaStiK-
vvai, iv rw KaraaKtvdZtiv avrov iavry Sid rrjg ivrtBdarig

DIALOGUE III. 299
vXrje rb irpoatjivig oiKTjrrjpiov' ovSi ydp Eivai Svvarbv Xoyi-
ZbpEBa, dXXoTpiaig o'iKoSopalg rrjv ipvxrjv ivapp6Z,EaBai, wg
ovk ian rrjv ev rcjl KrjpcjJ acppaylSa irpbg dXXorpiav appoa-
Bijvai yXv<j>r)v' KaBdirsp ydp to awpa ek jGpa^vrarov 7rpoe
to riXtiov irpoEiaiv, ovtw Kai tj rrjc ipvxvg ivtpytia KaraXXrj-
Xwe ipfyvopivri rcjj iirOKEipkvty, avvtiriSiSwai Kai crvvavi;£rar
TTporjyEirai juev ydp avrije iv rrj irpwry KaraaKtvy olov pi£rje
nvbg iv ry yrj KaraKpvtjiBdarig tj av£r|TiKTj te koi BptirnKrj
Svvdptg juovrj' ov ydp Xwj°£' ro TTEpicrcrdrEpov tj rov Stxo-
pivov j3paxvrije.
This belief that the soul passed into different bodies Aris
totle evidently takes to have been literally maintained ; as
did the Fathers, several passages from whom have been
collected by Ritterhuis on Porphyr. de Vita Pythag. p. 159,
ed. Kiessling. In later times some have endeavoured to
defend the ancients, as though it was only a symbolical mode
of speaking with them. Olearius on Philostratus, iii. 16,
p. 108, maintains that Philostratus intended to represent
even Iarchas (the Indian of whom ApoUonius learnt) as
holding this opinion. Now, though I do not feel satisfied
with his evidence, yet I think it immaterial if true ; for after
our Lord's time those who adhered to heathenism endea
voured to explain, as allegorical, the pagan stories of the
gods, and so to set up a counter-system to the allegory of
the Church. As ApoUonius imitated, by Satanic instinct,
the kindness of Christianity towards slaves (Philostr. iv. 34),
so he may have acted in regard to explanation of myths
also. For this was a common practice of Platonists (see
Van Goen's Diss. i. § 3, ad Porph. de Antro Nymph.), who
did well to try and rid themselves by allegory of their ob
scene absurdities, yet had no systematic creed to be a
standard whereby they could allegorize aright. Hence their
attempt to reverse the process, which, as Confucius says, led
them into error (see above p. 240), did but expose their in-

300 NOTES TO
consistency the more, seeing they did it not from a love of
truth, but for the maintenance of their own opinion. Origen
well observes, c. Cels. p. 123. 'Edv Si . . . im dXXtiyopiag
Karac/>Evywcriv iSia piv i^traariov rag dXXijyopiae d to iyiig
e'xovctiv, k. r. X. This soundness they cannot have, as not
being guided by a definite creed, the ignorance of which
often leads even Christians to suppose that by allegorizing
any thing may be made of any thing.
I take it, then, for certain that the ancients did believe
in a literal metensomatosis, though it might have originated
in a symbolical way of expressing truths. (See above, p. 241 ,
note ; and, for further confirmation, see Plutarch, as quoted
p. 109.) And it seems that this doctrine came from India,
through Ethiopia, into Egypt, and thence into Greece and
Italy. (See Olear. ad Philostr. iii. 18.)
It was held amongst the Gauls by the Druids (Caesar,
B. G. vi. 14), though only in part, probably ; and by the
Chaldees (Porphyr. V. Pyth. p. 25) if the doctrine of ab
staining from meats implies it. Origen also (in Joan. vi. § 7)
mentions that metempsychosis was a part of the secret
teaching of the Jews, who perhaps in later times drew it
from heathen sources (see Justin M. c. Tryph. p. 222 ; comp.
St. Austin in Joan. iv. 4) ; and though outwardly abstaining
from heathen idolatry, fell inwardly into errors less revolting
at first sight. Thus entirely does the world seem to be
given up to error, even when holding a belief of a future
state, and so much to need that preaching of life and incor
ruptibility which the Gospel brought to light !
Note (16.) p. 268.
Butler, Serm. p. 4, has an observation quite falling in with
that of Aristotle at the beginning of the last note. "The
several members having distinct offices implies the mind."
And so St. Irenseus, ii. 19, § 6. " Animse ipsse corporis ha-

DIALOGUE III. 301
bent figuram : ipsi enim adaptatse sunt vasi." S. Archel.
Caschar. c. Manet, xviii. extr. " Ostendere possumus con-
sonantiam esse virtutum in utraque, id est corporis atque
animse substantia, in qua ait Scripturarum doctor maximus
Paulus Deum in corpore sicut voluit unumquodque membrum
posuisse." St. Augustine's words, from his De Gen. ad lit.
may be added : " Animam vero non esse corpoream me pu-
tare sed plane scire, audeo profiteri, tamen habere posse
similitudinem corporis et corporalium omnino membrorum
quisquis negat potest negare animam esse, quse in somnis
videt vel se ambulare, vel sedere, vel hac atque iliac gressu
atque etiam volatu ferri ac referri, quod sine quadam simili-
tudine corporis non fit. Proinde si hanc similitudinem etiam
apud inferos gerit non corporalem sed corpori similem ; ita
etiam in locis videtur esse non corporalibus, sed corporalium
similibus, sive in requie sive in doloribus." xii. 62.
Note (17.) p. 268.
See Burke on the Sublime and Beautiful, iv. 4.
Note (18.) p. 269.
Aristot. Physiog. cap. 2, p. 806, a. 28. "Ek te twv kivtj-
ctewv cjjvcrioyvwpovovcn Kai ek rwv cr^rj/udrtov Kai ek rwv
Xpwjudrwv Kai ek rwv rjv'wv IVi rov irpoawirov iptpatvopivwv,
KaX ek rdiv rpixwjudrwv Kai ek rfje AEidrrjroe Kai ek rije
^wvije Kai ek rrjc aapKog, KaX ek twv pEpwv Kai ek tov rvirov
bXov tov awparog. He then goes on to give instances, and
argues from the development of certain qualities conform
ably with certain external constitutions in brutes (i. e. in
creatures, where reason does not intervene to check this),
to the existence of the same thing in men, in tendency at
least. I confess I do not see, myself, any great improba
bility in the further idea that where reason does check in
ward bad propensities, the exterior conformation also gradu-

302 NOTES TO
ally alters ; only it is a further idea. See also Note 14 on
Dial. iv. Note (19.) p. 269.
Aristot. E. N. i. 13. Tov dXdyov rb piv eoike koivijj Kai
e/}vriKi[», Xiyw Si to a'inov rov TpitjitaBai Kai av^Ecrtfar rrjv
roiavTTjv ydp Svvapiv rrjg ipvxvg iv diraai rolg rpttyopivoig
0Eirj Tig av Kai ev rolg ipfipvoig' rrjv avrrjv Si ravrrjv Kai ev
roic rtXeioig' EvXoywrEpov ydp ravrrjv Eivai tj aXXrjv nva.
And see the author de Horn. Opif. cap. viii. p. 59, and p. 125,
as quoted above, p. 298. This assertion of the existence of
the soul from the first, though at first displaying a part only
of its faculties, as it is of the utmost weight against the sin
of procuring abortions (see St. Clement as above, p. 106), so
it has another important bearing, which may be suggested
by the following passage of St. Cyril, against Nestorius, i.
p. 18. Tiktetoi p£v ydp dirb aapKog rj crap? bpoXoyovpivwg'
6 Se y£ rwv oXwv Sripiovpyog, KaB' bv eTSe rpdiTOv rt KaX
Xdyov 7TOiEirai rrjv ipvxoiaiv' aXX' rj TEKOvcra yvvr) Kairoi
pdvrjc ovcra Trrjyr) rrjc crapKoe dv0pw7rov bXov airortKtlv ma-
TEVtrat, tov ek ipvxng Sr) Xtyw Kai awparog, Kairoi irpbg
rrjv rrjg ipvxvg virap^iv rwv irap' iavrtjg avvtiatvtyKOvaa
jutjSev' 6 Se yt dvBpwirov Eirrwv avvEaripyvi irov rrdvrwg
rt^ awpan rrjv ivwBtlaav avrto i//vx»)v' wairtp ovv tj yvvr)
Kairoi TtKovaa to awpa povov rbv ek tpvxyg KaX awparog
airoriKTEiv XiytraC SiaXvpavtlrai Si tovto rolg rrjc i//vxrjc
Xdyoie ovSev, w'e adpKa rrjv dirb rrjg iSiag iirdpE,twg Xaju-
jSavovcrrje dpxrjv" ovrw Kai E7ri rije paKapiag YlapBivov' d
ydp -rj Mrjrrjp ectti rrjc dyiae SapKoe, aXX' ovv ektetokev
Evwfllvra airy Kar dXr)Buav rbv ek Geov Geov Aoyov* Kav
ei ng Xiyy Qiotokov avrrjv ovxl Srj irov irdvrwg KaBopitl
tov Geov Aoyov r6 VEwrEpov, ovte prjv rrjc iSiac v-rdp^Ewe
rrjv dpxrjv TTEiroirjcrOai rrjv adpKa.

DIALOGUE III. 303
Note (20.) p. 269.
See the well-known passage of Strabo, quoted by Bishop
Butler, Anal. i. 1, p. 40.
Note (21.) p. 271.
Butler, Anal. p. 18. " The states of life in which we our
selves existed formerly in the womb, and in our infancy, are
almost as different from our present in mature age, as it is
possible to conceive any two states or degrees of life can be.
Therefore that we are to exist hereafter in a state as dif
ferent (suppose) from our present as this is from our former,
is but according to the analogy of nature," &c. Compare
the passage from Dr. Quain above, p. 241.
Note (22.) p. 273.
Dan. ii. 10, where Nebuchadnezzar is conscious of having
dreamt a dream, which he had forgotten in substance,
though it contained an outline of God's government over
four vast empires ; a remarkable instance of what is noticed
in the text. Note (23.) p. 273.
S. Iren. ii. 33. " De corpore autem in corpus transmi-
grationem ipsorum subvertamus ex eo, quod nihil omnino
eorum quse ante fuerint, meminerint animse. Si enim ob
hoc emittebantur, uti in omni fierent operatione ; oportebat
eas meminisse eorum, quse ante facta sunt, uti ea quse de-
erant, adimplerent, et non circa eadem semper volutantes
continuatim, miserabiliter laborarent; (non enim poterat
corporis admixtio in totum universam ipsorum, quse ante
habita erant, exstinguere memoriam et contemplationem,)
et maxime ad hoc venientes. Quomodo enim nunc soporati
et requiescente corpore qusecumque anima ipsa apud se vi-
det, et in phantasmate agit, et horum plura reminiscens

304 NOTES TO
communicat cum corpore ; et est quando et post plurimum
temporis, qusecumque per somnium quis vidit, vigilans an-
nuntiat : sic utique reminisceretur et illorum, quse antequam
in hoc corpus veniret, egit. Si enim hoc quod in brevissimo
tempore visum est, vel in phantasmate conceptum est, ab ea
sola per somnium, postquam commixta sit corpori, et in
universum membrum dispersa, commemoratur : multo magis
illorum reminisceretur, in quibus temporibus tantis et uni-
verso prseteritse vitse sseculo immorata est. Ad hsec Plato
vetus ille Atheniensis, qui et primus sententiam hanc intro-
duxit, quum excusare non posset, oblivionis induxit poculum,
putans se per hoc aporiam hujusmodi effugere ; ostensionem
quidem nullam faciens, dogmatice autem respondens, quo-
niam introeuntes anilnse in hanc vitam, ab eo qui est super
introitum dsemone, priusquam in corpora intrent, potantur
oblivione. Et latuit semetipsum in alteram majorem inci-
dens aporiam. Si enim oblivionis poculum potest, postea-
quam ebibitum est, omnium factorum obliterare memoriam,
hoc ipsum unde scis, 0 Plato, quum sit nunc in corpore
anima tua, quoniam priusquam in corpus introeat a dasmone
potata est oblivionis medicamentum ? Si enim dsemonem, et
poculum, et introitum reminisceris, et reliqua oportet cog-
noscas: si autem ilia ignoras, neque daemon verus neque
artificiose compositum oblivionis poculum."
Note (24.) p. 274.
Butler, Anal. i. 2, p. 58. " The reader is desired to observe
that Gentile writers, both moralists and poets, speak of the
future punishment of the wicked, both as to the duration
and degree of it, in a like manner of expression and of
description, as the Scripture does." With this statement
St. Just. Martyr, Apol. i. § 20, p. 66, agrees, as does St.
Clem. Strom, v. 91, and § 122, where he gives the following
striking passage from Diphilus, a comic poet :

DIALOGUE III. 305
0'isi av rovg Bavovrag, w NiKijparE,
rpvcjiije diraatig pETaXaj36vTag iv /3iw,
irt(j>ivyivai to BeIov wg XtXriBorag ;
ecttiv AiKrje b<j>BaXpog, bg rd irdvB' bpq.
Kal yap KaB' "AtSrjv Svo rpi|3ove vopiZopEV,
piav SiKaiwv X"r^Pav dcr£j3wv oSdv.
kei rove Svo KaXvipti yrj (pvati iravri xpovw,
apira%' dirtXBwv, kXettt', diroaripti, kvko.
IUtjSev 7rXavrj0pe- 'tan Kav "AiSov Kpiaig,
rjVTTEp 7T0irjcrEi Qtbg 6 -rdvrwv S£cr7Tdrrjc,
ov rovvopa <j>of3tpbv ovS' av bvopdaaip' Eyw*
oc roTe apaprdvovai irpbg prJKog j3/ov
Si'Swcriv' Ei tic S? o'ltrat rovtjiripspov
kokov n irpdaawv roiig Btovg XtXtiBivai,
Soke! irovripd, Kai Sokwv dXicrKErai,
orav cr^oXrjv dyovcra rvyxdvy Aiktj.
bpdB' baoi SokeIte ovk Eivai Geov'
Ecrnv yap, eotiv' ei Se ne irparrtl KaKwg
KaK.bg irttpVKtbg, rbv xpdvov KEpSavdrw'
Xpdvw ydp ovroe vcrrEpov Swati Siktjv.
liVvqStt Se rovroie rj rpaywSia Sid twvSe*
Ecrrai ydp, Ecrrai keivoc alwvog xpovoe,
orav 7rvpoe yipovra Briaavpbv axaay
Xpvawirog alBt'ip' rj Se j3ocrKrj0Eicra c/>XoS
diravra rdiriytia Kai ptrapaia
<fXL%ti pavtlaa.
Of philosophers, Plato, in the Gorgias, § 171, speaks of
men suffering t6v ad. xpovov* — and Naraka, or Hell, forms
a common subject of terror to the wicked, in Manu and
elsewhere, among the Hindus. In the Vish. Purana, p.
309, we read as follows : " He who commits adultery is
punished both here and hereafter ; for his days in this world
are cut short, and when dead he falls into hell: " and p. 210,
" The sinner goes to Naraka, who neglects the due expi-
x

306 NOTES TO
ation of his guilt ; " where the different punishments there
inflicted are described. St. Austin also, De Gen. ad lit. xii.
§ 62, says, " Possumus ostendere illorum quoque sapientes
de inferorum substantia minime dubitasse, quse post hanc
vitam excipit animas mortuorum."
Note (25.) p. 274.
Origen, c. Cels. p. 6, magnificently remarks : OvSev Bav-
paarbv rbv avrov Qtbv amp iSiSa^E Sid twv Ilpoc/njTwv Kai
rov Swrijpoe, iyKartarrapKtvai iv ralg diravrwv dvBpwirwv
\pvxalg> "v' dvairoXoyriTog iv rrj Btiq Kpiati irag avBpwirog y,
£Xu>v to j3ovXrjpa rov Ndpov ypaTTrov ev ry tavrov KapSiq.
Note (26.) p. 274.
Aristot. Physiog. cap. 4, init. p. 808. Aokei Se juoi rj
ipvxw Kai rb awpa avpiraBtlv dXXrjXoie, Kai rj rrjc lpvxrjg 'i^tg
aXXoiovpivri avvaXXoiol rrjv rov awparog popc/>r)v, iraXiv te
tj rov awparog poptjrr) aXXoiovpivri avvaXXoiol r-r/v rrjg
'ipvxrjg i%iv. Note (27.) p. 275.
Tertull. Apol. cap. 48, says that " the soul can suffer
nothing by itself without connexion with a material sub
stance ; " which is an over-strong statement, and one which,
as Dr. Pusey observes on the place, Tertullian modified
afterwards, but which shows how strongly he felt their
mutual connexion. Note (28.) p. 275.
Butler, Serm. vi. p. 87. " Suppose we are capable of hap
piness and of misery in degrees equally intense and extreme,
yet we are capable of the latter for a much longer time
beyond all comparison. We see men in the tortures of
pain for hours, days, and (excepting the short suspensions

DIALOGUE III. 307
of sleep) for months together, without intermission ; to
which no enjoyments of life do, in degree and continuance,
bear any sort of proportion." Note (29.) p. 275.
Origen, in a fragment, De Resurr. vol. i. p. 33, Delarue,
has the following wonderful remark : — " Quomodo enim non
videtur absurdum, ut hoc corpus, quod pro Christo pertulit
cicatrices, et pariter cum anima persecutionum toleravit
sseva tormenta . . . . ac diversa pcenarum genera perpessus
est, tantorum certaminum prssmiis defraudetur ? Quippe
si sola anima, quse non sola certaverit, coronetur, et cor
poris sui vasculum, quod ei cum magno labore servivit, nulla
agonis et victorise prsemia consequatur, quomodo non con
tra omnem rationem esse videtur, ut naturalibus vitiis atque
ingenitse libidinis propter Christum caro resistens, et virgi-
nitatem obtinens cum ingenti labore, qui continentise labor
utique aut major corporis quam animse- est, aut certe utri-
usque sequalis est, prsemiorum tempore altera veluti indigna
rejiciatur, altera veniat ad coronam I Quse res sine dubio
aut injustitise alicujus Deum, aut impossibilitatis accusat."
Note (30.) p. 276.
Butler, Anal- ii. ch. vi. p. 326, speaks of the natural con
stitution of body and temper as a temptation to go wrong.
Aristotle, in his Problemata, xxx. 1, has some speculations
upon this subject, as well as in the Physiognomonica, as
above referred to. So in Eth. Nic. x. 8, he says, "Evia
(rj0rj) crvjuj3aiv£iv dirb roil awparog SokeT. And Plato, though
with a different view, observes, (Phsedo, § 30.) Kat ydp
iroXipovg Kal ardatig Kai X"lua6' ovSiv dXXo TrapE^Ei rj rb
awpa Kal al tovtov imBvpiai. To prevent a misconstruction
being put upon such a fact, we may add the following
x2

308 NOTES TO
passage of St. Aust. c. Jul. Pel. iv. § 16. " Qui dicit im-
pium justum esse maledictus erit populo et odibilis in gen
tibus (Prov. xxiv. 24). Etiam virtutibus veris gentiles
prsedices abundare ; quanto, inquam, satius hsec ipsa in iis
dona Dei esse fatereris, sub cujus occulto judicio nec injusto,
alii fatui, alii tardissimi ingenii et ad intelligendum quo-
dammodo plumbei, alii obliviosi, alii acuti memoresve nas
cuntur, alii utroque munere prsediti, et acute intelligentes
et tenacissimse memorise thesauro cognita recondentes ; alii
natura lenes, alii levissimis causis ira facillima ardentes,
alii ad vindictae cupiditatem inter utrosque mediocres ; alii
spadones, alii in concubitu ita frigidi, ut vix omnino move-
antur, alii libidinosissimi, ut vix omnino teneantur, alii inter
utrosque et moveri faeiles et teneri ; alii timidissimi, alii auda-
cissimi, alii neutrum ; alii hilares, alii tristes, alii ad nihil ho-
rum proclives ; nec eorum quse commemoravi aliquid instituto
ac proposito, sed natura ; unde medici audent ista tribuere
temperationibus corporum. Quod etsi probari vel nulla
existente, vel omni finita qusestione potuisset ; numquid sibi
quisque corpus condidit, et hoc ejus tribuendum est volun-
tati, quod mala ista naturalia magis minusve perpetitur?
Nam prorsus ea non perpeti, cum hie vivitur, nullo modo,
nulla ratione quisquam potest. Nec tamen, sive a maximis
sive minimis urgeatur, fas est ut dicit Ei, qui se finxit,
quamvis omnipotenti, justo, et bono, Quare sic me fecisti 1
Et de jugo gravi quod est supra filios primi Adam, nemo
liberat nisi secundus Adam. Quanto ergo tolerabilius illas
quas dicis in impiis esse virtutes divino muneri potius, quam
eorum tribueres tantummodo voluntati, licet ipsi hoc ne-
sciunt donee, si ex illo sunt praedestinatorum numero, acci-
piant Spiritum qui ex Deo est, ut sciant quse a Deo donata
sunt iis." St. Augustine here admits the fact of natural
constitutions forming a temptation to particular sins ; and

DIALOGUE III. 309
argues that those heathens who overcame such temptations
did it by God's hidden grace 2, being powerless, without that
aid, to overcome in their own strength.
Note (31.) p. 276.
S. Hil. in S. Aust. ibid. ii. 27. " Memores et conscii ilia
ipsa corpora nostra omnium vitiorum esse materiam, per quam
polluti et sordidi nihil in nobis mundum, nihil innocens obti-
nemus, gaudeamus nobis esse hostem, in cujus concertatione
quodam concertationis nostra? (nostri?) bello dimicemus."
Comp. S. Archel. Casch. c. Manet, xviii. " Gaudet anima
corpore, et diligit et colit illud ; nihilominus etiam corpus
gaudet, ab anima se vivificatum. Quod si maligni opus
dicat esse quis corpus ; cum sit et corruptibile ac vetustum
atque deterrimum, non potest ferre spiritus virtutem, nec
animse commotionem et ejus splendidissimam creaturam."
Note (32.) p. 277.
Aristot. E. Nic. i. § 5. 'S.vvapiBpovpivrjv Se SijXov wc
aipErwrplav jueto rov iXaxiarov rwv ayaBwv.
Note (33.) p. 277.
Ibid. ii. v. fin. 'Ev 7ravri Se pdXiara QvXaKriov rb rjSv
Kai rijv rjSovrjv* ov ydp dSiKaaroi Kpivoptv avrrjv.
Note (34.) p. 278.
Plato de Legg. i. 14. Ti S' orav imxtipwpiv nva (j>of5t-
pbv iroitlv ptrd Siktjc, dp' ovk dvaiaxvvriq %vppdXXovrag
2 Grace is sometimes used in » limited sense, as signifying the gift of
glory and of grace, whereby Christians are zealous of and able to do good
works ; sometimes in a wider one, as signifying the assistance offered by
God to heathens and others out of the Church. The latter may be com
pared to heat from the sun, as far as it is from without ; the former to vital
warmth, which is inherent and from within.

3 1 0 NOTES TO
avrov KaX irpoayvpvdZovrag viKqv Ssl nottlv Stapaxbptvov
airov ralg -rjSovalg ; rj ry piv Siairy ry iv avrCg wpoapaxo-
juevov Kai viKwvra avrrjv Sti riXtov ovtw yiyvtaBai irpbg av-
Spiav, dmipog Si Sr) ttov Kai dyvpvaarog wv twv toiovtwv
aywvwv banaovv ovS' av -rjpiavg tavrov ytvoiro irpog
dpErrjv ; awtjipwv Si apa rtXiwg tarai prj iroXXalg -rjSovalg
Kai imBvpiaig irporptirovaaig dvaicr^vvrETv Kai dSiKEiv Sia-
ptprixavripivog Kai veviktjkwc ptrd Xoyov Kai Epyov Kai rix~
vrje, ev te iraiSiaig KaX iv airovSalg Kai diraBrjg wv irdvrwv
rwv toiovtwv . . . c/>dpov (jidppaKOv taB' bang Qtbg eSwkev
dvBpwiroig, wars biroaw irXiov av iBiXoi ng irivtiv avrov,
roaovrw judXXov avrov vopiZ,tiv Svarvxv ytviaBai KaX (j>0-
f3daBai rd irapbvra Kai rd piXXovra avrw irdvra, k. t. X.
And in iii. § 14. 'EirX rrjg iXiriSog bxovptvoi ravrrig Evpicr-
kov Kara(j>vyr)v avrolg Etc airoiig povovg dvai Kai roiig
Btovg- ravr ovv avrolg irdvra (piXiav dXXrjXwv evettoiei 6
c/)dj3oe 6 tote rrapwv, ote ek vdpwv rwv ipirpoaBsv ytyovwg,
ov SovXevovtec toic irpoaBtv vopoig EKEKTrjvro, rjv alSw iroX-
XaKig iv rolg avw Xdyoie t'iiroptv, y Kai SovXeveiv 'icfraptv
Seiv roiig piXXovrag dyaBovg tataBai, rjg b StiXbg iXtvBtpog
Kai atpofiog. And in the Protagoras, § 35. Kai vopov Big
irap' ipov rbv prj Svvdpsvov aiSovc Kai SiKrjc ptrixtiv ktei-
veiv we vdcrov rijc ttoXewc- From these passages it appears
what great importance Plato attached to shame as available
in education. Note (35.) p. 278.
Aristot. Rhet. ii. 6. "Ecrrw S») aicrxvvrj XvTrrj ng rj rapaxh
TTEpX rd Eig dSo^iav rpaivopEva (jiipEiv rwv kokwv, tj Trapdvrwv,
rj yEyovdrwv, rj pEXXdvrwv. And again, roiig 'AEI irapEao-
pivovg pdXXov aicr^vvovrai. Note (36.) p. 280.
Aristot. Metaph. p. 1000, a. 9. Ot -rspi 'HcrioSov koi
iravrtg ol BtoXoyoi povov itfrpovnaav tov mBavov rov irpbg

DIALOGUE III. 311
avrove, rjjuwv Se wXtywprjcrav* Btovg yap iroiovvrtg rag dpxde
Kai ek Bewv ytyovorag rd pr) ytvadptva rov vEKrapoe Kai rrjc
dpfipoaiag Bvtird ytviaBai c/iacriv, SfjXov we ravra rd bvopara
yvwpipa Xiyovrtg avrolg' Kai rd Trepi avrije rrje irpoatpopag
rwv alriwv iirip -rjpdg EiprjKaeriv' ei p£v ydp X®Piv riSovrjg
Biyydvovaiv, ovBiv alria rov tivai r6 VEKrap Kai rj dpjdpoaia'
e'i Si roil tivai, irwg av eiev di'Sioi SfidpEvoi rpo<j>rjg ; See
Windisch. p. 1511, who mentions that the Chhandogya says
that certain deities live by eating the amrita — the very word,
almost, which the Greeks had, only they made it a fluid.
Note (37.) p. 280.
The main Scripture ground for speaking of the angels as
nourished is the phrase D*,"V:i}* DIT?, which occurs in Ps.
lxxviii. 25, which was taken of old (see Wisdom xvi. 20,
and the LXX.) to mean the bread of angels, and explained
by a Midrash (or ancient mystical commentary) to mean
the food eaten by angels. In Tobit xii. 19, the angel's
words seem to imply that he had other meat to eat,
though of course it would be of a spiritual nature. A few
passages of the Fathers may be given here in illustration of
this., St. Just. Mart. Dial, cum Tryph. p. 279, says ofthe
angels sent to Abraham : "AyysXoi rc^S ovn rjcrav Kai ev roTe
ovpavolg SijXov Icrrtv rjpiv rpsc/idpEvoi, Kav pr) bpoiav rpo-
c/>tjv tjttep ot dvBpwiroi xp^psfla, rp£c6ovrai. S. Athan. in
Ps. lxxvii. 24. Oi) povov rw pdvva rd awpara 'irpEtptv, dXXd
Kai XoyiKrJ nvi Kai ovpaviw SvvdpEi Siirpt<j>tv avrwv rag
ipvxdg, wairtp dpiXti Siarpiqiii KaX rovg dyyiXovg' KaX tovto
piv iarl Kai ek tov crvvSEcrpov iSeiv, r(£ wairtp iv iiraywyy
tlmiv rb Kai dprov ovpavov eSwkev avrolg. "Ecrrt Se ovSev
ryrrov Kai ek tov ' AiroaroXov paBtlv mpX avrwv EiprjKoroe we
irvEvpariKov 'ifyayov j3pwpa" tovto Si 7,v 6 vvv dprog
dyyiXwv bvopaZbpEvog. The question whether angels are
nourished runs very much into the questions, what a spin-

312 NOTES TO
tuai body is, and whether the angels have such as Tertull.
de C. Christi, vi. xi. S. Cyril, de Ador. p. 214. A, and others
have thought: questions which may be even healthful to
those who are led by them not to think meanly of the nature
of the holy angels, but with reverence and godly fear of that
of bodies. And the following words of St. Cyril are of help
towards bearing this in mind : p. 233. d. "Aprov dyyiXwv
itpaytv dvBpwirog, to pdvva Xtywv ovpavov KaX dyys'Xwv
rp6(j>ov, 'iva twv alaBnirwv Kai bparwv rbv o'lKtlov livrtg
iirtKtiva vovv, rrjv 7TV£vpariKr)v Kai 6*£iav KaracrKf7TrwpE0a
Xoprjyi'av, rjv rate rdiv dyiwv \pvx^lc ivir)ai Qtog, rov ayys-
Xove rpitjiovra Kai ^woyovovvra rovg dvopwKOvg Qtbv
Aoyov iyKaravXiXtaBai iroiwv rolg rrjv irianv daStStypi-
voig' kotwktjke ydp 6 Xpierroe iv ralg KapSiaig -rjpwv Sid
tov 'Ayiov Ylvtvparog, Kai "Aprw £wvri Kai e£ ovpavov rp£-
(poptBa irpbg EvdX'iav te Kai icrxvv irvEvpanKr)v. And so
again, at p. 339, he says, after quoting the words of the
Psalm again, Tpiqitrai yap to irvtvpa irvEvpariKwg, awpa
te av Kar iSlav (jivatv tovt ian awpariKwg' rpotprj Si dyyi
Xwv Kai dprog 6 7rp£7Twv dyyE'Xoie Kai rolg dvw ttvev-
paaiv b ek Geov Ilarpoe Adyoe. And so St. Aust. Serm.
de Temp. 194, 2. 196, 3. Greg. Naz. S. 37. Origen. de Orat.
p. 94, Fell. Greg. Nyss. de Horn. Opif. p. 95, who notices
that it is not by gross food, but by every word that pro-
ceedeth out of the mouth of God, that man liveth. Neither
is a difference of opinion implied by such as speak of having
wisdom and knowledge as the food of angels, seeing that it
is in Christ that all treasures of wisdom and knowledge are
hidden, and by Him it is, whether by word or by wisdom, or
by knowledge or by bread, or by manna, that God the Father
upholdeth all things in heaven and in earth and under the
earth. Note (38.) p. 280.
See above, p. 135 and p. 205.

DIALOGUE III. 313
Note (39.) p. 281.
S. Aug. c. Jul. Pelag. vi. 59. " Si bonitas operationis ejus
subtrahatur formandis promovendisque seminibus, et vivifi-
candis quibusque viventibus, non solum gignenda non agun-
tur, sed ad nihilum penitus etiam genita rediguntur."
Note (40.) p. 281.
Butler, Diss, i., discusses the use of the word ' same,' as
applied to plants ; and contends that, strictly, it is inappli
cable to them at different periods of their existence. St.
Clem. Str. ii. § 101, seems to think they had some living
principle, to which he gives the name of ' soul : ' neither is
it immediately obvious that there is not something analo
gous to a soul in them, possessing those powers only which
the soul of animals does in the womb. I am not stating
an opinion here, for I have none on the subject ; I am
merely noticing what St. Clement says as falling in with the
Indian division of things into mobile and immobile, the latter
of which is subdivided into those which have and those which
have not life. Note (41.) p. 281.
The analogy between man's growth and that of a plant
is often noticed in Scripture, as in Job xiv. 1 Cor. xv. &c. :
as such it is often insisted on by the Fathers also.
Note (42.) p. 281.
Whoever attempts to form an idea of a finite spirit, will,
I suspect, find it a very difficult task. It seems easier far
to me, to conceive spirits, as such, to be ubiquitous than
finite. " Not but that I think (with Bishop Butler, letter iv.
p. 489) that there is somewhat in the manner of the exist
ence of spirits that more directly answers to the manner of
the existence of body ; but what that is, or of the manner

314 NOTES TO
of their existence, I cannot possibly form an idea." St.
Basil, Ep. viii. 2, observes that an angel may be said to be
numerically one, but that, as in the case of a man, because
he is not uncompounded, ovaiav yap ptB' dyiaapov rrjv
rov dyys'Xov itroaraaiv iwooiiptv. Perhaps this bears ma
terially upon the question, since all beings who are what
they are by participation of somewhat in another, must
necessarily be subject to some limitations, possibly some in
regard to space, as participation implies the having of a part
only of what another has. Yet even this does not seem to
clear up the difficulty ; as it is so difficult to determine what
space is, and more still " what relation the self-existent
Being hath to space," as Butler goes on to remark. And
even if spirits, either angels or men, are limited to space,
their powers of seeing, hearing, and the like (or those
analogous to them), may be of incomparably wider range
than ours, as St. Gregory, Moral, ii. 3, teaches ; may not be
impeded by things, which are an impediment to our souls,
acting as they do through the medium of a gross body.
(See Note 44.) A reflecting mind will find these are
questions of the greatest importance to have the most pro
bable opinions upon, even though demonstration be impos
sible. For probability is the guide of life ; and this, as most
metaphysical speculations, runs up into practical bearings.
Note (43.) p. 282.
The Scripture says expressly that God has established
the earth for ever, 7nW D71J"7, Ps. lxxviii. 69, and speaks
of its being made so fast that it cannot be moved, Ps. xcvi.
10 ; and of the heavens, it says, He hath made them to
stand for ever and ever, D7W7 TJ?7, Ps. cxlviii. 6 ; and in
conformity with this the Fathers generally teach that the
earth is not to be annihilated, but to be renewed after its
(2 Pet. iii. 10). Thus Tertullian, de Cor. vi.,

DIALOGUE III. 315
" Dei semulus universam conditionem, certis usibus homini
mancipatam, cum homine corrupit. Unde eam et Apos
tolus invitam ait vanitati succidisse : " upon which passage
Dr. Pusey has the following note : — " Comp. adv. Herm.
c. 1 1. The Apostle is understood to speak of a restoration
ofthe natural creation, by S. Irenseus, (5, 32, 1. [and 36, 1.])
S. Hilary, (in Ps. clxviii. § 2.) S. Ambrose, (Prol. in Ex
pos. Ev. sec. Luc. Hexaem. i. 7. § 22, but including the
human soul, Ep. 34, ad Horont.) Origen, (Horn. 4, in Ezek.
§ 2.) S. Gregory Naz. (Orat. 1, in Julian, iv. 15.) S Chry
sostom, (in loc.) Theodoret, (in loc. and Gal. vi. 15.) Pro-
clus ap. Epiphan. (Hser. lxiv. 31.) QEcumenius, (ad 2 Pet.
iv.) Gaudentius, (Serm. 3, init. Bibl. P. v. p. 948.) S. Je
rome, (in Is. xxiv. fin. 51, 6 seqq.) Maximus Taur. (Bibl.
Pat. t. vi. p. 48.) Ambrosiaster, (ad loc.) Auct. de Prom.
Dimid. Temp. (ap. Prosper, c. 20.) the later Sedulius,
(Collectanea, ad loc. B. P. vi. p. 518.) This liberation of
the creature they state, according to Scripture, will take
place through its destruction. ' For good will He destroy
the world. For there will be a new heaven, and there shall
be no more night.' Ambr. de Elia, c. 21, fin. § 80. ' From
which (Ps. cii. 26) it appears that the perishing of the
heavens denotes not their utter destruction, but change for
the better,' Jerome in Is. li. 6. Comp. S. Aug. de Civ. D.
xx. 16. Chrys. ad loc. Method, de Res. § 32. S. Cyril, Jer.
xv. 2. S. Athanas., Euseb., Prosper., Cassiodorus, in Ps. ci.
26. Proclus, 1. c. and § 32. GCcumen. 1. c. Gaudentius, 1. c.
Greg. M. Moral, xvii. 9, in Job xxv. 24. Auct. de Prom.
Dimid. Temp. 1. c. Hesychius also, 1. v. in Lev. (c. 18.) un
derstands by 'the* creature,' the natural creation [as does
St. Ephrem in Joel i. fin. ii. p. 250. E.]. On the other hand,
S. Augustine understands it to be 'human nature,' in those
who actually, or who shall hereafter, believe, (Qusestt. 83,
qu. 67. Propos. de Ep. ad Rom. Prop. 53, in Prise, et

316 NOTES TO
Orig. c. 8, in Ps. cxxv. § 2.) in which he is followed by Greg.
M. (Mor. iv. 34, in Job iii. 18.) and Gelasius i. (Tr. 3, c.
Pelag. ap. Labbe Cone. t. i. p. 1248.) Origen (ad loc.)
seems, in like way, to suppose it chiefly to relate to the
soul sympathizing with the body ; but also (wherein he is
followed by Sedulius, 1. c.) to include angels and even arch
angels, in that they 'fight' for us (Dan. x.). S. Hilary (de
Trin. xii. 5.) and S. Cyril Alex. (Thes. xiv. 1. t. v. p. 170,
ed. Par.) employ the text against the Arians, since the Son,
if created, must have been liable to all here spoken of ; they
must then have held all creatures, even the highest, to be
included ; the holy angels are also regarded by Theodoret
(ad loc.) as included in the ' whole creation,' and apparently
by S. Greg. Naz. 1. c." Perhaps, as the majority seem
agreed on the application in the text, the passage in the
following note may be taken as giving it a decided prepon
derance. Note (44.) p. 282.
Butler, Anal. p. 115. " One thing is set over against
another, as an ancient writer expresses it. Our nature cor
responds to our external condition. Without this corre
spondence there would be no possibility of any such thing as
human life and human happiness ; which life and happiness,
therefore, are a result from our nature and condition jointly ;
meaning, by human life, not living in the literal sense, but
the whole complex notion commonly understood by those
words. So that without determining what will be the em
ployment and happiness, the particular life of good men
hereafter, there must be some determinate capacities, some
necessary character and qualifications, without which per
sons cannot but be utterly incapable of it : in like manner
as there must be some without which men would be in
capable of their present state of life." And so, p. 40, i. i. he
says, " Death may put us into a higher and more enlarged

DIALOGUE III. 317
state of life, as our birth does." The one is presupposed
by the other ; the state of life by the capacities.
Note (45.) p. 283.
St. Aug. Conff. ix. 28. . . . " Quserentibus utrum non for-
midaret tam longe a sua civitate corpus relinquere. Nihil,
inquit, longe est a Deo ; neque timendum est, ne Ille non
agnoscat in fine sseculi, unde me resuscitet.
Note (46.) p. 283.
Aristot. Anal. Post. i. 10, p. 76, b. 23. Ovk 'ianv iiro-
&Eaig oi/S' a'irripa b avdyKrj Eivai SC avrb Kai SokeTv dvdyKrj"
ov ydp rrpoe tov eSw Xdyov rj airoSti^ig, dXXd irpoe rbv iv
ry ipvXV* '7r£' ovSe crvXXoyicrpde' ad yap 'iariv ivarrjvai
irpog tov eI;w Aoyov, aAAa irpoe rov Ecrw Aoyov ovk au.
And so St. Hilary de Trin. x. p. 197. " Secundum humanse
naturse consuetudinem nullus est sermo non obnoxius con-
tradictioni." Note (47.) p. 283.
Aristot. Soph. Elench. cap. vii. p. 169, a. 37. 'H dTrdrrj
yivErai pdXXov ptr dXXwv aKOirovpivoig rj KaB' airoiig' tj
ydp per' dXXwv aKixpig bid Xdywv, rj Se KaB' airbv ovx
rjrrov Si' avrov rov irpdyparog. Note (48.) p. 283.
Origen. in Levit. ix. 7. " Cum lasciviunt oculi vel per illi—
citas eoncupiscentias vel per spectacula diabolica, quid aliud
nisi ignem sibi congregant ? Cum aures non avertuntur ab
auditu vano, ac derogationibus proximorum ; cum manus a
csede nequaquam nec a rapinis ac deprsedationibus conti
nents ; cum pedes veloces sunt ad effundendum sanguinem ;
cumque corpus non Domino sed fornicationi tradimus, quid
aliud nisi totum corpus tradimus in gehennam ? At hsec
cum dicuntur, contemtui habentur. Quare ? quia fides deest.

318 NOTES TO
Alioquin si tibi hodie diceretur quia judex sjeculi vult te
crastino vivum exurere, et his auditis si esset unius diei
spatium liberum, quanta faceres ? quomodo et per quos dis-
curreres ? quam lugens et quam sordidus oberrares ? Nonne
effunderes omnem pecuniam tuam in eos quorum interces-
sione evadere posse te crederes ? Nonne omnia quse possides
redemptionem faceres animse tuse ? Quod si etiam aliquis
te retardare aut impedire tentaret, nonne diceres, Pereant
omnia pro salute mea, nec quicquam remaneat tantum ut
ego vivam ? Hoc quare faceres ? quia inde non dubitares :
hinc dubitas. Et ideo bene Dominus dicit, Putas veniens
Filius Hominis inveniet fidem super terram ? Et quid ego
de certis indubitatisque periculis? Tantummodo si causa
dicenda sit apud judicem terrenum, quse aliquem metum ex
legibus habere videatur, nonne omnibus vigiliis excubatur,
advocato patrono munera prseparantur, etiamsi anceps peri-
culum sit, aut etiam solius notse metus vel damni ratio ?
Nos quare non credimus quod omnes adstabimus ante tribunal
Dei, ut reportet unusquisque propria corporis prout gessit sive
bona sive mala ? " Note (49.) p. 284.
In the Vedas the impassibility of the soul is taught. " We
do not recognize the doctrine that supposes the slayer to
slay, or the slain to be killed : this (spiritual existence)
neither kills nor is killed," quoted by Professor Wilson,
Vish. Purana, p. 135, note. And again, p. 252, " Union of
self with supreme spirit is said to be the great end of all :
but this is false; for one substance cannot become sub
stantially another." Upon which it is observed in the note,
that " this is to be understood as applying to the doctrines
which distinguish between the vital spirit (Jivatma) and the
supreme spirit (Paramatma), the doctrine of the Yoga. It
is here argued, that it is absurd to talk of effecting a union
between the soul of man and supreme soul ; for if they are

DIALOGUE III. 319
distinct essentially, they cannot combine ; if they are
already one and the same, it is nonsense to talk of accom
plishing their union. The great end of life or truth is, not
to effect the union of two things, or two parts of one thing,
but to know that all is unity." And so also at p. 650, " The
properties of pain, ignorance, and impurity, are those of
nature (Pracriti), not of soul. . . . When a soul is associated
with Pracriti, it is vitiated by egotism and the rest, and
assumes the qualities of grosser nature, though essentially
distinct from them and incorruptible." Burnouf, Pref. to
Bhag. Puran. xlvi., note, says : " La destruction dite A't-
yantika, c'est a dire definitive, est l'identification de fame
individuelle avec le supreme Brahma, identification a la
quelle le Yogin parvient par la science."
Note (50.) p. 285.
Vish. Purana, p. 633, note. Those sainted mortals who
have diligently worshipped Vishnu, and are distinguished
for piety, abide at the time of dissolution in the Maharloka,
with the Pitris, Manus, the seven Rishis, the various orders
of celestial spirits, and the gods. These, when the heat of
the flames that destroy the world reaches to Maharloka,
repair to Janaloka in their subtle forms, destined to become
re-embodied in similar capacities to their former, when the
world is renewed at the beginning of the succeeding Kalpa.
This continues throughout the life of Brahma ; at the expi
ration of his life all are destroyed : but those who have then
attained a residence in the Brahmaloka, by having identified
themselves in spirit with the supreme, are finally resolved
into the sole-existing Brahma.
Note (51.) p. 286.
The words of St. Paul, to which allusion is made in the
text, stand as follows, 1 Thess. v. 23. Avrbg Si 6 Qtbg rrjg
7

320 NOTES TO
Eiprjvrje dyidaai ipdg oXortXElg' Kai oXoKArjpov ipwv rb
irvtipa Kai rj u^v^t) Kai rb awpa dpipirrwg iv rrj Trapovcn'ct
rov Kvpiov rjpwv 'Irjo-ov Xptcrrov rnprj^Eirj. St. Hilary well
says (De Trin. iv. p. 33), "In divinis rebus non frequentius
dicta sed tantum dicta sufficiunt : " and therefore, if the di
vision of man's nature here given occurred no where besides,
it would be still a text of importance. But, as now-a-days
the doctrine mentioned in it hardly enters at all into the
theology of some people ; as it is of the utmost importance
in practical theology; as, further, it is one met with in
divers parts of Scripture, I shall speak upon it here some
what more at length, at the risk of repeating things already
noticed in the text.
1. Upon the passage itself it may be observed, that St.
Paul implies that the Christians he addresses are already
in possession of certain things which may be called faculties
or gifts, and which may be forfeited in different degrees :
otherwise he would not pray that they might be preserved
wholly and unblameably. He prays to the God of peace,
as though he would beg that there might be no schism in
the three specified, and uses a singular verb to the three
nouns, after the manner in which, in the Old Testament,
the unity and eternal peace of the most blessed Trinity is
hinted at by joining a plural noun with a singular verb, as
avibx Kin, &c.
2. The spirit here spoken of is that supernatural gift
whereby Adam was what he was in Paradise. It is some
times called the gift of glory and of grace, sometimes glory,
sometimes the breath of life (i"fDt£0). This is the stricter
and more limited sense in which it is used, although in other
passages the word ' spirit ' is used in a laxer way, as syn
onymous perhaps with soul, although possibly a more rigid
examination of such passages might lead to a different con
clusion. Thus, when St. Paul, 2 Cor. vii. 1, speaks of filthi-

DIALOGUE III. 321
ness of flesh and spirit (poXvapbg aapKog ko.X irvtvparog),
he may mean pollution resulting from the body or from an
unclean spirit.
3. There are several texts in which the same division is
implied, where either all the three are specified, or at least
the distinction between soul and spirit. Of this distinction,
Origen (in Joan. vi. § 7) says, there are countless passages
which observe it. I shall put three or four passages to
gether, without separating the former class from the latter.
" Oh my soul come not thou into their secret, into their
assembly my glory be not thou united," HIO "inn 7N,
Gen. xlix. 6. . . " My glory rejoieeth, my flesh also shall rest
in hope, for thou wilt not leave my soul in hell," Ps. xvi. 9,
10, which passage is urged against the Apollinarians by St.
Cyril de Inc. xix. ap. Mai. Coll. Nova, vii. " Let the enemy
persecute my soul, and take it ; let him tread down my life
upon the earth, and lay my glory in the dust," Ps. vii. 5.
Again, "And Mary said, My soul doth magnify the Loed,
and my spirit hath rejoiced in God my Saviour." Luke ii. 46.
"Awake up, my glory; awake, harp and lute ; I will awake
right early," where the glory is distinguished from himself.
Ps. Ivii. 9 . " My heart is fixed ; I will sing and give praise ; yea,
my glory shall" (HUD """N), cviii. I3. Baruch iii. 1 (quoted
by Athan. c. Serap. i. 7), " The soul in anguish, the troubled
spirit crieth unto Thee." Song of Three Children, " 0 ye
spirits and souls of the righteous." Lastly, in Hebrews iv. 12,
" The Word of the Lord . . . pierceth even to the dividing
asunder of the soul and spirit, and ofthe joints and marrow."
4. The division of man into spirit, soul, and body, is of
3 See Mr. Newman's Lectures on Justification, p. 186, for further obser
vations on the word glory. The Old Testament, more particularly the
Psalms, being ultimately designed for Christians, the prophets need not
have ministered to themselves at all in such expressions, but unto us. See,
however, presently, § 5. Y

322 NOTES TO
course not a logical division : for a logical division is one
into this, and that, i. e. into two only. And properly
speaking it is not man, but Christian, which is so divided
(non-logically) : 'HpEie ydp ov pdrrjv avrov rjiaptv im tov
irvEvpariKOv prj irpoartBtiKtvai to " AvBpwirog' Kptlrrov yap
rj avBpwirog 6 irvtvpariKog. rov dvBpwirov rjroi ev ^VXV •?
ev awpan ri iv avvaptporipoig xaPaKTriplZopivov, ovxi Se Kai
ev rcji tovtwv Btioripw irvEvpan, ov Kara pEroxrjv imKparov-
o-av xpipar'2Ei 6 TTVEvpariKoe. Orig. in Jo. ii. § 15. Body,
then, is almost essential to the idea, man : it may be logically
divided into body and soul : but man and this gift (i. e. spirit)
together make up the idea, Christian. Body is only separated
from man's soul during the brief space of death ; in hell and
in heaven it is united with the soul, and is part of the man.
The natural man is here meant, and not the Christian man.
5. The Christian man is this natural man with that super
natural gift which Adam had, restored to, him. This St.
Cyril teaches, contr. Anthropom. 2. 'Eirtl ov povov XoytKov
ixprjv dvat, dXXd Kal YlvsvpaTog ayiov piroxov, 'iva Xapirpo-
ripovg ixy roiig xaPaKTr)paQ T,/C Bdag (pvatwg iv avrdj, ivt-
(jivariatv avrw irvorjv £wije. Tovro Se ian rb SC Yloii ry
XoyiKrj ktictei x°P>jyovp£vov IIvEvpa, Kai Siapoptpovv avrb dg
dSog rb dvwrarw, rovr' £crri ro Btlov' on ydp ovk tig u/vxrjv
dvapwTrw rb iptpvariBiv avn[i yiyovE irvtvpa, ovte prjv Eie vovv,
we o'iovrai nvEg, iariv evtev0ev iSeiv. Ilpwrov p.sv 6 iptjrv-
aijaag Qtbg votlrai, to Se iptpvariBiv iH, avrov irdvrwg irov
votlrai Kal i'Siov avrov, rjroi rije oiiaiag avrov' Eira irwe av to
ek Geov irvtvpa pEraj3£|3Xrjrai Ete <j>vatv ipvxije; k. r. X. And
presently, speaking of what Christ said to the Apostles
when He breathed on them, " Receive ye the Holy Ghost,"
he says : 'Avavlwcne ydp rijc dpxai'ac EKEivrje Swpfde Kai rov
SoBtvrog rjpiv ip<j>var)parog rb Sta Xpiarov yiyovtv avapop-
(jiovv rjpde £te rbv irpwrov dyiaapbv, Kai dvaKopi^ov rrjv
dvBpwirov tpvatv wg iv airapxy rolg dyioig diroaroXoig eig

DIALOGUE III. 323
rctv dvwBev Kai iv irpwry KaraaKtvy SoBivra rjptv dytacrpdv4.
This supernatural gift may be called our spirit, in the same
way as the spirits of the prophets are said to be subject to
them, as if they were their possessions ; as Origen remarks
(in Joan. vi. 7) AESwprjpEva avrolg biro Geov, oiovd ekeivwv
bvopdZtaBai Krrjpara. As the one supernatural gift may be
abused, so the other, which we are here considering, may
also. This gift it is which sanctifies the soul and the body,
which gives the soul the preponderance over the body,
which enables it to converse with the other world in prayer
and meditation. Its efficacy is pointed out by the same
wonderful writer on Levit. ii. 2. "Anima quwcunque pecca
verit coram Domino, non voluntate. Recte animam dicit
quam peccare describit ; non enim spiritum vocasset quem
diceret peccaturum. Sed ne hominem quidem hunc di
ceret, in quo nequaquam imago Dei peccato interveniente
constaret. Non ergo est spiritus ille qui peccat ; Fructus
enim spiritus est, ut describit Apostolus, charitas, gaudium,
pax, patientia, et csetera his similia, quse etiam fructus vitse
appellantur. Denique et alibi dicit : Qui seminat in came,
de came metet corruptionem : et qui seminat in spiritu, de
spiritu metet vitam ceternam. Quoniam ergo alius est qui
seminat et alius est in quo seminatur, seminatur autem vel in
carne cum peccatur, ut metatur corruptio, vel in spiritu
cum secundum Deum vivitur, ut metatur vita seterna ; con
stat animam esse quse vel in carne vel in spiritu seminat, et
illam esse quse vel in peccatum ruere possit vel converti a
peccato. Nam corpus sequela ejus est ad quodcunque dele-
gerit, et spiritus dux ejus est ad virtutem, si eum sequi
velit." However, though this gift is in a special sense
* See further, in Bishop Bull's treatise on the state of man before the
fall, particularly pp. 90 — 94, who curiously enough saw the importance of a
doctrine which Mohler, in his Symbolik, makes the ' Standpunkt ' for at
tacking heresies current abroad.
Y 2

324 NOTES TO
Christian, insomuch that till it came, the Spirit was (St.
John vii. 39) said to be not yet ; still it may have been in
part enjoyed by the Patriarchs, and in some faint degree
even by the heathen, only with this difference, that they
arrived at it as the reward of long labours, the Christian has
it bestowed upon him in baptism at once. How far all
Jewish rites were anticipations, though feeble ones, of
Christian rites, not only outwardly, but also inwardly, I shall
not here discuss ; but shall content myself with saying that
it seems probable that the Patriarchs, at least, were in some
measure partakers of the overflowings of the grace which
in their language they anticipated. It may be interesting
upon the other case — that of the heathen — to add here two
or three passages from the Fathers. St. Justin Martyr, c.
Tryph. p. 221, speaks as follows : <J?rjcri ydp IlXdrwv, avrb
roiovrov tivai rb tov vov bppa, Kal irpbg tovto -ijplv St-
SbaBai, wg SvvaaBai KaBopqv avrb ekeivo to bv dXiKpivtl
avrcji ekeivw, 6 rwv vorjrwv ajravrwv scrriv a'mov, ov xpw/la
'ix°v, ov ayripa, ov pLytBog, ovSe ovSev wv btpBaXpbg pXiirti,
dXXd n bv rovr avrb </>rjpi, bv iirtKEiva irdar/g oiiaiag, ovrt
prjrov ovte dyopEvrov, dXXd povov KaXdv Kai dyaBbv, ic,at<j>-
vrje ralg ev mtjivKviaig ipvxalg iyyivoptvov Sta to avyytvig
Kai ir'pwra rov iSiaBai. rig ovv ijplv, E'XsyE, avyyivtia irpbg
tov Geov eotiv ; rj Kai tj ^XW ^E'a Ka' aBavarog ian, Kai
avrov ekeivov tov /3acriXiKov vov pipog ; wg Se ekeivoc opa
rov Geov, ovtw Kai TjpTv i(f>iKrbv ri£ riptripw vw o-vXXoJ3eiv
to Btlov, KaX rb ivrtvBtv tjStj EvSaipovtlv ; irdvv piv ovv
Ecjirjv. Tatian also, although a writer not so much to be
depended on, has much to the same effect, of which the
following is a small part, p. 150. 'AttwXectev rjpae rb avr-
d\ovaiov, SoiiXoi yEydvapsv ot iXEvBtpot, Sid rrjv dpaprtav
iirpaBripsv. ovSev (fiavXov iirb rov Geov TTEiroinrai, ttjv ttovtj-
ptav TjpEie dvESEt^apEv. ot Se dvaSEi^avrEe Svvaroi TidXiv
irapairriaaaBai' Svo irvtvpdrwv Sta<popdg 'iaptv ypElg, wv

DIALOGUE III. 325
to piv KaXtlrai ^vxrj' rb Si, ptlZov piv rrjg ipvxng, Geov Se
eikwv Kai bpoiwatg, EKartpa Se 7rapd rote dvBpwiroig rolg
rrpwroig iirrjpxtv, 'iva rb piv n waiv iXiKoX, rb Se dvwrtpoi
rijg vXtjc- So, too, St. Clement, Strom, v. § 89, p. 698,
'EvrtvBtv ot dptfi tov IlvBayopav Bdq poipq rbv vovv dg
dvBpwirovg tjkeiv cjiacri, KaBdirtp LlXdrwv Kat 'AptcrrorEXrje
opoXoyovcriv' aXX' tiptlg piv rcj> 7T£7TtcrT£VKdri 7rpoo-£7rt-
irvElaBai to ayiov IIvEvpa (jiapiv, ol Si dptfi rbv IlXdrwva
vovv piv ev ipvxQ Bdag poipag diroppoiav iirdpxovra,
xfivxhv Se ev awpari KarotKi^ovcrtv, dva<j>avSbv yap Sid 'IwrjX
tvbg rwv SwSeko irpotpriTwv Eiprjraf " Kai iarai pfrd ravra,
iKXtw arrb rov IIvEvparde pov im iraaav adpKa, Kai ol viol
ipwv Kal al Bvyariptg ipwv irpotptirtvaovaiv'" aXX' ovx
wg pipog Geov ev EKacrrw ripwv to IIvEvpa" birwg Si tj Sta-
voprj avrrj Kai o n trori ian rb ayiov IIvEvpa ev rote TTEpi
irpotprirdag Kay rolg irtpl tpvxrjg iiriSEixBtiitrai rjpiv" dXXd
rd p£v rrje yvwcrEwe /3d0rj KpvrrrEiv ' diriariy dyaBy ' koB'
'HpokXeitov, airiariri ydp Statpvyydvtt pr) yiyvwoKtaBai.
Compare the passage from St. Austin, c. Jul. Pel., quoted
above, p. 308.
Plato also saw (see Tennem. Platon. Philos. iv. p. 34,)
that man was not willingly and of his own accord wicked,
although his wicked acts were voluntary acts. Hence there
is an appearance of there being a double will, and so a
double personality, in a man — a difficulty which the doc
trine we have been upon comes in to explain. For it being
the soul which sins (see Origen, as just quoted), the flesh
which is attached to it gives it the propension to sin, while
the spirit which is superadded to it gives it a propension
towards virtue and holiness. Hence the appearance of a
double will, from the soul being, so to say, intimately inter
penetrated by two opposite powers. The heathens, who ex
pressed their consciousness of such opposite powers at work
in them, are witnesses to the fact that they enjoyed the
gift in some measure, though doubtless in a slight one.

326 NOTES TO
How can a law be said to be in our members unless there is
that wonderfully close connexion between the soul and the
body whereby the law which properly belongeth to mind is
said to dwell in them ? " Spiritus spiritali munere adjutus
adversus carnis concupiscentiam concupiscit," said St. Aust.
c. Jul. Pel. v. § 56. The heathen, then, though they re
ceived not the promise, yet had such tokens and marks of
grace upon them as showed that they were sprung from a
fallen parent, not from a parent who had no grace to fall
from. The natural man needed the supernatural gift, to be
able to fulfil his own longings : the fables of a golden age
were but the external circumstances in imagination, suited
to the internal condition which those longings witnessed the
loss of.
As the mind of man is present in all parts of the body,
and sees, and hears, and feels in every way in it and by it,
so that there is no conscious interval between the act of the
body and of the mind ; as all its temptations, or by far the
larger part of them, are felt by the body, and executed by
it, if carried into act, so that the mind which yields to them
is said to be carnal, not that it becomes material in a literal
sense, but in that it is under the gross influence of matter :
so, on the other hand, the spirit of a Christian is present in
all acts of the mind, and through the mind in several acts
of the body also ; the inducements to go right, in a Chris
tian sense, are through the spirit ; through it the mind
feels aright, i. e. has awe and love ; through it, sees aright,
i. e. has faith ; through it, hears the inward communings of
the Spirit of God, tastes His graciousness and the powers of
the world to come, and smelleth the sweet-smelling savour
of heavenly incense. Through it both body and soul become
spiritual, partake of a spiritual and heavenly nature, become
mysteriously blended in a mysterious union and peace.
6. But as the body may become spiritual (for there is a
spiritual body), so it may forfeit the gift of the spirit through

DIALOGUE III. 327
the sins which in it and with it the soul committeth. As
the Word of God is able to divide asunder the soul and the
spirit, so He will, through His angels, cut them asunder in
him whose soul sinneth, and appoint him his portion with the
unbelievers. This is the true death of man ; as the sepa
ration of soul and body is the natural death, so the final
separation of the spirit from these is everlasting death.
This may be illustrated by the following passage of St. Ire
nseus, v. 6. " Quum Spiritus hie commixtus animse unitur
plasmati ; propter effusionem Spiritus, spiritualis et per-
fectus homo factus est : et hie est qui secundum imaginem
et similitudinem factus est Dei. Si autem defuerit animse
Spiritus, animalis est vere, qui est talis, et carnalis dere-
lictus imperfectus erit: imaginem quidem habens in plas-
mate, similitudinem vero non assumens per Spiritum. Sicut
autem hie imperfectus est ; sic iterum si quis tollat imagi
nem, et spernat plasma, jam non hominem intelligere potest,
sed aut partem aliquam hominis, quemadmodum prsedicimus,
vel aliud aliquid prseter hominem. Neque enim plasmatio
carnis ipsa secundum se homo perfectus est, sed corpus ho
minis et pars hominis. Neque enim et anima ipsa secun
dum se homo ; sed anima hominis et pars hominis. Neque
Spiritus homo : Spiritus enim, et non homo vocatur. Com-
mixtio autem et unitio horum omnium perfectum hominem
efficit. Et propter hoc Apostolus se ipsum exponens expla-
navit perfectum et spiritualem salutis hominem, in prima
Epistola ad Thessalonicenses dicens sic : Deus autem pacis
sanctificet vos perfectos, et integer vester spiritus, et anima,
et corpus sine querela in adventum Domini Jesu Christi
servetur. Et quam utique causam habebat his tribus, id
est, animse et corpori, et spiritui, integram et perfectam
perseverationem precari in adventum Domini, nisi redinte-
grationem et adunitionem trium et unam et eandem ipso
rum sciebat salutem ? Propter quod et perfectos ait eos,

328 NOTES TO
qui tria sine querela exhibent Domino. Perfecti igitur, qui
et Spiritum in se perseverantem habuerint Dei, et animas et
corpora sine querela servaverint ; Dei, id est, illam, quse ad
Deum est, fidem servantes, et earn quse ad proximum est
justitiam custodientes." And again, ii. 33. IldvrEe ol Eig
Z,wrjv iyypatpivrtg dvaaTrjaovrai i'Sia sxovrEe awpara Kai
iSiae ipvxdg Kai i'Sta irvtvpara iv dig Evrjplcrrrjcrav r<,j Gew.
Oi Se rije KoXdcrswe d^ioi dtrtXtvaovrai dg rrjv avrrjv Kai avroi
iSiae 'f'xovTEe ipvxdg KaX i'Sta awpara, iv big diriartiaav
dirb rrjg tov Geov xaptrog. Cf. v. 7. S. Ephr. S. in Ps.cxl. 3,
fin. With this compare St. Basil, De Sp. Sancto, xvi. § 40.
Ot Xv7n)cravTEe rb Ilvsvpa ro ayiov ry irovripiq rwv ettittjSev-
pdrwv avrwv tj oi pr) tmpyaadpEvoi toj SoBivn, dfyaipEBrjaov-
rai b dXr'itjiaaiv, dg iripovg ptranBtpivrig rrjg xaptrog, rj Kara
nva rwv tvayytXiarwv Kat SixoroprjvV/erovrai TravrEXwe, rrjg
Sixoropiag voovpivtjg Kara rrjv dg rb iravrtXig dirb roil
livtvparog dXXorpiwcriv. Ovte ydp crwpa StatpETrat wg to
piv irapaSiSoaBai ry KoXdati to Se dtpltaBai. MvBikov yap
tovto yt, Kai ov Kara StKatov Kptrrjv bXov rjpaprrjKdroe, £?
ripiasiag tivai rrjv KoXaaiv. Ovte i/'uxr' ^lX^ npvirai, oXrj
St' bXov rb dpaprwXbv cjipdvrjpa kekttjpeVtj Kai avyKartpya-
Z,opivri tw awpan to kokov. 'AXXa Sixoropia, wairtp £c/>rjv,
rj dirb rov IIvEvparoe dg rb StrjvEKEe rije i/'vxije dXXorpiwcrte.
Nvv pEV ydp e'i Kai pt) dvaKtKparai rolg dvafyoig, aXX' ovv
irapdvai Soke! irwg rolg diraS, ia<j>payiapivoig rrjv ek rije
imarpotprjg awrr\piav avrwv dvapivov' rort Si e£ oXov rije
fitfiriXwadarig Avrov rrjv X<*P<v ^XW diroTpriBrjatrat. Aid
roiiro ovx lgtlv iv Tty qSy b i^opoXoyovptvog oiiSi iv ry
Bavdrw 6 pvrjpovsvwv Geov, ovkeVi rije (3oriBdag rov IIvev-
parog avpirapovarjg.
7. Lastly, it may be observed that the distinction into
spirit, soul, and body, is capable of being made the basis,
or tessera, of a system of devotional meditation. For we
find that the body is mentioned in Scripture as in some way
7

DIALOGUE III. 329
mysteriously connected with the Holy Spirit : it is called
the Temple of the Holy Spirit. And texts might be
noticed which would show the connexion of the soul with
the Son, as also that of the spirit with the Father, e. g.
Rom. viii. 15, &c. Weak and feeble as all resemblances
in the creature to the Creator must needs be, still the
spirit tends in man to make the three co-equal and, pro
spectively, co-eternal, if such awful words may be applied to
aught relating to a creature : for it tends to make the body
spiritual and the soul spiritual. In the Fathers one com
monly sees that the mention of any three things in Scripture
sets them upon searching well to see if somewhat concerning
the Trinity be not there concealed, or rather reservedly re
vealed ; and this may be the case with regard to the fol
lowing passage of St. Ephrem, who more than once speaks
in the same way of this division of man. Vol. iii. p. 34,
he says, " If the spirit suffer, it is wholly sealed with the
Father ; if the soul suffer, it is wholly blended with the
Son ; if, again, the body confess and be burned, it partaketh
wholly with the Holy Ghost." (See also vol. ii. p. 336.)
This passage will, to a scripturally informed mind, afford
ample matter for long meditation.
Note (52.) p. 286.
The body of man is to attain a more glorious resurrection
through Christ's having taken a human body. See St.
Athan. de Inc. § 21. c. Arian. iii. 34. St. Austin de C. D.
xxii. 30, &c. Note (53.) p. 287.
See above, p. 127, whence it appears that the Jews also
held the doctrine of a second death ; and see Jarchi on
Gen. xlvi. 30.

330 NOTES TO DIALOGUE III.
Note (54.) p. 287.
Plato, Gorgias, § 168. 'O Bdvarog rvyxo-vu oiv, we ipoX
Sokei, ovSev dXXo tj Svolv irpaypdroiv SidXvatg, ^vx»je ""E
Kai awparog air dXXrjXoiv. Note (55.) p. 287.
The second death, which takes place through sin, is no
ticed by St. Basil, as above, Note 51, by Aretas in Apoc.
p. 207. Cyril, de Ador. in S. et V. p. 11. St. Aust. c. Jul.
P. vi. 48. De Trin. iv. 5. " Sicut anima Deo deserente, sic
corpus anima deserente moritur."
Note (56.) p. 287.
Windischmann has somewhere noticed this. The identity
of the Paramatma (see Note 51) with Vishnu, who is called
Achyuta, or the unfallen, will of course be equivalent to a
proof of the statement in the text.
Note (57.) p. 287.
This was the doctrine of Basilides and other heretics.
See Mohler as above, p. 60, where he points out the bearing
of this upon castes, &c.

END OF NOTES TO DIALOGUE III.

DIALOGUE IV.

ON THE DISTINCT PERSONALITY OF MAN, AND
THE THINGS IMPLIED IN IT.

" Obedire voluntati, habet exterioris necessitatem : facere vo
luntatem, proprium est unitati, cum factum sit voluntatis."
Hilar, de Trin. ix. p. 178.

DIALOGUE THE FOURTH.

Laurence. I felt, Radhakant, after leaving you the
other day, that I had not at all come to the bottom
of the Vedanta system. For in your account of
things the influence of Yoganidri pervades all created
beings, to whatever world they belong. And though
what I have said may perhaps have led you to think
how awful it is, if we really are endued with an un
ending individual existence, yet I feel doubtful
whether I sufficiently instructed you as to the ob
jections that there were against your theory of illu
sion. And therefore, as you said that you felt some
objections to be against the surface of the Christian
doctrine of our relations to matter, which we have
discussed, let me now hear any objections which, ac
cording to your views, do not lie against the surface,
but are of a deeper kind.
Rad. Our teachers hold that God includes all
natures, as the sea does its waves, and that the
notion of separate existences altogether is a mere
deception, which it is the object of discrimination to
remove. When the devout has obtained this, he
sees that I and thou are but That, and that Siva is
all things. Hence, as Siva is a spirit, and all things

334 FATALISM OF PANTHEISTIC SYSTEM,
are ultimately to be absorbed into him, body must
cease to exist, since it cannot become identical with
spirit. And from the doctrine that Siva is all things,
flows this also, that the distinction between right
and wrong is only a deception, however necessary it
may be for our guidance in this life.
Laur. You make this last part of your theory con
sistent with the former part, at all events : for if
men are indeed one with the Supreme Spirit, then
what they are already, they cannot aim at attaining
to ; and therefore it cannot be union with Him, but
the knowledge of that (already existing) union, at
which the devout with you should aim : and since
actions are done, not by bodies, but by the souls in
them, it will follow that the Supreme Being does all
actions. Since, then, you cannot ascribe wickedness
to Him, those, out of all actions done by Him which
seem wicked, cannot indeed be so, according to you :
all actions you would hold to be mediately or imme
diately the fruit of His will, and so not really but
apparently evil, there being no insulated spot, chasm,
or solitude, which His Spirit does not pervade ; no
creature, which is not an organ of it, whereby it com
municates good.
Now whatever becomes of this system in detail,
there is this objection to it — an objection I so often
feel to your views of things — that it is an imagi
native system, not a practical one. You " body forth
the forms of things unknown," and argue from them
as though you saw far more clearly into the system

IS CONTRADICTORY TO EXPERIENCE. 335
of God's government than He permits you. For it
is plain that it must involve what you have here
fairly stated — the annihilation of all distinctions
between right and wrong. But the world in which
we are placed is one, in which this distinction is made
to cling most pertinaciously to us ; there is every
reason to think that even the most abandoned men
retain a sense of it, so far as to make them wish to
be rid of the guilt of a wicked act, even when they
would retain any advantages accruing from it.
If, then, this be so, and if, besides this, even when
it is nearly effaced, the sense of this distinction often
revives in full vigour upon the near approach of
death, it is surely an unpractical system which treats
men, even in theory, as if this distinction were unreal,
although it lasts pertinaciously throughout the whole
of that portion of their existence, with which expe
rience makes us acquainted. In other words, we
cannot succeed in divesting ourselves of the idea that
they either are, or have been made, essentially distinct
under that portion of God's government in which
we His creatures are placed ; and yet your theory of
illusion, if followed out consistently, must make this
distinction an unreal one ; neither can I see how
you will avoid coming next to the conclusion, that
men's vices are the actions of the Supreme Being.
Rad. But we do not so hold indifference of
actions ; neither do we believe the fate which over
rules the deeds of men to be any thing else than the

336 PANTHEISM, AS SPECULATIVE AND PRACTICAL,
result of actions done in a previous existence ; which
actions, in this way, entail a necessity of sinning.
Laur. I must again insist on what I before urged,
the danger of imagination in things of such high con
cernment to us. That forward and delusive faculty
leads you to frame to yourselves what the rules (1 )
are by which God governs the world ; and so you
have, I fear, fallen into what we must account blas
phemies against the Most High. Yet let me not
be thought to assert, that all the evils in practice
which generally follow from a false creed, have actu
ally followed in your case. The high notions of self-
denial held by your forefathers, and practised, more
or less, during so many ages, may have exerted an
influence not only in the way of example, but in
some further and providential way, against the ten
dency of a wrong creed.
To proceed, however, with the discussion of your
creed. It seems to me that you have a speculative,
and also a practical view. The speculative view may
be stated thus : — Siva being all creatures, produces
all actions ; certain actions appear to contradict this ;
therefore, since the first is true, the second is only
an appearance ; they do not really contradict it, and
the apparent contradiction will be removed by Vi
jnana (discrimination). And what I call the more
practical view is this : men's actions are the result of
fate ; but fate is itself the result of actions done in
a previous existence. The former would be, I sup-

CONTRADICTORY TO EACH OTHER. 337
pose, the language adopted when a man was arguing
about the nature of God ; the latter when he was
treating of the rule of action. But if we look closely
at the two, we shall see that one is incompatible with
the other. For the latter shows plainly how men
will allow themselves in any extent of imagination,
which will delude their reason into a belief that after
all they are not parting with the notion of moral
responsibility. By weighing, then, the sentiments
of the speculative view in the balance of the practi
cal, we find that the practical view indirectly attests
a truth which is subversive of the speculative view.
For the notion of responsibility implies the notion of
separate personality, and therefore contradicts the
notion that Siva produces all actions.
Next, let us reverse the process, and see what will
come of examining the practical view by the theo
retical. All actions, you say, are the fruit of Siva's
will : but under all actions are contained the actions
done in a former existence ; for if the actions of this
existence themselves are the fruit of Siva's will, then
the actions of a past existence, upon which those of
the present depend, are the fruit of his will. From
this it will follow that the difficulty I have alleged
against your speculative view, viz. that it attributes
wicked actions to God, is not destroyed, but only
shifted into another existence by the practical theory,
as I have called it. You do assert, theoretically at
least, the indifference of actions right or wrong. And
what I contend is, that the Almighty Dispenser of

338 PRACTICAL DIFFICULTIES OF
all things has placed us in a world, in which we are
treated throughout as if the distinction between right
and wrong was a real one ; and that the Christian
dispensation, coming as it does from the same God,
is more probable than yours, because it confirms us
in the idea, that this distinction is a permanent and
eternal one.
But it will be well, perhaps, to assume next the
truth of your practical view, in order to show more
particularly how it disproves the notion, that Siva is
all things. If, then, the condition of our present life
depends upon actions done in a previous existence
by us and not by any other being, we must assume
the operation of independent wills, acting some in
one direction and , some in another direction. If,
then, the one acted in conformity with Siva's will, and
the other acted not in conformity with it, but against
it, Siva's will is, upon this supposition, not the
producer of all acts, but only of some acts. For it is
as impossible to conceive of the same will operating
in two different directions, as it is to conceive that
an indivisible particle of matter can be at rest and in
motion. You must, then, virtually admit, according
to your practical view, that there are some inde
pendent, originative, sources of actions, endued with
a personality distinct from Siva's personality, viz.
those who oppose his will. And if it be plain that
unanimity of will does not necessarily imply identity
of person, then the good also must be capable of
being conceived as distinct persons from Siva. The

THE DOCTRINE OF PRE-EXISTENCE. 339
practical view then, in that it assumes independent
action, though in a previous existence, is contrary to
the speculative.
Again, will not this absurdity also follow from
your view of things, that the present life is not at all
a state of trial (2) ? For if the Supreme Being re
wards men according to their actions, He either
rewards them according to their actions done in this
life, or their actions done in a former life. If their
future happiness or misery depends upon their making
a right use of the opportunities offered in this life for
all the different degrees of discipline, then this is the
life upon which all depends, and therefore the doc
trine of pre-existence is unnecessary. But, if He
rewards them in proportion to the acts of a past
existence, then their present existence ceases to be
a state of trial, and your God will be made wantonly
to expose His creatures to the pollutions of incorpo
ration, when nothing that they can do in this life will
alter their fate, once decided.
Neither will it avail to say that all have contracted
some stains in a past existence, and that they are
admitted here to a state of penance and purgation,
in such way that their final destination can be re
versed by neglect of the opportunities now offered
them. Because in this way you will again be making
our present existence to be, what Christians believe
it is, that upon which our final destination after all
depends, and so you will be admitting that a pre-
existence is unnecessary. z 2

340 CREATURES, AS MUTABLE, CANNOT
I should also observe, that arguing from all we
know of good men, there is every appearance that
they also are mutable beings (3), and that their wills
are at times opposed to what they will at other times.
Hence, if God be immutable, and loveth righteous
ness and hateth iniquity, those creatures who are
mutable, and love sometimes one, sometimes the
other, are also endued with separate wills from Him,
and so with separate personalities from His. But
the whole economy of things, which you imagine for
yourselves, is built upon the supposition that the
subjects of it are mutable creatures, and so are dis
tinct from an immutable Being. Neither do we
know of any immutable Being but One : all others
are by nature mutable, as the fall of some of them
plainly shows, and they are therefore separate indi
viduals from that one immutable Being. As, then,
they have each a will of their own, which will may
exercise itself in approximations to the Supreme
will, or in declinations from it (4), this capacity of
so exercising their will leads one to see at once, that
there may be approximations in every different de
gree to the Supreme will, as well as deviations from
it. As, further, will evinces its existence by energy,
if we could suppose any two beings to have a will
perfectly coincident, in the strictest logical sense of
the word perfectly, we plainly must suppose their
energies to be perfectly coincident. But to suppose
this would be to suppose that they ceased to have
an individual existence. And I own I am totallv

BE IDENTICAL WITH THE CREATOR. 341
unable to conceive such a logically perfect coinci
dence between the wills and energies of any two
created beings (5). For if their energies were per
fectly coincident, they must have spheres of action
perfectly coincident ; else the will of one would be
impeded, and consequently could not perfectly coin
cide with that of the other. If, then, you suppose a
will perfectly coinciding with the Supreme will, you
must suppose also an energy perfectly coinciding with
the Supreme energy. And if you suppose that it is
only through deception that we imagine ourselves
distinct from the Supreme Being, you must suppose
that our will is coincident with His will, and there
fore infinite. But you also suppose creatures to be
subject to change, as their being placed in different
stations of probation would prove. And to suppose
that a mutable creature can become one with the
immutable God is to suppose that there is a period,
when advances towards an absolutely perfect Being,
who never had any imperfection, come to a close.
If, then, such advances come to a close, you must
likewise imagine the past imperfections to be effaced
from existence, otherwise a Being who never had
any imperfection will be equalled by one, who has
had imperfections.
I am indeed aware that you will say that you hold
that after an Ahoratri of Brahma, the good lose all
individual existence, and are absorbed into the im
mutable ever-existing Being. And when it is so
stated, it seems as if no answer could be made at

342 SUBTLE MATERIALISM OF THIS SYSTEM.
once which should disprove it in the way of logical
reasoning, however loudly a man's conscience may
cry out against the thought of his becoming, in this
sense, one with God, who is over all, blessed for ever !
But the truth is, I believe, that it never could have
been thus nakedly propounded to any thoughtful
being for acceptation, and you do not yourselves so
propound it. For this is only a part of the doctrine
which you hold : for you believe that all spirits came
out of Brahma, and were originally portions of him :
that at the creation he unfolded (6) himself, i. e. sepa
rated from himself, both then and at subsequent
times, portions of his essence. So that when we come
to look at your doctrine as Christians, we feel at first
sight a kind of suspicion that you are making God
material, when you suppose men to have their whole
essence absorbed into His essence at last. And a
further examination of it leads us to fear that your
god is, after all, but a subtle kind of matter. For
the belief that spirits were originally separated from
him, implies that he is discerptible, and so com
pounded. And in bringing it before you that your
doctrines do lead to this blasphemy, I am not de
grading the Indians to a lower rank than other
nations not yet Christian. For I believe that a
thoughtful examination of all errors and heresies
whatsoever will show that they do ultimately run up
to this (7). I think that you will find that the
systems which suppose pre-existence, and periods in
which men have lived before the present, are always

ERRORS, HOW PERVERSIONS OF TRUTHS. 343
accompanied with a virtual denial of free will, and a
representation of God, which comes at last to identify
Him with matter.
Rad. Yet surely the doctrine of a previous exist
ence is a very ancient and widely diffused one : two
things which ought to give it some claims to your
regard. Laur. I think, indeed, that there are one or two
great truths which it may be a mingled representa
tion of, although I would not venture to dogmatize
about this matter. Still, as far as I know, all error
depends upon some truth for its subsistency (8), and
therefore I suppose there is some truth disguised by
the evil spirit, the father of this error. Yet when
things very mysterious are so reduced to a form as
to become no more mysterious, the error ceases
to bear any great symptoms of ever having come
from truth. Now we are told that God, before the
foundation of the world, chose those whom He would
save from the world, which is a very great mystery,
and ought never to be treated of as if it were the act
of a creature of time, such as you are. This, then,
may be one truth which you have retained a trace ot
in your doctrine of a metempsychosis : you have
not been content to treat it as a mystery belonging
to a Being with whom the future is as the past, and
to whom priority and posteriority cannot be ascribed :
but you have worked it out into a system in order
that you might contrive to fancy that you could

344 THE DIFFICULTIES OF A BELIEF
reconcile it with what is most undeniably true — that
men are free agents.
Or, again, this doctrine of transmigrations and
periods may be looked upon in another light, viz. as
keeping up a tradition of the fall of man from a
higher and better state. For the books of Moses,
in which I do not see any trace whatever of this
doctrine of transmigrations, teach us that God made
man upright ; that afterwards his wife, whose body
was mysteriously formed from his, led him into sin,
and that in consequence they forfeited that happy
state, and that also all who spring from him are
under a state of punishment for his sin, by nature.
And I think that, if you consider how readily men
catch at any thing which will enable them to shift the
responsibility (9) of wicked acts from themselves to
some other being, or to necessity or fate, you must
allow that this true history goes a good way towards
accounting for the existence of your discoloured
tradition. Rad. Am I, then, to think that the sins of the
parents in such ways limit man's free-will as to pre
vent his choosing what is good ?
Laur. The power to choose good must certainly
reside with us, otherwise we should not really be free
beings at all. Upon what, indeed, that power de
pends is another question, which at some future time
we may discuss. I think, however, that it is some
thing which should be fully admitted and most at-

IN MAN'S FREE WILL ADMITTED. 345
tentively considered, that creatures endued with a
power of doing right should so often choose what is
wrong, in spite of that power. When we look back
upon our misdeeds, we feel as if we could not delibe
rately have chosen them ; so painful is it to realize
to ourselves that our past conduct is ours, that upon
cool reflection, we are completely at a loss to account
for our inconsistency, and are fain to think that the
power of acting aright, whatever it be, must have
been withdrawn from us for the time. We cannot
grasp the thought that we freely choose to do wrong ;
and it is in this state of mind that we are prone to
adopt any theory which will shift the responsibility
of the act off from ourselves. We see that there
are in the world men who readily allow themselves
to be led away by the false reasonings of others ; and
you may conclude that all men are in some degree,
though in very different degrees, liable to the same
thing (10) from their own selves. For we are plainly
endued with a power of reflecting upon our own
actions, which power, when it disapproves of past
guilt, may be borne down by angry feeling at it, and
not allowed to accuse us as it would do ; i. e. may
have its witness, that the act is our own act, set
aside. Our inability, then, to realize to ourselves
the distressing fact that we wilfully chose what was
wrong, may be looked upon as a difficulty presented
by our own mind in part, though not exclusively, to
the belief that man is free : and perhaps there are
other difficulties, and far greater ones, in the way of

346 DIFFICULTIES IN THE THEORY
such belief, when we attempt to state to ourselves
the mode in which wicked actions are controlled
under divine Providence, and seem to make up a
part of that whole system of things, which we believe
to be under His government. And it seems to have
been this sense that God does rule the world, that
has led men so to forget that the government of the
world is the concern of Him who is the Lord and
Proprietor of it, as to imagine for themselves the
rules by which He governs it. Hence they have
come to implicate Him in the sum total of all
actions, wicked as well as good, in a way which must,
if carried out, obliterate all notions of free-will ;
along with those ideas of His own infinite perfections,
which, though implanted by Him in men's minds, they
need not retain of necessity in their knowledge (11).
But if the theory of free-will be liable to difficul
ties, which cannot perhaps be totally removed, the
theory of necessity is liable to far greater difficulties,
even in the most modified shape of it. For, in the
first place, that world in which we are is under God's
providence in every respect : for the fact that things
apparently so trivial are often found to be so full of
important bearing upon our interests, shows, beyond
all contradiction, that if we admit a providence at
all, we must admit a particular providence, since we
are not at all judges of what is or is not a trivial
event or action. Now among the particular things
under God's government, we find that virtue is re
warded, and vice and carelessness punished, and this

of necessity considered. 347
even in the smaller instances of it. And among the
many ways in which this is effected, we find the
ministration of other men to be a chief one, as the
existence of courts of justice proves. If, then, ac
cording to your theory, creatures capable of improve
ment are admitted to penance in this life, for the
imperfections of a past life, and if these imperfections
are removed by the things which they suffer in this
life, then what they suffer here is a purificatory pro
cess. And if purification be not administered by
divine Providence, then you must give up the theory
altogether. But if the purification be administered
by Him, then the punishments which effect it are
also. But the punishments which befall the vir
tuous in this life often befall them at the hands of
wicked men, through oppression and violent per
version of judgment and justice in a province • ;
hence the divine Providence takes its rise and start
ing in them, so to say, and yet inflicts punishments
upon those in whom, by birth, there is a capacity for
amendment, not for that end, but on account of the
virtues in them. And if this be so, you must, in
your view of things, admit that the punishment is
not unjust, and that the administrators of it act
justly, or else that it is God who instigates them to
do even wicked deeds (12). We, on the contrary, by
believing that men's state of trial is here, and that
their final condition depends upon their conduct in
1 Eccles. v. 8.

348 THE TRANSMISSION of sin not
this life, and not attempting to search out how it is
that He overrules the actions of the wicked without
instigating them, look rather to these confusions as
proofs that men are free agents, endued with an in
dividual existence, and placed in this world with a
view to their being disciplined through the instru
mentality of the things in it, accordingly as they
avail themselves of the opportunities or not.
Rad. I can understand some things in what you
say, and some things I must think over at another
time. I can quite understand, for instance, how you
mean that if all things done to us in this world,
whether by good men or bad, go upon the suppo
sition that we are free, we cannot suppose Siva to
include all spirits, good and bad, but must assume
that there are, as you say, other individual beings
beside Siva in the world. Yet what you mean
by saying that the theory of existence is false,
though it bears witness to the true doctrine, that
owing to the fall of one man others were con
demned, I cannot understand. For you assert the
individuality of the man who fell, because his will
was opposed to God's will. And you deny the indi
viduality of one man with another, and yet say that
all are punished in consequence of one man's sin.
Now this seems to amount to teaching the doctrine
of dualism. For men, if they are all justly punished
for this one man's sin, must all be one with this
man ; and as men, according to your views, are pro
pagated by the agency of matter, you seem to me

JUSTIFIABLE TO MAN'S WISDOM. 349
to be setting up a material principle, opposed to a
spiritual principle ; one which has a will energizing
in one direction, and the other having a will ener
gizing in an opposite direction.
Laur. I think, Radhakant, that this difficulty is
one which is most fully met by observing some
things which go on about us, which tend to show
that we are going beyond our depth when we at
tempt to find out how it can be just for evil, of
whatever kind it be, to be entailed from father to
son. For the cases are numberless in which the
innocent (13) suffer for the guilty, even where there
is no such intimate dependency upon one another,
as this of father and son is. Loss of property, good
name, and many other things, put children in what
seems, and often is, a far more disadvantageous po
sition for growth in virtue and knowledge of religion.
But, in particular, it is quite impossible to deny that
there are many disorders which are entailed from
father to son, and not unfrequently to the third and
fourth generation ; disorders which, in some instances,
can be traced almost infallibly to the parent's mis
conduct : and there appear to be instances in which
new disorders have been visited upon certain sins,
which are hereditary, even when the sins are not
imitated. And this is not a thing which was late
observed, but early attracted the notice of phy
sicians (14). Hence, as sins are committed by the
soul, through the instrumentality of the body, the
fact will amount to this, that for certain sins inherent

350 ENTAILED NATURAL EVILS
in the soul of a man, certain inflictions are entailed
upon the bodies (15) of his posterity : they suffer for
his sins. This, then, is a fact in the course of God's
ordinary government, which falls in with what our
revelation teaches, concerning the entailment of the
fruits of sin of a parent upon the souls of children,
and completely removes all objection drawn from the
supposed injustice of such punishment of the inno
cent for the wicked. But if you remember what was
urged above, concerning the influence of bodily con
stitution upon the formation of character, it will also
appear that the entailed consequences of sin, even in
those instances where they come under our experi
ence, and so belong to an ordinary, not a miraculous
state of things, are to be viewed as something more
than mere pains ; for they are direct temptations to
a peevish carelessness of mind in many cases, and
temptations too which are carried about with men,
and cannot be fled from, as other temptations can.
Now the consideration of this fact, viz. that certain
temptations to go wrong are entailed upon innocent
children by the sins of their fathers, will, I think, lead
you to see that whatever speculative difficulties you
may raise to the Christian doctrine as involving a
denial of the separate individuality of father and son,
and so tending to a dualism, the very opposite is
proved by this which I am now observing. For if a
son, upon witnessing the folly and misery of his
father's conduct, takes occasion to exert himself to
overcome any temptations to sin, such as I have

DO NOT PREVENT THE WILL BEING FREE. 35 1
mentioned, then he plainly exerts his will in an op
posite direction to what his father did, supposing
the father to continue in sin to the last (16).
Now such a case as this is not merely hypotheti
cal, but one of constant occurrence. Earth, in the
Puranas (17), is made to bid children beware of their
father's pride : which exhortation were useless unless
they had both a tendency to go wrong, and also a
power left to them of choosing what was right.
Here, then, we have an instance of the will of the
father going in one direction, and the will of the son
going in another opposite direction. In this case,
then, the material principle which you accuse me of
setting up against the one spiritual principle, is found
to be possessed of will, and will operating in two
opposite directions, sometimes in accordance with,
and sometimes in opposition to, the spiritual prin
ciple. And whether will can be, with any propriety,
attributed to matter as such, I leave you to judge ;
to me it seems a contradiction in terms. But if
there be any principle of unity between father and
son, it is either material and discerptible, or it is im
material and indiscerptible. If the former, then, as
we have seen, a man is not precluded by it from
having a will distinct from that of his father. If the
latter, then it is also a contradiction in terms to say
that a soul, which is an indiscerptible whole in itself,
should will, and act upon that will, with one portion
of itself in one direction, and with another portion in
another direction. Yet this will be the only alter-
7

352 distinct personality implied
native left, unless you deny that the soul is an indis
cerptible whole in itself, and so make it, in fact, the
creature of destiny (18). For if it be not a whole
in itself, then it must be part of something else, as
you would say, of Siva ; in wliich case, the absurdity
above noticed will follow, for you will then make
the Supreme Being to have, iu one man, a will ope
rating in one direction (19), and in another man a
will operating in an opposite direction. Yet this
is, as I said, equivalent to making him discerptible.
For if any thing can make up an idea of a distinct
being, it is a distinct will resulting in a distinct
energy (20). If, then, the Supreme Being can be
come a number of distinct (21) wills and energies,
He is discerptible.
Whether, then, the temptation to go wrong is
transmitted to the soul of the sons from the father
of all men, or to the body, is a further question, and
one which it is nothing to the present purpose to
discuss; since we see that facts which come under
our observation abundantly prove the two things
which I was desirous to show : viz. that the revealed
account of transmitted guilt cannot be objected to as
implying injustice, because, though there is enough
to confirm our natural idea of God's justice (22), yet
there are things which come under our observation
in the course of God's ordinary government to show
that we are not at all judges of what is just or unjust
in the matter ; and also that the existence of distinct
wills evinced by the different conduct of different

IN INDIVIDUAL RESPONSIBILITY. 353
fathers and sons, is a proof that they are distinct
individuals from each other and from God. For
whether the particular propensions (23) to certain
sins reside in the soul or the body, while they are
present they must, at least in some degree, be an in
ducement to do what reason and conscience forbid :
and when in one man we see that these propensions
overcome reason, and in another remain, though in
subjugation to reason, we cannot but see that there
is an essential difference in the two men, such as fully
to evince a distinct individuality ; an / and a Thou,
as your writers express it, which cannot be or be
come That (24), because our whole nature leads us to
ascribe immutability, and all other perfections, to the
Supreme Being. And let me again remind you how
terrible it will be at the last day for those who have
rejected the Christian scheme, when they might have
known it : and how much more in conformity it
would be with the wisdom which we do use in our
temporal affairs, to act upon the safe side, when
there is so tremendous an interest at stake. For it
is not absorption into the Eternal for which Christians
look, but for a day when the Lord God Almighty,
who was, and is, and is to come, shall bring before
Him all the whole sum of beings, which He gifted at
creation with an individual eternal existence, not to
absorb them into Himself, but to reward them, every
one according to his works. What a man has done
will then be the main thing ; faith in Vishnu (25)
will not then seem to be the only real thing, but
a a

354 REVELATION OF THE JUDGMENT,
good works in proportion to your knowledge; and
they that have done good shall go into life everlast
ing, and they that have done evil into everlasting fire.
Consider, then, well with yourself, that you may not
treat it as a thing indifferent, whether you admit the
truth of Christianity or not. For if I have put be
fore you even evidence enough to make you feel
doubts, whether after all it is not true, then you are
bound to go on, and examine whether further evi
dence will not give strength to those doubts. For if
this is our place of trial, and our only place of trial,
as all Christians believe, then, if you reject the evi
dence here, you will not have any other opportunity
between the time in which you are in this life, and
the day of judgment and tribulation and wrath and
anguish, when God ariseth to shake terribly the
earth, and the elements shall be dissolved with a
fervent heat. If all this should be true, what manner
of persons ought you to be, and how attentive to all
evidence upon the subject !
Rad. I had been told that the Christian scheme
was a scheme of mercy ; but in this view of it, it is
a scheme of terror.
Laur. Suppose, then, that we had been allowed
to act on without the least knowledge of this great
and dreadful and searching judgment, of the eternity
of hell-fire, and the everlasting separation of the
wicked from the good, for a certain period of our
life ; and that then a wise and good Being came and
declared to us that all this was awaiting us, if we

HOW EXPLANATIVE OF FORGIVENESS. 355
did not obey our consciences and live virtuously ;
would not the mere fact of this warning be in itself
an act of the greatest loving-kindness ?
Rad. Assuredly it would ; yet one seems to want
something more ; one looks for forgiveness in some
method : and it was in this light I thought the Gos
pel was a scheme of mercy.
Laur. Doubtless you are right in this : the Gospel
is a scheme of mercy or forgiveness. But then let
us consider what forgiveness is. If it is in any sense
the obliterating of the consequences of past sin, then
it must be supposed to obliterate the worst conse
quences of it. Now nobody that at all makes it his
business to obey God can have the slightest doubt
that one of the worst consequences of past sin is ina
bility to obey Him. Men would be angels if they
could do His will on earth, as it is done in Heaven.
Your own doctrine of metempsychosis is but one
great and cumbrous expression of the plain truth,
that the commission of sinful acts entails upon a man
a necessity of sinning again, unless there be a very
vigorous exertion of the moral principle upon his
part. For if we substitute our brief life here for the
period of a Manwantara, a man who sins in the
Satyayuga of childhood often, in his after life comes
to a Rajoyuga of peevishness and disobedience ; and
then follows the Tamoyuga of an undistinguishing
spirit, and good and evil are confused before his
spirit. This, then, is the most miserable of the
effects of sin, that it disables men from obeying, and
Aa2

356 GOSPEL GRACES, AS INWARD,
that forgiveness of sins which did not remove this
disability would be no forgiveness at all. If a man's
sins made him blind and lame, he could not be said
to have those sins perfectly forgiven, until he could
see and walk. Forgiveness of sins, then, and grace
to walk uprightly for the future, are as inseparable
from each other as the concave and convex of a
circle. I am wholly unable to separate them even
in thought, though I have often tried to do so. The
Gospel, then, is a scheme of forgiveness, because it
gives grace and strength to obey ; it holds out divers
means to this end ; it professes to be a system under
which God has chosen to Himself a peculiar people
zealous of good works. And if it happens that men
by leading careless lives make these means of no
effect, that no more disproves that they did give
spiritual life and strength, than the drunkenness of
the vicious would disprove their having had natural
life and strength. If ten lepers were cleansed, and
only one of them was careful to maintain his restored
health, this would not prove that the others had
never been cleansed.
Rad. But if the object of Christianity was to make
men lead better lives, and to give them strength to
do so, it has surely failed most signally, from what I
see of Christians. And after all, you must allow that a
religion, which does not make men lead strict lives,
is not worth so much as to make us leave our old
profession for it.
Laur. I think that the strongest possible argu-

ARE OFTEN NOT OBSERVABLE. 357
ment for a religion is its influence upon the lives of
its professors. Our books insist upon this most
pointedly, as the best way of showing that God is
really with us. Yet there are other arguments by
which it may be sufficiently proved : and though I
would not for a moment be thought to underrate
your objection, (it cannot be set too high,) yet I think
attention to the two following points will go far
towards removing that objection.
1 . Christians are entirely forbidden to strive and
cry in the world, and try to display a front : I have
no hesitation in saying that it is a false Christianity
which attempts to do so. We are commanded most
strictly to pray and give alms and fast in secret ; and,
in proportion as the whole body of Christians has
among it those who do so, in that proportion is it
rewarded openly. And from the continuance of
Christ's kingdom upon earth, with its bishops as
princes in all lands, I infer that these duties are still
observed ; and my belief is, that when the last day
of account comes, we shall find that all the whole
sum of outward and stirring exertion has done a
mere nothing towards the promotion of His king
dom, when put in comparison with the effect of
these unostentatious duties. Hence the side of
Christianity which you see is just that which is the
most contradictory to its distinctive characteristic as
a practical system ; whereas the side by which the
Christian Church has power with God and prevails, is
lonely weeping and supplication, which you do not see.

358 A SOUND CREED A TOUCHSTONE
2. And this consideration, namely, that it is how
men appear in God's sight, and not how they appear
in man's, upon which the goodness of a religion de
pends, leads to another. For His all-seeing eye may
see a rebellious stout-heartedness, where men think
that devotion and self-denial reign : hence it may
be a moral offence of the most heinous nature in His
sight, when men disbelieve those revelations which
He has made of Himself ; or, in other words, the re
jection of a sound creed may be, in the case of some
minds, as thorough an act of rebellion against the
Most High, as in the case of other men an act of
sensuality would be. There are some people who,
from their make and constitution, have little or no
tendency to disregard the common rules of morality,
but whose probation lies in their behaviour in regard
to speculative difficulties.
Hence it is far from being clear that you can
safely put Christianity aside, because it shows so
little in the lives of most of its professors. For
if its truest professors are those who least publicly
profess it, on the one hand ; and if, on the other
hand, the moral improvement of mankind is far
from being the whole of what it aims at, since the
belief in its doctrines, in and by itself, is of the
highest importance; it will follow that it is to be
treated not only as a revelation of what God's
will is, in regard to His creatures, but also as dis
closing certain truths in regard to His own nature,
which, for His wise purposes, He has made it our

OF FAITH AND PRACTICE. 359
duty to hold religiously. And it is also very much
to be observed, that knowledge is much more final
than obedience is ; obedience seems in all cases to
lead to knowledge — obedience, I mean, not of the
head or of the heart alone, but of the whole man,
with all his mind as well as all his heart, and all his
soul and all his strength — this obedience appears in
all cases to lead to knowledge as a necessary attend
ant upon it ; whereas knowledge, during a state of
probation, seems in no case to lead necessarily to
obedience. Now this being so, it becomes a question
whether they who hold true doctrines in words only
have any real hold of them, unless they live, or try
to live, upright lives. It is stern obedience alone
which will make men gentle towards others, and
reverential towards God. For without a wish to
obey, they cannot know of His doctrine ; they think
things absurd or nice distinctions (26) which are of
the highest possible consequence : for it were hard
indeed if, with a real wish to obey, issuing in a dili
gent use of all the means placed within their power,
they could not attain to the truth. So firmly am I per
suaded of this, that I should suppose there is always
some real wrongness of heart, which perhaps confines
its agency to mental acts alone, whenever people
are careless about the creed they profess. False
notions of God always prevent a good life (27) : and
from the very nature of imperfect creatures such as
we are, it will follow that it is but a curious piece of
trifling to attempt to decide precisely which comes
first, the evil moral habit or the wrong creed. For

360 OUR MORAL TRIALS ANALOGOUS
as imperfect creatures advance gradually in cor
ruption as well as in improvement, and never con
tinue in one stay, evil or good habits, and wrong or
right conceptions of God, keep giving birth to one
another. I am saying this with a view to show you that, al
though I by no means think moral improvement to
be the end of the Gospel dispensation, yet it is one
which is essentially bound up with it. For if the
end of it be, as it much more correctly may be said
to be, that certain of God's creatures should be the
receptacles of that mystery of faith, which He has
once delivered to them ; and if there is every reason
to think, that there is some impossibility in the
nature of things that that mystery can be held in
any thing but a pure conscience, then it appears
clearly that Christianity, in order to effect this end,
exacts of us a pure conscience — pure as well from
mental contaminations of pride and self-satisfiedness,
as from sensual ones of a grosser kind.
But besides, we are very greatly in the dark as
to what the use of many moral habits, e. g. patience
and temperance, will be in a future state of exist
ence. We are obliged in childhood to learn many
things which we do not see the use of; and perhaps
it may be asserted, that to the very end of our pre
sent existence we are subjected to trials of various
kinds, of the whole bearing of which upon our growth
in holiness we can give a very slender account, at
best. Hence many of the things which an infinitely
wise and good Being bids us believe here, might be,

TO THE TRIAL OF OUR FAITH BY CREEDS. 361
in some unknown ways, the most absolutely neces
sary conditions of our further growth in holiness, in
some wider sphere of existence. Hence it may be
that He has chosen to try our teachableness and sub
mission to superior wisdom, in the same way in
regard to our whole duration, as we know that He
has in regard to the different stages of it ; for con
tempt of the undemonstrated decisions and opinions
of the experienced in youth, is often followed by the
greatest misery in after life (28). However, we
Christians do see, though we cannot always express,
the practical effect of a strict creed upon the heart,
in humbling it, and exalting it too, by rendering it
covetous after purity and unworldliness.
Nor ought it to be omitted that our books repre
sent us as in the midst of other beings, as encom
passed by a cloud of unseen witnesses ; so that we
know, I may say, nothing of the influence of the doc
trines of the Church, as doctrines, upon principalities
and powers in heavenly places. And perhaps the
committing of these mysteries to our custody may
contribute towards showing what is in our heart (29),
not only to the few of God's creatures with whom
sense makes us acquainted, but also to several unseen
orders of beings, so that it may be known to God's
creatures, by way of example, that we are thus and
thus disposed of (30).
The very possibility, then, that a strictly orthodox
creed may be absolutely necessary for our future hap
piness, makes it a moral obligation of the strongest

362 THE SUBJECT OF THE CHRISTIAN CREED,
kind not to set aside the evidence for the Christian
religion all at once, particularly as we are such frail
and exceedingly ignorant creatures, and know so
very little upon what our real happiness may depend.
You ought therefore to keep your mind open to
every degree of evidence, and be particularly upon
your guard against assuming that Christianity exerts
no influence upon the minds of its professors, because
that influence is not a visible one. For the kingdom
of God cometh not with observation during any part
of its continuance ; and even that last and tre
mendous portion of it, the universal confession 2 of all
the sins of all men, of their hearts as well as outward
members, shall overtake men as a thief in the night.
Rad. All that you have told me makes me long
to know somewhat more explicitly what these mys
teries are whereof you speak. For to us, Christians
appear to be worshippers of three Gods.
Laur. I fear, Radhakant, exceedingly, now I have
to answer you that question : for the other questions
which you have asked me concerned the nature and
destinies of man, but this will lead me to speak of
Him which was and is and is to come. And these
holy pearls cannot, without danger, be thrown before
the unsanctified discretion of you that are heathens.
I trust, then, that it is as an earnest inquirer that you
ask, lest I should incur inexpiable guilt (31) by di
vulging them to one who is not in earnest. And I
2 Rom. xiv. 11, 12. Psalm 1. 21.

ONE TO BE TREATED WITH CAUTION. 363
beg you not to think that the doctrine of the
Trinity is a simple and easy thing, which you can
reduce to system without trouble. It is indeed easy
for a common man to believe it, and praiseworthy
for him to do so, though he understand not (32)
what may be understood of so great a mystery. And
I say this lest you should adopt the Christian sys
tem, and think to be able at once to discuss high
doctrines in it ; for though it be true that a man
who is baptized, and becomes a Christian, has an in
ward power communicated to him in order to the
understanding of these great truths, yet even then
they are very full of difficulties, and require long
study of the holy men of old, and a very holy life,
before they will allow themselves to be as fully un
derstood as they should be by those who deal with
them as theologians, not as merely practical men.
Feeling, then, that I am but little advanced in all
these respects, I will endeavour to put only so much
before you as is opposed to your own doctrines.
1. When we come to look at your theory of the
Creation, there does seem ground for thinking that
you deny the indiscerptibility of God, by representing
all creatures as produced from His own essence, and
not by Him, but from Him. We hold that it was
on this wise. God is one Essence, but three Per
sons ; and though all these three Persons were con
cerned in the Creation (33), yet it was by the Word,
or second Person of this Trinity, that the worlds were
made. And when God made the worlds by Him,

364 THE INDIVISIBLE TRINITY,
He did not separate Him from His Essence, but
remained One with Him, and is One with Him, and
ever will be One with Him. And to the creatures
He gave a separate individuality ; but He, being
God, could not have a separate individuality from
the Father, although He hath a distinct personality.
For God is not divisible, as your books appear to
make Him. For you represent Brahma, Vishnu, and
Siva (34), as denominations obtained by Him, accord
ing as His attributes display themselves, which is in
deed like a certain heresy (35) against Christianity.
Yet in other places they have been represented as at
war with each other, so that they lose by this blas
phemy all the attributes of divinity. Neither do we
speak of the Divine Nature proceeding into three
Avasthas (Hypostases) (36). For then we should make
the Divine Nature, as such, to become something
which it was not, and so destroy its eternity and
unchangeableness. For "if it be not eternally
that the Word is with the Father, then is not the
Trinity eternal, but was a Monad aforetime, and
from addition became afterwards a Triad (37)." Al
though, then, we hold that the Word of God pro
ceeded (38) forth to create the worlds, yet we re
member how little language can possibly do to ex
press these mighty truths, and define not how He
did so, though we know that He was not in any way
separated from the Father, but is in all things
" equal to the Father as touching His Godhead."
And as we believe that the doctrine of the Cre-

AN OMNIPRESENT CREATOR. 365
ation cannot be held aright (wherever the doctrine
of the Trinity is revealed) save by belief in this doc
trine, so neither is a right belief in God's omni
presence possible to one who has false notions of His
creating. For you hold Him to be all things, and
so confound the Creator with the created, by trying
to explain His omnipresence. But we hold that He
comprehendeth and surroundeth and pervadeth all
things, upholding them by the Word of His power,
yet not surrounded Himself, nor in space, but ex
ceeding all space (39). This, then, is a mystery ;
whereas your belief that He is all things, and all
things are He, is very hard to attain, and when at
tained is no mystery at all. His presence, according
to you, is corporeal ; according to us, is spiritual.
When you have once let yourselves represent Him
as separating parts of His Essence in order to create
the world, then you easily pass on (40) to believing
that He is what He has so created. But if this
error extend to your views of all His ordinary deal
ings with men, in the course of nature, much more
does it make you inconsistent also in those extra
ordinary and miraculous ones which you represent
under the name of incarnations (Avataras).
It is true, indeed, that all nations of which I know
any thing to speak of, have had some faint traces of
the doctrines of the Trinity (41) and the Incar
nation ; yet when we come to look at these traces,
they are hardly deserving of the name of mystery.
The doctrines implied in those traces amount, in

366 THE UNCHANGEABLENESS OF GOD
both cases, to asserting the discerptibility of God.
For you speak of a part of the Supreme Being be
coming incarnate, or even of different parts of Him
as incarnate at one and the same time. And as you
explain Brahma, and Vishnu, and Siva, to be dif
ferent modes in which He manifests Himself, and so
reduce your account of His Essence to one clear and
intelligible to mortal finite man, you, by so doing,
part with the right of explaining His noble acts by
throwing yourselves upon His mysterious Nature.
If, then, you excuse speaking of a part of Him as
incarnate by the plea that His Nature is mysterious,
you are doing what you have no right left to do:
for there can be no parts or passions in a Spirit ; but
you have assumed that He has parts and passions,
and so have reduced His Nature to one not mys
terious. The Christian, on the contrary, by believing
that three Persons are mysteriously united in one
Nature from all eternity, is able to give a consistent
account of the Incarnation. For he can, consistently
with this belief, say that one Person of the Trinity
took upon Him our nature, and remained undivided
from God, retaining His Nature as God, and his dis
tinct personality also, while He took the manhood
into God. And this the Christian, by starting with
the humble belief in the mystery of His divine
Nature, has a right to do. He neither divides the
substance of God, by saying that a part of Him be
came incarnate, instead of saying that one Person of
the one Godhead took upon Him our nature; nor
7

NOT IMPAIRED BY THE INCARNATION. 367
confounds the Persons, by calling them only three
different manifestations of one Person. He would
shrink with equal (42) horror from saying there are
three Gods, and from saying that there is no dis
tinction of Persons in the Godhead. By believing a
Trinity of Persons, he is relieved from the blasphemy
of asserting the discerptibility of God ; and by be
lieving a unity of Nature, from the folly of under
standing the Essence of the Infinite.
And when he asserts that one Person of the all-
glorious Trinity took upon Him our nature, he does
not thereby assert His unchangeable Divine Nature to
be subject to our passions, or diminish aught from His
eternal perfections, but that He through His Divine
Nature makes flesh to be divine, seeing (43) that He
did not destroy His body, as in your stories Crishna
is said to have done, but took it up into Heaven,
whence it now ministereth unto Christians' good in
divers manners. Neither did He often suffer by
being incarnate (44) again and again, as your god is
said to have done. For why should He, who is very
God, and so Almighty, repeat His infinite conde
scension ? or how could He remain one Person, if
He were united in that high and mysterious way
with many men, and not with one only ? To believe
Him to have taken into God our nature, is easier
than to believe that (45) He is the soul of the
world, and to believe that there are distinct Persons
in the Godhead from all eternity, than to believe that
He separated all creatures from His own Essence (46),

368 HEATHEN AND CHRISTIAN CREED CONTRASTED.
and unfolded it into what was not : to believe that
He has now a human body in Heaven, to which He
will liken the bodies of the saints at last, accordmg
to the mighty working whereby He is able to sub
due all things to Himself, is an easier task than to
believe that this body we now have, and all the
matter in the universe is an unreality (47). In our
view it would be blasphemy, then, to assert that He
destroyed that body, which, being a real body, He
condescended to take upon Him, and to speak from,
in the last dispensation, unto us when on earth, in
which also He will judge all men at the last. For
it is through our knowing of the eternity of His body
that our flesh is able to rest in hope, trusting that
we shall see Him at the last day, as will they also
that pierced Him.
But I will not proceed further to speak of these
great mysteries : I think that you have evidence
enough before you to make you seriously inquire into
the whole Christian system: you see how exceed
ingly important a right Creed may be, and I am sure
that if, after a long and proper probation, you were
baptized, you might then approach more safely to
these awe-striking mysteries. I have only said so
much of them because it seemed necessary, in order
to prevent your thinking that your ancient writings
taught you Christian truths, whereas they do but
teach you things which have a kind of rude exterior
resemblance to them.
These great doctrines of which I have been speak-

CONCLUDING ADMONITIONS. 369
ing, are the more marvellous because there are traces
of them throughout the world, and because when
known they show upon what truth these diabolical
imitations were founded. They are more particularly
remarkable as clearing up the ancient Jewish Scrip
tures, to which they, and they only, will give the full
and consistent meaning which we might humbly
expect to find in a revelation. And though they
were doubtless known to the holier men among the
Jews (48), still it was not till Christ came that they
were fully disclosed, and began to be spread far and
wide, and to be believed upon by the humble and
unlearned as well as some of the wise. And they
will continue to be believed until the world's end.
This, then, brings me to the close of what I
wished to talk with you upon, save that I will just
mention one thing — that when these doctrines were
revealed, they unlocked also the whole of the books
of prophecy. For the whole Christian scheme is
contained in prophecy ; and, along with it, the fates
of divers nations, which perhaps shadow out the fates
of other nations also. And though the whole argu
ment from prophecy in favour of Christianity is one
of very large compass, and has been so often treated
of that I may point out books to you if you wish
them, yet I cannot forbear dwelling a little longer
upon one thing. Prophecy shows us that there will
be a time when these doctrines shall be spread over
the whole earth, as the waters cover the sea. It also
shows the rejection of that nation who was most
Bb

370 REFLECTIONS ON THE FACT THAT THE WORLD
advantageously situated for the reception of them.
Now this seems to me to disclose to us a general law
and not a particular fact: namely, that those na
tions who, by the possession of the purest systems,
would beforehand have seemed most likely to be
come Christian, really are the most slow in doing so.
Semblances of the truth do but puff men up with
pride. The Chaldeans, and Persians, and Indians,
and Chinese, had the nearest approaches to the
truth, and so they have kept furthest away from
it. And to me it seems that the Chinese were wiser
than you, and held of old a better system than was
yours at its best estate. And this I am not saying
to discourage you, but to lead you on. Your country
it was who corrupted all the nations with the doc
trines (49) of Buddha, — doctrines that have been,
and perhaps I may say are, in one way or another,
the basework of the most pernicious heresies that
were ever wielded by the evil spirit against the king
dom of God and His Christ.
How glorious it would be if the wise people of
India, by taking in the humbling foolishness of the
Cross, found that she had become indeed wise, — was
able to pave the way for the conversion of China ;
to send out, not Buddhist missionaries to pervert the
nations of the earth, but Brahmans, now released
from the obligation to stay in India by having be
come Christians, to undo, in the name of the holy
and undivided Trinity, the baneful and far-spread
heresy of Buddha ! How much to be prayed for by
7

BY WISDOM KNOWS NOT GOD. 371
us, that India, instead of sending only material
frankincense to the Church, as of old, might swell
with the prayers of her children the incense of the
prayers of the saints ; and, turning away from the
idolatry of man, who is God's best work, might
" worship Him who is God and Man, who draweth
all things unto Himself" (50).

END OF THE FOURTH DIALOGUE.

Bb2

NOTES TO DIALOGUE IV

Note (1.) p. 336.
The words of Titus Bostr. c. Manich. i. 11, may be cited
here : At' dyvoiav rrjg twv irpaypdrwv SiuBiatwg KaX rrje
Btiag SioiKrjatwg yvwaiv ia<jiaXpivriv Kai fiXdatjiripov tav-
rolg iirpaypartvaavTO, SC dyvoiav wv yvwvai eSo^ov, a
XEipov Eyviocrav rj rjyvoovv, Kai o E^rjrovv, aXrj0£aTEpov
arroXEdavTEe r) irpXv Znrrjaai. The great St. Athanasius
(De Deer. S. N. § 24) points out a similar danger from
heretical tendencies of an opposite character to those of
Manes. 'E^yp-rjaBw iv rovroig irdg Xoyiapbg awparimg'
(pavraaiav te irdatig alaBijaEwg impfidvTEg, KaBapq ry
vorjati KaX povw rtjJ vtj» vooiiptv Yloii irpbg IlaTEpa to yvrj-
aiov, k- t. X. And so St. Ephrem, iii. p. 80. e. " Take thee
heed, and make thee not an idol in thy prying search : take
thee heed, nor shape thee in thine intellect thine own
mind's guess-work, nor let the offspring of thy thought in
the True One's offspring's place get shapen in thy fan
tasy." The passage of Butler, Anal. i. i. p. 24, is almost
too well known to be worth referring to.
Note (2.) p. 339.
Orig. c. Cels. iv. p. 208. Ovk otSa irwg xprjaipov iSo^t
tw KeXo-w Ka0' tjjuwv ypd(j>ovn irapaXdipal Soypa, TroXXrje
Seouevov kSv SoKOVtrrje airoSEi^swe, Kara to Svvarov 7rapaoTij-
ffao-rje, on bpoia air' apx»ie Ete riXog iariv rj twv Ovtjtwv irepi-

374 NOTES TO
oooe, Kai Kara rag rtraypivag dvaKVKXijattg avayKrj ra avra
dd Kai yEyovlvat Kai Eivai Kai iataBai' birtp iav y aXrj-
Big, rb i<j>' -ijplv avrjprjrai. He mentions a little further
on, that this was the opinion of the Stoics, who, however,
differed from the Indians, in believing that the same actions
were re-performed in each cycle. That a truth was attested
by the view of the latter is observed by St. Austin, c. Jul.
Pel. iv. extr. in these words : " Quis explicet omnia festi-
nanter quibus gravatur jugum super filios Adam? Hujus
evidentia miserise gentium philosophos nihil de peccato
primi hominis sive scientes sive credentes compulit dicere,
ob aliqua scelera suscepta in vita superiore poenarum luen-
darum causa, nos esse natos et animos nostros corrupti-
bilibus corporibus .... tanquam vivos cum mortuis esse con-
junctos." And, in § 60, he says of Cicero's expression,
" homini inesse tanquam obrutum quondam ignem ingenii
et mentis," " Latebat eum cur esset grave jugum super
filios Adam .... quia sacris literis non eruditus ignorabat
originale peccatum." Note (3.) p. 340.
Aristot. Eth. N. vii. ver. fin. Flovrjpa rj <pvatg tj Stopivri
jUEra/3oXfje, oil yap a7rXij ovS' iirittKr)g. S. Athan. c. Ar. i.
51. Twv yEVTjrwv tj (pvaig iarX rptirrr)' KaX ol piv irapij5r)aav,
ol Se 7raprjKov<7av, wairtp Etprjraf rj rt irpd^tg avrwv ovk eoti
fitfiaia, dXXd iroXXaKig ivSixtrai rbv vvv dyaBbv ptrd ravra
rpimaBai Kai ETEpov ytviaBai. S. Basil, Ep. viii. 2. Ylbv
dytov, 6 7T£piypa7rrrjv exei rrjv Qvaiv Kal ETTtKrrjrov k'xEt rrjv
aytorrjra, ovk dvtiriStKrov ian KOKiag. S. Austin, in Joann.
i. § 8, " Omnis creatura mutabilis." See also c. Jul. Pel. i.
§ 37, in Note 11. Note (4.) p. 340.
Butler, Sermons, p. 331. " Liberty, in the writings of the

DIALOGUE IV. 375
New Testament, for the most part signifies being delivered
from the bondage of the ceremonial law ; or of sin and the
devil, which St. Paul calls 'the glorious liberty ofthe children
of God.' Rom. viii. 21. This last is a progressive state ;
and the perfection of it, whether attainable in this world or
not, consists in that perfect love which St. John speaks of;
and which, as it implies an entire coincidence of our wills
with the will of God, must be a state of the most absolute
freedom in the most literal and proper sense."
Note (5.) p. 341.
S. Basil, Ep. clxxxix. § 6. 'Eav plav vo-rjawptv rrjv ivip-
ysiav Harpoe te Kai Ylov Kai ITvEVjuaroe ayiov /urjSEvi Sta^E-
povo-av n rj irapaXXdaaovaav, avdyKTj rrj ravrorrjri rije Evsp-
yElag rb tjvwjuevov rije <j>vatbig avXXoyiZtaBai. In connection
with this it may be not improperly observed, perhaps, that
the eternally distinct personality of each Person of the most
holy Trinity in Unity helps us one step towards conceiving
a communion of saints without a destruction of individu
ality. Our Lord (St. John xvii. 11. 21) prays that all His
members may be one, as He and the Father are one. It
may be argued by a person of a pantheistic cast from this,
that if the Godhead is individual, then this implies that all
the saints will become individual, i. e. will lose the individu
ality they now have taken one by one. And it is fair to
reply to this, that not only is every likeness of a creature or
number of creatures to the Creator necessarily a very im
perfect likeness, but that the very mysteriousness of that
unity, to which the Unity of the saints is compared, prevents
our coming to any so definite determinations upon the
nature of this last unity. It is not, of course, meant here
to imply that personality and individuality are the same
thing in the Most High; but merely to point out how

376 NOTES TO
this text, even if it were the only one upon the subject,
would not show that Scripture in the least countenanced
the pantheistic notion of man's individual soul being ab
sorbed ultimately into the Deity. As in Scripture men are
said to be gods from the indwelling of God in them, so may
many be said to be one from the presence of Him who hath
called them and is One in them. 'A-ToXXvrai 6 apiBpbg ry
rijg MovdSog iiriSrjpiq, as St. Basil says, Ep. viii. 7. See
also S. Athan. c. Ar. iii. 17, &c. S. Aust. de Trin. iv. 12.
S. Cyril, Thes. p. 118—123. The words of St. Hilary, De
Trin. viii. p. 122, extr. " Per honorem datum Filio, et a
Filio prsestitum credentibus, omnes unum sunt," will suggest
much to the devout communicant upon the subject : " nam
per sacramentum carnis et sanguinis naturalis communi-
onis proprietas nobis indulgetur," as St. Hilary presently
observes. For as the Father and the Son are one in the
Holy Ghost by nature, so are Christians by imitation one,
owing to the gift of the Spirit, which in diverse ways
operates in them love and peace. The individuality of
God's essence is set before them, not as that, in which they
shall lose their own individuality, but as that, the oneness of
whose nature they are to imitate by the unanimity of their
own wills. The Father^, as far as I know, are arguing
against atheistic heresies when treating of this text : hence
there is some difficulty in explaining it so as to obviate
such a construction, as minds inclined to errors of an oppo
site cast may be induced, perhaps, to attempt to force upon
it. For that there are such distinct classes of heresies is,
I think, plain. See below, note, p. 396.
Note (6.) p. 342.
Orig. c. Cels. iv. p. 169. 'O rwv Stwikwv Qtbg art awpa
rvyxavwv, brt piv rjytpovtKOv e'xei ttjv oXjjv ovaiav, orav tj

DIALOGUE IV. 377
EKTrvpwoxe y, brt Se iirX pipovg yivtrai avrije, orav y SiaKoa-
pt)aig' oiiSi yap SESvvrjvrat ovrot rpavwaai rrjv (jrvaiKrjv rov
Geov svvotav we Travrrj atyBdprov ko.1 airXov Kai aaiiv^Erov
Kai aStaipsrov. And St. Athanasius, after pointing out how
Arius, by denying the consubstantiality of the Son with the
Father, implied that the creation might be destroyed and
made again and again, observes : (c. Arian. iv. 13.) Tovro
Se iVwe dirb rwv Stwikwv iiriXap't Siaj3Ej3atov/xEVWv o-vote'X-
XtaBai Kal TraXtv EKTEtvEaOat r6v Geov juEra Trig Kriatwg Kai
dirdpwg iravtaBai' to yap irXarvvoptvov dirb o-rEvorrjroe
irXarvvErat, Kai to iKTtivoptvov, avvearaXpivov iKTtivtrai.
Kai avrb piv iarl, irXiov Si ovSev tj iraBog iiropivti . . . Tavra
Se KaraipsvSopEvog av ng e'ittoi rov Geov awpa Kal iraBtirbv
avrov Eladywv. Ti yap luri 7rXarvv£<r0at, ij irdBog rov irXa-
rwopivov ; k. t. X. Heresies, like heathen errors, do not
escape from making God material : and physical philosophy,
when irreligious, seems at this day to be making great ap
proaches to the same debasing error. It may be useful to
add, as bearing upon this, the following passage of Origen
in Joan. Tr. xiii. § 21. 'Eav a7rXovarEpov tovtwv (tov Qtbg
$wg ian, k. r. X.) aKOvawptv, jutjSev 7T£pa rije Xt^twg irtpi-
tpyaZbptvoi, wpa rj/utv XfyEiv awpa tivai rbv Geov, riva Si
vpag SiaSixtrai droira tovto Xiyovrag ov rwv 7roXXwv iariv
dSivaC bXiyoi yap SitiX-r)(j)aai irtpl rrjg twv awpdrwv tpvatwg
Kal pdXiara twv itrb Xoyov Kai irpovoiag KaraKoapovpivwv.
.... napESfSavro Se ra aTravrwvra nj< Xoyw avrwv droira
ot BiXovTtg tivai awpa rbv Qtbv, drs prj Svvdptvoi dvrijdXi-
irtiv ek Xoyov ivapywg irapiarapivoig. Tavra Si 0rj/ui KaB'
iiTE^aipEaiv twv mpirTr)v Xtyovrwv tivai tpvaiv irapd rd
u-roixEta. The heathens had recourse to the behef in this
subtle matter (irtpirTt) <j>vaig) as a mode of explaining physi
cally many difficulties in nature. Strabo (p. 1040) mentions
it as believed to exist by the Greeks in common with the

378 NOTES TO
Indians. See further Olearius on Philostr. V. T. iii. 34.
It was the akasa of the Indians, and the quinta essentia of
Pythagoras, Aristotle, and the Stoics.
Note (7.) p. 342.
It is a further illustration of the principles alluded to in
the last note, that heretics shift sometimes into heresies
apparently opposite from those they hold. Thus a likeness
may be traced, not only between the Arians and the Stoics,
but also between them and the Manicheans. See Athan. c.
Ar. ii. 11, 70. iii. 35, 50 ; and Mr. Newman's note on 3, § 8.
So also St. Austin points out the way in which Pelagians,
though seemingly opposed to Manicheans, eventually prove
to be supporting them : c. Jul. Pel. i. § 3, § 36, &c. v. § 59,
§ 64. vi. § 66. The Pelagians say : " Non esse mala exorta
de bonis." " Quibus vocibus conficitur," says St. Austin,
" non esse mala exorta, nisi de malis." And as the dualist
principles of the Manichees are but a short way removed
from materialism, it is instructive to observe how Satan
attempts to bring his children back towards a heathen
creed, as well as heathen practice. Eunomius also, as St.
Greg. Nyss. ii. p. 327, notices, ran very close upon thinking
God to be material and discerptible : 7toik£Xov ti XP'JA'O Kai
ovvBetov. On the whole, the power of rising above all that
is material, to a conception (though feeble) of God as a
Spirit, seems a Christian gift, and, as such, one of which
the Fathers are continually exhorting their readers to a
diligent use when contemplating the nature of God.
Note (8.) p. 343.
Plato, Phileb. § 1 53. rQi pr) pi^optv rrjv aXrjvWv, ovk
av 7ror£ rovro dXriBwg yiyvoiro ovS' av ytvoptvov eitj.

DIALOGUE IV. 379
Note (9.) p. 344.
See Mr. Newman's seventh University Sermon, p. 134.
Note (10.) p. 345.
Aristot. Soph. Elench. p. 175, b 9. 'O v<?)' iripov pqSlwg
irapaXoyiZoptvog Kal rovro jut) ato-flavOjUEVoe Kav avrbg itfC
avrov rovro irdBoi iroXXaKig. Note (11.) p. 346.
Didymus Alex., c. Manich. x. xi., writes as follows : MrjS-
dg Se iiroXdpy on eiStj XoyiKwv irovtipwv slptiKOTEg, ovaiav
TTOvrjpdv Xiyoptv. "Eortv ydp eiStj Kai ylvrj Kai rwv rrpoai-
ptriKwv iirapxbvrwv. Xiyoptv ovv eiStj crirovSaiov tivai Sl-
koiov, awtppova, typovipov" itrd ydp rj dptrt) yivog dg eiStj
pEpiZ,opivri Eie SiKaiocvvrjv, aw<j>poavvr/v, Kai rd Xotird,
avayKtj r6v rov yivovg pErixovra airovSalov, waavEi yivog
tivai rwv ptTtxbvrwv rwv Kar' EtSoe dpErwv. . . . Kav roivvv
¦rovrjpwv XoyiKwv eiStj Xiyoptv, irpoaiptTiKwg rrdvrag roiig
iirb rd eiStj ravra XiyopEV tivai roiovrovg. dpiXEi yovv rd
bvopara ra irpottpripiva irovtipd ovk ovaiwv, dXXd irpoatpt-
tikwv iariv ip(j>aviariKa. To ydp Aiaj3oXoe bvopa ovk ov
aiav dXXd irpoaiptaiv SrjXoT* avr'iKa yovv Kai tov 'IovSav
dvBpwirov bvra Siaj3oXov 6 Kvptoe ov Sta rrjv ovaiav, dXXd
Sid ttjv irpoaiptaiv wvopaatv, Xtywv irpbg irdvrag apa roiig
paBr)rdg avvapiBpwv Kai rov 'IovSav ev avrolg, Ovxi roiig
SwSeko ipdg i^tXE^dptiv ; k. r. X. To this may be subjoined
a passage from St. Austin, c. Jul. Pel. i. § 37. " Si quse-
ratur qualis sit angelus vel homo malse voluntatis, rec-
tissime respondetur ; Malus, magis accipiens qualitatis
nomen ex voluntate mala quam ex natura bona. Quoniam
natura est ipsa substantia, et bonitatis et malitise capax :
bonitatis capax est participatione boni a quo facta est ; ma-
litiam vero non capit ex participatione mali, sed privatione
boni, id est, non cum miscetur natura? quae aliquod malum

380 NOTES TO
est, quia nulla natura, in quantum natura est, malum est ;
sed cum deficit a natura, quae summum atque incommuta-
bile est bonum ; propterea quia non de ilia sed de nihilo
facta est. Alioquin nec malum voluntatem habere posset,
nisi mutabilis esset. Mutabilis porro natura non esset si
de Deo esset, et non ab Illo de nihilo facta esset. Qua-
propter bonorum auctor est Deus, dum auctor est natu-
rarum : quarum spontaneus defectus a bono non indicat a
quo factae sunt, sed unde factae sunt. Et hoc non est ali
quid, quoniam penitus nihil est ; et ideo non potest habere
quod nihil est." Note (12.) p. 347.
A passage of St. Clement, not without several difficulties
in it, was in my mind here. In his Stromatics, iv. § 90,
p. 602, Potter, he writes as follows : Et roivvv dTroXoyov-
ptvog ng avrwv Xiyoi KoXdt,EaBai piv rbv pdprvpa Sid rag
irpb rrjaSs rije ivawparwatwg dpapriag, rbv Kapirbv Se rije
Kara tovSe rbv j3iov iroXirdag aiiBig diroXijiptaBai, ovtw yap
SiartrdxBai rrjv SioiVrjow, irtvaoptBa avrov tl ek irpovoiag
yivtrai rj dvraTrdSoffte. Ei juev ydp pij sir) rije Btiag SioikTj-
aswg, oi'xErat rj o'iKOVopia rwv KaBapaiwv Kai tteVtwkev tj
iiroBsaig avrolg. £t Se ek irpovoiag rd KaBapaia, ek 7rpovotae
Kai al KoXdaEig. 'H irpovoia Se ei Kai dirb rov dpxovroe,
we (jidvai, KivtloBat dpxtrai, aXX £yKaT£o-7rdpTj ralg ovaiaig
aiiv Kai ry rwv ovatwv ytviati irpbg tov twv bXwv Geov.
TQv oiirwe exovtwv dvdyKij bpoXoytlv avrovg rj rrjv KoXaaiv
prj tivai dSiKOv, — Kai StKato7rpayova,tv ot KaraStKa^ovrse Kai
SiwKOvrtg rovg pdprvpag — rj ek BtXrjparog ivtpytlaBai tov
Geov Kai rovg Siwypovg. Note (13.) p. 349.
Sophocl. Antig. 582. EvSaipovtg, olai kokwv dytvarog
alwv' dig ydp av asiaBri BtoBtv Sopog drag ovSev eXXeittei,

DIALOGUE IV. 381
yEVEcte im irXrjBog ipirov. The analogy from entailed evils
in the natural world to an entailed curse on the moral, is
often noticed by St. Austin against the Pelagians. (See c.
Jul. Pel. iii. § 13. § 37. § 55. § 56. § 60. iv. § 5. v. § 51.
vi. § 17. § 55. § 82.) One is quite as unaccountable, upon
principles of reason, as the other.
Note (14.) p. 349.
Hippocr. de Morbo Sacr. p. 303, Foes. b. 48, speaking
of a disease among the Scythians, says : "ApxErat Se wtnrEp
Kai Kar' aXXa voarjpara Kara yivog' d ydp ek rov (piXtypa-
rwSsog tfXEyparwSrig, Kai ek x°^w^£°C X°^-w^^ yivErai,
Kai ek (jiBivwSEog <j>BivwSrig, Kai ek oTrXrjvwSEoe (nrXrjvwSrje,
ri kwXvei, orov rrarrjp Kai jurjrrjp £tX£T0 rovrw rw voaijpan,
rovrw Kai rwv EKyovwv ixtaBai nva ; And in his De Aere
et Loeis, p. 289, he notices instances of artificially obtained
conformations becoming eventually hereditary. It is worth
noticing here (what Hippocrates treats of at some length)
the influence of climate in producing certain habits of mind
and temper. Most men act by passion instead of acting
by their better feelings ; and consequently bodily constitution
and climate, which, with all, are temptations to act in par
ticular directions, with them become the causes of their be
coming what all are tempted to become. Others (as Plato,
Rep. iv. 11. Aristot. Polit. vii. 7, p. 1327. b. 20. Pliny, N.
H. ii. 80. Cyril, c. Jul. p. 131, sqq. Cicero, De Lege Agr.
ii. 35. De Eep. ii. 4. Philo ap. Euseb. P. E. p. 398. Win
disch. p. 747 — 760.) have noticed this influence of climate,
in the formation of national characters. Particular temp
tations to go wrong, forming, as they do, a part of the ex
ternal condition of man (see Butler, quoted above, p. 31 6)
in this state of probation, are in part afforded by climate
and constitution. And if the triumph in the one over its
temptations be in any sense a reason for expecting its re-

382 NOTES TO
newal, then in a similar manner, though in a weaker degree,
may we expect the renewal of the other '. And for aught
one sees, there is something sobering in the thought that
the scenes of our present temptation should become those
of our triumph or disgrace. IIio-rEVEiv rdxa e£ov ry Swapti
rov Qtov KaX rovg XiBovg (jrwvijv d(j>tiativ tig sXEyx0" Tlj)V
•rapaj3Ej3rjKorwv — to apply St. Basil's words of the stone of
witness set up by Joshua, de Sp. S. xiii. § 30.
Note (15.) p. 350.
See Note 13. S. Greg. Moral, xv. 57. " Peccatum origi-
nis a parentibus trahimus, et, nisi per gratiam baptismatis
solvamur, etiam parentum peccata portamus : quia unum
adhuc videlicet cum illis sumus. Reddit ergo peccata pa
rentum in filios dum pro culpa, parentis anima poUuitur
prolis. Et rursum non reddit parentum peccata in filios ;
quia cum ab originali culpa per baptismum liberamur, jam
non parentum culpas, sed quas ipsi committimus, habemus."
St. Gregory's expression " unum cum illis sumus" may
appear at first sight to favour rather than to discountenance
the error noticed in the text. The real meaning of it is, I
believe, not to be seen without recollecting, that, as there is
one mystical body of Christ, so there is also one mystical body
of Satan, with many members in it. The former is (so to
speak) filled with the Holy Spirit, the latter by the evil
spirit. The proof of the existence of such a body of sin
can only be shown from a number of texts indirectly bearing
upon it in Scripture, although the idea of it seems clearly
implied in the contrast drawn between partaking of the cup
of the Lord and that of devils. Tichonius (ap. Austin, de
D. Christiana, iii. § 42. § 55,) in his famous rules of exe
gesis, notices this doctrine as one of the great principles
1 Piorry, a French physician, has treated this subject and that of here
ditary disorders. I have not been able to obtain a sight of his books.

DIALOGUE IV. 383
requisite for a right understanding of Scripture ; and that
St. Gregory held it, is plain from iii. § 29. xiii. § 38. It is
also noticed by Vincent. Lirin. c. xxvi. Origen on Josh. xv.
§ 5. S. Cyril in Hos. p. 106. c. S. Austin on Ps. Ixxii. § 16.
Jerome in Esai. p. 127. Aretas in Apocal. p. 432. A part
of Origen's words appear to me worth adding, for the
thoughts they may suggest. "... Non est putandum quod
unus fornicationis spiritus seducat eum qui, verbi gratia, in
Britanniis fornicatur et ilium qui in India vel in aliis locis,
neque unum esse irae spiritum qui diversis in locis diversos
homines agitet : sed puto magis principem quidem fornica
tionis spiritum unum esse, innumera vero esse qui in hoc ei
officio pareant ; et per singulos quosque homines diversi spi
ritus sub eo principe militantes, ad hujuscemodi eos peccata
sollicitent. Similiter et iracundiae . . . . et avaritiae unum
esse principem, sic et superbise et caeterarum malorum. Et
ideo non unus principatus dicitur in contrariis ab Apostolo,
sed plures adversum quos pugnam sibi esse et nobis om
nibus scribit. Esse tamen reor horum omnium principem
velut eminentiorem quendam in nequitia et in scelere celsio-
rem, qui totum mundum quem isti ad peccata singuli quique
per peccatorum species pro parte sollicitant, solus velut
omnium principum dux, et totius nefandae militiae magister
exagitet." On what occurs presently in the text, see Note
30 to Dial. iii. Note (16.) p. 351.
The doctrine implied in Ezek. xviii. has at first sight the
appearance of contradicting that contained in Exod. xx. 5.
The two passages may be reconciled by considering the
natural course of things as parallel to the supernatural, and
in some degree an outstanding type of it. In the natural
course of things the children of good parents have good
put before them ; children of bad parents have bad put be-

384 NOTES TO
fore them, " so that one is ready to think their difficulties
and dangers are wholly made by the ill behaviour of others "
(Analogy, i. iv. p. 107) : still these external advantages and
disadvantages may be overcome, as well as any entailed
blessing or curse, by the moral conduct of the children. In
Exodus, then, the natural course (so to speak) of God's
love or justice is put before us ; in Ezekiel the inter
ruptions to that course from man's conduct, under the New
Testament. See St. Aust. c. Jul. P. vi. 82.
Note (17.) p. 351.
See Vish. Pur. bk. iv., towards the close.
Note (18.) p. 352.
St. Clement, Strom, ii. 113, quotes a writer who has the
following remark : 'Edv nvi irtlapa Swg on pr) ian r) */<vxr)
povoptprjg, ry Se rwv 7rpoo-aprrj^iarwv f3iq rd rwv XiLP°''
vwv yivtrai irdBri, irpotjiaaiv ov rrjv rvxovcrav e£ovo-iv oi
¦xox^ipoi rwv dvBpwmov Xiysiv, i(3idaBriv, dirrivixBriv, o'kwv
iSpaaa, pr) fiovXoptvog JvTjpyrjo-a, rije rwv kokwv iiriBvpiag.
avrbg tiyinadpivog Kai ov paxtadptvog ralg rwv irpoaaprri-
pdrwv filaig. For each man is but one person : see S.
Austin, de Trin. xv. § 42. " Verum haec quando sunt in una
persona, sicut est homo, potest nobis quisquam dicere, tria
ista, memoria, intellectus, amor, mea sunt non sua ; nec sibi
sed mihi agunt quod agunt ; immo, ego per ilia," &c.
Note (19.) p. 352.
Origen, c. Cels. p. 169. See Note 6.
Note (20.) p. 352.
Aristot. Eth. Nic. ix. 7. p. 1168, a 5. To thai irdaiv
alptrbv Kai $iXr|rov. eo-^uev S' IvEpyEta. rb Zyv yap Kai
irparrtiv.

DIALOGUE IV. 385
Note (21.) p. 352.
The problem of (ev Kai iroXXd) unity and multiplicity
occupied the attention of Indian and other Pantheists. If
it is thereby meant to imply that the Deity is consub-
stantial with his works, as the Indians held, (see Windisch.
p. 1626.) it is of course a gross error. And it may be
doubted if heathen philosophers ever entirely escaped from
such a confusion. If, on the other hand, it is intended as
a formula to express a belief that the universe is a system,
not a congeries of unconnected parts, as Dionysius (irtpX
ipvaEwg, ap. Euseb. P. E. p. 772) seems to imply he thought
heathens to mean it, then of course it is admissible3.
Note (22.) p. 352.
Butler, Analogy, p. 12. "Our whole nature leads us to
ascribe all moral perfection to God, and to deny all imper
fection of Him. And this will ever be a practical proof of
His moral character to such as will consider what a practical
proof is, because it is the voice of God speaking in us."
God's justice being proved to us by other considerations,
our ignorance is a sufficient account of any apparent con
tradictions to it. Note (23.) p. 353.
St. Basil c. Manich. ap. Aust. c. Jul. Pel. i. § 16. " Si
evenisset malum ita ut non valeret ulterius a voluntate re-
moveri ; id est, quamvis accidisset, si ita accidisset, ut sepa-
3 In consulting Christian writers, and especially the earlier ones, who
claim parts of heathen systems as coinciding with the Christian system,
care should be taken not to overrate the amount of resemblance claimed —
not to forget the side upon which the resemblances are contemplated.
Otherwise Christian writers may be represented as favouring things which
they would have abhorred. This is, of course, doubly necessary when
people dip into books, and do not read them through.
C C

386 NOTES TO
rari ulterius a voluntate non valeret, merito dici posset sub
stantiate quidem malum non esse, sed ipsam substantiam
sine malitia quse accidit jam esse non posse. Si autem ac-
cessit, et principium accessionis, non substantiam habuit sed
voluntatem, facile potest malum a substantia separari, ut et
subjecta voluntati substantia munda possit per omnia pos-
sideri, ita ut nullius mali vel signa remaneant."
Note (24.) p. 353.
Vish. Pur. v. 33, p. 596. " That which I am, thou art ;
and that also is this world with its gods, demons and man
kind. Men contemplate distinctions because they are
stupefied by ignorance." ' That ' became a name for the
Supreme Being. " The pronoun ' tat' thus emphatically used
is understood to intend the Supreme Being, according to
the doctrines of the Vedanta ; when manifested by Creation,
he is the entity ' sat,' while forms, being mere illusion, are
non-entity." Colebrooke, i. p. 33. Cyril, c. Jul. p. 33 e,
mentions something of the kind among the Egyptians, and
the Jews also used -TlNt as a name of the Messiah. It has
been a question whether the Cabbalists were Pantheists,
and I have endeavoured in different parts of this book to
notice any points of resemblance, which I happened to be
led to, between the two. See Dr. Mill on the Pantheistic
Theory, &c. p. 151, &c. Molitor, perhaps, is not very
distinct upon the point — whether the Cabbalists held a
theory of which Pantheism was the corruption, or whether
they imported Pantheism into their actually existing tradi-
tive system. Note (25.) p. 353.
Vish. Pur. p. 210. "Arduous penances for great sins,
trifling ones for minor offences, have been propounded by
Swyambhuva and others ; but reliance upon Crishna is far

DIALOGUE IV. 387
better than any such expiatory acts, as religious austerity
or the like. Let any one who repents of the sin of which
he may have been culpable have recourse to this best of all
expiations, remembrance of Hari: by addressing his thoughts
to Narayana at dawn, at night, at sunset, and mid-day, a
man shall be quickly cleansed from all guilt ; the whole
heap of worldly sorrows is dispersed by meditating upon
Hari," &c. A doctrine very pleasing to human indolence
this ! but the mark of what the Vish. Purana itself admits
(p. 622) to be the corrupt age.
Note (26.) p. 359.
Aristot. Top. vi. 4. AijXov tin ovx bpiariov Sid twv EKaa-
roig yvwpipwripwv, dXXd Sid rwv owrXwe yvwpipwripwv' po-
vwg yap av ovrwe dg Kai 6 avrbg bpiapbg ad yivoiro. 'lawg Se
Kai rb airXwg yvwpipov ov to irdai yvwpipov iariv, dXXd rb
rolg ev SiaKEipivoig rrjv Sidvoiav, KaBdiTEp Kal rb
airXwg vyiEivbv to rolg ev ixovai rb awpa. This con
tains the principle on which the remarks in the text are
based ; history and common life alike attest the truth of it.
Note (27.) p. 359.
Aristotle (Met. p. 1009, b 34) observes of those philo
sophers who deny the existence of truth apart from each
man's own conception of it, Ei ot pdXiara to evSexojuevov
dXrj0£e iwpaKortg (ovroi S' Eio-iv ot judXio-ra Ztiroiivrtg avrb
KaX (biXovvrtg) ovroi roiavrae exovo-i rag S6S,ag KaX ravra
dirotbaivovrai irtpX rije dXtiBdag, irwg ovk d^iov aBvprjaat
rovg (j>iXoao<ptlv iyx^ipovvrag' where we see also that he
makes a love of the truth a condition for attaining it. Al
lusion is presently made to the words of S. Aust. de C. D.
v. x. " Male vivitur, si de Deo non bene creditur."
Note (28.) p. 361.
Aristot. Eth. Nic. vi. 12. Ail wpoatxtiv twv ipirdpwv
cc2

388 NOTES TO
«ai 7rp£0-j3vTEpwv i? tppovipwv ralg dvairoSt'iKTOig (jidatai Kat
Sd?ate ovx %TT°v wv diroSE^Ewv* Sid ydp to f'x«v Ik rije
ipmtpiag oppa bpwaiv bpBwg.
Note (29.) p. 361.
Tert. Praescr. i. " Ad hoc sunt haereses, ut fides habendo
tentationem habeat etiam probationem." Compare the
Analogy, ii. 6. p. 317. Note (30.) p. 361.
Butler, Anal. i. v. fin. p. 149. " It is not impossible that
men's showing and making manifest what is in their heart,
what their real character is, may have respect to a future
life in ways and manners which we are not acquainted with ;
particularly it may be a means, for the Author of Nature
does not appear to do any thing without means, of their
being disposed of suitably to their characters, and of its
being known to the creation by way of example, that they
are thus disposed of." And Origen c. Cels. viii. p. 398,
notices that the object of judgments, such as plagues, &c.,
is, 'iv ol piv Kal iv rolg rotovroig tvatfitlg pivovrtg, Kal
ptiSapwg ytyvoptvoi x*ipovg (fiavepol riwg rolg prj jSXiirovaiv
avrwv rijv i%iv dopdroig Kal bparolg Btaralg yivwvrai. ol
S' Evavriwe piv SiaKtiptvot, KXiirrovTtg Si rrjv rrjg KUKtag
iiriSti^iv, iXsyxBivrEg iirb rwv avpfiaivovrwv biroloi dai,
avroi rt iavrwv avvaiaBriBwai Kal SrjXot rote ('iv ovrwg bvo-
pdaw) Btaralg yivwvrai. Plato also thought the wicked
who were not improved by the purgation he held them to
undergo in a future state, were made examples of. Llapa-
Sdypara drtxvwg avriprtipivovg ekei ev "AiSov ev rtv Stapw-
rrjaiw rote at\ twv dS'iKWv dtjiiKVovpivoig Btdpara Kal vov-
Btrnpara. Gorg. § 171. Theset. § 86.

DIALOGUE IV. 389
Note (31.) p. 362.
Hil. in Ps. cxviii. Beth. p. 849. " Novimus neque mar-
garitas ante porcos projiciendas esse neque sanctum canibus
dare oportere. Ergo intelligimus quaedam nos cordis nostri
secreto continere, quae divulgata inexpiabilis peccati culpam
comparabunt." Note (32.) p. 363.
Id. de Trin. viii. p. 121. "Habet non tam veniam quam
praemium ignorare quod credis." St. Cyprian, Ep. i. will offer
an illustration of what follows : his words are (Epist. i.) :
" Ut ipse quam plurimis vitae prioris erroribus implicitus
tenebar, quibus exui me posse non crederem, sic vitiis ad-
haerentibus obseeundans eram et desperatione meliorum
malis meis veluti jam propriis ac vernaculis offavebam. Sed
postquam undae genitalis auxilio, superioris aevi labe detersa,
in expiatum pectus serenum ac purum desuper se lumen
infudit : postquam ccelitus Spiritu hausto in novum me
hominem nativitas secunda reparavit, mirum in modum pro-
tinus confirmare se dubia, patere clausa, lucere tenebrosa,
facultatem dare, quod prius difficile videbatur," &c. Of
course, ordinary Christians may not expect all that was con
ferred upon one designed to be a saint, yet that this sort of
thing in its degree happens now in adult baptisms, where
duly prepared for, no doubt will probably be entertained.
Note (33.) p. 363.
The operation of the three Persons at the creation was
often noticed of old. Thus St. Basil de Sp. S. xvi., quoting
Ps. xxxiii. 6. Tpta roivvv vosie rbv irpordaaovra Kvpiov,
rbv Sripiovpyovvra Aoyov, rb artpeovv IlvEVjua. See Cyril
c. Nest. p. 100. a. St. Austin in loc. &c.

390 NOTES TO '
Note (34.) p. 364.
In a note to the Vishnu Purana, p. 7, Professor Wilson
quotes the Markandeya as saying, " As the primal, all-per
vading spirit is distinguished by attributes in creation and
the rest, so he obtains the denomination of Brahma, Vishnu,
and Siva. In the capacity of Brahma he creates the worlds ;
in that of Rudra, he destroys them. In that of Vishnu he
is quiescent. These are the Avasthas (lit. hypostases)
of the self-born : Brahma is the quality of activity ; Rudra
that of darkness ; Vishnu, the lord of the world, is good
ness : so, therefore, the three gods are the three qualities.
They are ever combined with and dependent upon one
another : they are never for an instant separate ; they
never quit each other." Note (35.) p. 364.
The heresy alluded to is that of the Sabellians. A heresy
of this kind is noticed by Origen in S. Joan, Tr. x. § 21,
who speaks of people that make the Father and the Son
one, ov povov ovaiq dXXd KaX viroKtipivw rvyxdvovrag
dptyorlpovg Kara nvag iirivoiag Siatjtopovg ov Kara iirb-
araaiv XiytaBai nars'pa Kai Yidv. St. Athanasius also, c.
Ar. iv. 2, 25, speaks of their making Son a mere name or
quality of God. And St. Basil, Ep. 210, § 3, speaks of
their calling the Holy Trinity tv irpaypa iroXvirpoawirov,
and so making God to consist of one Person only, and
thereby also implying a denial of the Incarnation. He
adds, in § 5, Ev ydp dSivai xPVi ori wairtp b rb koivov rrjg
oiiaiag prj bpoXoywv tig iroXvBtiav iKiriirrti, ovrwg b to iSid-
Z,ov twv iiroardaEWV jut) SiSove dg rbv ^lovSa'iafibv iiro-
(jiipETai. The Sabellians thus denied a Trinity altogether.
See St. Austin, de Trin. vii. 9.
Note (36.) p. 364.
S. Cyril, c. Jul. p. 34. Iloptjivgibg (jrrjai IlXdrwvoe iktiBe-

DIALOGUE IV. 391
ptvog So^av dxpt rptwv iiroardatwv rrjv roil Bdov TrpoEX-
Btiv ovaiav, tivai Si tov piv dvwrdrw Qtbv rdyaBov' ptr
avrov Si, Kal Stvrtpov rbv Sr/piovpyov' rpirov Se Kai rijv
tov Koapov xpvxrjv* dxpi yap ipvxrig rrjv Btiorrvra irpoEX-
Bdv. See the .note of Professor Wilson, referred to in
Note 34. The Chinese had some of the closest approxi
mations to the truth among them. See Windisch. p. 404,
&c. Schmitt Uroffenbar, p. 184, &c. : at p. 188 he quotes
a text of Lao-tseu : " Tao is one in nature ; the first begat
the second, both brought forth the third : the three made
all things." And so among the Americans, three things
were worshipped without an image, although G. di Vega
says, (Com. Real. cap. xxi. p. 100,) it is false to consider
them as supposed by the Americans themselves to be a
trinity in unity. The Greeks and Romans will also furnish
instances of trine divisions or names of the deity — all which
are witnesses, more or less clumsy, of some antecedent be
lief, existing probably in its purest state amongst the Jews.
A systematic treatment of the Gentile traditions on this
subject would form a curious and useful book : but it pro
bably could not be done without more accurate knowledge of
the ancient Jewish belief upon the subject, than we possess :
and certainly not without exact and scientific knowledge of
the Christian doctrine. Compare Note 48.
Note (37.) p. 364.
Athan. c. Ar. i. 17. Et ydp ovk aiSiwg avvtanv 6 Adyoe
Tt$ Ilarpi, ovk so-rtv rj rpidg aiSiog' dXXd povdg ptv i)v
irportpov, ek irpoaBr'iKrig Si yiyovtv vartpov rpidg.
Note (38.) p. 364.
Bull, cited by Dr. Routh ad Hippol. p. 87. " Scilicet
Domino triplicem nativitatem et filiationem attribuerunt
veteres. Prima est, qua. ut Aoyoe ex mente Patris ab

392 NOTES TO
aeterno natus fuit. Ex hac nativitate perfecta hypostasis
divina extitit : nec ipsi quicquam postea accessit, sed potius
caeterae nativitates o-vyKara]3do-£ie fuerunt, sive condescen-
siones Filii Dei. Altera nempe nativitas est, qua 6 Aoyoe
a Deo Patre, apud quem, quum nihil adhuc praeter Deum
existeret adeoque ab aeterno fuerat, kot' ivipytiav exivit, et
tanquam ex utero ejus prodiit, seque dimisit ad condenda uni
versa." Athan. c. Ar. ii. 64. Kar' dpxrjv piv Srjjuiovpywv 6
Aoyoe Ta Krlapara o-vyKaraj3£J3rjKE rolg yEvrjroTe, 'iva ysvia-
Bai ravra SvvriBy, k. X., where the rest of Bishop Bull's
statement is confirmed. So, too, S. Ephrem adv. Scrut. iii.
p. 58. " Thou wert minished when Thou didst create ; for
from that majesty didst Thou come down to lowliness ; for
the creation were not possible, unless through conde
scension (A.Ljo^-1)4 Thou hadst come to stablish it. Con
descension did He first put on, that He might be Creator :
and how could He create unless He could condescend ! "
This is the doctrine of the -rpoEXEvo-te, on which see further
in Bull, Def. Fid. Nic. i. 2, 5. iii. 8, 7. Dr. Routh ad
Hippol. p. 83. Vallars. ad Jer. c. Ruff. ii. 9 ; and compare
Mr. Newman's Athanasius, p. 278.
Note (39.) p. 365.
Thus Origen says of the Stoics, c. Cels. p. 324. Aitjkei tj
imaKOirrj Kai tj trpbvoia rov Qtov Sid iravrwv aXX' ovx w^ T0
rwv Srw'tKwv 7rv£V|Ua' Kai Travra piv irtpiixti rd irpovoovptva
-f) trpovota Kai irEpidXri(j)tv avrd, ovx w^ <rwpa Se -TEpilxov
irtpiixti, oti Kal awpa ian to irtpitxbptvov' aXX' wg Avvapig
Btia Kal 7r£piEiXrj^)vTa rd irtpttxbpEva. And Tertull. c. Prax.
xvi. " In Deo omnis locus, non ipse in loco." S. Clem.
* The same view of doctrine is contained here as in St. Athanasius,
although the Syriac language cannot express it as exactly as the Greek. I
may observe that the words 0|uKpuv9fic and iiiwBdg are used by St. Metho
dius, Con v. V. viii. 1 1 ., in a similar way to what St. Ephrem uses the word •*^*| ,

DIALOGUE IV. 393
Strom, ii. § 6, p. 431, Pott. Ovk ev yvo$w tj rbirw 6 Qtbg,
dXX' vrrspavw Kai roVov Kai xpovov Kal Trig rwv ysyovorwv
iStorrjroe- Hil. de Trin. viii. p. 128. " Deus immensae vir-
tutis vivens potestas, quae nusquam non adsit nec desit
usquam, Se omnem per sua edocet, et sua non aliud quam
Se esse significat, ut ubi sua insint Ipse esse intelligatur ;
non autem corporali modo cum alicubi insit, non et ubique
esse credatur, cum per sua in omnibus esse non desinat, non
aliud autem sint quam quod est Ipse quse sua sunt." In
Ps. cxxxviii. p. 1107, b. Athan. de Deer. xi. ; and Mr.
Newman's note ; c. Arian. i. 23. Austin, de Trin. vi. § 8.
Cyril, c. Nest. p. 12. e. Greg. Mor. xvi. 38, &c.
Note (40.) p. 365.
The Deity is represented in Manu i. as becoming a body,
and separating different classes from different parts of him
self. See Windisch. p. 524, p. 636. This seems to be the
Purusha of the Indians, and the lIQIp DIN of the Cabba
lists. Note (41.) p. 365.
S. Hil. de Trin. iii. p. 24. " Manifestato nomine Patris
hominibus hoc postulat, Sed quo nomine ? Numquid nomen
Dei ignorabatur ? Hoc Moyses de rubo audivit, hoc Gene
sis in exordio creati orbis nunciavit, hoc lex exposuit, pro-
phetae prsetulerunt, homines in his mundi operibus sense-
runt, gentes etiam mentiendo veneratw sunt. Non ergo igno
rabatur Dei nomen, sed Deus plane ignorabatur ; nam
Deum nemo noscit nisi confiteatur et Patrem, Patrem Uni-
geniti Filii, et Filium non de portione, aut dilatione aut
emissione, sed ex eo natum inenarrabiliter," &c.
Note (42.) p. 367.
Basil, Serm. xvi. § 4. novrjpd ydp kokeivti tj fiXaatpripla
twv fyvpttv rd irdvra iirixtipovvTwv koi ev to iiroKt'iptvov Xe-

394 NOTES TO
yovrwv Haripa Kal Ylbv Kal dyiov UvEtipa, irpoariyopiag Se
Siatpopovaag tw ivi irpdypan imiptiplZtaBai. Tlovripd rj dai-
p£ia Kai (pEVKrr) ovx riTrov ™v dvo/zoiov Etvat Kar ovaiav
tov Ylbv rov Geov, tu} GeiJi Kai Ilarpi fiXaatyripovvTWv.
Note (43.) p. 367.
Geo-toieiv rrjv SdpKa is an expression often used of Christ.
See Athan. iii. 48. So Origen, c. Cels. iii. p. 136, says, To
Bvrirbv Avrov awpa . ... Eig Qtbv ptrafitfiriKivai. Hilary
de Trin. ix. p. 1 54. " Christus peccati nostri corpus assu-
mens totus jam Deo vivit, naturae nostrae societate in com-
munionem Divina? immortalitatis unita." And so St. Aust.
de Trin. xiii. 18, f. xiv. 24. S. Cyril, c. Nest. p. 50, d. &c.
Of Crishna see the Vishnu Purana, p. 612.
Note (44.) p. 367.
The Nestorians, by refusing to allow that the human
nature of Christ never had any existence separate from the
Godhead, thereby implied that in Christ God dwelt in a
human being, but was not one Person in two Natures. But
as God dwelleth in the saints, this was to make Christ to
be as one of them, and not above His fellows. Hence He
might, as St. Cyril urges, c. Nest. p. 26, 27, have been often
incarnate. See also pp. 97, 98. 102, 103. His body saw no
corruption, and therefore He needeth not to take any other
body; but in It he received gifts for men (Heb. DJlpb
D"TN2 JYOnO), and by It evermore sustaineth them, ever
more making intercession for them ; and in that same body
which they pierced through shall every eye behold Him
when He cometh to judgment.
Note (45.) p. 367.
Athan. de Incarn. § 41, has a passage to this effect. The
following is a portion of it : Et rw koo-ixw rovrov imfiaivtiv
1

DIALOGUE IV. 395
Kai ev oXw avrov yvwpiZtaBai irpiirn, irpiirot av Kai ev dv-
Bpwirivw atiipan avrov iintpaivtaBai Kai iirb avrov rovro
(jrwriZtaBai Kai £V£py£iv. Mlpoe ydp rov iravrbg KaX r& rwv
dv0pw7rwv Eo-rt yivog' Kai il to pipog airpEirig ianv bpyavov
avrov yivEaBai irpbg rrjv rije 0£orrjroe yvwaiv, drorrwrarov
av Eirj Kat St' oXov rov KOapov yvwpl%EaBai rovrov.
Note (46.) p. 367.
Origen, c. Cels. iii. p. 135, extr. "Io-rwo-av ol iyKaXovv-
rtg, on bv piv vopiZ,opEV KaX irtirtiaptBa apx^Btv uvai
Geov Kai Ytov Geov, ovroe 6 avroXoyoe iarX KaX rj avro-
aotjiia Kai rj avroaXrj0£ia" to Se Ovrjrov avrov awpa Kai
rrjv dvBpwirlvriv iv avrij) \pvxvv, rr^ Trpoe ekeivo ov povov
KOivwviq dXXd Kai ivwati Kai dvaKpdau rd piyiard (paptv
irpoatiXrityivai, Kai rije ekeivov 0Eiorrjroe kekoivwvtjkoto dg
Qtbv jU£ra]3£j3r)K£vai. 'Edv SI ne Trpoo-KOTrrTj Kai irtpX rov
awparog avrov raiiB' ripwv Xtyovrwv, ETrio-rrjordrw rote iirb
'EXXtivwv XEyopivoig, mpX rijg roj iSiw Xoyw diroiov vXrje
7roiorrjrae dprjiiaKonivrig, biroiag 6 Sripiovpybg /3ovX£rai avrrj
mpinBivai, KaX iroXXaKig rag piv rrporipag diroriBEpivrig
Kpsirrbvag te Kat Siatpopovg dvaXapfiavovarig. S. Cyril also,
c. Jul. p. 66, speaks as follows : 'HjUEte dyEvrjrov bvra
rbv tov Geov Aoyov o-vvv"rdpx£iv avayKatwe rq (pvaavri
Siiaxvpt%6pEBa, Kai ivvirdpx^v H-*v Airtj! ttpoeXSeiv Se y£v-
vrjrwe £? Avrov. 'O Se ys rije IlXdrwvoe EiptaiEirdag
avvtiyopog aKptj3rje ayEvvrjrov piv dvai ij)rjo-i rbv dvwrdrw
Qtbv, EWirapxEiv Se, Kai e£ avrov yEvvrjOijvat Kai irpotXBtlv
roiig irap' avrov ytyovorag, rd irdvra kvkwv Kai avyxiwv,
Kai to aKpaitpvig dg Bsoirriav rov ptiSsvbg d^iwaag Xoyov"
where the pantheistic theory of creation is contrasted with
the Christian doctrine of the coming forth of the eternally
subsistent Son to Creation.

396

NOTES TO

Note (47.) p. 368.
The denial of reality of our blessed Lord's body formed
a part of the system of several pantheistic 5 heretics, as the
Gnostics, Docetae, Manichaeans, and others. See Fabri-
cius, as cited by Dr. Routh ad Hippol. p. 89.
Note (48.) p. 369.
The degree of knowledge which the Jews possessed of
the Trinity is a subject upon which one 'finds it difficult to
state any thing with precision. One great reason of this is,
that we possess definite gifts inward and outward, which
enable us to receive it, and see into it to a certain extent,
for the absence of which gifts it is scarcely possible by any
powers of abstraction to make proper allowance. Recol
lecting, however, what was said above (p. 322) of the gift
of the Spirit, as that to which patriarchs and others did in
part ultimately attain, we shall be disposed to think that
they, at least, could not have wanted the inward gift, re
quisite for such insight into the mystery, as man is capable
of. And they who try to live holily, are perhaps, after all,
the only persons that have such insight at any time ; the
patriarchs are vouchers for the existence of other, hidden,
saints in their time, much as great doctors of the Church
are also. Wisdom pours forth doctrine now, as she did
prophecy then, (Ecclus. xxiv. 33.) developing the divine
mysteries more and more to worthy men, till the Day of
the Lokd.
If this, then, be true, the only remaining question will be
5 It had struck a very intimate friend (to whom I am indebted for several
valuable hints when composing this work) as well as myself, that all here
sies are either atheistic or pantheistic in their tendencies. Of the latter
tendency are those mentioned above ; of the former, Arianism, Socinianism,
Rationalism, &c. By this, of course, it is not meant to imply that they never
converge, though at first of seemingly opposite tendencies.

DIALOGUE IV. 397
what evidence is there that there was any tradition putting
such doctrine before them of old time ; for that there was
an explanative tradition has been, I trust, shown above.
Here, then, I will give a brief sketch of what the evidence
is for believing that the Jews held the doctrine of the
Trinity in some sense, referring to Allix's Judgment of
the Jewish Church, &c, for further information upon the
subject. 1. We find no hint in the New Testament that what our
Lord said of blasphemy against the Holy Ghost offended
the Jews, as implying a plurality of Persons in the Godhead.
Neither does it seem that any doctrines but those of the
Incarnation and the Eucharist were really stumbling-
blocks to them.
2. We find in Philo, and also in the Apocrypha, approxi
mations to the Christian doctrine of the Trinity, and espe
cially to the belief of the second Person in the Trinity.
3. We find the Chaldee Paraphrasts frequently intro
ducing the name, the Word of God, for that of Jehovah,
which implies their knowledge also of the same truth.
4. There are a number of passages in the Old Testa
ment, which religious minds could not have failed to put
together and compare, so as to arrive in part at the truth.
For all we know of earlier Jewish books proves them to
have had great powers of combining texts with a view to
arrive at conclusions. Using, then, the tradition 6 of their
Church as a rule, they might, by diligent reading of Scrip
ture, find out much.
If, then, I may venture to give my own opinion upon a
matter where I acknowledge there is some difference among
the Fathers, I should do it in the words of Origen, in Josh.
6 Comp. S. Athan. c. Arian. iii. 28. Tbv oKoirbv rijg KaO' rifiag roig
Xpmriavoig Triurnjig Xafioifiiv Kai TovTip ilieinp Kavovi xpijffd/jfroi -irpoa-
BYu/iev, iig tl-Kiv o d7ro<*To\of ry avayviiiau rijg Oioirvivarov ypatj>rjg.

398 NOTES TO DIALOGUE IV.
iii. 2. " Arbitror . . . quod et illi priores qui per legem age-
bantur, contigerint quidem scientiam Trinitatis, non tamen
integre et perfecte, sed ex parte ; deerat enim illis in Trini
trate etiam Dei Unigeniti Incarnationem cognoscere," &c.
And it is plain that the ignorance of the Incarnation, as a
thing actually realized, must have had a very great influence
on the rest of their belief ; for nothing puts before us in so
strong a light the distinction of Persons as this doctrine
does. Note (49.) p. 370.
S. Ephr. ii. p. 444, says, Manes drew his doctrine from
India; as does Epiphanius, Haeres. Ixvi. 1. Others, as
Archel. Casch. Iii. Iiii. (who, however, mentions Buddha as
connected with the origin of it,) c. Aust. c. F. Manet, xii.
45, &c., say he drew from Persia. But as Persia and India
were countries in intercourse with each other, as we learn
from Philostratus (above, p. 70), the two accounts may
probably be reconciled. Note (50.) p. 371.
The last words are the concluding words of Windisch-
mann's book. It is worth noticing, that ApoUonius of
Tyana and Manes seem both to have drawn from India.
It was from India, also, that Buddhist missionaries came to
intercept the Chinese when they sent an embassy to inquire
after the dawn of Christianity. This is, I think, noticed by
Schlegel, in his Lectures on the Philosophy of History.

END OF NOTES TO DIALOGUE IV.

GLOSSARY.

N. B. This Glossary is intended merely to furnish such
an idea of the words used in it, as is sufficient to make the
argument intelligible.

Achyuta, the unfallen, a name of Vishnu, 285, 287.
Ahinsa, abstinence from injury to animals — one of the
chief virtues with the Hindus, 30, 1 72.
Ahoratri, a day and night of Brahma, consisting of an
enormous period of years, after which all creatures were
absorbed, 341.
Amrita, nectar, 280.
BrahmachAri, a young Brahman in a state of pupillage,
14.
Chandala, an outcast, a man of the lowest grade, 287,
288, 289.
Chhandas, metre, intonation, 20.
Chhandogya, an Upanishad, q. v.
Crishna, an incarnation or avatara of Vishnu, 367.
Devanagari, the Sanscrit alphabet, 18.
Dharma, religious and moral duty, 1 54.
Ganesa, the deity of wisdom, son of Siva, 7.
Gotama, a famous logician, 49, 154, 263.
Grihashtha, a householder (see Sannyasi), 29.

400 GLOSSARY.
Guru, a spiritual preceptor, 14.
Hari, a name of Vishnu.
Iswara, the Lord, a name applied to the Supreme Being,
4.
KALf, a terrific goddess, called also Durga, the wife of
Siva, 45.
Kaliyuga, the age of wickedness, 159.
Kalpa, a period of 4,320,000,000 years (see Ahoratri), 46,
185, 287.
KanAda, the founder of a sceptical or rationalistic school
of philosophy, 154.
Karma-mimAnsa, the same as the Purva-mim. (See Mi
mansa.)
Manas, mens, mind, 284.
MAnava-dharma-sAstra, the book of the law of Manu,
5.
Manu, the legislator, 12.
Manwantara, the duration of a Manu ; each Manu is
supposed to reign during 306,720,000 years, 355.
MfMANsA, an interpretative philosophy, consisting of two
parts : the Purva-mimansa, relative to moral duties ; and
the Uttaramim., relating to the theory of being, &c,
nearly identical with the Vedanta, 4.
Mlechchha, a barbarian, 186.
Muni, a sage endowed with more or less of divinity, or
attaining to it by penance, &c, 4.
NAreda, a son of Brahma, inventor ofthe lute, 15.
NyAya, logical philosophy, 4.
PaeamAtmA, supreme spirit, whether as self-existent, or as
constituting man's nobler part, 284, 285.
PradhAna, crude matter, 45.
Prakriti, matter, 284.
PrasAda, grace ; influence proceeding from the Deity and
calming the mind for devotion, &c, 1 0, ] 54.

GLOSSARY. 401
PurAnas, sacred books later, but now more reverenced,
than the Vedas, 45.
Purusha, Brahma as prolatus, n-po-jiopiKoe, the imaginary
first man out of whom the different classes had their
origin, 20.
Rajayuga, the third great period, the age of passion or
rage.
Rich. See Veda.
SanhitA, a collection of the hymns, properly ofthe Veda,
42.
SAnkhya, the opposite of the Mimansa system ; a reason
ing system, rejecting revelations, &c, 4.
SannyAsi, a Brahman, who having passed through the
three grades of Brahmachari, Grihastha, and Vana-
prastha, abandons all worldly affections and possessions,
143.
Satyakalpa, the period of innocence, 31.
Satyayuga, the age of innocence or truth, 355.
Siva (see Note 34 to Dial, iv.), a name or quality of God,
336.
Soma, the moon ; also the moon-plant, the Asclepias acida,
or Sarcostema viminalis, 280.
SrAddha, a funeral oblation to deceased ancestors, " offer
ings of the dead," 45.
Sruti, a name for the Vedas, 19.
Sudras, the lowest ofthe four great castes, 182, 183, 184.
Surya, the sun, whether as visible, or as illuminating the
mind, 6.
Swayamvaram, the ceremony of choosing a husband, 163.
Tamoyuga, the age of darkness, 355.
Tapas, penance, 143.
Upanishads, certain scientific portions of the Veda, the
same as the Vedanta : there are several of them, 20.
Vaisya, a man of the mercantile caste, 49.
Dd

402 GLOSSARY.
VAlmiki, a great poet, author ofthe Ramayana, &c, 12.
VedAnta, a philosophy which treated the metaphysical
portions of the Vedas systematically, 4.
Vedas (the), the scripture of the Hindus divided into four
parts, three of which only are mentioned in Manu, the
Rich, Yajur, and Sama, leaving out the Atharva, which
is thought to be more recent.
VedAntists, 262, 284.
VijnAna, discrimination, the power of seeing the unreality
of such notions as matter, individual, &c, 285, 336. See
p. 319, Note 49.
Vina, the lute, 15.
Vishnu-serma, author ofthe Hitopadesa, 5.
VyAsa, ' the compiler ' of the Vedas, and some say of other
books, 8.
Xhatriyas, the second or military caste, 185.
Yavanas, Greeks probably of Bactria ; also used for other
foreigners, and sometimes spelt Javanas ; the same word
as the Javan of Hebrew and Syriac.
YoganidrA, the principle or goddess of delusion, 333.
Yogi, an ascetic, devoted to mystical contemplation, 284.

THE END.

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