YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY THE HJSTORY OF THE HEIGN OF GEORGE THE THIRD, FROM HIS ACCESSION IN 1760, TILL THE PRESENT TIME. WITH AST INTRODUCTION, EXHIBITING THE STATE OF THE CHIEF EUROPEAN NATIONS AT THE PERIOD OF HIS ACCESSION.; BY THE AUTHOR OF THE SYSTEM OF GEOGRAPHY LATELY PUBLISHED AT GLASGOW-, IN FOUR VOLUMES, EMBELLISHED WITH ENGRAVINGS^ VOL. I. PRINTED BY J. PILLANS & SONS, TOR WILLIAM BROWNLIE, PUBLISHER, F-AtSiE,Y. i- k isio. CONTENTS OE THE FIRST VOLUME, INTRODUCTION. Accession of George II. page 1. — Character of Hanoverian* Princes, lb.— British ministers — patties, 2 Walpole, 3; — Na tional Debt, 5. — Tobacco Duty-Bill, 7. — Bill for Triennial Par liaments, 8. — Rupture between the King and Prince of Wales, 9. — Restriction on the Theatres', 10. — Nation desirous of War, 11. — War declared against Spain, 12 Vernon's Expedition, 13.-— Anson's Voyage, 15.— Walpole resigns, 18. — Continen tal War, ib. — Battle ofDettingeri, 20. — Battle of Fontenoy, 21. —Pretender, 22. — Defeat of Cope, 25 Battle of Culloden, 28. — Transaction's in the Netherlands, 81. — Treaty of Aix la Cha- pelle, 33. — Pelham's Administration, 36. — Unpopular Laws, 38. — France insincere in making Peace, 41. — French Encroach ments in America, 43. — Open Hostilities commence, 49. — Ex pedition of the French against Minorca, 52. — Trial of Byng, 54. — Progress of Frederick King of Prussia, 56. — Mr Pitt and change of Ministry, 59.— War upon the Continent, 62. — Ex- mions of Frederick King of Prussia, 65. — Siege of Quebec, 67< French Fleet attacked by Hawke, 74.— Thurot, 75 — Trans actions in the East Indies, 77.— Machinations of the French, 79. — Dowla's Cruelty, 82 Treaty with Jaffier, 85.— Continue ance of War in Europe, 87^ — Battle of Minden, 90 — Of Kus- trin, 92 Overtures for Peace, 97.— Death of George the n. 98. CHAPTER I. Accession of George III. 101 Duke of Newcastle Prime Minister, 103 King's First Council, 104 Meeting of Parlia ment, 105 Slight Changes in the Ministry, 108. — Pitt desirous. of continuing the War upon the Continent, 109 — Continental Powers desirous of Peace, 111. — War continued, #.-i-Capture. a 2 of $ CONTENTS. to be restored, 221 Cossim obliged to evacuate his dominions, 224.— #Sensations excited in Britain by the Transactions in India, ib. Clive appointed Governor General, 225.—Dowlah, the Nabob of Oude, with whom Cossim had taken shelter, refuses to deliver him up, ib. — An opportunity seized of attacking Dow- lah, 226, — Capture of Chander Gheex, and Jaffier's death, 228. Nagim, his natural Son, declared his heir by the Council of Cal cutta,?^ Dowlah still maintains a considerable force, 229. — He is vanquished by .Carnac, and Clive repairs to the scene of action, £30 rThe War ended, 231. — Mutinous behaviour of the Bri tish Troops in India, 232 Mutiny checked, 233.— Dividends augmented to ten per cent. 234. CHAPTER III. Mr Grenville anxious to augment the revenue without burden. ing the British, 235. — With this view he proposes to impose a Stamp-duty in America, 236 This subject keenly debated on all hands,, ib. — Arguments used on this occasion, 237! — French endeavour clandestinely to maintain their influence in Canada, 238. — The disturbances which they excite successfully opposed, 239.— Attempts to suppress Smuggling in America, 240. — A general proposal made in Parliament, to tax the Americans, 641. — Which excites a strong sensation in Ameriea, ib. — But passes through Parliament with little debate, 242. — Duke of Athol disposes to Government his right to the superiority of the Isle of Man, 243 King's illness, — he requests from Parlia ment the power of naming a Regency in certam cases, ib. — Dis contents in France, 244.— British ministry disagreeable both to K'-ng and people— they are consequently removed, 246. — A new administration -appointed, 248.— Effects of the Stamp-act in America, 249. — Remarks on the subject, 250 The nature of ¦some of the religious associations in America, favourable to the speedy communication of public opinions, 251 The British themselves begin to reckon the question respecting their colonies of some importance, z'£.— Reasoning on the subject, 252. The Stamp-act taken under consideration in Virginia, 253. A'nd reprobated in severe terms, 254 Deputies sent to New York from the different colonial Assemblies, 2,55'. — Commotions among the people, ib. — particularly at Boston, ib. — Colonial Deputies meet, 2£G.-»-This Congress resolves to petition the British King, Lords, CONTENTS. Vii £ords, and Commons, 257. — The British Ministry in an embar rassing situation, 259. — The Council itself deficient in- energy, 260. — Meeting of Parliament, 261. — Ministers not unanimous regarding the mode in which the American* ought to be treated/ 262. — Pitt's opinion on this subject, ib., — Grenville endeavours to justify his measures, 265. Pitt replies to him, 267. — Opi nions of the people of Britain, respecting the American Stamp- act, 271- — -Bills introduced into Parliament, for repealing the> American Stamp- act, and declaring the right of Britain over her Colonies, 272. — And passed, ib. — General Warrants, 273. — . Ministry unpopular. — Duke of Grafton, Secretary of State, re signs, 274.— Ministry dissolved, 275.— Pitt requested to form a new Ministry, 276. — Which after some difficulty is effected, 277. — Pitt created a Peer by the title of Lord Chatham, and loses somewhat of his popularity, 278. — Chatham endeavours to bring over to him some of his most powerful opponents, 279. — But without success, 280. — Reception of the repeal of the Stamp act in America, ib. — Different reception of the declara tory act, 281. The Colonies avoid every acknowledgement of the right of Parliament to tax them, 282. — Remarks on this Subject, 283. — Britain threatened with scarcity, — Parliament assembled, 284. — Debate on certain orders'in Council, 285. — Dissentions in the Cabinet Council, 289. — Affairs of the East India Company, 290. A bill for this regulation introduced in to Parliament, ib.— Discussions on this subject, 291.— Ameri can affairs, 292. — Townshend proposes to impose certain du ties upon several articles imported into America, te avoid direct taxation, 293.- — Parliament prorogued, 294. — Feeble state of the Ministry, ib. — Attempts to reconcile the different parties, 295. Chatham's ill' health prevents him from acting with vigour, 296. — Townshend adopts the scheme of forming a new Admi nistration, ib. — His death, 297. — Meeting of Parliament, 298, --Nullum tempus bill, 299. — Parliament dissolved, 802. CHAPTER IV. Expulsion of the Jesuits from the greater part of Europej 303.- State of France, 307.— Corsicans, 308.— Effect of Towns- herid's Plan of taxing certain Commodities in the British Co lonies', 309. Transactions in Massachusetts, 310. — Dispute* between tjie people of that Colony and £heir Governor, 311 — - Assembly viii CONTENTS. Assembly at Massachussetts dissolved, 314. — Commotions among the Populace continue, 315. — A Town-meeting at Boston, 316. —Proceedings in New York, 318 John Wilkes' return to Bri tain, 319.— Declares himself a Candidate for Middlesex, 320. — Opening of Parliament, 321. — Tumults in London, 322. — Remarks concerning Wilkes, 324.— Election of a Member for Middlesex, 327 American Affairs, 328.— East India Com. pany, 330. — Affairs of Ireland, 333. — Parliament meets, 338. — Debate on the Address, 339. — Fox's first Appearance in Par liament, 346. — Motions for an Inquiry into the State of the Nation, 349. — Wilkes, 354 Inquiry into the State of the Na tion, 355. —City of London supports the Minority, 360 — Wilkes, 363.— Discussions respecting Privileges of Members of Parliament, 368. — Debates concerning the Americans, 372. CHAPTER V. American Affairs, 374. — Birth of a Princess : behaviour of Wilkes, &c. S83. — Dispute with the Spaniards regarding the Falkland Islands, 386. — Parliament meets, 394 Dispute with' Spain debated, ib. — Negotiations regarding the Affairs, 397. — Changesamong the Ministry, 402.— Dispute between the Houses of Lords and Commons, 403, — Christian Club, 408. — Reports of Proceedings in Parliament, Tumults respecting them, 410. — Petition from London, 422. — Meetingof Parliament, 424. — Dr NowilFs Sermon, 430. — Parliament prorogued, — 434. CHAPTER VI. Affairs in India, 436 Abuses among the Company's ser vants, 437.— Clive returns to Britain, 443. — Hyder Ally, ib Supervisors appointed, 449.' — Scarcity in India, 450. Delibe rations concerning the State of the East India Company, 453 Burke's Remarks on the Committees, 456. — Lord Clive, 459. Island of St Vincent's, 464. — Contest between the Turks and Russians, 482. — French desirous to curb the Russians, 434 French Ministers desirous of War, the King unwilling to engage in Hostilities, ib. — The dispute amicably adjusted, 488.— Wilkesu 489. — Americans, 491. — Governors of the Colonies made inde pendent of the Colonial Assemblies for their Salary, 495.. Com* mittees of Correspondence, 498. — Franklin's intercepting of Qpr*. respondent*, 502, HISTORY OF THE HEIGH OF GEORGE THE THIRD* INTRODUCTION. : - k -- > - .; ; .- TO comprehend more clearly the £ransaetionsr by which the first years of George HL were diajingjjished, it may not be improper • to take a retrospective view of the reign of his predecessor, George ,11. more particularly pf the; Jatter years of that period. . ,. . George II. who succeeded his' father George I. in 1727, is universally described as a prince, .whose, integrity greatly ex ceeded his abilities. He implicitly adopted that hue pf politi cal conduct which his predecessor had followed. The Hano verian princes were long unwilling to forego _their; continental connections. Such, indeed, was . thgir ^ftaflhuaent to their na tive dominions;, that they were riot . unfrequently suspected of , valuing the British crown, chiefly as imparting splendour to the . Hanoverian electorate. They cannot be supposed to have been ignorapt of the great increase of dignity and power, which their accession to the throne of Britain had bestowed upon them ; but they were often accused, of endeavouring to secure that dig nity and power, rather by cultivating alliances upon the Con tinent, than by consulting the true political interests of fcheir British subjects, or by any strenuous efforts to secure their af fections. Nor was the accusation unsupported by some specious arguments. Seldom was any effort spared, which tended to augment the influence of Hanover as a constituent part of th$ A German 2 INTRODUCTION. German empire. In every continental quarrel, however inconsi derable, Britain took a part, and continental powers were hired by large subsidies to guarantee the Protestant succession, which could hardly for a day warrant their own political existence. When George II. succeeded to the crown, he found the public administration in the hands of Sir Robert Walpole, Lord Town shend, and the Earl of Chesterfield. Of these the two latter were men of great abilities -, but the political dexterity of the former soon placed in his hands the greater share of power. As George II. did not intend to depart from the political views of his fa ther, he saw no reason for removing these ministers. Walpole, who had long and steadily attached himself to the house of Hanover, willingly gratified the King in all his favourite pro jects. His efforts to acquire power, and his skill in maintain ing it, were equally conspicuous ; but perhaps few ministers have been less scrupulous regarding the means to be employed for these purposes. He was frequently and loudly blamed for governing almost entirely by corruption ; and he hardly ever gave himself the trouble of denying, much less of refuting, the accusation. 1 The celebrated parties which, under the appellations of Whigs and Tories, had so long divided the British nation, had, with out changing their names, several times admitted some material changes in their political principles. During the struggle be tween the King and Parliament, previous to the Revolution, the Tories, adhering to the former, maintained the doctrines of passive obedience, hereditary right, and others of a similar kind. The Whigs, taking the part of the latter, encouraged every doc trine which tended to check the encroachment of regal power, and to increase the liberty of the people. Under the reign of George I. these parties came with some propriety to be distin guished by the names of Whigs and Jacobites. The Whigs still continued to patronize the freedom of the people, and to withstand the encroachments of regal authority. The Jacobites, while they had, perhaps, somewhat deviated from their blind at tachment to passive obedience, were in general Supposed to be- very favourable to the exiled house of Stuart. Duringthe reign of George. II. when the partizans of tho house of Stuart had almost INTRODUCTION. 3 almost entirely disappeared, or at. least lost much of their former zeal of attachment, the great political divisions began to assume the names of the Court and Country parties. These parties, though they were still frequently named Whigs and Tories, seem in a great measure reciprocally to have changed their opinions. The Whigs, instead of opposing kingly power, were now warm adherents of the Court ; they adopted all its preju dices, and encouraged all its measures. They supported with zeal the Protestant succession ; dreaded no danger from the encroach ments of the Crown ; scrupulously adjusted the balance of power, and saw the true interest of Britain in the multiplication of foreign alliances. The Tories were now so far from maintain ing the doctrine of passive obedience, . that they daily descanted on the dangerous encroachments of the prerogative. They considered continental alliances as being not only useless, but destructive ; and lamented those vast subsidies, which, in their opinion, instead of being lavished abroad, ought to have been employed at home, in the reduction of the national debt, or in the encouragement of industry and commerce. It is not difficult to perceive which of these parties must have enjoyed the greater share of the royal favour. The Whigs were by many accounted the only true friends of the Hanove rian line. The King himself had imbibed the same notion, and Walpole was careful to encourage it. That minister osten tatiously set himself up as the head of a party. He represent ed all who opposed him,- not only as beings unfriendly to his administration, but as being enemies to their country ; and in this respect, so great was his success, that many who disliked Walpole's measures, implicitly countenanced his management, lest they should be ranked among the foes of Britain. Walpole, who seems first to have brought himself into no tice by his attachment to the house of Hanover, when he had succeeded in obtaining power, used every art to strengthen his tenure. The Court party, or, as they denominated them selves, the Whig connection, had long been accumulating strength, till, by numerous alliances and intermarriages, it at length consisted of almost all the principal families in the king dom. By declaring himself the head of this party, Walpole A 2 sec wed 4 INTRODUCTION. secured their support, and thus, in every contested mea sure, relied upon a majority. This minister, besides, had much intrinsic merit : his abilities were great, and he often ex erted them for beneficial purposes. As a zealous partizan of the house of Hanover, he enjoyed the friendship of the King, and still more that of the Queen. He used every effort to withstand the Pretender. He attached to himself the monied interest, hy encouraging commerce, and improving the public revenue. His affable and engaging manners procured him many personal friends ; and his dextrous, though lavish distri bution of secret service-money, a practice which he attempted not to conceal, added no little strength to his party. It required all the skill and every effort of Walpole to sup port him against his adversaries. These adversaries were nu merous ; arid though they were very far from being unanimous in their political principles, they agreed in opposing every measure of the minister. Walpole and his administration were opposed by the Tories, by the discontented Whigs, and by the Jacobites. The Tories opposed him from principle. They were not indeed inimical to the house of Hanover, or to the Protestant succession ; but they were offended that the powers of government should be exclusively entrusted in the hands of Whigs, from whom, in principle, they so widely differed. Even all the Whigs were not satisfied. Many of them, of consider able abilities, and no little influence, had been excluded from employment. The secret service-money itself, though distribu ted with profusion, could not be lavished on all who thought themselves entitled to a share. These, though in political prin ciples they agreed with Walpole, were anxious to see the ad ministration in other hands, hopeful that then they might reap those profits which now were denied them. The Jacobites, though perhaps not numerous, wished- not to see the govern ment conducted either by Whigs or Tories, and they conse quently concurred with any patty which planned the overthrow of Walpole's administration. Thus, all these discordant par ties, however unlikely to concur in any other scheme, agreed in wishing to remove Walpole and his associates. To effect this purpose, the leaders of the different parties agreed for a time to INTRODUCTION. 5 to unite their endeavours, each hoping that, in case of success, his own party might gain the ascendancy. The national debt was one great cause of debate among the different parties.- The nation, not yet entirely reconciled to this grievance, considered it in a much more odious light than has been done since, when the sum has been so very greatly in creased. When George II. ascended the throne, the national debt amounted to about thirty millions ; and though peace con tinued during a considerable period, and the people were con tinually amused with promises of its rapid reduction, the di minution was very inconsiderable. The enemies of administra tion, laying hold of this circumstance, were loud in their cla mours. They expatiated on the large sums, which, in spite of every opposition, Were annually raised. They scrupled not to affirm, that those sums, instead of being expended in the way most profitable for the nation, were squandered in useless sub sidies, or lavished in support of the existing administration. They particularly insisted, that a much greater number of troops was maintained than could be necessary in time of peace : and they reprobated that expensive system of corruption, which Walpole took so little care to conceal. A peace had been concluded with the Spaniards during the former reign j but that nation, perhaps not fully satisfied with the terms, had never cordially desisted from hostilities. On the coasts of their American settlements particularly, our mer chants experienced from them the most severe treatment. The national resentment was roused by these indignities, and numerous petitions were laid before every branch of Govern ment. Walpole, who, during his whole administration, shew ed himself extremely averse to war, had recourse to negotiation. The Spaniards found means of satisfying his demands, and a new treaty was concluded at Vienna, between the Emperor of Germany and the Kings of Spain and Britain. This treaty seemed once more to restore tranquillity, and Walpole conti nued to conduct the government with his usual pacific dispo- sitiom That system of Corruption which Walpole exercised in mat ters of government with so little palliation, has been alledged to 6 INTRODUCTION. to have had no inconsiderable influence on the manners of the nation. The corruption of government, it was affirmed, prevent ed them from inquiring with sufficient care into the nefarious practices of others ; and villainous individuals, taking advantage of this remissness, perpetrated with impunity the most infa mous actions. This reasoning was perhaps- more specious than solid. Glaring instances of corruption have not been confined to Walpole's administration ; and even under him corruption did not always pass unpunished. Whatever may have been the cause, however, a very extraordinary instance of peculation was at this time exemplified. A society, under the name of the Charitable Corporation, had been instituted for the purpose of lending small sums to such as required it, upon proper security. Their capital, which at first consisted of thirty thousand pounds, had been extended to six hundred thousand. They who had subscribed to this capital, entrusted the manage ment of it to several directors. The cashier, and some of the other officers, suddenly disappeared ; and, upon inquiry, it was discovered, that five hundred thousand pounds ^of the capital had been embezzled by those to whom it had been entrusted. In consequence of a petition presented to the House of Com mons, a secret committee was appointed to inquire into the matter, and the fraudulent practices of the directors were soon laid open. Of these directors, some were persons of high rank, and previously of unblemished characters. Several mem bers of parliament were implicated in the guilt ; and three of them, Sir Robert Sutton, Sir Archibald Grant, and George Robinsbn, were actually expelled for the part they had taken Jh this nefarious business. . ,. The directors of the Charitable Corporation were not the only persons at this time accused of embezzling the property of others. Several persons had been employed in selling the for feited estates belonging to the Earl of Derwentwater. They were accused of selling them in a frandulent manner ; and Mr Den nis Bond, and Serjeant Burch, were for this crime expelled' from the House of Commons. During Walpole's influence, his constant aim was to- "pre serve peace, and to increase the public revenue. As he suc ceeded INTRODUCTION. 7 ceeded in maintaining peace during a long period, the history of his administration is little more than a history of his struggles with his political adversaries. His invention was fertile in con triving new taxes, but he was not always successful in render ing them agreeable to the people. One tax which he brought forward in 1733, would perhaps have driven him from his of fice, had he not had the good sense to abandon it. Convinced that the trading factors in London often defraud ed Government of the duty payable upon tobacco at its im portation, he proposed to render the payment more secure, bv taking it from the customs, and subjecting it to the laws of the excise. He proposed that the tobacco^ when imported, should be lodged in warehouses appointed for that purpose, under the inspection of officers of the crown ; and that the proprietor should, when he found a purchaser, pay fourpence for each pound that he sold. This, though it was in truth to render the tax somewhat more easy to those by whom it was paid, than it could be without fraud in the way of customs, was a measure so generally'obnoxious, that it was opposed by all ranks of men. The minister's opponents in parliament did not let slip so favour able an opportunity of. attacking him. They affirmed, that the tax would be infinitely more oppressive than before, without being more productive : that it would subject the merchants to such in conveniences, and to such oppressions, as would deter them from engaging in that branch of trade, and would consequently tend entirely to annihilate that part .of the revenue : that it would produce a new swarm of excise-officers, who, being altogether at the disposal of government, would give additional in fluence to an administration already too powerful. Those argu ments, however plausible, were disregarded by the ministry. Walpole's proposal triumphed over all opposition in the House of Commons ; but it was opposed by the voice of the nation, to which the minister had .the prudence to listen. All ranks exclaimed against it, and the crowds which daily beset the House of Commons forcibly expressed the opinions of the lower classes. On some occasions, Walpole had reason to think that his life was in danger ; So that, after he had the in fluence 8 , INTRODUCTION. fluence to carry his purpose in the House of Commons, he abandoned it in consequence of the clamours of the people. Though the minister had thus demonstrated, that he was able to secure a majority in parliament, even to a very danger ous purpose, his opponents reckoned' his finally relinquishing his scheme, as being a real triumph ; and they were willing to try whether they could not, by bringing into view some other popular topic, gain a still greater superiority. Parliaments, ac cording to the settlement at the Revolution, were to be only triennial ; but a law passed in the reign of George I. had ren dered them septennial. Parliaments of seven years duration, at no time popular, had become still more odious by the. many unpopular acts passed under their auspices. When the minority proposed their bill for rendering parliaments again triennial, those disagreeable laws were not forgotten. . All the severities, and even the errors of government, however unintentional, which had taken place since the commencement of the septen nial parliaments, were placed in a strong point of view. The mino rity, however, on this occasion, were not so strongly supported by the people as in the former case. A few years, or months, of difference in the duration of, parliament, was an abstract subject, which impressed their minds less forcibly than a tax upon their favourite tobacco. They looked upon ' the debate with less emotion, and expressed no resolution which could intimidate the minister. In parliament he easily secured a majority, and the proposal for triennial parliaments was laid aside. The opponents of the minister, disappointed in a C3se where their hopes of success had probably been somewhat sanguine, retired from parliament in disgust, declaring that attendance was Vain, where every thing was determined by the sense of the minister, rather than by public expediency,, or even by the unbiassed opinion of the members. Walpole regarded their desertion as a triumph, and attempted to render the indignant members somewhat less popular, by forming in their absence some laws and regulations in themselves highly agreeable. The public attention was, in 1738, called to a disagreeable rupture, which took place between the King and the Prince' of INTRODUCTION. 9 fef Wales. This prince was universally esteemed by the nation ; but the very causes which gained him the esteem of the people, lessened that of his father, and procured him the hatred of Wal pole. He disliked the corrupt practices of the ministry. He disapproved of their political maxims, and he made no secret of his disapprobation. A declared opposition of principle first generated a coldness, and a mistake concerning some ceremo* nious message widened the breach between him and his father. This difference, after it had evidently commenced, was conti nually increased by those whose interest or pleasure prompted them to such employments, till at length the King denied the Prince admittance to his presence, and forbade any of his at tendants to appear at Court; The minority in Parliament regarded the Pririee of Wales ai one who suffered for his attachment to their cause; and with great zeal they exerted themselves in his behalf, but their ex ertions had no other effect than to manifest their good inten tions. They proposed in parliament, that the Prince's ¦establish ment, instead of fifty thousand, should be augmented to an hundred thousand pounds annually. This motion was opposed by Walpole an skill of the ad»rals» or the magnituder of the preparations* Natural- and moral causes, seem, to have- conspired in heaping upon it repeated disasters. The land-forces, when the fleet sailed, were under the com mand of Lord Cathcart. That officer dying during the ve»y-, age, the chief command devolved upon General Wentwetth,, who seems not to have been so happy as, to conciliate either the- esteem of his officers, or the affection of the troops which' he commanded. For several reasons, none of which to> the people appeared very satisfactory, the sailing of the fleet was> Ijoiifcg de layed. Before it could arrive at the destined scene of action, the periodical rains had commenced* amd brought along, wijth them many diseases,, fatal to troops, unaccustomed , to the un-: healthy climate. Even after they sailed, their passage to the- .Ame rican coast was long protracted; by storms, and other unforeseen causes. At length, however, they reached the coast in the neigh bourhood of Carthagena* This city they resolved to attaek, as one 14 INTRODUCTION. one of^the most important places in Spanish America, the great centre of trade between the colonies and Spain itself, and the most convenient place from which to proceed to the attack of Panama, at the distance of sixty miles upon the opposite coast. The harbour, known by the name of Bocca Chica, was strengthened with numerous fortifications, completely garrisoned. In spite of all opposition, however, the British forces landed. on the island Terra Bomba, near the mouth of the harbour. A battery was erected, and in a short time a breach was made in one of their principal forts. The troops imme diately marched to the attack, and the Spaniards, without at tempting to impede their progress, fled with precipitation. Encouraged by this success, the British advanced towards the town ; but the resistance with which they met was greater than the conduct of the Spaniards, whom they had already en countered, had given them reason to expect. In such a cli mate, victory delayed was equal to a defeat. Many of the/ men daily fell the victims of disease, and of those who sur vived, a great number were unfit for service. The marine and land officers, who seem not to have entertained for each other much affection or esteem, mutually blamed each other for the backward .state of their operations. Wentworth, instiga ted by the reproaches which without disguise were aimed at him, ordered his -troops to advance to the attack of St Lazar, one of the forts of the town. They had guides to conduct them to the weakest part, but these being unfortunately kill ed, the troops attacked the very quarter which was strong est. Notwithstanding they were repulsed with considerable loss, they persevered in the assault with the coolest courage, till the numbers which fell on every side, rendered their un dertaking hopeless, and they were obliged to retire. It soon became obvious, that the attempt to take the town must prove unsuccessful. The diseases which continually diminished the number of troops, and still more the dissentions among the officers, forbade every hope of success. To retreat, no doubt, was disgraceful, but it was now become necessary, as the only way of saving, the remaining part of the . armament. The INTRODUCTION. 15 The fortifications near the harbour were destroyed ¦, "the troops were re-embarked, and the melancholy remnants of the fruitless expedition were conveyed to Jamaica. The failure of Vernon's ' expedition must necessarily have oc casioned that of Anson's ; but Anson, like Vernon, had other obstacles to contend with than the hostile Spaniards. Like Ver non, he complained that the sailing of his squadron was delayed without any visible cause; and he added, that his equipment -was not such as he had been made to expect. The number of his men, indeed, was about fourteen hundred, but among these were enrolled two hundred recruits, and as many invalids. Not withstanding these discouraging circumstances, and notwith standing the season Was very improper for the purpose, Anson sailed, and, passing the Cape Verd islands, soon reached the American coast. Having refreshed his men at the -island of St Catharine's on the Brazilian coast, he proceeded southward, and, after encountering much tempestuous weather, at length succeeded in passing Cape Horn, the southern point of America, During this part of his voyage, he encountered numberless dis asters. His whole fleet was dispersed, and his own vessel with much difficulty reached the island of Juan Fernandez. In this place he remained for some time, to enjoy that repose which he so much required ; and after having been joined by one other ship of his squadron, and one of the frigates, he again sailed, with the design of attacking some place upon the coast of Spa nish America. Notwithstanding the small number of his men, he made himself master of Payta with the greatest ease ; and, * after having plundered it, left it in flames. He was now arrived at that part of the American continent where he ought to have co-operated with Vemon ; but Vernon's failure at Carthagena rendered this part of the scheme abortive ; and the diminution of his own force would have rendered it im practicable, even had Vernon succeeded. Only two ships of his squadron now remained with him, yet with these he resolved to attempt the annoyance of the enemy. No method seemed more likely to incommode the Spaniards, and to render his ex pedition not altogether fruitless, than to make a prize of one of those rich vessels which trade between America and the Philip pine 16 INTRODUCTION. pine islands.. He for a long time traversed that part of the Ame rican Coast where it was most probable he should meet with such a vessel; but here fortune. was again unpropitious. After ex posing His men to innumerable hardships, he was constrained to leave the coast, "without having seen the ship in question. Dis ease made daily inroads upon his remaining crews, particularly the sea-scurvy, than which a more afflicting distemper can hardly be imagined. So much at length were his men reduced in num ber, that while passing the Pacific Ocean, he burnt one of his remaining vessels, and received her crew on board of hi* own ship. The Centurion was now his only vessel ; and, notwithstand ing the men whom he had lately received, such was their defbi- lity, that he with difficulty arrived at Tinian, a deserted island in the Pacific, nearly equi-distant from Asia and America. Though this place had at a former period been left by its inha bitants, on account of the distempers which raged among them, yet to the harassed seamen it appeared a paradise, and by the historian of the voyage has been described in the most glowing colours, The refreshments of which they here partook had the happiest effect upon them, and in a short time they continued their voyage. They arrived in the river Canton, where the vessel was refitted. Instead, however, of returning directly homewards, after a voyage attended with such fatigue and so many disasters, Anson, having received a reinforcement of Dutch and Indian seamen, returned into the Pacific Ocean, still entertaining some hope that he might meet with one of those vessels which trade between Asia and America. At this time he was not disappointed. He discovered one of the Vessels, but his force seemed very inadequate to contend with her. The Spanish ship mounted no fewer than sixty guns, and the crew consisted of five hundred men. The Centurion had not more than half the number, yet Anson hesitated not to engage. The Spaniards made not such a resistance as from their numbers might have been expected ; in ^ short time their ship was made a prize. They were ashamed to be informed of the force to which they had yielded, while the British exulted in the booty which they had acquired, the ship and her cargo being valued at up wards: INTRODUCTION, 17 wards of three hundred thousand pounds. After having again refreshed his men at Canton, Anson only thought of returning to Britain, where, in April 1744, he safely arrived. He was re ceived with that distinguished honour which his persevering courage, though not entirely successful, surely merited. The British people were greatly discontented with the issue of those expensive expeditions. Vernon's had terminated disgrace* fully ; and Anson's, though conducted with honour to himself, and though it had enriched those concerned in it, had completely failed in effecting the chief purpose for which it was intended. Murmurs were heard in every quarter ; and though many of the disasters which attended the expeditions were such as could not be foreseen by any prudence, nor obviated by any courage, the whole blame was transferred to the minister. The dis contents of the people were augmented by the success of. the Spaniards, in harassing our merchant-vessels. This discon tent became at length so prevalent, even among those of supe rior influence, that it had no small effect in the election of members to the new Parliament, which was then about to meet. Walpole now perceived that his power was rapidly declining ; and, convinced that the Prince of Wales, revered by the whole nation for his private virtues, was his most formidable oppo nent, and was followed by a very great number of adherents, he attempted to allure that personage to declare himself in his favour. Knowing that the Prince laboured under pecu niary embarrassments, he resolved to make his approaches on that side. By a message carried by the Bishop of Oxford, it was signified to the Prince, that if he would condescend to write to his father, not only he himself, but all his adherents, would be received into favour, two hundred thousand pounds would be advanced to assist him in paying his debts, and fifty thousand pounds would be added to his annual income. This, it must be confessed, was a tempting offer to a person whose debt was already very great, and was continually increasing"; but the Prince, without hesitation, disdainfully rejected it, declaring that no offer made by Walpole Could to him be ren dered acceptable. Disappointed in this scheme, the minister began to have C daily 18 INTRODUCTION. daily loss hope of being able long to' maintain his situation. A debate which soon after took place in the House of Com mons, concerning a contested election, served to convince him that his influence was still declining. He found the number of his. opponents at every division continually to augment. At length he thought it expedient to give up a place with some appearance of choice, which it was obvious he must in a short time be forced to relinquish. To fit his purpose, therefore, the parliament was adjourned ; and Walpole, after having been created Earl of Oxford, resigned all his employments. The intelligence of this resignation was received by the greater part of the people with all those demonstrations of joy which are usually displayed on account of the most fortunate event. The deposed minister was loudly accused of every national disaster, even of those on which, in the view of cool reason, it was ob vious he could have no influence. As if every misfortune were to depart with him, the most sanguine hopes were entertain ed, that our affairs in future would wear a more fortunate aspect. Successful war, augmented commerce, and increasing revenue, were universally predicted. While matters were thus situated in Britain, the continental powers were involving themselves in all the horrors of war. Af ter a violent contest concerning giving a king to Poland, an other, commenced, regarding the succession to the German em pire. Charles. VI. by a treaty, distinguished by the name of the Pragmatic Sanction, had engaged the chief powers of Europe to agree, that his daughter Maria Theresa should be his succes sor. Charles died in 1740, and the pragmatic sanction, like other political bargains, was no farther respected than the dif ferent views and interests of the various powers dictated. France, one of the contracting parties, regardless of her en gagements, declared in favour of the Elector of Bavaria ; and while their forces, with those of the Elector, attacked the -empire on one side, the King of Prussia, who had some ancient pretensions :to Silesia, attacked it upon the other. Thus she, whom the greater ptirt of the European powers had engaged themselves to support in the empire, saw herself in danger of. bting driven even fr,w^ her hereditary dominions. The INTRODUCTION. 19 The British monarch, notwithstanding the late change of ministry, still retained his inclination to take a part in the affairs of the Continent ; and Lord Carteret, who now held the place of Walpole, was no less willing than his predecessor to indulge his royal master in this predilection. As Elector of Hanover, he thought it incumbent upon him to interpose when the affairs of the empire were concerned ; and while France thought proper to disregard the pragmatic sanction, he thought himself bound, not only by his faith pledged at that treaty, but by his anxiety to maintain the balance of power, to support the cause of Ma ria Theresa. In this design he was soon joined by Holland, and Sardinia, and in a short time after by Russia. Those who had flattered themselves with a complete change of measures in consequence of the change of ministers, were much disappointed when they saw the same disposition to interfere with the continental powers, the safie anxiety concerning Hanover, the same facility in granting subsidies. When it was discover ed that a considerable number of Hanoverian troops were taken into British pay, the clamour became yet more violent. Hano ver, it was exclaimed, was thus to be paid by Britain to fight her own battles ; and British lives, and British treasure, were to be lavished in a quarrel which did not belong to her. They, however, who had, when they were opposed to ministers, ex claimed against continental alliances, now, when they were themselves become ministers, found no difficulty in defending them ; and, provided they could secure a majority in parlia* ment, they disregarded the clamours of the people. The accession of so many powerful allies gave a favourable turn to the affairs of Maria Theresa, the Hungarian queen. The Elector of Bavaria, instead of securing an empire, saw himself invaded in his own dominions. Even from those he was obli ged to fly, and, taking shelter in Frankfort, he agreed to continue neutral during the remainder of the contest. The French, however, did not abandon the cause which they had original ly espoused ; but they continued hostilities, rather perhaps through enmity to several of the other powers, than friendsliip to the Bavarian Elector. Prince Charles of Lorraine, who commanded the forces of C 2 the 26 INTRODUCTION. the Queen of Hungary, and who had driven the Elector of Ba varia from his dominions, was now ready to oppose the troops of France. The Earl of Stair, who commanded the British forces, and those in British pay, attempted to join Prince Charles ; and the French, under Marshal Noailles, posted upon the river Mayne, resolved, if possible, to prevent the junction. The French forces amounted to sixty thousand, the British to forty thousand. The reputation of Stair as a general was consider able, but his eagerness to join Prince Charles led him into such a situation, that the French were enabled to cut off every com munication by which he could procure provisions. At this juncture the King of Britain personally arrived in the camp, and being apprised of the precarious situation of his troops, he resolved to make a vigorous effort to join twelve thousand Hessians and Hanoverians, who were posted at Hanau. They accordingly commenced their march, and had already arrived in the neighbourhood of a village called Dettingen, at the dis tance of three leagues from their former post, when they found themselves so completely inclosed by the French, that to pro ceed was impossible. In this situation, the French might have starved them into submission, or might have compelled them to engage on very disadvantageous terms ; but their own impe tuosity undid the advantage which their prudence had acqui red. The Duke of Gramont, at the head of the cavalry, ad vancing from a defile where he had been posted, rashly entered the plain, and charged the British with uncommon fury. He was received with cool intrepidity, the King himself animating his troops by the personal display of undaunted courage. Gra- mont's troops were at length thrown into confusion ; and after losing ah^out five tho'usand men, the French passed the Mayne. The British claimed the honour of a victory ; but their suc cess was entirely indecisive, since the French soon returned, and again took possession of the field of battle; while the British, retiring, not only desisted from their original purpose, but during the remainder of the campaign attempted no active hostilities. Some degree of disgrace, if not discomfiture, attended the British even at sea, where they had long been habituated to victory. INTRODUCTION. 81 arictory; The British fleet, under Admirals Matthews and Les- tock, was attacked by the combined fleets of France and Spain ; and though the force of the latter was inferior, they maintain ed their part in the engagement with advantage, at least equal. to that, of the former. The doubtful issue of this contest was in Britain regarded as a defeat. The Admirals were both brought to their trial. Lestock was acquitted with honour, while Matthews, who was generally believed to be his superior in courage, was dismissed from his Majesty's service. Nor were these the only disasters which Britain at this time' sustained. In the Netherlands, the Duke of Cumberland, a general whose courage has not been questioned, but to whom fortune was seldom auspicious, was, at the head of seventy thou sand of the allies, opposed to the celebrated Count Saxe, at the head of a hundred and twenty thousand French. After taking several fortified towns, Saxe invested Tournay ; and Cumber land was resolved to raise the siege by risking a general en gagement. He accordingly advanced towards the French, whom he found advantageously encamped. The great inequa lity of numbers, and perhaps still more of generals, rendered the issue extremely doubtful to the assailants; yet the British advanced to the charge as if secure of success, and for some time the advantage of the conflict appeared to be on their side. Count Saxe, at that time so ill that he could not ride, made himself be carried on a litter, to observe the motions of the army ; and with the intuition of one long inured to a'rms, he perceived that the advantage of the allies was only tempo rary, that the conflict was to terminate in his own favour. The British, with more courage than caution, advanced upon the enemy's line, which, opening to receive them, permitted them for some time to proceed. At length they found themselves ex-, posed to a tremendous discharge of musquetry and artillery. Though multitudes fell on every hand, their courage did not forsake them. For a considerable time they maintained their ground, till at length, finding that every effort was to be inef fectual, they retired. In this conflict, called the battle of Fon- tenoy, from a town near the place where it was fought, the allies lost twelve thousand men. The loss of theFreiich is said to 22 INTRODUCTION. to have been nearly equal ; but they were much more able to sustain it ; and the victory was so decisive as to give to the enemy, during the remainder of the campaign, an evident su periority. Elated by these important advantages, the French threaten ed to carry their arms into Britain itself ; and, giving implicit, credit to the discontents said to prevail in the island against the reigning family, they resolved to make the restitution of the family of Stuart the ostensible cause of invasion. For this pur pose Charles, the son of the Chevalier St George, was brought from Rome to Paris, where, encouraged by the promise of powerful aid, he entered warmly into the design. The threat of invasion at this time made by France excited in Britain no small degree of alarm ; and if we may judge from the magnitude of the preparations, the alarm was not altogether without founda tion. Fifteen thousand land-forces were appointed for the ex pedition, to be commanded by Count Saxe, so much celebrated for his military genius ; and these were to be escorted by twenty ships of the line. Such a force, supported by the partizans of the family of Stuart, at that time thought to be very numerous, might well be supposed to make a very dangerous impression on the island. The hopes of the Pretender, however, were at this time very soon to be blasted. When about seven thousand of the troops were actually embarked, a British admiral, Sir John Norris, appeared with a fleet superior to that, which was to ac company the 'invaders. This would have rendered the invasion somewhat difficult and dangerous ; but a violent storm, which very much damaged the transports appointed to convey the troops, rendered it, for some time at least, altogether impos sible. The hopes of the Pretender, at this time frustrated, were again to be rendered still more sanguine from preparations very much inferior. When the former invasion was threatened, ,every class of people was eager, by their addresses to the throne, to demonstrate their loyalty. Information of appearances so con trary to the hopes of the Pretender, must no doubt have reached his ears, but, like many in similar circumstances, he appeared anxious to deceive himself, by interpreting matters in the way most. favourable INTRODUCTION. 2fr favourable to his own views. Those addresses, he concluded, ap parently so loyal, were only necessary disguises, to elude the vigi lance of the reigning family. Charles at that time really had in Britain a few friends. These, anxious at all events to promote his accession to the throne,' seem to have exaggerated the strength of his party, and to have deceived even themselves regarding their true influence. Fortunately for the island, administration was then in the hands of the Earl of Harrington and the Earl of Chesterfield, and was more than commonly popular. Besides, there were perhaps few, even of the most turbulent, who really wished to see one of the Stuart race placed upon the throne, with the chance of seeing renewed all those claims and all those excesses which had terminated in the Revolution. Charles, of a sanguine temper, and by no means deficient in personal bravery, was willing to view his cause in the most fa vourable light, and to lend an attentive ear to those who flattered him with tire hopes of success. While the young adventurer thus pleased himself with the prospect of future grandeur, the French, better informed perhaps concerning the true state of the kingdom, no longer presumed to assist him with a force similar to that which they had formerly destined to support his cause. In their promises they were sufficiently liberal, but the real force which they afforded him, consisted of seven officers, arms for two thousand men, and a small frigate, not to co-operate in his cause, which Would have been ridiculous, but to convey him to the scene of action. He was indeed attended by a ship of sixty guns ; but this vessel, heing attacked by a British ship of war, was compelled to return to port, though the frigate which car ried the adventurer had the good fortune to escape. The hope must have been uncommonly sanguine, which could induce any one with such a force to undertake the subjugation of a powerful kingdom. Yet Charles, who had probably been taught- that the crown was his by divine and indefeasible right, scrupled not to proceed. In July 1745 he landed on the coast ' of Lochaber, where he was still made to believe that his hopes were well founded. The most powerful partizans of the Stuart family inhabited those remote parts of the island. The High land chieftains still retained the power of commanding their vassals, 24 INTRODUCTION. vassals, under pain of death, to follow in any undertaking which they might choose to espouse. Of these chieftains some openly supported the Pretender. Not a few of the lower ranks befriended the same cause ; and in a short time Charles saw himself at the head of fifteen hundred men. The number was indeed in itself small ; but it was great, compared to the popu lation of that wild district. His success here tended still farther to foster his hopes of greater aid in more populous regions ; and by distributing manifestoes into every part of the country, he endeavoured to accelerate the confluence of men to his standard. , In all doubtful cases, every one draws that inference which is dictated by his fears or his hopes ; and the .small force with which the Pretender arrived in the island, was in many instances, no small cause of alarm even to his enemies. No man injiis senses, it was argued, could embark in so great a design, with a force so very inadequate to the purpose. Charles, it was . a£j firmed, must depend on some powerful aid, of which he had previously received assurance ; and though no one could say from what quarter such aid was to be derived, the very uncer tainty rendered the suspicion more alarming. Every one sus pected his neighbour ; and as he could not determine from what part danger was to be dreaded, he dreaded it from all parts. The attempt of the Pretender, though it alarmed the fears of many, influenced the loyalty of comparatively very few ; and of these the greater part were natives of. the Highlands, who lived under the immediate and powerful influence of their chiefs- Charles, however, had commenced his career in this very part of the country, and as he proceeded towards Perth, he saw the number of his followers continually increasing. In that place he was no sooner arrived, than he caused his father to be pro claimed, king, hoping by this idle ceremony to give strength to his cause in the eyes of the vulgar. From Perth he proceeded to Edinburgh, where, on the 17th of August,, the ceremony of proclamation was again celebrated ; and the followers qf the. Pretender became so numerous as to excite some degree of alarm in the minds of the most intelligent. , Government was no sooner informed that Charles had actually landed, and was openly asserting his right to the crown, than* Sir INTRODUCTION. £5 Sir John 'Cbpe was dispatched against him, in order to avert his progress. C6pe, who advanced to the Highlands to meet the rebel army, did not think his force sufficient to contend with it. While the rebels continued at Edinburgh, however, Cope having received a reinforcement of two regiments of dragoons, resolved to venture a battle, and Charles was not unwilling to attempt to disperse his enemies before greater accessions of strengdh should rendesr them too powerful. He accordingly put hsmseM at tfhe head of his troops, and marched to encounter \an enemy who had hitherto shunned him. The battle took palace in the vicinity of Prestonpans. It was not of long dura. tkm, nor was it very sanguinary ; the number of killed in the royal army being only five hundred. Yet such was the panic occasioned hy the defeat to Cope and his soldiers, that had Charles pursued his advantage, he might have .become very foicmidahle before he could have -been effectually opposed. The Pretender, however, instead of profiting by the advan tage which he had gained, or of continuing to act with promp- , titude and vigour, returned to Edinburgh, there to waste, in the display of idle splendour, that time which ought to have beeh employed in unceasing exertion. Government itself, neverthe less, now begasn to think that a considerable force would be ne- cessairy for his suppression. As if in such a cause the native forces of the island could not be trusted with sufficient safety* or for some other reason, -six thousand Dutch troops were brought to Britain to oppose the rebels. > The Duke of Cumberland put himself at the head of the royal forces ; and very formidable preparations were in every -quarter made to oppose an insurrec tion, which at first had been despised. Roused at length, by intelligence of this preparation, from the enjoyment of imaginary greatness in which he had too long in dulged at Edinburgh, Charles resolved to advance-into England, in hopes that his cause would be supported by still more nu merous adherents. Approaching it by the western coast, on the sixth of -November he invested Carlisle, and in a few days made himself master of the place. After , having been once more declared King of Britain, and leaving a small garrison be hind him, he continued his march ; thus by the celerity of his D movements 26 INTRODUCTION. movements avoiding General Wade," who proposed to attack him. Charles, meanwhile, had been encouraged to proceed^ by the promise of a powerful diversion in his favour, by an in vasion from France upon the southern coast. .He accordingly continued to advance, endeavouring still farther to attach to himself the affection of his followers, by every art of affabili ty. He adopted their dress. He was always at their. head, and generally marched on foot. In this manner he arrived at Man chester, where he remained for some time, and where he was joined by two hundred Englishmen, embodied under the com mand of Colonel Townley, — a force, it is probable, in no re spect equal to his expectations, yet sufficient to nourish the hope, that he had adherents in every part of the island. Flattering himself that in Wales the number of his adherents would be still greater, he proceeded thither, after having reached Derby. As he approached towards the metropolis, the fears of government, and of those more immediately connected with it, or interested to support it, became still more evident. All were anxious to display their loyalty. Yet that loyalty was displayed in such a way as evinced the apprehensions of the nation from the Pretender, at the head of a few clans of High landers. Not only the volunteers of the city of London were formed into regular regiments, every quarter of the king dom furnished companies of volunteers, eager to oppose the enemies of the country and established constitution. The thea trical performers resolved to take up arms in support of their master ; even the practitioners of law desired to be trained to arms, and to be embodied, under the command of the judges. The King resolved to put himself at the head of an exasperated nation, and to oppose in person the enemies of his crown, and of his people. Happily the overthrow of the rebels required no such extra ordinary efforts. The chieftains who had espoused the cause of Charles, were little acquainted with that subordination which is necessary to the success . of military undertakings. Each. thought himself equal, if not superior, to all his companions; and in every doubtful ease, each thought that his own judgement, as well from its intrinsic rectitude, as from the influence of its ' author, INTRODUCTION. 27 author, had the best title to attention. Every one had an opi nion of his own, and every one conceived that he had a right fo insist that his opinion should be adopted. Charles, though his experience had been such as to enable him to form a plan of permanent operations, yet his authority among his adherents, was not such as to induce them implicitly to follow his di rections. The Highland chiefs, unable, to fix on any plan for their future conduct, and disappointed in their hopes of power ful support in England, resolved to retreat northwards, where their influence was undoubtedly greater, and where they could make a more formidable resistance to the efforts of government. They accordingly returned, and, somewhat to their honour^ they returned without committing any of those outrages which might have been expected from troops little accustomed to le gal subordination. When they marched from Carlisle, they left in it a small garrison, a measure which weakened the rebel troops, without affording any hopes of giving a successful re sistance to the royal forces. Charles again entered Scotland by the western coast, and when he arrived at Glasgow, levied such contributions as exposed him to the hatred of many even of his secret friends. Though France had hitherto amused him only with empty promises, Spain lent him pecuniary aid. This supply, together with about two thousand men, who had been collected during his absence, infused new vigour into his army ; and in some skir mishes, though of an indecisive nature, he was successful. By such appearances he was at length induced to lay siege to the castle of Stirling, a place of considerable strength, espe cially when besieged by troops, little acquainted with the arts of attack. A body of royal forces was encamped near Edinburgh, un der the command of General Hawley, who thought it an object of considerable importance to attempt to raise the siege of Stirling castle. He accordingly marched thither, and came in view of the rebel troops at no great distance from Falkirk. They lay within sight of each other for several days, without undertaking any active operation, when at length, on the 17th of January, an engagement took place. Ou this occa.- D 2, sio% U INTRODUCTION. sion, the Pretender convinced his followers that he was no(! deficient in personal courage. He appeared in the front of his line, and gave the signal to fire. It soon became visible that the rebels were to remain masters of the field of battle. The royal forces retreated with precipitation towards Edinburgh* leaving behind them part of their camp-equipage and artillery. The Duke of Cumberland, lately arrived from the Continent, put himself at the head of the royal army at Edinburgh, amount, ing to about fourteen thousand men, and immediately proceed ed in search of Charles, who retreated before him, Indus-? triously avoiding an engagement. Cumberland advanced as far as Aberdeen, without being opposed. At the Spey, wher« the rebels might with advantage have disputed his passage, his troops were permitted to advance without molestation. At length, however, the rebel forces, having marched from Inver ness to the plain of Culioden, evinced some intention of hazard-; ing in that place a general engagement. This was what Cum berland eagerly desired, convinced that his men were as much superior to his adversaries in regular tactics and discipline, as they were inferior in the arts of desultory warfare. Charles, h\'r deed, by bringing' his men to a general engagement with discn plined troops, seems to have been guilty of a considerable error ; at least to have brought his affairs to a crisis much sooner than might have otherwise happened. This was not his only oversight ; he was likewise wrong to subject his men, whose chief merit consisted in a great deal of personal courage, and no small share of dexterity, though tainted with ferocity, to that regular species of tactics established among disciplined forces. But whatever may have been the errors which he at this time exhibited in his conduct, it would perhaps be somewhat rash on that account to ar raign his own understanding. He was only nominally the com mander of the troops which followed him. In all things he was ob liged to display an implicit submission to the opinions of the High land chieftains, onwhom alone rested his hopes, however small, of ultimate success. These chieftains, turbulent in their dispositions, and impatient of inaction, as well as averse to any thino- that looked like disgrace, would probably soon have deserted his standard,1 had lie endeavoured to protract the war, by avoiding INTRODUCTION. 29 a decisive engagement with an enemy whom they affected to despise. When it was resolved that an engagement should be risked, the Pretender marshalled his men in regular order, and await- td the attack with sufficient resolution. The number of men on each side was not materially different, though . that of the royal troops was somewhat superior ; the number of rebels being nearly eight thousand three hundred, while that of the royal army was eight thousand eight hundred. The rebels did mot wait till they were attacked ; they commenced the engage ment by a distant cannonade. Their artillery, however, being unskilfully managed, produced very little effect, while that of the royal army soon made an irresistible impression. The en* gagement commenced about two in the afternoon, and the vie^ tory did not remain long undecided, Charles again shewed that he was not deficient in bravery, and his troops exemplified no inconsiderable share of courage.; but they were confined by th* rules of regular warfare ; and their intrepidity, their agility, and even their ferocity, which might have been advantageous to them in a different mode of fighting, were all restrained, and they thus became an easy prey to troops habituated to that kind of mechanical exertion which is produced hy the word of the commander. The confusion in the rebel army soon beeame ge neral ; and the royal cavalry, pursuing their advantage, killed great numbers. On the side of the rebels, two thousand five hundred either fell on the field of battle, or were made prison ers ; while the royal army lost only two hundred men. This battle, so unfavourable to the Pretender, at once blast ed every hope of success, and, terminating the giddy prospect of sovereignty, plunged him into the deepest misery. During nearly six months he wandered among the wildest and most unfrequented parts of the Highlands, exposed to the extremes of hunger, nakedness, and cold. In such a situation he was unavoidably led to make known his person and his condition to many individuals ; some of them in the lowest ranks of so ciety, and a few avowedly his enemies ; yet none of thero, in spite of the reward of thirty thousand pounds which had been offered for his head, ever attempted to betray him. What ever 30 INTRODUCTION. ever might be the merits of his claim, whatever blame he might have incurred, by kindling the flames of civil war in the island, his subsequent sufferings excited universal commiseration ; and many who hated the Pretender, could not help pitying the de serted fugitive. At length he was relieved from his distressing situation. His friends having hired a French privateer to at tempt his rescue, the vessel arrived in Lochrannoch. He immediately embarked, and was soon after safely landed in France. Thus terminated the dangerous part of a rebellion which had greatly alarmed the British nation ; but to government there still remained the disagreeable task~of inflicting punishment on the more powerful offenders. This was done with a severity equal to the terror which the rebellion had excited. The Earls of Kilmarnock and Cromartie, and Lord Balmerino, were tried, and found guilty. Cromartie afterwards received a pardon ; the other two, with Lord Lovat, and Mr Radeliff, who had the tjtle of Earl of Derwentwater, were beheaded. The Earl of Kilmarnock confessed his guilt, and expressed his contrition for it ; while the rest gloried in their crime, and died express ing their regret that they had not been successful. Nor was the vengeance of government confined to persons of the highest rank, many inferior officers fell the victims of their rebellion. These officers were executed in different places, to spread more widely the dread of a similar crime. Nine were executed at Carlisle, eleven at York, seven at Penrith, six at Brumpton, and seventeen in the vicinity of London. Many were trans ported to( the plantations, and comparatively few received a pardon. As it was supposed that the peculiar manners of the High landers, which in a great measure rendered them a distinct people, made them more willing to engage in any undertaking which might disturb the peace of the island, every attempt was made to assimilate them to their more civilized neigh bours.. They were forbidden to wear their ancient dress a garb to which they were peculiarly attached ; they were forbid den to carry arms, a practice which had been universal among them, i INTRODUCTION. 31 them ; and they were released from that uncontrouled authori ty which their chieftains had been accustomed to exercise. Thus terminated a rebellion, which, considering, the small force by which it was supported, and the very weak and waver ing councils by which it was conducted, seems to have excited in the nation a greater degree of alarm than was perhaps neces sary. It had at the same time one good effect ; it served to con vince Charles, that his cause was altogether hopeless, that his friends, however resolute, were in their numbers by far too in considerable to afford him any chance of mounting the British throne. The French, while they neglected Charles, whom they had at first prompted to embark in his hazardous undertaking, exert ed themselves with greater efficacy in the Netherlands. With out any considerable resistance, the strongest towns yielded to them, and their troops rapidly spread themselves over every part of the country. The Dutch, unable at any time to withstand the power of France, were from their policy more inclined to negotiation, than to active hostilities. In this disposition the French were not unwilling to gratify them, but they desisted not meanwhile from active operations. The Dutch at this time were in a very unfavourable situation, either to negotiate with effect, or to display with energy the physical strength of their country. They were divided into two factions, which conti nually opposed each other with the most bitter rancour. Of these factions, the one, while it pretended to maintain republi can principles, was really friendly to an aristocracy, and secret ly favoured the designs of France ; the other, while it stre nuously resisted the encroachments of the French, insisted that, to give efficacy to the exertions of government, the Prince of Orange should be appointed Stadtholder. The adherents of the Prince at length prevailed ; the people, rather than submit to the influence of France, were willing to sacrifice a portion of their liberties. He was accordingly appointed Stadtholder, Cap tain-General, and Admiral of the United Provinces ; and prepa rations were made to carry on the war with augmented vigour. Still, however, the success of the Dutch arms did not equal their increased efforts. In several engagements which took place in 32 INTRODUCTION. in Flanders, where the French maintained a decided superiority over the allies, the Dutch troops suffered very severely. The French about the same time made themselves masters of Betgen- op-Zoom, a very strong town, which gave them the command of the navigation of the Scheldt ; and the Dutch, from their re peated discomfitures, began to be convinced, that not even the efforts of a Stadtholder could enable them to resist the power of France. While they were thus successful in the Netherlands, the French were not equally fortunate in other quarters. In Italy, in particular, where, combined with the Spaniards, they opposed the forces of Germany, they were repeatedly defeated in seve ral decisive engagements. The British had, indeed, been com pelled to abandon an attempt to attack Port I'Orient, but they had compensated for their failure by their success in several other undertakings of equal importance. The French had dispatch ed a considerable armament, hoping that they would be able to re cover Cape Breton ; but in this they were disappointed. Their disappointment, however, prevented them not from fitting out two other expeditions ; one to proceed to the East Indies, the other to attack the British settlements in North America ; but both were unsuccessful. Their- fleet was attacked by Anson and Warren, and nine of their ships were taken. Nor was this the oialy disaster which about this time they sustained at Sea. Upwards of forty of their West-Indian merchant-ships were captured by Commodore Fox, who commanded a squadron of six ships of the line ; and Admiral Hawke soon after, in a still more decisive engagement, defeated their fleet, taking seven ships of the line, with several smaller vessels. Thus, on both sides, their operations were conducted with various success. Victory in ofte quarter was counterbalanced, and its effects destroyed, by discomfiture in another. The suc cess of the French in the Netherlands was counterpoised by their defeats in Italy, and their losses at sea. All parties, con vinced that they were exhausting -their strength without procu ring even the prospect of any permanent advantage, became de sirous of peace, the French monarch himself being the first to express his readiness to negotiate. A proposition so agreeable to INTRODUCTION. 33 to all, soon met with attention. Plenipotentiaries from the different powers met at Aix-la-Chapelle, with a view to accom modate, if possible, the differences of the contending parties. Of this treaty, distinguished by the name of the city where it was negotiated, the leading feature, as far at least as it con cerned the French and British, was a . restitution of all con quests made on either side ;— an unequivocal proof, that the suc cess of both parties was reckoned to be nearly equal, and that both parties were now completely tired of the contest. Thus, after a struggle which had lasted nine years, and had involved the greater part of Europe in the miseries of warfare, the French and British, in reality the two chief contending powers, were contented to return to that point from which they had set out. But though they could mutually restore their conquests, they could not repair the real losses, which each had sustained. The British had added to the national debt upwards of thirty mil lions. The debt incurred by France was at least equal. Both nations had lost many valuable lives, and in return for this great expence of blood and treasure, the contending powers had the pleasure of seeing themselves in exactly the same situation in which they had been before the commencement of hostilities. During the latter years of the contest, however, Britain had not suffered so much as France in her internal prosperity. The decided superiority of the British fleet, becoming every day more evident, triumphed over all opposition, and enabled it equally to protect British commerce, and to harass that of her enemies. Thus the trade of France, opposed by so formidable an obstacle, was every day dwindling into insignificancy ; while that of Bri tain, in the same proportion, was becoming every day more considerable; and Pelham, who now guided the British coun cils, was disposed to give it every support in his power. Every project, indeed, which had any tendency to advance the commerce of Britain, found in Pelham a willing friend. The wealth and power which the Dutch acquired from their fisheries, had long been the object of envy to their neighbours, and the Bri tish minister attempted to procure to his country a participation in these benefits. A bill was accordingly introduced into parliament for the encouragement of British Fisheries ; and for that purpose E a Si INTRODUCTION. a' company was established. This company, notwithstanding the public encouragement which it received, managed not its affairs with corresponding prosperity. While private adven tures often succeeded beyond their expectations, the affairs of the company became continually more ruinous. The importance of extensive colonies was now become extreme ly obvious ; the advantages were evident which they afforded to- trade, and the strength which they added to the navy ; and Pelham was anxious still farther to augment those advantages, by extend ing our system of colonization. When the treaty of Aix-la-Cha- pelle was concluded, many persons belonging both to the fleet and army, to whom the war had furnished employment, found themselves without occupation. It immediately occurred to Pelham, whdse commercial schemes occupied much of his at tention, that those persons might be profitably employed in for warding his colonial projects. Nova Scotia, a district in North America, claimed by Britain, remained almost without inhabit ants ; and it was proposed to invite thither, hy offering them many advantages, those persons who could no longer be em ployed in warlike operations. The country itself was not invi ting, but it served as- a barrier between the more southern Bri tish colonies and Canada, which belonged to the French ;, and a fishery to be established upon its coast, promised to be a new source of gain to the British nation. To induce a sufficient number to emigrate to a country where the climate was cold, and the soil comparatively barren, very liberal encouragement was offered. Private men, who had been discharged from the fleet or army, were to be allowed fifty acres of land. Ihiring ten years they were to pay no taxes, and afterwards they were to pay one shilling yearly for each acre. Eighty acres were allowed to every officer subordinate to an ensign, two hundred acres were allowed to ensigns, three hundred to lieutenants, four hundred to captains, and six hun dred to all above the rank of captain. Many were induced to accept these offers, and in a short time four thousand colonists were carried to Nova Scotia. Of these, it is probable that many had emigrated without a proper conception of the diffi culties they had to encounter in this new mode of life. The habits INTRODUCTION. 35 habits of a soldier, or of a seaman, are not such as to fit him for agricultural employments, much less to qualify him to clear ground from the growth of uncounted ages, and to force nature to become propitious. The consequence might easily have been foreseen. Agricultural pursuits, at first eagerly car ried on, and still maintained with some perseverance where the soil was more than commonly favourable, were soon in a great measure abandoned, and the inhabitants long continued to de pend for their existence, chiefly on the expenditure of that porr tion of the British fleet and army, which happened to be post ed near them. To the evils of penury which these colonists at first expe rienced, other evils were soon added. The Indians, roused partly by their own aversion at seeing European settlements in their neighbourhood, and partly excited by the French, who had been much more successful than the British in insi nuating themselves into their affections, harassed the new set tlers with almost daily attacks. Their approaches, at all timej unforeseen, prevented any kind of regular opposition ; and courage and resolution were vainly opposed to an enemy who gloried in secret attacks, and victories gained by insidiousness. The arts of the French, in exciting the Indians, and encoura ging them in their depredations, became at length so evident, that representations were made on the subject to their government in Europe. Negotiations were immediately commenced for the accommodation of the alledged grievances ; but these, as is com mon in such cases, ended in mutual recriminations, without procuring any redress to the colonists. Commercial schemes did not entirely occupy the attention of ihe minister, financial regulations had likewise their full share of his regard ; and one important scheme which he formed and executed, answered his most sanguine expectations. The in terest of the national debt, so much increased by the expence of the last war, was now become a very grievous burden, and Pelham was anxious\to adopt some measure which might render it somewhat less oppressive to the nation. For this purpose he seized an opportunity, when commerce was in a vigorous state, when consequently money was plentiful, and the public E 2 funds S6 INTRODUCTION. funds were high. He then proposed- to compel those who had advanced money to government, either to receive withm a sti pulated time a lower rate of interest, or to accept re-payment of the sums originally advanced. In this measure his success was complete. The proprietors of the public funds rather chose to receive a diminished rate of interest, than to accept of payment of the sums originally advanced to government. By this measure he reduced the interest payable upon the national debt, from four to three per cent. No minister, by a measure so easily accomplished, and upon the whole so just, ever con ferred a greater benefit on the British nation. No British mi nister, indeed, seems more clearly to have understood, or more honestly to have promoted, the good of the people whose affairs he managed. His commercial views, though perhaps not always just, were in general more liberal than was common at that period ; and Britain still enjoys much, which she owes to the unambitious, though meritorious administration of Pelham. Yet Pelham's administration, though in general it so evident ly tended to advance the good of the country, passed not at all times without severe censure and noisy opposition. This at one period was particularly exemplified, regarding the election of a member of parliament to represent the city of Westminster. The elections of those members, it was alledged, had been so con ducted, that they might with some justice be said to be appoint ed by administration. Lord Trentham, who had formerly re presented the city, but who had lost his seat by accepting of a place under government, -again offered himself as a candidate, when this objection to hirn no longer existed ; and it was this occasion which many of the electors chose to display their firm resolution to oppose the influence of government in the elec tion. As Lord Trentham was known to enjoy the favour of administration, his election was opposed with violence, and Sir George Vandeput was by the opposite party set up as lis competitor. No expence was spared to procure him friends. Yet', when the election was closed, Trentham was declared to be successful. Vandeput's friends demanded a scrutiny ; and Trentham being once more declared to be duly elected, a petition was presented by his opponents to parliament, ccm plaining of th<3 INTRODUCTION. 37 the injustice and partiality of- the high bailiff of Westminster. Petitioners who so openly opposed the existing administration, could not expect to be heard- with much favour. The peti tion was accordingly received with indifference ; but as, by the violent disputes of the contending parties, the election had been long delayed, the high bailiff was examined concerning the cause of the delay. - He averred that the election was re tarded chiefly by Mr Crowle, who acted as council for- the friends of Vandeput, in conjunction with the Honourable Alex ander Murray, and one named Gibson, a person of inferior note. In consequence of this accusation, these three persons were summoned to appear at the bar of the House. They appear ed : Crdwle and Gibson acknowledged their fault ; and having on their knees asked pardon, they were dismissed with a suit able reprimand. Murray, however, evinced more obstinacy. Having procured bail, he refused to make any concessions on account of the accusation against him, till his alledged fault should be directly proved. Several witnesses were examined ; when it appeared, that besides contributing to retard the election, he had been particularly active in taking the lead among mobs, for the purpose of intimidating the electors. No sooner did this circumstance appear to be proved against him, than it was resolved to make his punishment exemplary, in order to deter others from similar outrages. It was determined, that he should be committed a prisoner to Newgate, and that he should receive this sentence on his knees. He appeared, but refused to as sume the posture prescribed to him. The commotion produ ced among the members by this refusal was very great ; and it was immediately resolved, that his confinement in Newgate should be more severe than had been formerly decreed ; that he should be refused the use of all kinds of writing-materials, and even that no person should see him without the express con sent of parliament. Convinced that remonstrance must be ineffectual, and resist ance dangerous, Murray submitted to the sentence ; and he submitted with the less reluctance, that he was convinced his confinement could not legally be extended beyond the termina tion 38 INTRODUCTION. tion of that session of , parliament. When parliament was pro rogued, accordingly, he was released, and was attended to his own house by applauding multitudes, flattering himself that his sufferings were now terminated, and that thus at an easy rate he had augmented his popularity. The hopes of Murray and his friends were soon found to be fallacious. Parliament no sooner met, than it was moved, that- he should be committed a prisoner to the Tower. Ap prised of his danger, he had secured himself, by a timely retreat, from a vengeance which he could not resist. But this matter, repeatedly pressed upon the attention of the people, ex cited at length no small degree of interest. Murray's first con finement had been construed into a temporary display of resent-r ment, which would soon be forgotten ; but when parliament again marked him out as the object of their vengeance, the suf, fererwas supposed to be persecuted with more zeal than his of fence demanded. From being the case of a particular sufferer, the question at length came to be considered in a general point of view. The Commons, it was asserted, displayed much greater anxiety to maintain their new privileges, than the na tional liberties. Their zeal, it was argued, was too furious and vindictive to be altogether becoming in the professed guar:. dians of the privileges of the people. This, it was feared, evinced a disposition that tended too evidently to establish an aristocracy, and laid the foundation of immunities and distinc tions, in some degree invidious, if not even dangerous. Mur-r ray, however, having had the good fortune to escape the prose cution that was intended for him, the question was quickly laid aside, without having produced any remarkable discussion. The suspicion thus excited, that the higher ranks intended to multiply the distinctions betwen themselves and the lower orders, and to render those distinctions, at all times sufficiently numerous, still more invidious, was somewhat increased by several laws which about this time were enacted. Much in convenience, it was pretended, arose from the number of clan destine marriages daily contracted. The descendants of the powerful and the rich were daily ensnared into unequal maiv riages with needy adventurers, or designing knaves. To prevent this INTRODUCTION. 59 this grievance, it was enacted, that no marriage could be legally celebrated, till the intention had been publicly proclaimed three several Sundays in a parish where the parties had previously re sided at least one month. It was enacted, that any person who should solemnise a marriage without this regular proclamation, or without a special licence from the bishop, should be liable to be transported for seven years, and that the contract itself should be void. This law was extremely odious, and excited many severe attacks. If it did not absolutely prohibit the intermarriage - of the rich and poor, it threw such obstacles in the way as could hardly be surmounted. It thus tended effectually to prevent the alienation of wealth from'those families already in possession of it, and consequently to nourish that aristocratical spirit which is so common among the great in all nations. While it thus fostered a disposition inimical to the liberties of the country, it prevented not that spirit of licentiousness which it was intended to check ; many, particularly of the female sex, being, by hopes of regular marriage, allured to conduct imprudent and even wic ked, by villains who gladly screened their nefarious designs under the alledged difficulties of a formal contract. Marriage itself, some scrupled not to affirm, was by this law powerfully coun teracted, and thus debauchery, instead of being checked, was becoming continually more prevalent. , Whatever might be the truth of these arguments, the law regulating. marriages was followed by another, which, to a very numerous class in society, was at least equally odious. This was a law for the better preservation of the game. By this law, the rich at once, without any scruple, assumed to themselves the sole right of killing all those kinds of animals which have been distinguished by the name of game. The poor, thus de prived of the sole motive which could induce them to make use of arms, might be said to be in reality disarmed ; and they were certainly thus rendered much worse qualified than formerly to oppose the enemies of their country. This law, besides, esta blished' a remarkable distinction between the higher and lower orders of Society, the more mortifying that it could not be al ledged to be necessary. The pleasure of the rich was consulted, while 40 INTRODUCTION. while the pobr were debarred from an amusement which nature seemed to have laid open to all. These acts were accompanied by another, which, though in- reality it could have very little effect upon the nation in any point of view, was received with no small degree of discon tent. The Jews by it were declared to be naturalized, and con sequently to have all the privileges of British subjects. This law was eagerly supported by those, who believed that religious tole ration was one of the first duties of men towards each other. They regarded it' as an example of great liberality of sentiment, and of that philosophical dignity by which the British ought to distinguish themselves. Such, however, was not the opinion of the greater number. To receive the Jews into the British nation, was considered as a disgrace to the British name. It was appre hended that the people, from this instance of the professed in difference of the government to all religions, would become, if possible, still more indifferent with regard to that which they themselves professed, and that consequently even the form of religion might soon vanish. Others, who apprehended none of these -dangerous consequences, were unfriendly to this law for another reason. The privileges granted by it to the Jews, were denied, it was affirmed, to several sects of Christians. The doctrine of toleration, if at all practised, ought not, in their opinion, to be practised with such glaring marks of partiality. The law, in short, for whatever cause, was attacked with un ceasing virulence ; and as government had no very powerful motive to encourage them to maintain it against the voice of the people, the parliament during the next session consented to its abrogation. Notwithstanding these laws, so generally detested by the people, they who desired the real good of Britain, hoped that she might for a considerable period enjoy peace, for the purpose of still farther advancing her industry and her trade ; but the hopes of these friends to their country were soon dissipated. The peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, whatever might be the since rity of the parties,, and whatever desire might then actuate both to desire a cessation of hostilities, was soon considered- by both" as being extremely imperfect ; and each began to conjecture, that INTRODUCTION' *l that they might -without any great effort have obtained terms much more favourable. The British repented that they had yielded up so many foreign conquests, which they believed it impossible to have wrested from them. They were convinced, lhat from their colonies they had derived no small degree of their strength ; and they were displeased that they had neglect ed what they reckoned so fa.ir an opportunity cf extending their colonial possessions. The French, who, though sometimes de feated at land, had still maintained on the Continent a very de cided superiority, ^,aw that to their comparative weakness at sea they owed their ultimate want of success in the contest, and thought no measure wrong which tended to augment their ?aval power. The superiority of Britain at sea, was evidently owing to her immense trade, which in its turn depended in no small degree on her colonial possessions.. To increase the trade of France, therefore, and to curtail that of Britain, was now the great aim of the French politicians ; and to encourage French colonies, and maim those of Britain, was reckoned one great step towards this very important object. Even when peace was concluded, .perhaps, the French had this object in view ; and hoped that, by undermining schemes, and silent hos tilities, they might be able greatly to forward their purpose, without provoking to open enmity the nation which they thus attempted to ruin. The truth of these observations is very strongly supported by the conduct of the French after the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, and was at length in a great .measure owned by the French mi nisters themselves. In all parts of the world where British co lonies existed, the same plan of encroaqhment was commenced, and, though frequently denied or palliated, was continued with such pertinacity as indicated a scheme deliberately adopted, and prosecuted with obstinate policy. In the East Indies, where at that time the French power and influence were more equal to those of Britain, than they have ever been since, hostilities may with some justice be said never to have been discontinued ; since, under pretence of giving aid to the native princes, both parties continued to remain in the field, mutually attempting each other's destruction* In North Amc F ri^ 42 INTRODUCTION! rica, where Britain possessed colonies unrivalled in their pro sperity and "-commercial resources, the French proceeded,, though with greater>cau'tiOn,' yet with a more * stedfast scheme of ag gression ; -and'suchi at the same timej was the policy of their cenduct,4hatitV/as not-easy to fix'on any particular aet, which* could be construed into an open declaration of hostilities. The British, settlements extended "along the coast, without penetrating lar -into .the" interior. Both to the north and south of those" settlements, the French' had established colonies ; and could they ^succeed in •joining these colonies by a chain of settlements,' stretching along the interior' frontier of- the British possessions,' they- would effectually prevent their farther "augmentation ; they would debar them from any kind of inland commerce, except with each other ; they could at all times attack them with ad vantage, ; and might at length be able to straiten their territo ries, or -.even to -drive them from their most valuable settle-. mesrsiW-H «¦ i- .: ;>.- »¦'¦¦' a ¦•'r-' *¦¦"-»'"' s ;NorMwas it difficult to carry on their plan, without affording - to .Britain. any- plausible pretext for war. ' The boundaries of jhe countries maitually claimed', riever had been settled with any degree of precision, In several treaties, these boundaries had been mentioned in general terms ;'but their particular adjust ment -had always been referred to commissioners, who seem ne ver to have undertaken^ -much les's executed, this important trust. Even. the treaty .of Aix-la-Chapelle left the boundaries in the same uncertainty.,^^ circumstance, at that time, perhaps far from being disagreeable to the French, 'as it favoured their projected, icheme of encroachment. ' "*¦'' '~f A- The FrenchjAwhose* principal settlement" was to the north of fthe Brkish.coIoBies/'indUced'by the'nature and situation of the country; h*d eaxlyiappired the'rnselves to cultivate the trade in furs ; -and .:such was their Success,--that about this time they attemptedr* entirely to monopolize it. ' For this purpose they «rrected numerous forts,- at proper distances, so as to correspond* with each' other, isom St Laurence in Canada, along the great jjorthern-, lakes, -to the 3&faer Mississippi.* The British settlers, y;e.iHwliile, either. . ignorant of the' designs of the French, or Jsdit^ng their pretensions to 'be ill founded, scrupled not. to trade INTRODUCTION; 43 '"* trade with the interior Indians beyond the forts, and even claim* ed a right to navigate the Mississippi, and- by- it- to. pass dowiw wards to the Indian Seas.;,* Practices and claims', so': contrary to the views of the French, Ss^on,, produced remonstrances frctai 'their governor at Quebec ; and these-meeting with no afeiltaGHJ'!1 he proceeded to more vigorous measures ; he seized three e£%he British traders, confiscated their, property, and sent themselves prisoners to France. This transaction, which top-k place in 17£3, provoked the Bri tish government so much, that they instructed theif embassador at the French court, the Earl of Albemarle*? taj complain of such arbitrary proceedings. .Willing as much as possible to conceal the plan which they had formed for the oppression of the BrU tish colonies, they returned such an answer as they thought best calculated to avert a rigid examination., • They ^promised, that every ground of complaint should , be removed, and. that ft:Om- plete satisfaction should; be- given. ^This sileaoed/'tW- Britrsh- , ministers, not yet fully convinced -©f their insidious intention"; but the French, by countenancing at a subsequent period the con duct of their American officer, evinced unequivocally their reso lution to adhere to the plan of which he was only a subordinate instrument. Becoming more bold in their encroachments; .the French ventured to erect forts upon the territaries of Jndiaas in* alliance with Britain, upon the northern lakes, .and to, the west of Pennsylvania and New-York. . ,.A message was >, sent to the French commandant of one> of, these, forts^ by /the celebrated Washington, then only a-majon, in the army. He' remon«ir«ted with the French officer on the encroaching dispositaan which for some time had been exhibited by his countrymen,.:jmd'.deA sired him to refrain from practices which; tended -so evidently to embroil France and Britain. ...The^commandant replied, that it belonged not to him to inquire., into,- the right- by., which his master held the fort; but hq was resolved,-,, in .consequence of his orders, to maintain hia post. . ^ The governor who had dis patched the message, unwilling, without the {express -commands of administration, to proceed to active- hostilities, contented ... - F 2 himself 4* INTRODUCTION. himself with ordering a fort to Be erected iri the neighbourhood of that which the French commandant had refused to surrender The British government, as has been already observed, had offered very liberal encouragement to such colonists as should settle in Nova Scotia, a territory which had been formerly pos-** sessed by the French, and which had been ceded fo the British by the peace of Utrecht. The planting of a colony ih this country, in itself not the most inviting, was partly owing to Pelham's favourite scheme of advancing the tirade of Britain, but perhaps still more to the design of rendering it a strong frontier, to oppose the encroachments of the French, upon the more southern settlements. It was for this reason, perhaps, that persons of a military character Were particularly invited to re pair to this settlement. The same reason, it is probable, more than any considerable addition which such a colony cdul'd make to the commerce of Britain, induced the French to oppose th© settlement with all their vigour. Without declaring war, they adopted such practices as plainly shewed their hostile intention. In this colony the French could with considerable advantage proceed in their undermining practices. When the country had been ceded to the British, many of the French inhabitants chose to remain in it, under the express stipulation, that in every fu ture contest between Britain and France, they were to remain Strictly neutral, and were on this account distinguished by the name of Neutrals. These French settlers, notwithstanding this stipulation, still retained a strong inclination to advance the views of France ; and though at first they did not openly ap-. pose the British colonists, they secretly offered every encourage-i ment to such Indians as would disturb them in their new pos sessions. The influence of the French among the Indians, was always greater than that of the British ; and in consequence of the instigation of the former, many of the latter were put to death, or made prisoners. The French at Louisburg, who pur chased the greater part of these prisoners, affirmed that their only motive was humanity, and a wish to preserve the lives of the unfortunate sufferers ; hut the encouragement which this practice held out to the Indians to continue their depredations. was very evident, and the great sums exacted as the price of Ik herty INTRODUCTION. 45 bertyfrom the persons thus purchased, shewed that, the French must be actuated by something different from humanity. The French, Who, by permitting their officers to conduct the parties of Indians in their depredations on the new colony, had unequivocally discovered their inimical disposition, proceeded in a short time to display it in a manner still more open. Not withstanding many meetings of the commissioners for that pur pose, the boundaries between the French and British settlements had never been precisely determined. The latter, perhaps, were exorbitant in their demands ; perhaps the former were unwilling to fix what they were resolved to transgress. Regardless, how ever, of even the appearance of justice, the French'proceeded to erect a fort at Chenecto, by the greater part among them selves allowed to be within the British territory. When remon strances on this occasion were made to the commander at the fort, he returned an answer little different from that which was returned to Washington, on an occasion nearly similar. He in quired not, he said, into the rights of nations ; but where he was placed by his superior officers he must remain, till he received their orders, or till he wa^ forced to retire. The British, on this occasion, were unwilling, were perhaps unable, to contend with the French, who carried not on their encroachments without a calculation of the efficacy of the means to be employed. The French settlers, now secure of power ful support, became more decidedly hostile, and, in conjunction with the Indians, carried on their depredations with very little disguise. These depredations at length roused the resentment of the colonists. Major Laurence was dispatched by General Cornwallis against the French Neutrals, as they were generally called, and their Indian allies. In an engagement which soon took place, many of them fell, and the remainder were forced to place themselves under the protection of La Corne, who commanded the French fort, which has just been mentioned. -At no great distance the British erected another fort, to repel the danger with which they were threatened.; sothat, notwithstanding their utmost efforts, both of a pacific and more violent kind, and notwithstanding hostilities had not been declared between the two 46 INTRODUCTION. .two nations, they might be said to live in a State of ^continual warfare. These transactions took place in 1751 and 1752 ; "and as the French perceived they were not effectually opposed, they conti nued to augment, rather than dimmish,- theft? encroachmentsi They by degrees extended their chain of forts, till they almost completely inclosed the- British settlements. Roused by these repeated encroachments^ and by the perseverance which the ag gressors displayed, the British administration directed their am bassador in France, to remonstrate against? them, and to de mand that the forts which had been erected 'within the Bri tish colonial territories ishoirld- be '.demolished ; that all future -encroachments should be' forbidden ; that the aggressors should be punished ; and that those Whd had suffered by the aggressions should be indemnified. 'The -French; Unwilling to declare war, while they could effect their--' purpose under thfe masqhe' of peace, readily declared; "-though in -general terms, that such orders should be given as* woirrd' amply satisfy "every demand. .'¦ Pleased with this promise/ the British waited with patience for its performance ; but, whe'n, instead of punishing the most active aggressors, the French ih some measure sanctioned their conduct, by permitting their' commander Tn chief in America, De la Jonquiere, without punishment, even without censure}* •to continue his violent practices, their insincerity became too - obvious to admit of palliation ; '-arid as it was Vain to negotiate where promises were so little- regarded, it became necessary to repel force by force. Orders wefo accordingly-sent' to 'the Ame rican governors, to revenge every insult, and -withstand every aggression, and to combine their * forces for their mutual de fence. - Tn this manner were hostilities in America, if not actually de clared, yet openly practised by both parties; while in -Europe" the two governments continued -to negotiate, 'and to affirm that they were desirous of-- maintaining' peace":' It might have been imagined, that the" British in America must be much more powerful than the* French ; arid the'y really WSre's'o,"had '\ their power been properly'rdirected .-but 'many reasons' tended^ to prevent them from making the best use" of their physical ' strength. INTRODUCTION. 47 Strength. Each colouyvwas a separate and Independent govern ment. Mutual jealousies were prevalent-^ and where any state .jvas distant from the scene of aggression, irwas unwilling to con tribute to* She defence of those. who were more exposed. Thus, while the British amused themstlvfes with petty cavils concern ing the part which each ought to act, the French, who had but one aim, continued *their depredations with impunity. An attempt was made to -detach- the Indians from the French,. but with very indifferent success.' The British, too inattentive to conciliate the esteem or the affection of the original natives, had ofte*n treated them with needless rigour, and not unfrequent ly with unjustice ;- while the French, more accommodating in their., .manners, and from policy more careful to conduct, them- selye.s „by the rules of equky, ha> This victory, which from its magnitude might have been 'sup- posed to be decisive, appeared for a considerable period to have terminated the successes of the Prussian monarch. The de feated INTRODUCTION. 65 feared Austrians sought shelter in Prague, and Frederick re solved to invest the place ; but Marshal Daun hastened to its relief. Elated by his late victory, the Prussian king advanced to attack him in his entrenchments, and was defeated with very great loss. Had the Austrian general displayed as much skill in making use of his victory, as he had evinced courage in ac quiring it, he might have so much curbed the power of Frederick, as to render the success of his future exertions very doubtful ; but the Prussian sovereign could turn to his own advantage the indolence of his enemies, as well as the activity of -his own troops. He was compelled, indeed, to retreat into Saxony, while the Austrians over-ran Bohemia, the Swedes Pamerania, and Prussia itself was invaded by the Russians. The only ally on whom he had relied, had, by the convention of Cloister -Seven, shewn him, that from them he had nothing to expect. . In this hazardous situation, he found ample resources in his own energy and courage. He resolved to attack the German army, and their French allies, posted at Rosbach, near Leipsic in Saxony. The number of his troops was not great ; but the, skill, pf the general supplied his want of force, and he gained a great victory. In this engagement, which took' place on the 5th of November 1 757, he killed and wounded ten thousand of the enem y, besides having taken seven thousand prisoners. Encouraged by this victory, by which his enemies in Saxony were entirely discomfited, he advanced into Silesia, where the Austrians had posted a considerable number of forces. So great, indeed, had been the success of the enemy in that quarter, that the greater part of the towns, and even Breslaw itself, the capi tal, was now in their possession. Such was the expedition with which he marched, that he arrived in Silesia before the end of November. His army consisted of only thirty-three thousand men, while that of the enemy, consisted of sixty thou sand, commanded by the same Marshal Daun, by whom he had already been defeated. This circumstance, instead of intimida ting him, served only to make him more anxious to retrieve his honour ; and so skilful were his exertions, that he gained a com plete victory, after having either killed, or wounded, or taken I prisoners 66* INTRODUCTION. prisoners of the enemy, no fewer than twenty-one thousand men. In consequence of this decisive victory, Frederick speedily re covered all those towns in Silesia, of which he had been depri ved; and among the rest, Breslaw itself; so that Silesia was once more entirely, in his own power. Nor did he at this time exert himself only in military Operations. Peter, the heir of the Russian crown, ardently admired Frederick, and chose him as a model for imitation. Taking advantage of this predi lection, the Prussian monarch had the art to prevail with Peter, to use his influence to cause the Russian troops to retreat to wards Poland, without prosecuting active hostilities. Relieved from the dread of an attack on this side, Frederick sent those troops which had been destined to oppose the Russians, to at tack the Swedes ; and in a short time he succeeded in driving them from Pomerania. In Silesia, likewise, Frederick was emi nently successful, and before the end of the campaign, saw him self completely master of it ; the enemy having in vain op posed^ their vast numbers to his undaunted perseverance and un rivalled military genius. The Earl of Loudon, having been recalled, was in 1758 suc ceeded in America by General Abercrombie, who projected an attack upon Louisburg, and upon the whole chain of French forts ; and the army. which he collected for this purpose, inclu ding the provincial troops, amounted to about fifty thousand men. The expedition against LouisburgWas first carried into effect, under the convoy of a fleet, commanded by Admiral Boscawen. General Amherst arrived at Cape Breton, with ten thousand men. The troops were soon after landed, and Louisburg was invested. After sus taining a siege of seven weeks, tin the 27th of July, it surren dered, and the British became masters of the whole island on which it was situated ; at the same time taking or destroying six ships of the line, and five frigates. An expedition against a fort called Ticonderago, conducted by Abercrombie in person, was not equally fortunate. The fort was strong from its situation, being almost entirely surrounded, either by water, or by a morass ; and its garrison amounted to five thousand men. Abercrombie soon arrived at the fort, but. his INTRODUCTION. 67 his artillery had not been able to accompany him. Without waiting for its arrival, however, he ordered his troops to advance to the attack. The order was chearfully obeyed ; but after the. display of considerable bravery, he was compelled to retreat, with the loss of two thousand men. Without waiting for the arrival of his artillery to renew the attack, he retired with some precipitation to the south of Lake George. Colonel Bradstreet, meanwhile, who had been dispatched against Fort Frontignac, and General Forbes, who had been sent against Fort du Quesne, succeeded in their respective under takings. The British changed the name of Fort du Quesne, calling it Fort Pitt, in honour of the celebrated statesman who then directed the councils of the nation. Many of the Indian tribes, perceiving the success of the British arms, declared in their favour, and assisted them in harassing the French, their former allies. Instigated by these successes, General Amherst, thought his troops equal to the entire conquest of Canada, and he actually planned such an undertaking. In July 1759, accordingly, he advanced towards Ticonderago, which capitulated without ma king any resistance. The forts of Crown Point and Niagara yielded in a manner somewhat similar. The siege of Quebec, however, the capital of Canada, was an undertaking of a much more important nature. The place was strongly fortified, had a numerous garrison, and was besides covered by an army, under the command of Montcalm, an able general. The command of the troops destined for the siege, was given to Wolfe, an officer who was still very young, but who had nevertheless distinguished himself in several, important actions. The number of his troops was eight thousand ; with these he sailed up the river St Lawrence, accompanied hy Ad miral Saunders, with a fleet consisting of seventeen ships of the line, besides frigates. On the 26th of June, they arrived at the island of Orleans, opposite to Quebec, in the river St Lawrence ; and they immediately took such measures as appeared proper to forward their undertaking. Convinced, as well by the natural and artificial strength of the place, as by the dispositions which the French had made, that I 2 without 68 INTRODUCTION. without a decisive victory over the troops posted in the vicinity, it would be impossible to make himself master of Quebec, Wolfe endeavoured to bring them to an engagement ; but Mont calm was too cautious to hazard a battle, where a defeat would have been so pernicious. Perceiving that every effort to allure the French general from his post was fruitless, Wolfe at length resolved to attack him in his entrenchments. The im petuosity of the British at first made some impression, but they were soon obliged to retreat with considerable loss. The British retjred to the island of Orleans. When Wolfe undertook the siege of Quebec, he was taught to expect the aid of General Amherst, who hoped that he should by this time be able to meet the forces employed in the siege. In this, however; he was disappointed, his undertaking having proved much more tedious then he had expected. Wolfe, therefore, was obliged to carry on his operations without the expected aid. His force was too small to enable him to act with vigour ; and even the most sanguine imagination could scarcely look forward to the issue with any confidence of success. The British general felt all the difficulties of his situation, and in his dispatches to governlnent, expressed himself in such a way as dis covered the anxiety of his mind. The disgrace of a failure, which he had every reason to expect, continually obtruded itself upon his fancy, and was the source of unceasing disquietude to a mind possessing more than common ardour for military fame. Such, in deed, was the agitated state of his feelings, that they began to have a powerful effect upon his constitution; not naturally very strong, He was siezed With a dysentery, accompanied with a fever, by Which he was greatly enfeebled. Resolved to distinguish himself at least by the boldness of his measures, if not by their success, which depended more upon fortune, he formed a design, which, had it not succeeded, would have incurred the censure of many for its rashness. One side of the town was covered by a steep emi nence, known by the name of the heights of Abraham ; and as little danger was dreaded on this side, the fortifications were proportionally weak. Wolfe's plan was to land his men at a considerable- distance above the town, and to ascend these heights INTRODUCTION. 69 heights by stealth, before his intention could be discovered. This daring scheme was completely successful. Having sailed somewhat farther up the river than where they intended to land, the more effectually to cover their design, they returned during the night, and disembarked the troops ; the boats on this occa sion being commanded by Captain Cook, since so much cele brated as a circumnavigator. When they reached the eminence, of which the ascent was very steep, a body of troops appointed for that purpose began to ascend with greater celerity, than from the nature of the ground might have been thought possible. The only practicable road by which the assailants could gain the summit, was guarded by a small body of troops entrenched in the way. These were im mediately driven from their post, and the British army having -scaled the steep, were regularly drawn up on the summit, before the French suspected that they intended to approach in that di rection. Montcalm, the French general, surprised to see his enemies in a position so difficult of access that it had been guarded with very little care, resolved immediately to hazard an engage ment, as the only method of protecting the town, now in the most imminent danger. He advanced Without delay, and- found the enemy prepared to receive him. An attempt to pass the left flank of the British was frustrated by the skilful ac tivity of Townshend, who commanded in that part of the line. The attack was made by the French with great impetuosity, and was sustained with undaunted courage. Wolfe, whose per sonal valour equalled his military Skill, appeared at the head of his troops, animating them by his presence and example. In stead of imitating the French, who had begun to fire at such a distance that their shot had little effect ; he waited till the enemy were very near, and then commenced a discharge which occa sioned the most dreadful carnage. The engagement had not con tinued long, when Wolfe was wounded in the wrist. This, how ever, he disregarded, and having wrapped his handkerchief round the place, he continued to direct the movements of his forces. The centre of the enemy's line had already begun to waver in such a way as shewed that some impression had been made on them j 70 INTRODUCTION. them ; and Wolfe, anxious to complete their confusion, placed himself at the head of his grenadiers, and advanced to the charge, but at this instant he received a wound in the breast, which obHged him to retire. But though he was forced to leave the fight, his anxiety concerning its issue was undiminished; Regardless of his own fate, his most eager inquiries were al ways concerning the state of the contending armies ; and he ex pressed the greatest satisfaction when he was informed that the French line was visibly broken. 'His faintness, rievertheless, con tinued to increase ; and he had reclined his head upon the arm of an officer, when his ear caught the distant sound of " They fly." Starting up with some emotion, he exclaimed, " Who fly ?" Being informed that it was the French, " What," said he, « do they fly so soon ? then I die happy." And after a few moments, he expired. Upon the death of Wolfe, the command of the army de. volved upon Generals Monckton and Townshend. Of these, the former was in a short time wounded, and upon the lat ter the whole command devolved. The British, by pur suing their advantage with too much impetuosity, had been thrown into a degree of confusion, which might have been fa tal to them, had they not been speedily rallied by their gallant general. Montcalm, after having exerted himself with the greatest skill and courage, was mortally wounded, and the British obtained a complete victory ; but the death of a beloved general rendered even victory mournful. In consequence of this success, Quebec capitulated ; and the, French, instead of thinking how they might annoy the British settlements, were now solicitous only about the preservation of their ancient possessions, as, after having made themselves master of the capital, their enemy might over-run the rest of the colony, before any troops could be collected which might steadily oppose them. Anxious to recover Quebec, the French resolved to make the attempt early in the ensuing season, before the river should be open to admit the reinforcements expected from Britain. They accordingly advanced towards the town, and posted themselves in- a strong position at no great distance from it. Murray, who, had INTRODUCTION. 71 had beeri appointed governor of Quebec, was unwilling to per mit the enemy to remain undisturbed in his vicinity. He ac cordingly marched to the attack, convinced that though he should be beaten, he could retire to the town, where he had no doubts of being able to defend himself till the troops arrived which he daily expected. This prudent foresight was not unnecessary. He was worsted in the engagement, and was fain to seek shelter in the town, which was immediately invested. Intelligence was some time afterwards received; that a British fleet, with a consi derable body of forces, were advancing by the river St Law rence, which was now open for their reception. This infor mation so much intimidated the French, that they immediately raised the siege, and retired with precipitation, leaving behind them a great quantity of stores, and all their artillery: Montreal was now the only place of importance which the French possessed in Canada ; and General Amherst, directing a strong force against it, resolved, if possible, to drive them from this part, as well as from Quebec. To forward his scheme, he made himself master of several small forts at no great distance from it. In September 1760, he invested the place itself, and was soon joined by Murray from Quebec, who brought along with him a reinforcement of troops. The French gover nor, judging the defence of the place to be hopeless, capitulated ; and the British became masters, not of Montreal only, but of the whole of Canada ; a'nd the French, instead of being able to brave the British in America, saw themselves exposed to the hazard of losing every thing valuable which they possessed in that quarter. Far from being discouraged by the failure of that expedition which he had already sent to the coast of France, Pitt was anxious to prepare another for the same destination ; believing that the former had failed, rather through the fault of those concerned in its/ execution, than from any defect in the scheme itself. The expedition was accordingly prepared, and a consi derable armament, under the command of Charles Marlborough, was embarked on board a fleet, commanded by Richard Howe. They left Portsmouth on the first day of June, and in four days afterwards they landed in Castle Bay, on the coast of Britanny. From this place they proceeded towards St Maloes, a harbour mucli 72 INTRODUCTION. much frequented by privateers, and consequently highly detri mental to the British trade. When they approached it, how ever, they found it by far too strong to be attacked with any probability of success, and they accordingly abandoned the un dertaking. After being prevented by a storm from landing in another place, and having returned to St Helen's, for the purpose of repairing the vessels, they once more proceeded to the French coast. They arrived before Cherburg ; and though the place had; been strongly fortified, they took it, destroyed the harbour and- bason, demolished the fortifications, and carried away a great quantity of military stores. One great cause of the aggressions which led to the war, had: been a desire on the part of the French to augment their own trade and navy, and to diminish those of the British ; but their plans for those purposes had been discovered somewhat too early to have produced the intended effect ; and when war was open- , Iy declared, the French found the British fleet to be no less su perior to their own than on some former occasions. Such, in deed, appears to have been the superiority of the British, that the»French hardly at any time hazarded an engagement on near-: ly equal terms ; so that the important naval engagements which. took place, were rather owing to accidental meetings, than to any ardent wish on the part of the enemy to bring their mari time strength to a fair trial with that of. their adversaries. The exertions of the British by sea, were superior to their most gal lant exertions by land. Hardly a vessel of any description could leave a French port without being captured ; and wherever the fleets of the respective nations met, discomfiture to the French was the general consequence. Lord Anson, and Sir Edward Hawke, who, during the greater part of 1758, cruised upon the western coast of France, al most entirely destroyed the trade carried on by ports in that quar ter, while Admiral Osborne, in the Mediterranean, with equal bravery and success, maintained the superiority of the British navy. Nor was it upon the coast of Europe alone that the British were successful. An expedition against Fort Louis, on the River Senegal, conducted by a person named Cumming, a Quaker, INTRODUCTION. 73 Quaker, who hi this case seems to have reconciled Ids religious principles with the management of active hostilities, proved e- qually fortunate. The place surrendered without resistance. The island of Goree, situated to the south of the river Senegal, though strongly fortified, was compelled to surrender to Com modore Keppel, and the French were obliged to abandon this part of Africa. Bftt the naval transactions of the ensuing year were of still greater magnitude, and were not less favourable to the British. Boscawen, whose success in America has been already men tioned, received the command of a British squadron in the Medi terranean, and during a considerable period completely overawed a fleet of the enemy in the harbour of Toulon. Being obliged to quit the neighbourhood of this place to repair to Gibraltar, for the purpose of refitting his Vessels, the French ventured Out of the harbour, in hopes of being able to form a junction with the fleet stationed at Brest. In this hope they were disap pointed. Boscawen encountered them on the 28th of August, at Cape Lagos in Portugal. In this engagement the British ad miral gained a complete victory. The French lost four ships of the line, besides sustaining no inconsiderable damage in the re mainder of their fleet. A great number of flat-bottomed boats meanwhile had been collected at Havre-de-Grace ; and though the place of their de stination could not be certainly known, no slight apprehensions were entertained that they were to be employed in" an invasion of Ireland, or perhaps of Britain itself. To prevent as much as possible the execution of their design, whatever it might be, Rodney was dispatched with a squadron, to attack them even in the harbour. Arriving in their vicinity about the beginning of July, he immediately commenced a bombardment, and, be sides destroying many of the boats, with a quantity of stores, he did considerable injury to the town. But the harbour of Brest was the scene of preparations still more formidable. To this place the French had collected the greater part of their naval force, which by daily augmentation was becoming continually more powerful. So much, however, did the enemy dread the superiority of the British at sea, that K this 74 INTRODUCTION. this fleet, however powerful it might appear, ventured not to quit the harbour, where it was - blockaded by Sir Edward Hawke. But as winter approached, he found it more difficult to remain in this station ; and in November he was driven by tempestuous weather to take shelter in Torbay. The French Admiral Conflans gladly Seized . this opportunity to leave a harT bour where he had been so long confined ; but he did not long escape the vigilance and activity of Hawke. He no sooner learnt that the enemy had left the harbour, than he proceeded in que'st of them, and in a short time overtook them in Quiberon bay. In this place the British had natural disadvantages to contend with, which powerfully aided the exertions of the enemy. The French, perfectly acquainted with the rocks and shallows a- bounding on that part of the coast, , carried their fleet close to the shore, hoping thereby to entice the British to follow them into dangers with which they were very little acquainted. No? thing, however, could diminish the ardour of the British sea men, commanded by an admiral in whom they had confidence. The terrors, of a shore covered with rocks and shallows, of which their knowledge was very imperfect, augmented by the tempes tuous weather, and the approaching gloom of a winter-night then not far distant, were but feeble obstacles to the ardour of their wish to bring the enemy to an engagement. Hawke him self was the. first to display to his men an example of intrepidity. He desired the master of the Royal George, the ship in which he sailed, to steer directly towards the Soleil Royal, the ship of the French admiral. The master could not obey this order without evident hesitation, declaring his apprehension of striking upon some hidden rock or shallow. " You have done your duty," said Hawke, « iri informing me of the danger ; now it becomes your duty to obey my orders, and to bring me along-, side of the Soleil Royal." The pilot obeyed the order ; and the rest of the fleet, following the daring example of their admiral, soon entered into a general engagement. The French, percei ving that no dread, of even natural obstacles could withstand their enemy, were perhaps somewhat intimidated. The battle soon terminated in favour of the British. The rapid approach of night alone prevented the total destruction of the hostile; fleet, INTRODUCTION. 75 fleet Four of the French ships were burnt or sunk, and' one which had been stranded was burnt on the day following, The French, during the year 1760', were alarmed by the fre quent dread of invasion, a large British fleet cruising upon' their coast near Quiberoh bay during the .greater part r of the year. Nothing, however, of any importance was attempted ; and per haps nothing farther was meant, than to occupy the attention "of part of the French forces. But if the French had some reason to dread the armaments which appeared upon their coast, the British were equally alarmed, though apparently from a cause of much inferior magnitude. Thurot, an adventurer, whose name has been much celebrated for the boldness and success of his enterprizes, was at this time the cause of no inconsiderable consternation. This adventurer first distinguished himself when he commanded a privateer fitted out from Dunkirk. Nothing could exceed his intrepidity, and his success was generally e- qual. Many merchant-ships fell into his hands ; and though the vessel which he commanded, named the Belleisle, car ried only forty guns, he had the courage to attack two Bri tish frigates, and, notwithstanding their superior force, he obliged them, if not to fly, at least to leave the engagement with some disgrace. Such at length was the celebrity of his exploits-, that his name became known to the French ministry, who thought that his courage might be more profitably employed than in conducting a privateer. Accordingly, in 1759, he re ceived the command of a small armament fitted out at Dunkirk, in the management of which his powers were not greatly limit ed. He sailed, with the intention of making depredations upon the coasts of the British islands. His force was not indeed such as to afford any prospect of a successful, invasion, but it was nevertheless sufficient, under such a leader, materially to. injure those places where he should make a descent. When he sailed, his design was to attack some part in Scot land or Ireland, where he was not likely to meet with a formi dable resistance. Commodore Boys, who immediately, pursued him, was so scantily supplied with provisions as to be obliged to seek a supply at Leith. This delay in the pursuit of an active enemy rendered vain all hopes of overtaking him ; but a storm K 2 which 76 INTRODUCTION. which soon after took place, forced Thurot to take shelter ifl Bergen, after having separated from him one of his vessels. In this place he was detained hy stormy weather not less than nine teen days, when he proceeded to the north of Ireland. On his way thither, he landed fopon Isla, one of the western Scottish islands, where, as no prize of great consequence invited him to ^behave in a hostile manner, he adopted a mode of conduct en tirely contrary ; displayed much apparent generosity, and paid a, reasonable price for such cattle and provisions as he received. A storm which soon after succeeded, drove from Iris squadron one of his remaining ships ; and his officers, despairing in such circumstances of executing any enterprize with suceess, were earnest in their intreaties that he should return homewards. Thurot, whose courage could not be daunted by the misfortunes which he had encountered, declared, that without atchieving something by which his fame was to be augmented, and his country benefited, he could not return to France. Boys, after having received a supply of provisions, continued his pursuit ; but he failed in overtaking the enemy. The alarm upon the British coasts was universal, and preparations were made, which appeared more than sufficient to repel such an invader. It being supposed, that he would return homewards by St George's chan nel, many vessels were ordered to cruise in that quarter. Yet Thurot, regardless of the danger to which he was exposed, sought not to escape. On the contrary, he landed at Carrick- fergus, on the coast of Ireland, and made himself master of -the place, though it was obstinately defended by Colonel Jennings. The town yielded by capitulation ; but the delay which the'de- fence had occasioned, had allowed the militia, and other forces, to assemble from the neighbouring country, and Thurot, no longer able to maintain his position, was compelled to reimbark. The British were eager to prevent an enemy so adventurous, and in reality, so dangerous, from returning in safety home ; and Captain Elliot, who somewhat resembled him in courage, was dispatched to meet him in St George's channel. Elliot com manded three frigates, and encountered his enemy near the Isle of Man. Thurot, instead of shunning the engagement, advan ced to it with alacrity ; but his accustomed success, though not his INTRODUCTION. 77 his CQsrage, pt length failed him. He hJmself fell in the battle, aodhas leruaining ships were taljen ; and such was the terror which he had excited in the aation, and such the damage which he ihad really done to the miercantote interest, t&at iris defeat was celebrated as a most fortunate event. An armament, which, towards the end of .1758, had been sent against the French spoasessions in the West ladies, was attended with .oransiderahfe success. The land-forces employed in this expedition were commanded, hy General Hobson, the naval force was commanded hy Commodore More. Passing iVtoiflico, which they originally designed to attack, bat which they found to he too stnsngfy fortified to become an easy tprey, they arrived at Guadaloupe, on the 23d of January 1759. The town, which was -defended hy a citadel and seyeral batteries, was immediately attacked; asud, stotwitjbstanding the resistance was more vigorous than had been expected, the British soon made themselves mas ters of it. The French retired to the interior, -where they continued to defend themselves ; till at length, being driven from every strong position, they were obliged to surrender, and the whole island fell into the hands of the conquerors. Desiada and Mariegalante, two neighbouring islands, were not capable of making such resistance : they yielded to the British without a struggle. The attention of the British in the West Indies, during the following part of the year, was called from attempts to over power the colonies of France, to defend their own most im portant possessions in that quarter from domestic insurrection. The slaves in Jamaica, encouraged by the superiority of their numbers, and provoked hy unceasing indignities and oppression, resolved no longer to submit to those ills, of which they could pot foresee any termination. They seized such arms as were within their reach, and without disguise declared their hostile purposes. This insurrection, though it was finally quelled, ex cited at first no small alarm, and so completely occupied a great number of British forces, as to prevent them from planning any material attempt against the enemy, The transactions in the East Indies did not then attract so much of the attention of government, as for very evident causes they 78 INTRODUCTION. they have done since. Neither the French nor British seem then to have formed any plausible scheme, for acquiring in that quar ter extensive territorial possessions. The possessions of both were then comparatively of small moment, and in magnitude - were nearly equal. At the conclusion of the peace of Aix-la-'. Chapelle, the British possessions in India were Surat, Bombay, Tillicherry, Calicut, and Anjengo, upon the, Malabar coast,; Fort St David's, and Fort St George,, or Madras, upon the coast of Coromandel ; Fort William, near Calcutta, upon the Hoogley, a branch of the Ganges; Bencoolen, beyond the Ganges, with several factories in the interior parts of the country. The French, at the same period, had on the coast of Malabar, fac tories at Surat, Calicut, and Rajapore. On the coast of Coro mandel, they had Pondicherry ; and on the Ganges, above Cal cutta, they had a factory at Chandernagore. All these factories and settlements had been formed merely for commercial pur poses; neither party yet entertained sanguine. hopes of. territorial aggrandisement. , The French, notwithstanding their ultimate failure in that quar ter, seem to have been the first to attempt the establishment of an independent power in India. Dupleix, who, at the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, was their governor-general in India, was a man well qualified to plan and execute such a purpose. His ambi tion, which was unbounded, and his capacity, which was con siderable, were not checked in their operations by a great de gree of either honour or probity. He seldom scrupled to adopt any measure, however nefarious, which could advance a favou rite project. The situation of India itself was highly favourable to the plans of such a man. The Mogul, the nominal sovereign of the whole country, had gradually lost that authority which once rendered his government respectable; and so faT from being able to enforce any of his commands, hardly an inferior gover nor was so inconsiderable as not toobey or disobey as he thought proper. That extensive territory, therefore, which had formerly constituted the Mogul empire, and which some of its sovereigns had ruled with despotic sway, and no inconsiderable . abilities, was now a scene of endless anarchy. Each petty ruler attempt ed to establish his own power and influence vpon the ruin of as INTRODUCTION. 79 as many as possible of his neighbours ; and in such a struggle, the most unprincipled were generally the most successful. No scene could have been more fit for the exertion of Du- pleix's abilities, than a country in such a condition ; and he was not backward in making the best use of his opportunities. In India, as well as in America, the French, through the display of a superior portion of real or pretended probity, had succeeded better than the British in gaming the affections of the natives. Dupleix's Own behaviour was artful and conciliating ; and he was particularly anxious to ingratiate himself with those whose courage and freedom from every kind of scruple, might render them formidable weapons in his hand for the performance of any daring project. In every quarrel among the native princes, he was careful to espouse that- side which was most likely in the end to promote his own views. Wherever he could undermine the interests of the British, wherever he could embroil them with the Indian chiefs, he exerted himself with unceasing policy ; and as his ardour to advance his plans was equalled by his indifference about the means, his success not unfrequently answered his ex pectations. A favourable opportunity for intrigue. and adventure soon of fered. Nizam Amuluck, the viceroy or Subah of Decan, a prince who maintained a friendly alliance with the British, had, by virtue of an acknowledged right annexed to his office, ap pointed Anaverdi Khan to be nabob or governor of Arcot. That Nizam Amuluck was friendly to the British, was sufficient to render Dupleix an enemy, not only to him, but to the governor of Arcot, whom he had appointed. Nizam dying soon after, was succeeded by his son Nazirzing. This prince, who inherit ed his father's prepossession for the British, inherited likewise the enmity of Dupleix. His succession to the viceroyalty had been confirmed by the Mogul ; but Dupleix, anxious to subvert the British influence in India, thought he could not better effect his aim,, than by setting up a rival to Nazirzing, for thp sove reignty of the Decan. For this purpose he selected Muza Pherzing, Nazirzing's own cousin, as a very convenient tool ; and he had the art to engage Chunda Saib, a turbulent chief of considerable abilities, in the same cause. The British, informed of SO INTRODUCTION. of the danger of their ally, sent a body of troops to his sup port ; and the French, who had advanced for the purpose of de posing him, not finding themselves sufficiently prepared for the undertaking, declined to hazard an engagement. Prevented from executing his design by open violence^ Du pleix had recourse to the more dangerous arts of secret conspi racy. A design, was formed against Nazi* sing's life ; and hi« own prime minister, together with two of those unruly naikobs, who held their power by his appointment, were hy Duplei* en gaged in the wicked enterprise. In this they succeeded, They murdered Naczirzing ; and taking- imm prison Muza Pherzing, who with a lenity little known m eastern governments, had only been confined for his attempt" to supplant his cousin; they proclaimed him viceroy.. Mnza,. who owed his elevation' to Bu- pleix, followed implicitly all his councils, or rather was content with exercising aasniinal sway, while the Frenchman enjoyed all real authority. The Nabob of Arcot, equally odious to the French, was next to feel their power. He was attacked and" driven from Ids government, to which Chunda Saib Was appointed, as a re ward for his traitorous services. The British- government in India could not be ignorant of the designs of the French,, nor of the danger which must accrue to themselves from the rapid aggrandizement of their rivals. The attack npon the Nabob of Arcot, who had been' an ally of the British, was regarded as an insult to their arms ; and though France and Britain were not at war, it was thought prope-f to revenge the insult by supporting the nabob. The French, on the other hand, lent their aid to Chunda Saib; who owed his elevation to them ; and thus, while the nations were nominal ly at peace, they contrived to harass each other in India with the most active hostilities, not indeed as principals in the quarrel, but as allies of those nabobs, whose cause they had "respectively espoused. It was in this contest that Clive first attained celebrity, pie had been employed by the East India Company in a civil capacity ; but his disposition strongly prompting him to a military life, he entered into the army, and it soon became obvious that he had not mistaken his own talents. A considerable British force, on this occasion, was sent to drive' the INTRODUCTION. . 81 the Frerich from Arcot, with the nabob whom they had created, and Clive was entrusted with the command of the troops. Such were the seCrecy and dispatch with which he1 conducted him self, that before his design was suspected, he was in the neigh bourhood of Arcot, and prepared for its attack. The place was soon in his power, and the French were obliged to retire with precipitation. Muza Pherzing, who had by the French been declared vice roy of the Decan, after they had made way for him by the mur der of his cousin, in his turn fell under die hands of assassins. Salabat Sing, the elder surviving brother of the former viceroy, was immediately raised to that dignity by the Mogul, and the validity of his title was recognised by the British. The French, on the other hand, that they might still have a prince whft owed his power to them, and who might consequently be expected to be subservient to them in all their schemes, declared in favour of the younger brother. The latter, not more scrupulous than several of his predecessors regarding the means to be used in support of his power, caused his brother to be poisoned, and, believing himself to be without a rival, testified his gratitude to the French hy bestowing on them all the British possessions to the north of Pondicherry. In consequence of this grant, the French were about to seize Madras, and such other British settlements as were within their limits, when Dupleix was recalled. Godeheu, who succeeded him, possessed not his bold and decisive character ; but he en tertained the same ambitious projects, and prosecuted them by still more insidious measures. Ever professing the most pacific intentions, he every where undermined the British, instigating against them every native prince with whom he had the smallest influence. The effects of these secret machinations were continually shewing themselves in some- quarter, but no where more evident ly than in Bengal. Alii Verdi Khan, Subah of Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa, was a declared enemy of the British, while he no less decidedly favoured the French, their rivals. When he died in 1756, his most earnest advice to his son and successor, Sou Rajah Dowla, was to persevere in his attempts to humble the L British. 82 INTRODUCTION. British. Dowla was sufficiently eager to pursue this advice, so that he had scarcely mounted the throne, when he led his ttoops to the attack of Calcutta. The British, unsuspicious of danger, were totally unprepared for the attack ; yet the governor, whose name was Holwell, and his feeble garrison, displayed their courage in making an obstinate defence. Dowla at length, how ever, rather through the numbers than the bravery of his fol lowers, forced his way into the place, and a surrender became necessary. Notwithstanding a solemn promise had been made to the Europeans in the garrison, that they should be treated with honour, Dowla no sooner saw them in his power, than he confined them, to the number of a hundred and forty-six, in a dungeon called the Black Hole, of which the largest dimen sion was not more than eighteen feet. The consequences of such treatment must have been fatal any where, but in such a climate were peculiarly dreadful. By far the greater number died in extreme agony ; only Holwell him self, and a few of his companions, coming out alive. Great part of the British force was at this time on the coast of Mala bar, where Clive and Admiral Watson were employed in the chastisement of Angria, a celebrated pirate. Having succeeded in this undertaking, their attention was immediately turned to Calcutta. After making such preparations as seemed necessary, they sailed, and in January 1757 they arrived before that place. Dowla, who had reason to expect this attack, had prepared for his defence, but found himself as unable to resist the British now as the British had formerly been to resist him. The town was attacked by the ships on one side, and by Clive, with his land-forces, on the other. The attack did not continue many hours, when Dowla's men were compelled to surrender. To this victory Clive in a short time added a second. He made himself master of Hoogley, a large town, enjoying much trade, and containing a great quantity of the wealth which had be longed to the deceased viceroy. Dowla immediately assembled a large army, consisting of twenty thousand horse and fifteen thousand foot, boasting that he would expel the British for ever from his territories. On the 2d of February he arrived in the neighbourhood of Calcutta, where INTRODUCTION. t 83 where Clive, having received some reinforcements from the fleet, attacked him. Dowla was overthrown with considerable loss ; and so decisive did the victory appear to him, that he im mediately concluded a treaty with his conqueror. By this treaty it was agreed, that every settlement taken from the Bri tish should be restored ; that they should be indemnified for all their losses ; that every privilege which had at any former pe riod been granted them by any of the Moguls, should be renew ed 'and confirmed; and that, the more effectually to secure Cal cutta, the British should be allowed to fortify it in whatever , way they might think proper. Having thus humbled the viceroy of Bengal, and dictated the terms of a treaty so favourable to the Company, Clive, in con junction with Admiral Watson, turned his arms against the French, knowing them to be the secret agents in all machi nations against his countrymen in India. Chandernagore was a French factory, strongly fortified, situated still farther up the river Ganges than Calcutta, and consequently well calculated to interrupt the trade of the British with the interior. The French knew the importance of the place, and their garrison was pro portionally strong, consisting of nearly a thousand men, of whom five hundred were Europeans. To ensure success in an attack upon this place, Clive had been joined by some troops from Bombay, and Watson was reinforced by Pococke, with several vessels under his command. Against such»a force the place, strong as it was, could not make a successful, or even a lasting resistance. In a short time it surrendered, throwing into the hands of the British, besides the placeitself, an immense quantity of military stores. Though Dowla was humbled by his repeated discomfitures, he was not on that account more friendly to the British, or less inclined to support the French in opposition to them. Nor was it long before he began to display his hostile intentions. The articles of the treaty into which he had lately entered, were ei ther totally disregarded, or performed with evident reluctance, and as often as possible eluded. He even entered into a con vention with the French, by which he agreed to attack the Bri tish, provided he were furnished with a certain number of Eu- L 2 ropeatj 84 INTRODUCTION. ropean auxiliaries. His designs were early discovered by Mtf Watts, the British resident at his court, and communicated to the council at Calcutta. Watts's exertions did not terminate in procuring this intelligence ; he had the influence to form a party against Dowb at his own court,— a scheme in which he was greatly assisted by the hatred which many of the more powerful among his own subjects entertained against him. Such, indeed, was the odium which he had incurred, that Meer Jaf- fier Alii Khan, his prime minister, the commander of his forces, and, what was more, nearly related to him by marriage, was one of the principal conspirators. When Mr Watts had succeeded so far as to render the con spirators eager for the execution of their purpose, he sent infor mation to the Company's government at Calcutta. Jaffier him self pressed them to send him that aid which might enable him to overturn a sovereign who was hateful to his own subjects, and a decided enemy to the British. The opportunity was too favourable to be rejected. Clive immediately marched, and, crossing the Ganges, soon arrived in the vicinity of Moorshe- dabad, the chief citv of Bengal, His army, amounting only to one thousand two hundred men, was heTe opposed by no fewer than seventy thousand ; but the inequality of equipment and of military knowledge was still greater than that of number. On the one side all was feeble splendour ; on the other, all was undaunted intrepidity, directed by exalted military genius. Neither was the superior bravery of British troops the only object which Dowla had to fear ; the defection of his own sub jects, now no longer a secret, was a no less formidable cause of alarm. Convinced that Jaffier favoured the cause of his ene mies, he condescended to endeavour., by the most flattering as surances, and the most humiliating submissions, to regain his friendship. His traitorous relation, more attentive to his own interest than to that of either of the contending parties, suffered . not the troops under his command to take any share in the en gagement, intending, it is probable, to accommodate his con. duct to the issue of the contest. The battle, which was fought atPlassey, was soon decided. The British obtained a complete victory, INTRODUCTION. S5 victory, with the loss of only seventy men ;• — a circumstance which strongly marks the striking inferiority of the enemy with whom they contended. Jaffier's ambiguous conduct during the engagement, convin ced Clive that his sincerity was very doubtful ; but as he was confident that the British could at any time degrade a prince who owed his elevation entirely to them, Clive resolved to con ceal his remarks upon his conduct ; and, acknowledging him as Subah of Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa, he urged him to prose cute his advantage, and to march without delay to Moorsheda- bad, promising at the same time to follow with the troops under his command. Jaffier's own interest induced him to adopt this counsel with promptness. He became master of the place, and Clive declared him Subah, in place of the deposed sove reign. In the treaty which they framed with Jaffier, the British, who knew his dependence upon them, secured to themselves ad vantageous terms. The Company received from him the sum of L- 1,250,000, in name of damages sustained by them at Calcutta. He ceded to them a portion of territory in the vicinity of that place, while he himself, though not in name, yet in reality, was entirely dependent on those who had exalted him to autho rity. While the British were thus successful in Bengal, the French were not idle in some other parts of India. A large number of troops, under the command of M. Lally, arrived upon the coast of Coromandel, under the protection of the admiral, M. d'Apche. They flattered themselves that they would be able to indemnify themselves for their losses in Bengal by their conquests in this quarter. They accordingly invested Fort St David's, which in a short time fell into their hands. Tanjore was next attacked. It was not indeed a British possession, but its Rajah had always favoured the British cause, a sufficient reason to render the French his enemies. The arts of corruption were first tried, and a sum equivalent to L. 810,000 was offered to the Rajah to detach him from the British interests. The proffered bribe was rejected, and the place was immediately invested. The Rajah made 86 INTRODUCTION. made a resolute defence, and, aided by British engineers, he was able not only to repel the attacks of the French, but to force them, after having suffered considerable loss, to raise the siege. Though unsuccessful in this undertaking, Lally desisted not from hostile operations ; and after having made himself master of Arcot, he prepared for the siege of Madras. The great in feriority of the British force in this part of India, prevented them from attempting offensive warfare. They were obliged to con fine themselves to defensive measures, while they eagerly ex pected such reinforcements as should enable them, to engage in more active operations. It was at sea that on this occasion fortune first declared in favour of the British. Admiral Watson being now dead, was suc ceeded in his command by Admiral Pococke. In March he arri ved upon this part of the coast ; and finding the French fleet at an chor, in the road of St David's, he immediately attacked it. The engagement lasted two hours, when d' Apche thought it proper to retire, andPococke, through the misconduct of some of his officers, was prevented from pursuing. The number of killed and wound ed on the side of the French, was much greater than on the side of the British ; and one of the French ships was so much damaged, as to be completely lost before the following day. Not satisfied, however, with this advantage, which was far from being deci sive, Pococke had no sooner refitted his vessels, than he again proceeded in quest of the enemy, and at length, on the 27th of July, descried them at anchor in the road of Pondicherry. The French no sooner perceived the British fleet, than they fled, to avoid an engagement. On the 3d of August, however, they were overtaken, and the battle commenced with much fury. The British were again victorious, but the approach of night prevented them from making proper use of their victory. The French retired first to Pondicherry, and afterwards to Mauritius, to repair the damage which their vessels had received in the en gagement. When their fleet was sufficiently refitted, they re turned ; but in a third engagement with Pococke, they were so unsuccessful, as to be compelled finally to abandon the Indian spas. In this manner, the British fleet, without gaining any bril liant INTRODUCTION. 87 liant advantage, effectually prevented the French fleet from co operating with their land-forces. Lally, it has already been observed, was preparing for the siege of Madras, and in January 1759 he invested that place. The attack was conducted with courage and skill ; but the be sieged, though inferior in numbers, defended themselves with intrepidity. At length, however, a Considerable supply of stores having been obtained, as well as a reinforcement of troops, the fate of the siege, hitherto doubtful, was decided, and Lally, though very unwillingly, was compelled to retire. Vizagapatam and Masulipatam, two French forts, about the same time fell into the hands of the British. The Subah of Decan, hitherto friendly to the French, no sooner perceived their affairs declining, than he resolved to con sult his own interest, by espousing the cause of their enemies. Without any solicitation on the part of the British, he offered to conclude with them a treaty of peace. By this treaty, into which the British willingly entered, they agreed to with-hold all aid from the enemies of the Subah ; while he agreed to cede to the British the whole Circar of Masulipatam, and to abandon all connection with the French. The British, who were no longer under the necessity of con fining themselves to defensive measures, marched under Colonel Coote, who now commanded in this part of India, to attack Lally. After several skirmishes of inferior consequence, a ge neral engagement took place at Wandwalsh. This engagement, in which the Britisli were victorious, left the French no shadow of hope regarding their future operations in this part of India. Arcot once more fell into the hands of the British, and the shattered remains of the French, under Lally, retired to Pondi cherry, the only settlement of any consequence which they now possessed in the Carnatic. While these transactions were carried on in India, more re markable for their subsequent consequences than for their ap parent magnitude, the war in Europe was continued with undi minished rancour. Frederick still continued to oppose his ene mies, with all his genius and all his activity. Pitt, who, from a vigour of character somewhat resembling that of the Prussian monarch, 88 INTRODUCTION. monarch, greatly admired the character of Frederick, was at the same time convinced, that the interests of all Europe, as well as of Britain, required that he should be powerfully supported. The aim of France, in commencing the war, was not con tinental conquests ; it was to acquire colonies and commerce, and consequently naval power ; and to give the greater part of the French army employment upon the continent, was to pre vent them from prosecuting their much-cherished purpose. Viewing the matter in this light, the British minister was anxious to give every assistance to the Prussian monarch. Frederick's intrepidity and unrivalled perseverance in an arduous contest, had already made him the favourite of the British nation ; and Pitt had the art to bring their religious prejudices in support of his political projects. Frederick, who was himself a Protestant, found the Catholic powers of Europe his most formidable ad versaries ; and Pitt succeeded in persuading the British, that the enemies of Frederick were the enemies of Protestants •in general. Considered in this point of view, the cause of Frederick was the cause of religion ; and the. minister found no difficulty in persuading parliament to grant to the Prussian king, a subsidy of L. 670,000, to be. expended in the way which that king thought most favourable for his own cause. The convention which the Duke of Cumberland had conclu ded at Cloister Seven, was always reckoned to be extremely dis honourable to the British ; and the favourable current of their affairs since that time, made them desire an opportunity of ren- • dering the treaty void. For this purpose, the conduct of the ..French was narrowly watched, and some enormities, of which it was alledged they had been guilty in Hanover, afforded the desired pretext. The troops, which at that time had ca pitulated, had not been completely disbanded, and it was re solved again to embody them, and to put them under the com mand of Prince Ferdinand of Brunswick. When the prince, at the commencement of the campaign of 1758, took the command of the army, it consisted of only thirty thousand men, chiefly Hanoverians ; but in a short time, the troops of Hesse-Cassel and Brunswick were prevailed upon by subsidies to join him, and his forces were thus considerably aug* mented. INTRODUCTION. 89 .niented. The. prince's chief object was to compel the French to evacuate Hanover and Brunswick ; and this he proposed to effect rather by threatening to intercept their communication with the Rhine, than by directly attacking them. With this view, several detachments were sent to the banks of the Weser. Of these one took possession of Verden, while another seized a post called Floyer. The main body, under the command of Ferdinand himself, who had been joined by some Prussians, under the command of Henry, brother to the King of Prussia, advanced in April towards Brunswick ; and the French, appre hensive from these movements that their communications with the Rhine might be interrupted, began to retire from Brunswick, Hanover, and Wolfenbuttle, directing their march towards West phalia. The Prince, having passed the Weser, took Minden ; and the French, though they were at no great distance, were unable to give the place any effectual aid. The enemy soon after cross ed the Rhine at Wesel, and posted their troops on the left bank of the river. This, however, was not effected without a con siderable number of them having been made prisoners. Even after the French had passed the Rhine, they were not permitted to remain undisturbed. Ferdinand soon attacked them, and ob tained a considerable victory. But this victory was in a great measure counterbalanced by the success of the Prince of Soubisc, who defeated a considerable body of Hessians. Ferdinand, instead of pursuing the French "with vigour, was now obli ged to have recourse to defensive operations till July, when, having been joined by the Duke of Marlborough, with twelve thousand British, he was able to act against the enemy with greater effect. He directed his movements with no small de gree of military skill ; and though he atchieved not any parti cular action of much brilliancy, he compelled the French to abandon Westphalia and Lower Saxony. Though compelled at this time to evacuate Westphalia, the French soon returned in greater force, under De Contades and Broglio ; and Prince Ferdinand, who at the commencement of 1759 again marched to oppose them, found them posted at Minden. Instead of attacking them in their position, which he M considered 90 INTRODUCTION". considered as being too strong to be forced, Ferdinand posted himself in their neighbourhood, in hopes that he might be able to provoke them to engage upon more equal terms. His project answered his expectations. The French, either believing that he might be easily vanquished, or impatient of remaining in active, left their entrenchments in order to attack him. The battle was maintained on both sides with uncommon fury : the' French promised themselves an easy conquest of an enemy who for some time had appeared to shun the attack ; while the allies, who had long waited for an opportunity of fighting on equal terms, reckoned themselves already sure of victory. The engagement, which commenced at day-break, continued for a considerable time undetermined. At last, however, the allies were victorious, chiefly, it appears, through the exertions of the British troops who were present. Yet all the British shared not the honour of this day's success. The infantry, indeed, continued immoveable, and greatly contributed to baffle the efforts of the enemy ; but the cavalry, even after the French were broken, when ordered to advance to complete their overthrow, remain ed in such a wavering and backward state, that they took little part in the engagement. Lord George Sackville, who on this occasion commanded the cavalry, was brought to trial for his conduct ; and after his behaviour had been examined, he was declared to be incapable of any military employment in the Bri tish service. It was not at Minden alone that the allies about this period were successful. The hereditary Prince of Brunswick, with six thousand men, had been detached against a French army at Gofeldt. Though his force was greatly inferior to that of the enemy, he completely defeated them, killing and taking prison ers a number equal to that of the whole -of his detachment. These victories once mote deprived the French of all hopes of being able to maintain their positions in Germany ; they retreat ed in some confusion, and left the allies masters of the country. Though the French on this occasion were defeated, they were not discouraged from renewing their attempts; and in 1760 they returned in greater numbers, and with still more determi ned resolution. The hereditary Prince of Brunswick, eTicoura- INTRODUCTION, 91 ged by his late success, attacked the enemy with more temerity than prudence, and was compelled to retire with some loss ; but he soon afterwards retrieved his honour by "a successful engage ment near Exdorf. The enemy sustained a severe defeat, and lost a great part of their artillery and military stores, with many of their men, who were made prisoners. In a subse quent engagement, however, the Prince was again vanquished, and was compelled to consult his safety by joining the army under the command of Ferdinand ; and even his retreat for this purpose was not effected without great difficulty. Ferdinand, indeed, had obtained some advantage over the French in the vicinity of Cas- sel ; but the issue of the contest upon the whole was disastrous to the allies, the termination of it leaving in the power of the enemy the whole of Hesse and great part of Westphalia. Frederick of Prussia meanwhile was engaged in opposing his numerous enemies with still more strenuous efforts, and with great variety of fortune. His repeated and signal victories over the French and Austrians in 1757 gave him for some time a de cided superiority, and he certainly was not deficient in vigour and activity to enable him to make the best use of his advan tages, Schwednitz, the only fortress of Silesia which remained in the power of his enemies, was blockaded during the winter ; and as soon as the approach of spring permitted more decisive operations, it was taken by assault. Silesia was then entirely in his possession ; and he immediately entered Moravia, and be sieged its principal city, Olmutz. In this undertaking he was unfortunate. His approaches, commenced at too great a dis tance, were carried on somewhat slowly ; and before he had made great progress, Count Daun arrived with his army, and compelled him to raise the siege. Frederick might have been able to maintain Iris ground in Moravia in spite of Count Daun, had he not been informed that he had more to fear from his enemies in another quarter. Bran denburgh itself was invaded by the Russians and Kossacks, and it became him to defend his native dominions from such barba rous invaders. It was evidently his interest to prevent the junc tion of the invading enemies, and the celerity of his movements enabled him to accomplish his purpose. At Kustrin he attacked Romanzow, whp commanded the principal body of the enemy, M 2 snd. 92 INTRODUCTION. and by the exertion of his usual courage and military science, he obtained a very great victory. While his own loss did not a- mount to two thousand men, that of the enemy was about seven teen thousand ; a disproportion which seems to have been occasioned chiefly by the skilful use which Frederick made of his artillery. This decisive victory no sooner relieved him from the appre- ' hensions of a successful invasion of Brandenburgh, than he re turned to the attack of Daun, who had compelled him to raise the siege of Olmutz. Of the motions of that general, however, he was not completely informed, so that on the 14th of October he was attacked by him somewhat unexpectedly at Hoch-Kir- chin. He was defeated ; but such was the capacity of the Prus sian monarch, that a defeat seldom left him without resources. Instead of permitting his enemy quietly to reap the fruits of his victory, his activity was redoubled, so that he succeeded, not only in withstanding an enemy now more than once victorious, but in compelling him finally to retire into Bohemia, The power and resources of Frederick's enemies were too great to permit him to hope either ultimately to overcome them, or even to resist them, without the most strenuous efforts ; and notwithstanding his former victories, the ensuing campaign in 1759 taught himj that he must again contend with the renovated strength of those enemies whom he had so frequently vanquish ed ; but at this time his success, either through the discontent or insubordination of his officers, or for some other cause, was not so great as on some former occasions. The Russians and Austrians intended to join their forces, and thus to render themselves still more formidable to Frederick than when they fought separately ; but being informed of their intention, he resolved to exert every effort to prevent their junc tion. He accordingly commenced the proper operations for ac complishing his purpose ; but on the 23d of June he was de feated at Kay on the Oder, with the loss of four thousand men, and in a short time the Russians and Austrians formed the junction which he had been so anxious to prevent. This defeat prevented not Frederick from pursuing active hostilities • and en the 12th of August he attacked the combined army of his enemies, INTRODUCTION. S3 enemies, which he found encamped at Kundersdorf, in the vicinity of Frankfort on the Oder. On this occasion, the Prussian monarch exerted all his courage and activity ; but though a partial discomfiture of the Russians had at first given him some hopes of ultimate victory, the Austrians under Laudohn brought such timely aid, and acted with such vi gour, that the Prussians were entirely defeated. The total ruin of the Prussian army was prevented only by the interven tion of night. Frederick himself, writing to his queen on this occasion, desired her to leave Berlin with the royal family, and to make the archives of the kingdom be carried to Potsdam, being apprehensive that his metropolis might fall into the hands ot" his enemies. Though Frederick was conquered, his courage and intrepidity remained invincible, and his activity undiminished, in endea vouring to muster such a force as might enable him once more to meet his enemy in the field. His exertions in this instance were aided by the contradictory measures of the Austrians and Rus sians. The former were eager to pursue the advantage which they had gained, but the latter, less interested perhaps in the issue of the contest, were willing to remain for some time sa tisfied with the victory which they had obtained. While his enemies were thus debating which of them had the better right to dictate the measures which ought to be adopted, Frederick collected his scattered troops, and in a short time saw himself at the head of a considerable force ; and though he had lost his ar tillery, he easily replaced it from the arsenal at Berlin. Before his enemies could resolve on any plan of hostilities, winter ar rived, and the Prussian monarch had time allowed him to pre pare to meet them with renewed confidence of success, before the comrrtencement of the ensuing campaign. Frederick's soldiers trusted so much in his valour and skill, from having so frequently conquered under his command, that even repeated defeats were not able completely to destroy their hopes. He well knew, besides, how to make use of those common topics which have so strong an influence on untutored minds. Their national pride, their superstition, their love of vengeance, were all interested in the issue of the contest. So successful was he in assembling a new army, and in inspiring his soldiers 94 INTRODUCTION. soldiers with fresh confidence, that at an early period of the ensuing campaign he appeared in the field, eager to meet that enemy who had lately permitted so fair an opportunity of hum bling their adversary to escape them. Silesia, which the enemy had again entered, and where they had taken several of the for tified places, he first chose as the scene of hostilities. With his usual policy, he cut off the different divisions of the hostile army from each other, and while he maintained such positions, that to, surround him was impossible, he prevented them from uniting their forces, resolved when, by his various movements, he should have succeeded in Separating the respective parties so far as to make them unable speedily to assist each other, to attack the one before the other could lend it effectual aid, and thus to vanquish in detail an army which, when combined, he might have found too powerful. Marshall Daun was now in his front with one army, while at some distance in the rear was Laudohn with another. The former, being joined by a considerable reinforcement of Russians, resolved on the 14th of August to attack the Prussian army. Frederick, apprised of their intentions, left his camp on the pre ceding evening, with the design of attacking Laudohn. He left a small number of troops to keep up the appearance of sentinels and patroles ; and, favoured by a tempestuous night, he crossed the Oder unobserved, and posted himself upon an eminence at no great distance from Laudohn's army. Laudohn was already advancing to support Daun in his projected attack, when he found very unexpectedly this eminence in possession of the enemy. Still he supposed it to be occupied only by a small de tachment, and approached in the confidence of speedily dis lodging them. His surprise was redoubled when he found him self suddenly attacked by the whole Prussian army. The dark ness of the night, which had contributed to his first deception, augmented the confusion of his troops. He was completely vanquished, leaving in the field ten thousand killed, besides six thousand prisoners. Daun, in the mean time, had advanced to the Prussian camp, and was surprised to find in it only that insignificant party which had been left for a deception, His surprise was augmented^ INTRODUCTION. 95 augmented, when day-light enabled him to perceive the Prus sian army drawn up on the opposite side of the river. His mea sures were thus disconcerted, and he seemed to hesitate whether or not he ought to persevere in his purpose of attack. His hesi tation Was not diminished, when the firing of the Prussians in dicated their rejoicings for a victory. The boisterous night had prevented even the artillery from being heard, and the Austrians, till now, remained ignorant of the defeat of the other part of their army. Frederick carried his stratagems yet farther. He Wrote a letter to Henry, his brother, informing him that he had defeated the Austrians, and that he was advancing with all Speed to the attack of the Russians. This letter was delivered to a peasant, who was directed to throw himself in the way of the enemy. The stratagem had the desired effect. The Rus sians repassed the Oder, and Daun found it prudent to desist from his projected attack. Thus disappointed where his hopes of victory had been some what flattering, Daun was desirous of retrieving his honour by some decisive advantage. To produce a diversion in his favour, he prevailed on the Russians, not without difficulty, to invade Brandenburgh. They attacked Berlin itself, which, as it was feebly garrisoned, soon fell into their hands. They here dis graced their success, by the atrocities which they committed ; but they did not long enjoy their conquest. Frederick no sooner learnt the fate of his capital, than he hastened to its relief ; and the enemy, informed of his approach, quickly abandoned it with out hazarding an engagement. Having relieved Berlin, he returned to oppose Daun, whom he had left in Silesia. After several movements, he at length drew him into a disadvantageous situation at Torgau, where he immediately attacked him, and obtained a victory still more de cisive than that which he had recently gained over Laudohn. The Austrians were now driven from the field, and the Rus sians, unable by themselves to withstand the Prussian king, took shelter in Poland. While these warlike operations, which have just been nar rated, were carrying on in the different parts of the world, the JO'utch, who pretended to be strictly neutral, had by their -conduct nearly 96 INTRODUCTION. nearly involved themselves in a war with Britain. In defiance of the barrier treaty, which declared that no fortress, town, or territory of the Austrian low countries, should, under any pretext, be transferred to the French, the Dutch had permitted them to take possession of Nieuport and Ostend. When this was com plained of, their answer was evasive and frivolous ; but this was not in the opinion of the British the most blameable part of their conduct. The French maritime force had been so much weakened, that their foreign possessions could have had little intercourse with them, had not the Dutch assisted them in bringing home their colonial produce. They had at the same time continued plentifully to supply the French with warlike stores of every description. These practices, either from a misconception of their importance, or from the indecision of the British government, remained for some time unquestioned"; but Pitt, whose penetration could not be eluded, and whose vi gour shrunk from no difficulty, soon complained of this violation of neutrality. The Dutch appeared to be unwilling to confess that their conduct was in any respect blameable ; but the British minister, to convince them that they would not be permitted to continue such practices with impunity, issued orders to seize all Dutch vessels which should be found either laden with French property, or carrying warlike stores to the enemy. These orders, as they were" vigorously executed, excited vio lent murmurs among the Dutch ; and as they found remonstrance to be vain, they evinced, in 1758, some intention of defending by force what they called their right. Hostilities, however, were prevented by the mediation of the Princess-dowager of Orange, daughter of George II. The death of this princess soon after deprived the nation of her good offices ; and as the Dutch had never desisted from these obnoxious practices, but, on the con trary, had displayed a disposition somewhat hostile, Pitt resol ved to adopt a mode of conduct still more decisive. A memo rial to this effect was presented to their government ; and the Dutch, aware of the character of the man from whom it pro ceeded, thought proper to appease his resentment, by ample promises of refraining from those practices which were the sub ject of complaint. Though INTRODUCTION. 97 Though under Pitt's administration the war in different parts of the world was carried on with the most brilliant success, yet he was not ignorant that peace must be much more conducive to national prosperity. Convinced at the same time, that on no occasion could a negotiation for peace be more successfully open ed than after a decisive victory, he seized the opportunity of the defeat of the French at Quebec, and of their fleet by Hawke, to make overtures for that purpose, in conjunction with Frede rick, the ally of Britain. In a preliminary article it was declared, that Britain would consent to treat on no other terms, than that the dominions of the Prussian monarch should be secured to him entire ; and this article caused the offer for negotiation to be ultimately rejected. Though Frederick had generally shewn himself much superior to his enemies in abilities and warlike attainments, his victo ries, owing to the great force with which he had to contend, had for the most part cost him much ; and it was hoped that; by continuing hostilities, he might be reduced, notwith standing his successes, to a state in which he would be un able longer to maintain the contest. Wherever the British had contended with the French, without the co-operation of allies, they had been for the most part fortunate, at least they had succeeded in depriving the enemy of many of their most va luable possessions ; while the French had no acquisition, made during the war, to offer iri order to procure them more favour able terms. It was upon the Continent alone that they and their allies had been in any degree successful ; and if it was stipula ted that the King of Prussia should retain full possession of all his territories, they must evidently treat with the British upon very unequal terms. The French therefore declared, that as they were not at war with Prussia as a principal in the quarrel, but only as she was an ally of Britain and an enemy to Austria, they saw no reason for giving her so important a part in the ne gotiation. In such a case it was scarcely probable that the proffered negotiation should be successful, or even should be at all commenced with any degree of sincerity. The British wish ed to deprive the French of the sole concessions which they could forego, in return for such concessions as they might ex- N pect. i>8 INTRODUCTION: pect. It was not therefore surprising, that they refused to treat with such a preliminary. Their obstinacy at the same time was increased by that of the empress-queen, who still' hoped that she should be able to humble the King of Prus sia, an aspiring enemy, against whom she entertained the most deadly political hatred, and whose military prowess could not fail to alarm her. Her generals, though often and signally vanquished, had sometimes been victorious, and she hoped, by perseverance, finally to subdue an enemy whose resources, if his courage and genius be excepted, were certainly inferior to her own. Influenced by these motives, the French and their allies the Austrians refused to treat upon the proffered condi tions, and the British were obliged to continue the war. The successes, however, which had attended their arms in almost every quarter, rendered this alternative more agreeable to the greater number than even peace would have been ; and the Bri tish minister prosecuted the war, with the advantage of having, by his conciliatory offer, convinced the nation, that his perse verance arose not from any wanton desire of aggrandising his own name by a needless continuation of the contest. While these various transactions were carrying on, and when Britain had elevated herself by her exertions to a degree of splendour, and even of power, to which * e had seldom aspired, she lost the sovereign under whose auspices her affairs had been so successfully conducted. George II. was now nearly seventy- seven years of age, but no appearance of disease or decay gave reason to apprehend the approach of his dissolution. On the 25th of October 1760, while residing at Kensington palace, he rose at his accustomed houjy and apparently in his usual health. Having breakfasted, and inquired into the state of the wind, a circumstance which his anxiety for the arrival of the mails ren dered of peculiar importance, he declared his design of taking a walk in the garden. His page, who had just left the room, was alarmed with a noise as if of something falling, and hastily returning, found His Majesty stretched upon the floor. Being placed upon a bed, he desired that Amelia should be called ; but before her arrival, he expired,. Thus terminated the existence of a monarch, during whose reign- INTRODUCTION. 99 reign Britain had rapidly advanced in power and pohtical im portance. In his own character there was nothing remarkable ; there was little to blame, and perhaps nothing that demanded unqualified panegyric. His bravery was more than once exem plified, and his moral virtues were of the most amiable kind. His undisguised attachment to his native dominions has been often blamed ; but this, if not the failing of a great mind, cer tainly indicated the warmth, the sincerity, and the constancy of his affections. The character of his government varied accord ing to that of the ministers whom he employed ; a proof that in Britain, the character of the monarch is generally lost in that of those to whom he delegates his authority. George II. died at the most glorious period of his reign, and left his kingdom in a much more elevated situation among the powers of Europe than he had found it. N2 HISTORY HISTORY OF THE KEIGN OF GEORGE THE THIRD. CHAPTER I. TDEW sovereigns have ascended the throne in more favourable circumstances than George III. unless perhaps we suppose, that the very brilliancy which distinguished the latter years of George IL rendered it difficult for his successor to maintain a career of equal success. Although involved in war, the nation might be considered as being in a very flourishing condition. Unlike his predecessors of the Hanoverian line, George HI. had been born in Britain. His education had been wholly British, and he could not be suspected to be immoderately attached to thosff continental dominions which had of late engrossed so much of the royal attention. His political education had been such, that he might be supposed to be free from prepossession towards any of those parties which divided the kingdom. His character, though it could not be said to be entirely developed, was, so far as it was known, of the most amiable kind. He was of full age, having lately completed his twenty-second year ; so that the kingdom was freed from the disagreeable prospect of a regency. Though George II. therefore, was not a little regretted, as a sovereign under whom Britain upon the whole had been eminently fortu nate ; he was the more quickly forgotten, that the reign of his successor promised a continuation, or rather an increase, of the same good fortune. George 102 HISTORY OF THE - [Chap. I. George III. the son of Frederick, late Prince of Wales, and of Augusta, Princess of Saxe-Gotha, was born on the 4th June 1738. Frederick had, as is well known, during the greater part of his life maintained a declared political opposition to his father. But though he was thus almost necessarily made one of a party, he imbibed none of those narrow prejudices by which such as sociations are generally distinguished. His wish, had he ever ascended the British throne, was to becking of the whole people, not of any portion of them, however great ; and in the same ge nerous principles it was his desire that all his family, and parti cularly his eldest son, should be educated. After the death of Frederick, his son very properly continued to reside with the princess-dowager, who, a well as her hus band, had incurred the dislike of her father-in-law. Augusta, for this reason, lived remote from the court ; and the young prince, who visited it very seldom, remained untainted with its vices, but at the same time little acquainted with its manners. The princess-dowager did not, at least openly, take any interest in the measures of government, and she either was, or pretend ed to be, indifferent to all political parties. Such dispositions, if they were real, certainly were becoming in the mother and superintendant of the education of the apparent heir of the crown ; but she soon found enemies, who scrupled not to affirm, that, her disposition was neither so indifferent not so disinterested as she pretended. iord Harcourt, governor to the prince, and Dr Hayter, his preceptor, entertained no inconsiderable enmity to the princess, and are said even to have proceeded so far as to alienate the af fections of their pupil from his mother. Information was at the same time conveyed to the king, that Mr Stone, who was sub- governor, and Mr Scott, who was sub-preceptor to his grand son, were disaffected persons ; that the former in particular had, „¦, at the distance of twenty years, publicly drunk the health of the Pretender; and that both privately instilled into the prince no tions incompatible with free government. This matter seemed to be of sufficient importance to the king to be referred to the cabinet-council. Mr Stone was called upon to defend himself ; and with him appeared Mr Murray, the so-. licitor- Chap. L] REIGN QF GEORGE III. * 103! licitor-general, who was afterwards the Earl of Mansfield, and Dr Johnson, the bishop of Gloucester; whose characters had in some measure been implicated in the charge. Their defence ap peared to be entirely satisfactory. The Lords of the council' assured his Majesty, that they thought the accusation to be wholly unfounded. Lord Harcourt, however, and the bishop of Norwich, offended at this determination, declared, that unless Mr Stone and Mr Scott were dismissed, they could no longer retain their offices. After the determination of the council, little attention was paid to this declaration. -They were permitted, without any solicitation to the contrary, to resign ; and Lord Waldgrave was appointed to be governor, and the bishop of Peterborough to be preceptor to the prince. This affair became yet more public than by its discussion in the cabinet-council. A motion was made in the House of Peers, that the king should be solicited, by an address, to submit the whole matter to their examination. To this request the king not only agreed, but granted a dispensation to his counsellors from their oath of secrecy, in order that the business might be discussed with all possible freedom. After a debate of greater length than interest, the determination of the cabinet-council was confirmed, the h°use on this occasion being almost una nimous. The Earl of Bute, who certainly had gained much of the young prince's esteem and affection, and of the princess- dowager's confidence, has by many been supposed to have had great influence in these 6omewhat mysterious transactions. His being appointed a privy-counsellor almost immediately after the death of the late king, has been alledged as a proof of his already possessing a dangerous influence ; while others have affirmed, that as the Earl had for some time been groom of the stole to the Prince of Wales, and as it was customary for the princes to retain their principal servants upon their accession to the crown, Bute, according to the practice of the British monarchs, became a privy-counsellor in virtue of his office. When the young king ascended the throne, he found the af fairs of government in the hands of a ministry very far above mediocrity. The Duke of Newcastle was nominally the prime minister; but the measures cf government were certainly directed by 104 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. I. by the greater energy of Pitt. These were supported by many coadjutors of no small capacity; among whom may be mentioned, Lord Granville, president of the council ; the Duke of Devon shire, Lord Chamberlain ; Lord Anson, First Lord of the Admi ralty; Lord Holdernesse, secretary of state ; Mr Legge, chancellor of the exchequer ; Mr Fox, paymaster of the forces ; and Lord Temple, a member of the council, and Mr Pitt's brother-in-law. Of these persons the abilities and the influence were various ; but when united under the superior genius of Mr Pitt, they formed an administration,' which in energy has seldom, been surpassed, and which, from the success of their measures,, en joyed the confidence of the nation. The king held his first council on the 27th of October ; and though his youth^ and the novelty of his situation, must natu rally have made him somewhat embarrassed, yet his firmness was conspicuous, and his address, which was afterwards publish ed by desire of the council, was remarkable for its dignified simplicity. " The loss that I, and the nation," said the young monarch, " have sustained by the death of the king, my grand father, would have been severely felt at any time ; but, coming at so critical a juncture, and so unexpected, it is by many cir cumstances augmented, and the weight now falling on me much increased, I feel my own insufficiency to support it as I wish ; but, animated by the tenderest affection for my native country, and depending upon the advice, experience,, and abilities of your Lordships, on the support of every honest man, I enter with cheerfulness into this arduous situation, and shall make it the business of my life to promote, in every thing, the glory and hap- piriess of these kingdoms, to preserve and strengthen the constitu tion in both church and state ; and as I mount the throne in the midst of an expensive, but just and necessary war, I shall endea vour to prosecute it in the manner the most likely to bring on an honourable and lasting peace, in concert with my allies." The king's virtuous education, and the effects which it had upon his character, became conspicuous in his first proclamation, which was dated on the' 1st of October. This proclamation was intended to encourage the religion and virtue of his people, and to discourage vice and every species of immorality. The people Chap. I.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 105 people praised their sovereign for his laudable design, but they generally chose to retain all their former practices. The parliament, which, by an express law, continues to ex ercise all its functions for the space of six months after the death of a monarch, met, after a short prorogation, on the ISth of Nevemher. The concourse of people of all descriptions ou this occasion was uncommonly great, and the demonstrations of loyalty usual at the commencement of a reign, were rendered still more ardent by the gracious demeanour of the sovereign. His -Speech to parliament on this occasion, contained several to pics highly gratifying to the nation. He deplored the death of his grandfather, not only as it was sudden, but as it left him in volved in difficulties, which it required the greatest vigour to obviate. In such a situation, he declared, that his sole confi dence was in the uprightness of his intentions, the affection and loyalty of his people, and the blessing of Heaven. He gloried in the name of Briton, a nar&e\which he justly claimed, as being born and bred in the country whkh he Was to govern; he thought this a new claim to their attachment, as well as a new pledge for his exertions in their behalf. He declared his firm adherence to those principles which had placed his family upon the throne ; he declared his resolution to adhere to the constitution in church and state, to strengthen it by every prudent measure, and parti cularly to cherish the doctrine and practice of toleration. He promised an unremitting attention to the civil and religious rights of his people, and announced his fixed purpose to encourage in every possible way the interests of religion and virtue. He re counted with exultation, the success of the British arms in the different parts of the world. He mentioned the reduction of the whole province of Canada, a conquest which had been ef fected with comparatively small loss. He mentioned our suc cessful warfare in. India, where we had not only prevented the insidious projects of the French, but had taken from them the greater part of their possessions, and had nearly annihilated their influence, while our own had been increased in a similar pro portion. He alluded to the atchievements of Prince Ferdinand in Germany, and the exploits of the Prussian monarch, which had so much exceeded the expectations cf the world. But he Vol. I. O contemplated 106 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. I. contemplated, with unmixed pleasure, the decided superiority of the British maritime strength to that of the enemy ; as a conse quence of which it followed, that their commerce was almost an nihilated, while that of Britain, its great support as a nation, flourished in an unprecedented degree. He congratulated him self on the valour of all his officers, and was pleased that the militia made so considerable a part of the national force. He rejoiced to find his kingdom in so flourishing a condition, but he regretted that he found it in a state of war, peace being much more agreeable to the interests of his people, as well as to his own wishes. Yet, since the war had been commenced by his enemies, not only without provocation, but after every reason able concession had been made, and too many insults had been permitted to pass unnoticed, and since, after the numerous vic tories which we had, obtained, the overtures for peace which had been made had been so much slighted, it became incum bent on him to prosecute the war ; and, trusting to the support of a brave people, he was resolved to prosecute it in such a way as should tend most effectually to the restoration of a peace lasting ¦as well as honourable. To advance this purpose, nothing tended .so much as prompt and vigorous measures in repelling the hostile attempts of the enemy, and anticipating him in his plans of ag gression. We ought to support with our powerful resources our allies, particularly the King of Prussia, whose unexampled heroism demanded our admiration, as well as our gratitude. He regretted the heavy burdens which the great exertions of the kingdom' rendered it necessary to impose upon the people. Pie was confident, however, that nothing would be imposed more than was absolutely necessary ; and that the most exact economy would be observed in its expenditure. It was not without the greatest reluctance that he mentioned any tiring im mediately regarding his own situation ; but as the grant of the greatest part of the civil-list revenues was determined, he trusted to their duty and affection to him to maintain his civil go vernment with honour and dignity ; at the same time he assured them, that in his expenditure a regular and becoming economy should never be forgotten. He reminded them of the great part they were to act; th.it the eyes of Europe, or rather of the world itself, Chap. I.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 107 itself, were upon them. He reminded them, that by their ex ertions upon the Continent, they were promoting not only their ¦ own cause, but that of the Protestant religion in general ; and that nothing tended more to advance their great and important cause, than vigour, unanimly, and dispatch, in their proceed ings. He congratulated himself with particular emphasis on the concord which prevailed, a concord almost unexampled in a na-- , tion so much distinguished by the dissentions of its, parties ; and he trusted, that its continuance would promote all his plans for the welfare of his people. This gracious speech of the Sovereign was received with the demonstrations of loyalty which it so justly merited ; and the Commons, to demonstrate more strongly their zeal, not only voted the first address unanimously, but voted a second address, expressing their thanks for the gracious acceptance of the first. During this session of parliament, nothing of great importance was transacted. The chief business was the fixing of the civil list, and the supplies for the year. The civil list was fixed at eight hundred thousand pounds, and the supplies granted for the year amounted to nineteen millions six hundred and sixteen thousand one hundred and nineteen pounds. These supplies were unani mously voted, and to defray the interest of the latter sum, new taxes were imposed. When the king granted new commissions to the judges, he expressed his desire to render their office altogether independ ent of the crown ; and for this purpose, he wished to make it permanent, notwithstanding the death of the king by whom they were appointed. This measure he recommended in a speech from the throne ; and a proposition so truly laudable and patriotic met with the attention which it merited, and a law to that effect was unanimously enacted. Near the end of the session, Mr Arthur Onslow, who, during thirty years, and in five successive parliaments, had acted as Speaker of the House of Commons, declared his inability, through age and infirmity, longer to continue in his office. ' The thanks of the House were immediately voted to this veteran in the public service. He received a pension of three thousand pounds annually, O 2 which 108 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. I. which was to be continued during the life of his son, -should he survive him. His son was afterwards ennobled, under the title - of Lord Onslow. After these transactions, parliament, on the 19th of March, was prorogued, and a few days afterwards was dissolved. Hardly was the parliament dissolved, when Mr Legge, chan cellor of the exchequer, was dismissed from his office, in conse-' quence, according to some historians, of a dislike which had been conceived against him, for his refusal to gratify the Earl of Bute, by yielding to one of that nobleman's friends a seat in parliament, to which he had just been elected. Many deny this motive, as altogether improbable, without, however, adducing any other. In a short time, Lord Holdernesse resigned his office, and was succeeded by Lord Bute, as Mr Legge was by Lord Barrington. Holdernesse's resignation seems to be acknowledged by all parties to have been a preconcerted plan, and he was careful to indemnify himself for his concessions. He received not only an ample pension, but a reversionary grant of the wardenship of the Cinque Ports. These changes were far from being agree able to the nation. The very great favour which Lord Bute evi dently, and perhaps deservedly, enjoyed with the king, had ren dered him the object of jealousy ; and his accession to power inflamed that factious animosity which had long been silently accumulating. He almost instantaneously was subjected to public execration, and his personal character, and, what was still more illiberal, his country, were held up as the objects of derision and scorn. The king, in his address to the council, had declared his re solution to prosecute the war upon the Continent with becoming vigour ; but this was supposed to be rather through compliance withPitt, the British minister, than through personal conviction of the expediency of such a design. During a great part of his life, the king had been educated under the inspection of some who entertained very unfavourable opinions of our continental connec tions, and of the exertions which we made for the preservation or aggrandisement of the Hanoverian electorate, exertions which, according to them, were greatly disproportioned to their object. It was hardly possible that the young monarch should not have , adopted, Chap. I.] REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 109 adopted the political opinions of those whom he had been taught to revere ; and though, in his address, he spoke of a vigorous prosecution of the war, there is little doubt that he secretly wished for the restoration of peace. In this opinion Pitt by no means concurred. He was decidedly of opinion, not through complai sance to his former king, for complaisance was not a virtue for which he was at any time remarkahle, but merely through personal conviction, that war prosecuted on the Continent with vigour must tend to the glory, and ultimately to the good of Britain. In conjunction with the King of Prussia, a monarch whose heroism he admired, he had formed an extensive plan of operations ; and to carry this plan into execution, was the great end of his politics. In this opinion Pitt had many adherents. The astonishing exertions of the King of Prussia, whom no reverse of fortune could dispirit, made him a favourite with the people ; the fre quent victories which, in spite of the greatly superior power of his enemies, he had obtained ; the successes of Prince Ferdinand, and the reputation which our own troops had acquired upori the; Continent, all tended to render the prosecution of the war a po pular measure. Yet those were not wanting who favoured the pacific intentions of the king. The prosecution of a war upon the Continent, in their opinion, must be much more expensive to Britain than to France, which was nearer the scene of action, and could direct troops to those parts where their exertions pro mised to be most effectual. A maritime and colonial war was the surest policy of Britain ; where, as our naval strength was so much superior, our success must be proportionally more cer tain. The empty splendour of triumphing in a few engagements, was no compensation for the great sacrifices which we were making. The war was indeed profitable to those immediately employed, either in conducting the army, or in providing for it, but must ultimately be ruinous to the nation. France, it was argued, gladly made use of the quarrels of the other continental powers for the promotion of her own aggrandisement ; and, in stead of being humbled, she was becoming every day at least comparatively more powerful. It was in vain that we thought of making any serious impression upon that kingdom. On the contrary, 110 . ' HISTORY OF THE [Chap. I. contrary, we harassed and oppressed our allies, while we seldom ¦ dared to approach the French frontier. The subsidy of five hundred and fifty thousand pounds to the King of Prussia; was ridiculed as a most extravagant, and absurd measure. It was paying him to fight his own battles, and to prosecute his own quarrels, where, in truth, we had very little interest. If it were pretended that we were protecting the Protestant cause, that ' cause required not our protection, nor could we give it effectual ¦ aid, were that necessary. Were we defending the electorate of Hanover, our exertions were ridiculously disproportioned to the importance of the object. But Hanover in reality had little to fear from the French. It lay at a distance from the kingdom of France, which could neither seize nor retain it, without at the same time seizing other territories, from "which almost the whole of Europe would conspire to drive them. If, however, the de fence of Hanover was an object of such magnitude, our wisest policy was, not to make war upon, the Continent, where our power could never be advantageously exerted ; bjit to seize on their foreign possessions, for which they would always be willing to abandon whatever conquests they might make in Germany. These opinions, in themselves not without plausibility, and per haps not disliked by the king, were not confined to private circles and the conversation of politicians. They were daily propagated from the press, and began to have no inconsiderable influence upon the judgement of the public. Such, at any rate, were the opinions of Lord Bute, who enjoyed much of the king's confi dence and favour, and who being new brought into office, must necessarily introduce his own maxims into the national councils. Though it might be true, that Britain was unable successfully to contend with France in a war upon the Continent, it was certain, that the resources of that country were greatly exhaust ed, and that she was becoming very desirous of peace. During a considerable period, she had been prevented from possessing any intercourse with her colonies ; and that part of their produce which it had been attempted to bring home, had generally fallen into the hands of the British. Her trade was annihilated, and her credit by consequence had almost failed. The king, the prin ces Chap. I.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. Ill ces of the blood, the chief nobles, and dignified clergy, induced by the general distress, had sent their plate to the mint to be coined, — a wretched expedient, which only prolongs that misery it is designed to remedy. The alliance with Austria, which had long been reckoned the natural enemy of France, had never been popular, and was now execrated as the cause of all the national disasters ; arid the French king had declared to seve ral of the European powers, his desire to terminate by negotiar tion a contest which had so long involved so many kingdoms in misery. Almost all the powers willingly listened to a proposal which was in effect now become in a great measure necessary to their welfare. Maria Theresa alone, who still ardently desired to humble the Prussian king, was averse to pacific measures ; but she was unable, without the support of others, to continue the war. She was induced, therefore, in compliance with the de sires of France and the other powers, to consent that a general congress should be held at Augsbourg. This proposal was made to the British court by Choiseul, the French minister, through the Russian minister, Prince Gallitzin ; and the British government, along with Frederick, without hesita tion consented to negotiate. Britain, at the same time, consented to treat for a separate peace, as her own affairs, and those of France, were still more involved than those of any of the other contend ing parties. Those who were desirous of peace eagerly looked forward to the congress of Augsbourg, as to the probable termi nation of those troubles which had so long desolated the world ; but their expectations were in a short time discovered to be fal lacious. The empress- queen, though she had apparently agreed to negociate, was perhaps unwilling that peace should be conclu ded; and the British and Prussians, probably elated by their suc cess, declared, that as the emperor was not principally concern ed in the war, he had no right to send a minister to the proposed congress. However futile this mode of reasoning might appear to the impartial, it had the effect which the Austrians and many of the British wished, by preve-nting the negotiation. Upon such trifling circumstances depends the fate of hrillions. Hostilities, meanwhile, were carried en in differsnt parts 112 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. I. of the World, though hardly with all their former energy. The British, conceiving that the island of Belleisle, upon the coast of Brittany, would be an advantageous post to be occupied in time of war, and might be an object for which the French would be willing to make some valuable concession at the return of peace, fitted out an expedition against it. The island, which was twelve leagues in circumference, was strongly fortified, and was occupied by a considerable garrison, under the command of the Chevalier St Croix. The fleet prepared on this occasion was put under the command of Commodore Keppel ; the land-forces were intrusted to General Hodgson. Leaving Spithead on the 29th of March, they arrived before Belleisle on the 7th of April. They next day attempted to land, but were repulsed, with the loss of five hundred men. The stormy weather for some time prevented them from renewing their attempt ; but on the 25th they again made a descent, where, on account of the natural strength of the coast, the French did not defend it with much care. A small party, under the command of Brigadier Lambert, succeeded in landing, and repulsed a body of French, who attempted to dislodge them from the post which they oc- i cupied. Under the cover of this detachment, the whole army landed without opposition, and they immediately commenced the siege. The Chevalier St Croix made a vigorous defence ; but the British fleet preventing him from having any connection with the Continent, he was obliged at length to surrender. He ca pitulated on the 7th of June, and obtained honourable terms. In this expedition the British lost two thousand men, a loss which many thought to be very great, in proportion to the value of the capture. The transactions in America and the West Indies scarcely deserve to be mentioned. The Cherokee Indians, the only ene my in the former who had made any active exertions, were easily subdued, and compelled to assent to an advantageous peace. In the West Indies, Dominica, an island which was nominally neutral, but was in the possession of the French, was reduced to the power of the British. Pondicherry was the only place of importance in the East Indies, which remained in possession of the French ; and of this the Chap. I.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. ) 113 the British were resolved if possible to deprive' them. While, Admiral Stevens blockaded it by sea, Colonel Coote laid siege to it by land. The attack was prosecuted with great vigour, and the defence was conducted with equal gallantry. Encouraged by their hopes of aid from a powerful fleet, of which they daily expected the arrival, the French sustained with astonishing for titude all the miseries of famine. Such was the distress to which they were reduced, that they eagerly fed on the flesh of camels, elephants, dogs, and even of vermin, from which men in general turn with disgust. A storm which, on the 1st of Ja nuary 1761, dispersed the British fleet, inspired the besieged with new hopes in the midst of their sufferings. These hopes, how ever, were soon found to be fallacious. Such was the celerity with which the British Admiral repaired the damages which his vessels had sustained, that in four days he again appeared be fore the place. A breach was already made in the walls, which was thought to be practicable ; and only one day's provisions now remained in the place. Notwithstanding their desperate si tuation, the governor and his troops inflexibly refused to capitu late. The inhabitants would willingly have surrendered ; but the governor would neither propose terms, nor listen to any which were proposed to him. Somewhat contrary to his inclination, therefore, Coote ordered his troops to take the town by storm, and it was consequently given up to be plundered by the soldiers. The capture of Pondicherry, which took place on the 15th of January, totally annihilated the power of the French in the Car- natic ; while, on the very same day, a victory obtained by the British in Bengal, completely disconcerted an attempt which had been made to re-establish the French influence in that quar ter. Mr Law, descended from British progenitors, though him self a subject of France, after the taking of Chandernagore in 1757, had retired with a considerable number of Europeans, chiefly French, into the interior of India, where the situation of the native princes greatly favoured his schemes of aggrandise ment. The Mogul, the sovereign of the country, though his power in many instances was rather nominal than real, had lately been deposed by the Mahrattas, one of the most warlike native Vol. III. P tr'kes 5 114 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. I. tribes ; and at his death, which happened soon after, Shah Tad-, dah, one of his sons, being favoured by some of the provinces, had assumed his father's dignity. Law j udged this to be. a favour able opportunity for bringing, himself into notice, and he accord ingly offered to join the young prince, with 'about, two hundred Europeans, who had followed him into the interior. The prof fered aid was joyfully received, and such was the influence of the Europeans, small as their number was, that they decided the, matter in favour of the cause which they had, espoused. En couraged by this success, and having still in view- the depression of. the enemies of France,, Law persuaded the Mogul to turn his arms against Bengal, where the influence of the British was very considerable. He aqcordinglv marched with*eighty thou sand native troops, accompanied by the two hundred Europeans, on whose exertions depended in no inconsiderable degree his hope, of success. This army was opposed by the Subah of Bengal, with twenty thousand men, supported by five hundred British. The victory depended more upon the number of European, than of native troops. The British accordingly were successful. The greater part of the Frenchmen fell, and Lnw himself was made prisoner, with the Mogul, whom he had so unfortunately per suaded to invade this province. In Europe, the war, which was conducted with various for tune, furnished not any very remarkable incident. The allies were anxious, if possible, to drive the French frora Germany, where they were still in possession of* great part of Westphalia, and of the whole of Hesse. Prince Ferdinand, who opposed them in this quarter, had an army much inferior to them in number ; but this disadvantage he hoped to compensate by mi litary skill, in which it must be owned he was by no means de ficient. The French he believed to be less capable than his own men of withstanding the rigours of a northern winter ; and he conceived, that by commencing his operations during the severest season of the year, he should be able to compensate for his inferiority in number. On; the 9th of February, when the enemy were unsuspicious of danger, and consequently were ill prepared to oppose it, he began his march. By the rapidity of his movements, which at the same time were directed with much judgement, he succeeded not only in separating the French from Chap. I.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 115 from- a strong garrison which they had posted in Gottihgen, "hut in cutting them off from any intercourse with the impe rial army, while he opened' a cdrri'muhication between his own troops and those of Prussia. The enemy, totally unprepared to oppose these operatioris, fled on all harids, notwithstanding the*. superiority of their numbers ; and they owed their safety rather to the strength of the Country through which they passed, than to the skill or order with which their retreat was conducted. At Fruster, a fortified town, upon the Eder, one of the tribu tary streams of the Weser, which, after a short resistance, fell into his hands, he made himself master of a great quantity of inilitary stores. The Marquis of Granby, who had succeeded Lord Sackville in the command of the British, took several strong places in the vicinity ; thus gaining possession of the prin cipal magazines, which the enemy had established for the en suing campaign. All these places, however, were of inferior im portance to Cassel, the chief city of Hesse, a fortress of great strength, which was now invested. The French, meanwhile, recovered from their panic, returned under Broglio, and attack ing the hereditary prince, whom the heat of victory had hurried forwards somewhat incautiously, they compelled him to retreat in his turn. Prince Ferdinand was obliged to raise the siege of Cassel, and thought himself happy in being able to escape into Hanover with comparatively little loss. Ferdinand's design in attacking the French during the winter, was thus iri a great measure, though not entirely, frustrated. The destruction of the enemy's magazines was a loss they could not easily repair, so that they found it impossible to pursue Fer dinand ; or indeed to derive any other advantage from their late victory, than that of haVing obliged the allies to retire. They accordingly again betook themselves to their winter-quarters, and neither party for a considerable period had recourse to active operations. About the end of the ensuing June, however, Broglio, who had been joined by a corisiderable body of troops, left his posi tion at Cassel, and marching towards the Diml, a branch of the Weser, proposed to form a junction with a body of troops under the command of the Prince de Soubise,at that time in Westphalia. P 2 As 116 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. I. As he advanced, he obliged General Sporken to retreat, after suffering considerable loss; and he immediately effected the propo sed junction. Broglio, with this accession of strength, proceed ed to attack the allied army, which, under the command of Fer dinand, was posted upon the banks of the Lippe. The position which Ferdinand occupied was strong ; and he had taken the proper measures to secure a retreat, should he be defeated. In a partial attack, which, on the 15th of July, he made on the Marquis of Granby's troops, Broglio was defeated ; but he was not by this discouraged from making on the following day a general attack. In this action the allies were victorious, but their success was not such as to decide the fate of the cam paign. In consequence of his defeat, Broglio changed his plan of operations, and by separating his troops, and dispatching them to different quarters, he attempted to distract the measures of the enemy. Soubise, with one party, marched towards Mun- ster, with the design of besieging it ; and Broglio, with ano ther party, marched towards Hanover and Brunswick. Fer dinand himself undertook to observe the motions of Broglio, while he dispatched the hereditary prince to the protection of Munster. The latter was successful in his undertaking ; he pre vented the Prince de Soubise from besieging Munster, and re turning, compelled Broglio to evacuate Wolfenbuttle, which he had just taken. Without undertaking any other operation of importance, the different armies again retired into winter-quar ters, neither side having greatly altered their situation by the exertions of the summer. The King of Prussia, in the mean time, was opposed to adver saries so numerous, that in spite of all his former successes, he found no little difficulty in maintaining his ground. Laudohn, with the aid of the Russians, carried on hostilities in Silesia, while Romanzow advanced on the side of Pomerania and Prus sia, and was to lay siege to Kalberg. Daun commanded in Sax ony a body of forces, which was to act as an army of reserve, and to give aid to any part of the contending armies which might require it. In these circumstances, Frederick was obliged to confine himself to defensive measures. Yet such W2S his art* that Chap. I.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 117 that by menacing movements in different quarters, he made the enemy long believe that he was about to attack them. It was in Silesia, as the most important scene of action, that Frederick himself took his post ; and such was the skill with which his opposition was chosen, that he long prevented the enemy either from attacking him with advantage, or making any material pro gress in the subjugation of the country. Being obliged, how ever, in September, to abandon the post which he had so long maintained,, Laudohn successfully attacked Schweidnitz. Kol- berg, in the mean time, had been taken by the Russians and Swedes ; disasters which were not compensated to Frederick by any fortunate event. The misfortunes of the Prussian monarch probably made the British less averse than on some former occasions to listen to an overture for negotiation. France, it may be supposed, ardently wished for peace. Her finances were iii a very embarrassed state, and the annihilation of her commerce precluded all hope of improving them. She had accordingly expressed to her allies on different occasions her desire for the restoration of the peace of Europe, and to those in particular to whom she paid subsi dies. She declared, that in case the war were continued, she could no longer perform her engagements with her usual punc tuality. On these occasions France found her allies no less will ing than herself to contribute every thing in their power to the restoration of tranquillity. Jn consequence of this coincidence qf sentiment among, the allies of France, the Duke de Choiseul, through Prince Gallitzin, the Russian minister at London, trans mitted to the British minister, Pitt, a memorial, declaring in ge neral terms the desire of the French monarch to terminate the war which had so long agitated Europe, and particularly to put an end to that quarrel which had so long interrupted the prospe rity both of France and Britain. He expressed his intention of contributing as much as possible at the general congress, Which was about to meet at Augsbourg, to the restoration of,the peace of Europe ; but as the affairs of France and Britain were in a great measure distinct from those of the other contending powers, he indicated a wish that some principles should be settled, on which 118 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. I. which might be concluded a separate treaty between the two nations. The pacific overtures of the other European powers were fa vourably received by the. British minister. Augsbourg had al ready been fixed as the scene of the general negotiation ; and the British appointed Lord Egremont, Lord Stormont, -and General Yorke, to be their plenipotentiaries at that congress, At the same time, to conduct that part of the negotiation- which more properly belonged to France and Britain, M. Bussy was received at London on fhe;partof the former, while on the part of the latter Mr Stanley was received at Paris. The French minister was instructed to declare, that he was ready to treat upon the condition that each party should consider the possessions which they had acquired during the war as their own property, and should exchange them for each other in pro portion to their supposed value. To this proposal the British had no reason to object, since they had certainly during the war made much more valuable acquisitions than any which the ener my had to offer in return. The only difficulty which remained in this respect, was to fix the dates from which the principle was to operate in the different parts of the world ; and this was found to be a matter of some difficulty. The British minister, it has been alledged, was unwilling to fix any particular dates, till he could ascertain the success of the expedition against Belle isle. Whatever might be his motive, he did not fix any dates till that place had surrendered ; and then it was agreed, that the first of July in Europe, the first of September in the West In dies, and the first of November in the East Indies, should be considered as the termination of the war in these respective pla ces, should the negotiation have a successful issue. It was at the same time agreed, that the treaty between France and Britain should be in all respects binding upon these two nations, inde pendent of such stipulations as might be made at Augsbourg. Nothing could have a greater appearance of candour and sin cerity than the conduct of the French at the commencement of this negotiation. By confining the negotiation to the affairs of Britain and France, they in a great measure abandoned the ad vantages to be acquired from their success upon the Continent ; arid Chap. I.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 119 and;by stipulating that each should treat for all that they had conquered,, as if it were their own property, they gave Britain a very manifest superiority, since the acquisitions on the one side were without doubt much more valuable than those on the other. Yet, notwithstanding this apparent sincerity, many have not he sitated to affirm, that from the beginning the French had no design that the negotiation should be prosperous. By thehumi- lity of their concessions, it has been supposed they hopad to in terest in their behalf: the other powers, particularly Spain, who, it might be conjectured, would be unwilling to permit the chief branch of the house of Bourbon to be so much depressed. France, in short, according to these reasoners, hoped to engage Spain to espouse her quarrel, and to render Britain still more odious to the world, under the pretext that she had refused to accede to a treaty introduced with so many concessions. Whether these speculations have any real foundation, or whe ther they may not be merely the conjectures of political reason ers, it might not, among the contradictory opinions that prevail, be easy to ascertain. Whatever may have been Choiseul's real intentions, he seems to have managed the negotiation with great dexterity and address. He even had the art to convince Mr Stanley, that it was highly, proper to conceal every part of the negotiation from the allies on both sides. He proceeded yet farther ; he persuaded the British minister at Paris, that it was necessary to keep hid from Bussy, the French resident at Lon don, great part of the most important propositions on which the treaty was to be founded. It was agreed, that France should present certain articles on which she was willing to conclude a peace ; and the following were accordingly proposed. It was proposed that Canada'should be yielded in full possession to Britain ; but in return it was stipulated, that the colonists should have the free use of the Ca tholic religion ; that the subjects of France should, if they chose, be permitted to leave the colony ; that the limits of the country should be correctly ascertained, so as to preclude future disputes; that the French should enjoy the privilege of fishing on the bank? of Newfoundland ; and that, to render this privilege beneficial, Cape Breton should be put into their possession, but without any 120 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. I. any power to erect fortifications. It was proposed that France should restore Minorca, and its citadel Fort St Philip ; in return • for which the British were to restore Guadaloupe and Marie- galante. The Cassites were to be allowed to retain possession of Dominica and St Vincent's, under the protection of France. St Lucie was to be restored to France ; and under certain stipu lations, Tobago was to remain the property of Britain. France disclaimed all intentions of making permanent conquests in the East Indies, and was of opinion that Britain ought to concur in the same design ; and it was accordingly proposed that the treaty between Godeheu and Saunders, concluded in 1755, should afford a foundation on which finally to settle the affairs of that country. Britain might retain possession of either Sene gal or Goree, but could not be allowed to possess both ; and in return for that retained, she was to restore Belleisle to France, in the same condition as when it was taken ; at the same time, France agreed to evacuate Hesse,. Hanover, and that part of Hanover which her troops occupied. It was proposed, that the King of Prussia should not be joined by any part of Ferdinand's army ; while, on the other hand, Broglio was to retire from Frankfort, and Soubise from Wesel andGueldres.' A consider able portion of the Prussian territory upon the Lower Rhine, had been conquered by the empress-queen, and was governed in her name. Concerning this France could make no stipulation previous to the congress at Augsbourg ; but whatever number of troops Britain should remove from these countries, France agreed to remove double that number. France demanded that the vessels taken before the declaration of war should be restored ; but as this part of the British procedure was conceived to be contrary to the law of nations, it was referred to the British law- courts, and to the national honour. France, in a style of poli tics even then almost obsolete in Britain, offered to guarantee theProtestant succession ; and it was proposed, that both France and Britain should restore their prisoners without ransom. Some of these propositions were such, that it could hardly be expected that the British government should ever assent to them ; and the unfavourable impression which these were cal culated to make, was augmented by two memorials which ac- , fompanied Chap. I. J. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 121 companied them. Of these memorials the first regarded Spain. In it the French king affirmed, that the disputes between Spain and Britain were such as menaced the world with the renewal of war, unless they were speedily adjusted ; that the King of Spain had informed the French ministry, that he had a right to insist on the restoration of several vessels taken during the war under Spanish colours ; that Spain should be allowed the privi lege of fishing, on the banks of Newfoundland, and that the Bri tish settlements in Honduras should be demolished ; and he concluded with declaring, that if these causes of complaint led to a rupture between the nations, he would be obliged to fulfil his engagements to his allies, that is, he would be obliged to take the part of Spain. The other memorial regarded the em press-queen, and declared, that she had consented to a separate peace between France and Britain, only on condition that she might retain in her possession the countries which she had con quered from Frederick, and that he should be joined by none of the powers in alliance with Hanover. If France at all desired peace, the obtrusion of these memo rials was an unfortunate circumstance. Such, indeed, was the presumption which this conduct indicated, that many scrupled not to assert, that peace with Britain was not the object of France. Others attempted, if not to justify, at least to palliate, her con duct. The information respecting the empress-queen, it was affirmed, originated from that high sense of honour by which the French desired to be distinguished in their conduct towards -their allies. The memorial regarding Spain, according to the same persons, proceeded not from any desire of embroiling Bri tain with that country, but from a hope, very ill founded in deed, that the dread of a war with Spain might induce the Bri tish the more easily to conclude a peace with France. The British minister, however, viewed these memorials in a very odious light. He haughtily declared, that it was highly presumptuous to introduce Spain or her concerns in a negotia tion which regarded only France and Britain ; and he affirmed, that any thing similar would in future be regarded as an insult to the British monarchy. The memorial regarding the empress- queen he considered as being equally presumptuous, and equally Vol. I. O inadmissible ; 122 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. I. inadmissible ; and both were returned, with an assurance, that to produce them again would be viewed as a signal for the ter mination of all pacific measures. If France really desired peace, she might now be convinced of her error in supposing that she could procure it by the interference of Spain. If she wished only to assume for her own purposes a pacific appearance, she might be convinced, that a negotiation accompanied with some thing resembling threats, was not well calculated fo secure her purpose. She condescended, therefore, to apologise for that part of her conduct which had given offence, and declared her willingness to make any reasonable concession which might be deemed necessary to the re-establishment of tranquillity. In consequence of these overtures, and of the wish for peace which France so warmly expressed, the British minister at Paris was authorised to propose the following conditions : The cession of Canada, without any restriction or limitation, as well as Cape Breton, and the other islands in the gulph of St Lawrence, and the settlements of Senegal and Goree ; the neutral islands to be divided between the treating parties, Minorca to be restored to the British, and the fortifications of Dunkirk to be demolished, at the same time that Ostend and Njeuport were, to be evacua ted ; the East-India Company to receive complete satisfaction ; Cleves, Wesel, Gueldres, and all the territories belonging to the King^of Prussia, arid the other allies of Britain, to be resto red ; at the same time the British monarch retained full power to assist the King of Prussia, according to the treaties which subsisted between them. The prizes demanded by France could not be restored ; they were taken, indeed, before the formal de claration of war, but after hostilities had long been carried on, particularly by France herself. Britain W3S ready, should these propositions be favourably received, to restore Belleisle and Gua- daloupe, to admit the French to a participation of the benefits of the Newfoundland fishery ; and in order to render this privi lege the more beneficial to them, they should receive the island- of St Pierre, which, under certain conditions, they were to re tain for the accommodation of those employed in the fishery. These conditions, it must be owned, were extremely severe i yet France was either so desirous of peace, or found it so con venient Chap. I.] REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 123 venient to assume that appearance, that in. a memorial presented soon afterwards, she consented to the greater part of them ; but she continued to insist, that a. strict neutrality should be obser ved with regard to Prussia, and that the ships taken before the declaration of war should be restored. Britain peremptorily re fused to accede to either of these conditions ; the negotiation terminated abruptly and unsuccessfully, the respective minis ters being in a short time recalled. To this measure the British minister is said to have been strongly prorhpted by secret intelli gence which he is generally supposed to have received of that treaty between France and Spain, known by the name of the Family-Compact. The presumed interference of Spain, in the negotiation be tween France and Britain, had excited in the minds of the Bri tish ministry, and indeed in the British in general, the most lively resentment. France, it is true, had declared, that Spain had not interfered, and that the memorial concerning her was not intended to offend ; but this affirmation had met with little credit, and Pitt thought himself justified in desiring the Earl of Bristol, at that time ambassador at Madrid, to lay before the Spanish court a memorial upon the subject. He was instructed to demand from the Spanish ministry, an unequivocal declara tion concerning the authority by which France had delivered to Britain, in the name of the Spanish monarch, a memorial, which, in Pitt's language, « best spoke its own enormity." Should Spain avow her interference in the negotiation between France and Britain, Bristol was instructed to remonstrate strongly against the irregularity and impropriety of such conduct, and to declare, that such an interference, which so much resembled a threat, would always render Britain rather more averse, than more will ing, to comply with the terms of her enemies. With regard to the capture of ships under Spanish colours, complained of in the memorial, Bristol was desired to inform the Spanish mini stry, that British courts, for the cognisance of such matters, were always open to such as chose to apply to them. He was desi red at the same time to declare, that the obsolete claim of a right to fish on the banks of Newfoundland, could not be for a moment admitted. The settlements on the coast of Honduras were not Q2 in 124 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. I. in the sanie situation. Britain was willing to treat concerning them, provided the overtures were not made through France. Nor were these the only subjects on which the ambassador was authorised to remonstrate. Spain, it was well known, was ma king great naval preparations in several of her ports'; and in such a case, it was thought not unreasonable to demand an explicit explanation concerning her hostile or pacific dispositions with re gard to Britain. While the British ambassador was requested to make these communications to the court of Spain, he was de sired, if he found the Spaniards inclined to give a favourable and pacific explanation of the memorial, to afford them an op portunity by which an honourable accommodation might be speedily accomplished. The Earl of Bristol, in consequence of these instructions, made the necessary communications to Don Ricardo Wall, the Spa nish minister ; and he soon received an answer to the different particulars. Wall, in the name of his government, assured the British ambassador, that the King of Spain had, in consequence of the earnest request of France, agreed, that both nations should join in accommodating their differences with Britain, not with a view, to prolong hostilities, but render the peace more permanent ; since, should a rupture unfortunately ensue between Spain and Britain, France, in consequence of existing treaties, would be under the necessity of taking part with the former. Was it, besides, at all possible, that Spain should b^ anxious to provoke hostilities with Britain, at a time when her power and resources had attained unprecedented grandeur ? The naval armaments - in the Spanish ports were not of such magnitude, in Wall's opinion, as to occasion on the part of Britain any serious ap prehensions; the whole number of ships, even including frigates, not exceeding twenty. A greater number had been kept in commission, during the reign of the late king, Ferdinand ; and the whole were not more than sufficient for the ordinary occa sions of the state. Part were employed in maintaining a corre spondence between Spain and Sicily, of which the king, during the minority of his son, was protector. Part were necessary to protect the vessels employed in conducting his trade with his American colonics ; and part to defend his coasts from the de predations Chap. I.] . REIGN OF GEORGE III. 125 predations of the African pirates. The Spanish minister scrupled not to avow, that the warmest friendship subsisted between the courts of France and Spain ; but he declared, that had the latter imagined that the memorial in question could have given such offence, it would not have been delivered. , Such were the sentiments of the Spanish ministry, with re gard to the mode in which the offensive memorial had been de livered, and with regard to their wish of continuing the war by their interference in the negotiation; with respect to the substance of the negotiation itself, they were less flexible. The captures which had been made of vessels under Spanish colours, might, in their opinion, be easily adjusted ; but they could not, without feelings of the most disagreeable kind, advert to the peremptory and harsh refusal of Britain to permit Spain to have any participation in the Newfoundland fishery, especially as it ,was accompanied with a determination equally positive, not to relinquish their possessions upon the coast of tlonduras, which she held not so much by right, as by unprincipled usurpation. Notwithstanding these remonstrances, Spain still avowed her amicable disposition, and declared her willingness to concur in any measures which might tend to strengthen and prolong peace. What was yet more explicit, she confessed that she was not only unwilling to contend with Britain, but dreaded the conse quences of a rupture with so powerful an adversary. These declarations, if any faith could be reposed in the Spa nish ministry, certainly indicated, no hostile disposition. On the contrary, they afforded a fair prospect of a speedy and agree able termination of all differences by negotiation. Yet the Earl of Bristol's communications had not been received in Bri tain more than a week, when Pitt, notwithstanding their ami cable contents, suddenly proposed in a cabinet-council, that our ambassador should be recalled from Spain ; and that war should be declared against that kingdom ; offering at the same tme a Very extensive and bold plan, by which her power, her commerce, and her colonies, might be assailed. This proposition, so unforeseen, and indeed in its nature so extraordinary, was delivered to the council in writing, in form of advice to the king, signed by Pitt, and his brother-in-law, Lord Temple. 126 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. I. Temple. At three several meetings of -the council, called ex pressly for that purpose, the matter was warmly debated ; but all the arguments adduced* by Pitt, and his relation Lord Temple, failed in convincing the other members, that the declaration of war was eithfer a necessary or a wise measure. This dispo sition in the council, which the minister considered as obstinacy, irritated him so much, that he resolved to resign his office. He was called to the ministry, he said, by the voice of the people, and to them he (considered himself as being accountable for his conduct. He could not, therefore, remain in a situation which made him accountable for measures he was no longer allowed to guide. This mode of expressing himself gave great and just offence. It was very properly observed by Lord Granville, the president of the council, that if their measures were to be dic tated by the inflexible opinions of an individual, it was ridicu lous to assemble them for the purpose of deliberation. The mi nister, he remarked, was accountable for the advice which he gave in that council, not to the people, but to the king ; and he added, that it remained for the council to be convinced of the infallibility of their guide's understanding, before they impli citly gave up their own to his management. . Pitt remained in flexible, and resigned his office. It would not be easy to justify the minister's resignation, merely because his opinion was not implicitly adopted in the cabinet, unless it were to be understood as a maxim in the Bri tish constitution, that a minister is to attend to no opinion but his own. Such a maxim would lead to consequences not only ridiculous, but dangerous ; and Pitt himself, though he used the obnoxious expression, did not at a subsequent period pretend to justify himself upon that ground. He affirmed, that he had received information on which he relied, that Spain's intentions were actually hostile ; and that it was for this reason chiefb/ that he wished immediate war to be proclaimed against them, for the purpose of overwhelming their power before they were prepared for resistance. Though Pitt actually had received such information, he could scarcely expect that the council, who knew nothing of it, should agree to a measure of the most vio lent-kind, a measure which could not be justified without the most Chap. I.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. J27 most certain intelligence of the hostile disposition of the Spa niards. It has even heen doubted whether Pitt really possessed such information as could justify him in hii proposed attack upon the Spaniards. It was afterwards ascertained, that the family-com pact was at this time signed and ratified ; but it has been doubt ed whether the British minister possessed any such intelligence of that measure, as to justify the violent enterprise which he so warmly urged. It has been supposed, indeed, that he received information of the ratification of the family-compact from Keith, the Lord Mareschal of Scotland; who, on account of the part which he took in the late rebellion, had been obliged to leave his country, but was restored to his estates at the intercession of the King of Prussia, and in recompence, some have asserted, of the information which he at this time conveyed. If this were' the case, Pitt might be able to justify his conduct to himself, but not to the nation, since he seems not to have avowed his intelligence even to his colleagues in office. The only information which Pitt at that time brought forward in vindication of his projected measures, was communicated to him from Paris by Mr Stanley ; but even when Stanley's infor mation was produced, it seemed to be by far too uncertain to serve as a foundation for the declaration of war. Stanley, in a letter to Pitt, transmitted w%at had been secretly shewn him as the tenth article of a treaty between France and Spain. He himself seemed to be somewhat uncertain of the authenticity of his intelligence ; and in reality, when the family-compact was afterwards made public, it contained no such article. The mat ter at any rate was by far too doubtful, to authorise -Britain to declare war against a nation which was treating with her for peace, which in the most solemn manner had avowed the most pacific intentions, and which had not by any deed of violence evinced a hostile disposition. The council, accordingly, when Stanley's information was laid before them, were of opinion, that it could afford no rational foundation for those hostile mea sures which the minister was so anxious to adopt. The singular circumstance, that the article communicated by Stanley made in reality no part of the family-compact, has given 128 HISTORY OF THE t [Chap. L rise to various conjectures concerning its origin. Some have, imagined, that the article originally made part of the treaty be- . tween France and Spain ; but that it had been rejected before the treaty was finally settled. Others have not scrupled to as sert, that the whole originated in the policy of the French mi- , riistrv. Pitt's violent character was well known ; and they pro bably hoped, by this pretended intelligence, to rouse him to an act of violence, which would unavoidably involve him in a war with Spain, and render him odious to the rest. of Europe. Allowing, after all, that Pitt possessed information on which. he could rely of the secret enmity of the Spaniards, the preci pitation of hostilities seemed to promise no advantage which- could compensate . for the stain which must thus inevitably. have adhered to the national character. The Spanish fleet might; indeed have been attacked in a state somewhat unprepared ; hut- that fleet, even after long preparation, could not be rendered in any degree equal to a contest with the British navy. The colo-f nies could not, in a short time, be put in a situation which would? render them safe from an attack. There was indeed. a chance, though but a slight chance, of intercepting the flota, which con veyed from America the Spanish treasure ; but had this even been certain, it surely became not Britain to stain her honour for all the wealth which in this way could have been ac quired. Whatever may have been Pitt's motive for his conduct at this,time, or whatever may have been the intelligence on which it was founded, it appeared to himself to be entirely justifiable ; and in his character he was too inflexible to recede from his purpose of resigning. He waited upon the king, with the seals of his office, who received them with firm dignity, and without testifying any wish that they should be retained. He concealed not his regret for the loss of- a minister,- whose talents he con fessed to be of a very superior order ; but he, at the same time, declared himself to be entirely satisfied with the determination of his council. He even went so far as to affirm, that if .they had supported Mr Pitt in his designs, he himself would have been, placed in a very disagreeable situation, as he certainly should not have been able to approve of their conduct. His political difference Chap. I.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. r?9 difference with his minister, had not, however, diminished his high opinion of his transcendent abilities, and his past services ; and as a testimony of the esteem of his king, the choice was laid open to him of such honours as a British monarch has to bestow. Pitt, who had not expected treatment sq condescend ing and so noble, could not support the powerful impression. He declared his surprise at this very flattering conduct, and his inability to support it ; and he who stood unmoved amidst the applause or reproaches of a senate, was melted into tears by the gracious demeanour of his sovereign. The offers made of the honours and benefits which the nation could bestow, was not meant to terminate in empty compliment. A pension of three thousand pounds yearly was conferred upon him for three lives ; and as he himself refused to participate in the honours of nobility, his lady was created Baroness of Chatham, with remainder to her heirs-male. The pension, though by accepting it he hazarded his popularity, was render ed necessary by the situation of his affairs. His estate was at first small, and his public employment, by engaging his attention almost solely in the affairs of the state, left him little time for the regulation of his private economy, and besides imposed upon him an expensive mode of life. His pension, therefore, was requisite in order to enable him to maintain his dignity ; and few pensions have been more fairly earned hy great public exer tions. Pitt's administration was distinguished by a vigour and promptitude which have seldom been equalled. During the whole time of it, the nation was engaged in war, and perhaps he was better qualified to shine in the bustle and activity of war, than in the calmer scenes of peace. Possessing talents of the very highest order, he was fully sensible of his own superiority, and scrupled not to make others feel it. His temper, which Was warm and impetuous, was at the same time inflexible, and all his measures were conducted with equal keenness and perseve rance. - No danger could intimidate him, nor any difficulty oc casion to him a moment's hesitation ; yet, such were his sa gacity and penetration, that he seldom failed in adjusting his plan so as to accomplish his purpose. Piis uninterrupted Vol. I. R success 230 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. L success cannot be attributed to chance, or to a lucky concurrence of circumstances, it must in a great measure have been owing to the clearness of his judgement in contriving, and his uncom mon vigour in execution. Even in his last dispute with the council, though it would not be easy to free him from all blame of precipitation, and even of imprudence, fortunately for his fame; the event turned out exactly as he had foretold. Yet, his in fluence was founded rather on the esteem and awe which he com manded, than on the affection which he had been able to inspire. His manners were too unaccommodating to be amiable, and he was too conscious of his own superiority, to submit to the gen tler arts of complaisance and affability. What he could not com mand, he disdained to solicit. Britain never enjoyed a minister, who so powerfully evinced to the world what her warlike resour ces are capable of effecting, when they are properly directed. While these disputes agitated the national councils, transac tions of a gentler nature attracted much of the people's atten tion. The king, who, to prevent public discussion, had been remarkably reserved upon the subject, suddenly called a council extraordinary, and declared his intention to demand in marriage the Princess Charlotte, sister to the Duke of Mecklenburgh- Strelitz. The character of the princess was such as to justify Iiis choice. Lord Harcourt was immediately dispatched to ne gotiate the marriage. Lord Anson sailed with a fleet, to conduct the princess to Britain, and the Duchesses of Ancaster and Ha milton were sent to accompany her upon the voyage. The embassy arrived at Strelitz on the 14th of August, and the ne gotiation, which was immediately commenced, was very soon terminated. Leaving Strelitz on the 17th, the princess on the 23d arrived at Cuxhaven, and, after a tempestuous passage, she landed at Harwich on the 7th of September. On the following day she reached London, where she was received with the ut most demonstrations of joy, and the marriage was on the same evening celebrated by Dr Seeker, Archbishop of Canterbury. On the 22d of September, the ceremony of the coronation was per formed with great magnificence. On all these occasions, the young queen displayed that affability of deportment for which she has so long continued to be distinguished. If Chap. I.] REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 13! If Pitt, who was now succeeded by Lord Egremont, expected that the example of his resignation would be followed by a con siderable number in the council, he was disappointed. His ex ample, on the contrary, was followed by very few. He seems, in truth, to have had, at least in the council, very few personal adherents. The Duke of Newcastle, in particular, who had been so long in name the British prime minister, and who ha ving approved of all Pitt's measures, might be supposed willing to follow his fortune, remained unmoved, not displeased probably that he was now rid of a colleague whose abilities so much sur passed his own. The Duke's remaining in the cabinet, how ever, did not secure to him the administration of affairs. Lord Bute was now universally regarded as the British minister. To him all who were anxious for preferment paid their court, and against him were directed the execrations of that numerous class, who were of opinion that Pitt's splendid abilities had been sacri ficed to the king's partiality for a favourite servant. The popu lace of London seized an early opportunity of evincing their opinion of this affair. When the king, in compliance with an established custom, proceeded, with the officers of state, to the Guildhall of London, on the first anniversary of the elec tion of a Lord Mayor, he himself was received with the usual demonstrations of loyalty ; Pitt was received with the most extravagant acclamations ; while Bute experienced almost every species of affront which the populace could invent. Nor was it the lower ranks alone who testified their approbation of Pitt's conduct. In the common council, a vote of thanks to him, expressed in the most flattering terms, was unanimously passed. If Bute himself may be believed, he did not rejoice in that ministerial revolution which brought him into power. He felt all the difficulties of his situation, as well as the odium he must incur in succeeding so popular a minister. The task, in deed, must have been arduous, to succeed to one who had so long, and indeed so meritoriously, enjoyed the esteem of the public. Pitt, nevertheless, by his acceptance of a pension, and of family- honours, had greatly injured his popularity; and a very able, or even a very artful minister, might have turned the popular cur- R % rent 132 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. I; rent to his own side ; but for this Bute wanted either the Capa city or the art ; and in a short time Pitt, even when he opposed the measures of administration, enjoyed hardly less popularity when he directed them. Though the ministry were averse to declare immediate, and as they thought unprovoked, war against the Spaniards, they were not willing to purchase their friendship by mean conces sions, or humiliating conduct. On the contrary, while they continued to treat for peace, they shewed that they were not unprepared for war ; though, if any credit could be attached to the communications from their ambassador at Madrid, they had little reason to think war probable. Don Ricardo Wall, the Spanish minister, in the opinion of the Earl of Bristol, acted on all occasions in a manner too ingenuous to incur any suspicion of duplicity ; and he continually averred, that Spain wished to avoid hostilities with Britain, insinuating at the same time, that very slight concessions with regard to the subjects of dispute, would be sufficient for the confirmation of peace. Even when the negotiation between France and Britain termi nated unsuccessfully, Spain was far from evincing any design to take a decisive part in the contest. Wall expressed his regret, indeed, that the dispute could not be amicably adjusted, but he made not the slightest insinuation of an intended inter ference. In France, however, the Spanish policy was placed in a different point of view. Notwithstanding the amicable ap pearance of matters, it was affirmed, that a rupture between Spain and Britain was unavoidable, and that it would very soon take place. It was even affirmed, that in the treaty which had been secretly concluded between the nations, it had been agreed to endeavour, by the prosecution of hostilities, to force Britain to accede to terms sufficiently honourable and advantageous to the combined powers. On these subjects, Bristol was instructed to remonstrate. He was desired to inform the Spanish court, that the late change in the British ministry had made no change in the disposition of government. If common report might be credited, the treaty said to be concluded between France and Spain, was of a de scription highly inimical to Britain, and the British ministry thought Chap. L} REIGN OF GEORGE III. 1S3 thought It incumbent on them to demand an explicit declaration of the intentions of Spain, and a communication of the most important articles of the treaty. To continue to negotiate, while these remained in doubt, would, they affirmed, be altogether nu gatory. These remonstrances, however, Bristol was to make, not in a peevish or irritated manner, but with that cool dignity which became a British minister, or rather in that conciliatory tone which might indicate the desire of the nation for peace. He was at the same time instructed to assure the Spanish court, that if these communications were made in a way that evinced a wish for peace, the British were not averse to make such con cessions on the other subjects under discussion, as might satisfy all parties. He was even secretly informed, that in the conduct of this negotiation, he was entrusted with considerable discre tionary powers. If he found the Spanish court unwilling to com municate to him the treaty in question, he was desired to re ceive their solemn affirmation, if they were disposed to grant it, that the treaty contained nothing subversive of the interests of Britain. This affirmation, however, he was not to receive, unless it were given under the royal word of the Spanish king; communicated to him by the Spanish secretary of state, or to the British secretary of state, by the Conde de Fuentes, the Spanish resident at London. The Spanish ministers had received intelligence of Pitt's re signation before Bristol himself, and of the cause of it ; and such in consequence had been their behaviour towards the British mi nister, that he had thought it necessary to send a messenger to Britain, for the express purpose of conveying the intelligence. The report of an approaching rupture daily becoming more prevalent, occasioned great uneasiness to Bristol, and he found himself under the necessity of declaring to Wall, that he could not hear such rumours with indifference ; nor was he willing to believe them, without an explicit declaration from the Spanish government. Far from giving a conciliatory answer, Wall, in a tone of con siderable irritation, recapitulated the grievances of which Spain complained. The negotiation with France, he affirmed, had been, discontinued on the most frivolous grounds. Britain, intoxi cated 154 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. I. cated with her success, had evinced a design of ruining that power, and then Spain would undoubtedly fall before her. Spain had too long been an indolent spectator- of aggressions- which threatened the overthrow of the principal nations of Eu rope. Since destruction was ultimately decreed for them, it became a great and warlike nation, if they were to fall, not to fall without arms in their hands. Wall was at this time too much irritated to give a more satis factory answer ; and Bristol, fondly attributing the more disagree able part of his expressions to the passion in which they were uttered, resolved to introduce the subject at a more favourable opportunity. An opportunity soon occurred, when he was sur prised to hear Wall declare, with more deliberation and equal firmness, that the King of Spain was resolved not to permit the French monarch, his natural ally, and even his relation, to be overwhelmed by a power which could not be satisfied with the most favourable terms, and which seemed to aim at universal dominion. He scrupled not to confess, that the Kings of France and Spain had renewed their family-compacts ; but he refused to give any information of a more particular kind, con cerning the nature of the treaty which had been concluded. This intelligence, of a description so evidently hostile, made a strong impression upon the British ministry. It seemed in some measure to justify the plan proposed by Pitt ; and they were a- fraid that by a mode pf conduct too conciliatory, they might incur the reproach of pusillanimity. Bristol accordingly was in formed, in a memorial transmitted by Lord Egremont, that the British government was not, in consequence of Pitt's resignation, deprived of any portion of its decision and vigour, iie was de sired to regard with indifference the warm language of the Spanish secretary, and to maintain that calm dignity by which he had already distinguished himself. While he was cautioned carefully to avoid every thing which might unnecessarily irritate the Spanish ministry, he was directed to require explicit and unambiguous information of the intentions of Spain, — a demand which he was instructed to accompany with a declaration, that any thing that resembled evasion would be considered as an avowal of hostile intentions. If Bristol received not a satisfactory an swer, Chap. I.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 135 swer, or if the Spaniards confessed their design of joining France in the prosecution of the war, he was desired to depart from Madrid without taking his leave. Though warlike preparations were now making with great activity in many of the ports of Spain, Wall had resumed his calmnesjs of demeanour, and his pacific declarations ; and the British were pleasing themselves with the view of peace with Spain, when a memorial, delivered to Lord Egremont by the Conde de Fuentes, brought them back to their former uncer tainty. In this memorial, the desire of Britain to know the nature of the treaty between France and Spain, was treated as derogatory to the honour of the Spanish nation. The Earl of Bristol, too, at the court of Madrid^ continued to be amused with prospects which were never to be realised. Wall at one time assuming a conduct, frank and conciliating, at another cold, reserved, and even haughty, rendered him uncertain what in ference he ought to make from it. The Spanish minister treated the desires "of peace expressed in the memorials, since they were in general terms, and had been so often repeated, as altogether nugatory, especially as they were accompanied by conduct too evidently hostile. The Spanish monarch thought it below his dignity to satisfy the demands of Britain respecting the treaty with France. Wall himself, indeed, could, he said, perso nally resolve the demands which had been made ; but when he was pressed for that purpose, he refused ' to make any farther communication upon the subject. He would not even conde scend to affirm in general terms, whether the treaty were of an innocent nature. When Bristol received Egremont's last dispatches, desiring him to adopt conduct more decisive than he had hitherto done, he immediately waited upon Wall, and found him once more , returning to his pacific tone. He expressed his wishes in the strongest terms, that some method might be found of prevent ing a rupture between Spain and Britain ; and Bristol conceiv ed that he had even reason to hope, that a positive and satisfac tory answer might be given to his demands. When Bristol was taking leave, Wall took him by the hand, saying with a smile, He 136 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. I. He hoped ; but when pressed to discover the nature of his hopes, he refused to make any more explicit declaration. The dreams of peace which this conduct was calculated to in spire, were soon dispelled, when Bristol was informed on the fol lowing evening, that the dispatch which had been sent to Fuen- tes, contained all the answer which could be made to his demands. In consequence of this communication, Bristol declared, that since every attempt to procure such an answer as might tend to confirm the peace between the nations had failed, he was now under the necessity of asking, Whether the King of Spain in tended to join the King of France ? whether lie intended to act in a hostile manner ? whether, in short, he intended to depart in any respect from that neutrality which he had hitherto observed ? And he added, that a refusal to answer those inquiries would be construed into a declaration of hostilities. Wall, apparently sur prised at this conduct in the British ambassador, which never theless he had so much reason to expect,- could not conceal his- astonishment. He "asked with some eagerness, whether, in case of a refusal to answer these inquiries, the British ambas sador was instructed to take his leave. sBristol confessed that such were his orders ; but so unwilling was he that matters should come to that extremity, that he begged Wall, though at that time indisposed, to go personally to the king, to procure, if possible, some answer which might be deemed satisfactory. With this request Wall complied ; and Bristol's inquiries be ing expressed in writing, the Spanish minister personally com municated them to the king. They seem not to have occasioned much deliberation, since in a short time Bristol was informed, that his demands were so insulting, and so derogatory to the king's honour, that they amounted to a declaration of war ; and he was told that he was at liberty to depart as soon as he might think it convenient, and in whatever way he might think proper. At the same time that Bristol received this answer to his in quiries, dispatches were forwarded to Fuentes at London, in forming him of what had passed, and desiring him to take his leave with all convenient speed. Before his departure, he de livered a memorial to the British government, solemnly dis claiming ' Chap. I.] REIGN OF GEORGE ill. 137 claiming in the name of his nation, all blarrie which might be attached to the commencement of war ; arid attributing it sole ly to the unbounded ambition of Britain, which hurried her into so many iniquitous proceedings. The Spariish monarch, he averred, was justified in refusihg to give ahy explicit answer eoneerning the late treaty between Erance and Spain, by the arrogant way in which it had .beth demanded. But he now volun tarily declared, that the treaty which had excited "so much alarm; had hot any corinectioh With the Wat iri which Britain was en gaged'. So faf frorn Wishing to interpose ariy delay to the ter mination of hostilities between France arid Britain, Spain had of her own accord offered to withdraw for a time all con sideration of the fariVily-cdrhpact, if that ebiild iri any degree tend to accelerate a pacification; but even after this conde scension, and when France had held forth terins highly advan tageous to Britain, they wfcre disdairifully rejected, and without any provocation Ori her part; War Was mettaced agairist Spain. The better sense of th6 council, indeed; had prevented therrt from acquiescing in the first violent proposal bf Pitt ; but their conduct since his resignation, shewed that their intentions were not more pacific than his, and that they Were hardly more scru pulous regarding the measures to be pursued. This mehiorial was answered at considerable length by Lord Egrembnt. — -War was declared against Spain, ari example which Spain ori her part immediately followed. The negotiation that thus terminated in war, Which was pro claimed by Britain on the 4th of January 1762, has as usual been viewed by politicians in different lights. It is the opinion of many; that this War, So contrary to the real interests of both countries, originated in the obstinate pride of the Spaniards, in refusing an answer to Several inquiries Which the British had made. With more decisive rigour than politeness. At such a cause of war, the stern moralist cannot help feeling some emotions of indignation. Yet, that hostilities should be com menced for reasons equally frivolous, is no new event in the his tory of nations. Instances are unfortunately too numerous, of disputes involving the fate of millions, having originated in causes not more important than the irritated passions of some Vol. I. S powerful 188 HISTORY OF THE £Chap. I,' powerful individuals. Others, however, are of opinion, that Spain was hurried into a war, contrary to her original intentions, as well as to her interest, by the crafty policy of France. Spain suffered herself to be persuaded, that the design of Britain was to reduce France to such a state of weakness as should be alto gether incompatible with her own safety ; and urged by this opi nion, she not only consented to a renewal of the family-compact, but was willing to interfere in the negotiation, in order to pro cure, by her influence, more honourable terms for France. This interference produced disputes between the two Courts, which France was careful to hiflame, by industriously insinuating, that the secret treaty which she had concluded with Spain, was of greater importance than was found to be the case when it was jmade public. She thus succeeded in exciting the jealousy of Britain, and inflaming the pride of Spain, till, by mutual provo cations, a rupture became unavoidable. If Spain had been anxious to maintain some appearance of reason in her declaration of war, in her prosecution of it she soon seemed to forget that such a care was necessary ; but in this, as well as in the dispute which led to the war itself, she seems to have acted more through the influence of France, than from the dictates of reason, or sound policy. Portugal, long distinguished as the ally of Britain, was marked out as the pecu liar object of vengeance ; and for this the French and Spaniards had several causes, which, though in equity they could afford no good reason for attacking a neutral power, yet, laying justice aside, appeared to promise them considerable advantages. The Portugueze harbours afforded to the British ships of war a fa vourable shelter, which enabled them to conduct hostilities with greater advantage than would otherwise have been possible ; and the Portugueze commerce was reckoned highly beneficial to Bri tain. To deprive the British of these advantages, was an object of importance ; and as Portugal was supposed to be utterly in capable of, defence, the undertaking seemed not to be difficult. Add to all this, that the conquest of Portugal, or of a consider able portion of it, which might probably.be effected with ease, would put in the power of France an object, which might b^ advantageously used in any future treaty with Britain. Advantages Chap. I.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 139 Advantages such as these, which, considered merely in a poli tical view,- must be allowed to be of no small importance, pre vailed on the Spaniards to overlook the dictates of reason and of justice, by which they were opposed. The Spanish and French residents at Lisbon, in the name of their respective go*- vernments, presented a memorial, in which the rupture between Spain and Britain, and the more strict alliance of the former power with France, were mentioned as necessary measures to curb that uncommon insolence which the success of the British had inspired. As a mark of their particular regard for the Por tugueze monarch, they invited him to accede to the coalition against a power which they denominated the enemy of Europe. To determine regarding an object of such magnitude, only four days were allowed to the Portugueze. To delay an answer be yond that period, was to be construed into a refusal of compli ance ; while at the same time, the more to influence their de liberations, large bodies of troops were assembled upon their frontiers ; and the trade in corn, which was carrisd on between Spain and Portugal, was prohibited. This memorial certainly placed the Portugueze monarch in a situation of the greatest difficulty. To insist on its injustice, he knew to be vain. His country, should he give a negative answer, lay open to invasion from a formidable enemy ; while the only powerful ally on whom he could depend, could not, at least with any degree of promptitude, give him aid on the side where he was most exposed to danger. Within the specified time, the king returned an answer of such modest firmness as became one, who, though he was convinced of his inability to contend with the powers, by whom he was threatened, was resolved to do nothing derogatory to his honour, as the sovereign of an inde pendent nation. He declined taking any part in the quarrel, unless he might be permitted to act as a mediator in the dispute, confining himself to defend, as far as he might be able, his own kingdom and its interests. He declared that, though he were willing, the state of his dominions was such as to render him un able to take a principal part in the war ; while the faith of solemn treaties, sanctioned by a long continuance of mutual fidelity, rendered it impossible for him to declare war against Britain, S 2 without 140 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. I. without characterizing himself as the most worthless of sove reigns. This answer, as it may easily be conceived, was far from be ing satisfactory to France and Spain. They soon, presented a second memorial, in terms still more insolent than the former. In this they endeavoured to, prove, that the alliance of Portugal with Britain could not be considered so much in the light of a defensive, as of ari offensive alliance ; for this reason, that it af forded to Britain advantages in carrying on the war, which she could not otherwise possess, Portugal, it was confessed, had at a former period been driven into, an alliance with Britain by her differences with Spain ; but as. these differences had fong been accommodated, it became hey to abandon an alliance which was the effect chiefly of violence, and to renew her connections with Spain, which nature had pointed out as her ally. The Portugueze sovereign returned a stiH more decisive an swer to this memorial, than to the former. He declared, in lan guage of peculiar energy,, that he would rather see the last tile of his palace fall, and his subjects spill the List drop of their blood, than display to the world so degrading an example, or should exhibit such, conduct as might endanger the future se curity of such neutral powers as. might be unwilling to break through the articles, of a defensive alliance. Convinced by this reply, which was expressed in the most determined language, that neither arguments nor menaces could drive Portugal from her purpose of maintaining her honour, even at the expence of her safety, the combined powers presented a third memorial, expressed in terms of high irritation, and concluding with the demand o,f passports for their ambassadors. This, which amount ed to a declaration of war, prevented not the Portugueze sove reign, from adhering to the purpose which he had so firmly ex pressed). After- the delivery of a paper, in which he justified his conduct, he granted the passports which had been demanded ; and as he knew hostilities now to be inevitable, he declared war against France and Spain, on the 23d of May ; and on the 16th of the following month, war was declared against Portugal by Spain, and on the -20th by France, While these various negotiations and disputes were conducted bv Chae. I._ REIGN OF GEORGE III. lil by the different nations of Europe, the British parliament had been assembled for the dispatch of the national business. It was assembled at an early period of the negotiation with Spain. After Sir John Cust, whose worth was universally respected", had „ been chosen speaker, the king, in his address from the throne, " having adverted to his happy marriage, took notice of the failure of his negotiations for peace. This failure he could not help re gretting ; but at the same time, as it proceeded entirely from the unaccommodating disposition of his enemies, he consoled him self with the reflection, that the horrors of war, which might in future desolate the world, were not to be attributed to him, but to the obstinacy of his adversaries. Since war, notwithstanding all his endeavours, was the alternative which was forced upon the nation, he rejoiced in those recent successes, which gave us every reason to hope for a fortunate continuation of hostilities ; and he was convinced, that a vigorous exertion of our power Was the most effectual measure, not only to secure our dignity, but to procure a lasting peace. He declared, therefore, that it was his fixed resolution to conduct the war with all possible vi gour, and to maintain his faith to his allies, till the sense of their own misfortunes should compel his enemies to agree to such terms as might secure the honour of his crown, and the dignity of the British nation. In his particular address to the commons, the king recommended to them to make an honourable- provision for the queen, in the case of her surviving him. In consequence of this recommenda tion, the annual sum of one hundred thousand pounds was settled upon her, provided she survived the king ; at the same time, the palace of Somerset-House, and the Lodge and lands at Richmond- Park, were assigned her- as summer and winter habitations. His Majesty's speech was answered by affectionate addresses from both houses of parliament, and ample supplies for the year were granted with very little opposition. These supplies con sisted of somewhat upwards of eighteen millions, of which twelve millions were raised on capital annuities. Seventy thousand sea men were voted, and about one hundred and seventy thousand land-forces, including the foreign troops in British pay. After some 142 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. I. some other business of no great importance, parliament was adjourned. Mr Pitt, previous to the recess of parliament, however, had made a motion to address the king, for copies of all papers and memorials delivered by the Spanish ambassador, during the pro gress of the negotiation ; and this motion necessarily led to some discussions on that minister's conduct in resigning. So far from shrinking from the production of papers on that account, Pitt insisted, that every paper which had passed between Spain and Britain for several years should be brought forwards ; but his motion was unsuccessful. When parliament again met, however, similar motions led to similar discussions ; and Pitt was again called upon to justify his resignation. Lord Temple, whose conduct had implicated him in the same blame, if blame had been incurred by either, openly affirmed, that their resignation had been occasioned by their knowledge that the family-compact had been signed. Lord Bute without hesitation asserted, that when Pitt and Lord Tem ple resigned, no certain information could have been obtained concerning such a circumstance. He called upon them in parlia ment to produce the evidence of their information, or at least to mention where it might be found, that the king might be re quested to communicate it to the house. Lord Temple having . left his seat, declared that he was not at liberty publicly to men tion the source of his intelligence ; but at the same time assert ed, that in private he could bring it to Lord Bute's recollection. A short whispering accordingly took place between them, but what passed seems never to have been publicly known ; so that the followers of the different parties were at liberty to frame such suppositions, and to make such assertions, as suited their fancies. The favourers of Lord Temple have accordingly affirmed, that he gave the minister entire satisfaction, while his opponents no less invariably declare, that Lord Bute never had any reason to suppose that Lord Temple's assertion was correct. If Temple was really able to justify himself and the late minister in the way which he mentioned, it is not easy to conjecture why he did not remain in his place, and request a dispensation from his oath as privy-counsellor for that particular purpose. This must have laid Chap. L] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 143 laid Bute under the necessity of af least refusing the dispensa tion, which would have thrown the whole suspicion to his own side. This Temple never did ; and it has even been asserted, that Bute and his partizans, on several future occasions, conti nued strenuously and without contradiction to affirm, that Pitt possessed no such intelligence concerning the family-compact, as could justify either the violent measure which he had pro posed, or his resignation in consequence of Its rejection'. These violent affirmations, on either side, as they seem not to be sup ported with much evidence, still leave the matter extremely mysterious. Though the ministry had procured large supplies for the service of the year, they appeared not very anxious about the continuance of their exertions in Germany. This part of the war Was even se verely censured by some, who were known to be their zealous friends. It was madness, they averred, for us to pretend to struggle with the power of France in a continental war, since her army was greatly superior to any that Britain had the means of send ing into the field. Instead of sending troops to the Continent, where we could not materially injure the French, and where they could not greatly injure us, we ought to recal these al ready sent, and thus considerably diminish the national burdens. The chief ally whom we supported there, who boasted of be ing the supporter of the Protestant faith, was known to have little regard for the Christian religion, and had even invaded Saxony, a Protestant country. Such, indeed; was his conduct in general, that it was evident he had more in view the comple tion of his own projects, than any concern for our interests. These arguments were vigorously opposed by Pitt and his adherents. The war upon the Continent, it was asserted, weakened the resources and power of France in a degree which was more than equivalent to repay us for all our exertions. By giving her employment in Germany, we had diminished her ^jower in other parts of the world, and thus had greatly contri buted to our very brilliant success. We had little right to scru tinise the private religious opinions of our ally, since in a poli tical view he had certainly contributed much to the support of the Protestant interest. He had indeed invaded Saxony, but hb 144 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. I. his invasion was occasioned by ample provocation from that country. But above all, it became us to support him with eve ry exertion, since that was our best method of preventing the balance of power from recteiving irreparable injury. The minis try, though they pretended not to be convinced by these argu ments, yet thought it improper suddenly to withdraw their troops from Gerriiany ; and a supply was accordingly assigned for carrying on the war in that quarter. Convinced that Portugal, in consequence of her alliance with Britain, would be involved in a war with Spain and France, it was judged expedient to furnish her with such aid as was in our power ; and ministers proposed that a million should be ad vanced to her, to assist her in her warlike exertions. This sum was opposed by the minority as being extravagantly large for the proposed object ; but Pitt; who persisted in his predilection for continental hostilities, joined not With the opposition in their arguments. On the contrary, he warmly supported the - good policy of the grarit, maintained that it was not too large, and accompanied the whole with some advantageous comments on the war in Germany, and iri Europe in general. The supply was accordingly granted with little opposition, and on the 2d of jane 1762 the parliament was prorogued. When Pitt And Lord Terriple abandoned the cabinet-council, they did not leave the remaining members very cordially united. It was impossible, indeed, that ministers whose principles were so very different as those of the Duke of Newcastle and Lord Bute, should entirely coalfesce. The former owed his accession to power, and his long continuance in office, to his avowed and steady adherence to the Whig party, and his very numerous and , powerful family-connections. The promotion of his own party; therefore, and the depression of its opponents, were the great, were indeed the chief means hy which he proposed to govern the nation. Lord Bute, who has been invidiously distinguished by the appellation of the King's favourite, had adopted those generous notions of government with which his Majesty ascend ed the throne, and which he had imbibed from his father, the Prince of Wales. In consequence of these notions, he wished not the kingdom to be governed by any party, or by any com bination Chap. I.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 145 bination of family-influence. He wished to combine the abili ties of men of all parties, and to engage their exertions in the common cause of their country. Such were the very opposite principles of the two persons who had now the chief sway in the British councils. / There were, besides, personal causes of animosity, which tend ed to prevent their union. Newcastle, a veteran in ministerial offices, had reluctantly submitted to the superiority which Pitt derived from his acknowledged capacity ; but he submitted with infinitely greater reluctance to the superiority which was now obviously possessed by Bute, whom he affected to consider as in some degree an upstart ; and whose abilities, as they had not yet been experimentally exemplified, or acknowledged by the nation, he thought himself entitled to undervalue. Bute, on the other hand, while he repkoned the king's favour no mean reason for assu ming the ascendancy, was not ignorant that his rival had not un frequently, with the name of prime minister, been considered only in a secondary light. This rivalry bred between them a ge* neral coldness, and frequent disputes, regarding circumstances too minute to have caused any difference between two who were really friends. The animosity daily became more evident, and the members of the council gradually formed themselves into parties, according as they favoured one or other of the contend ing chiefs. In nothing did these rival ministers differ more, than in their opinions of the mode in which the war ought to be conducted. Bute's great view, while he remained in pQwer, was the re- esta blishment of peace ; and even while war continued inevitable, he contended, that we ought to confine our efforts chiefly to the sea, where our superiority was manifest, without lavishing the natio nal treasure on expeditions to the Continent. While he did not think it expedient, therefore, to withdraw our efforts immediate ly from that quarter, he was of opinion, that they should be gradually relaxed, in proportion as our allies should less require our support. Newcastle, still adhering to the politics of Pitt, whose measures he had so frequently sanctioned, wished to pro secute the war upon the Continent with unceasing ardour, and thought no expence too great, which tended to preserve the ba- Vol. I. T lanes Ii6 . HISTORY OF THE [Chap. I. lance of power, and our consequent importance among the Euro pean nations. It was a dispute on this subject which led to that open rupture which occasioned Newcastle's resignation of his office. Appre hensive that our exertions on the Continent were already relaxed, and that they were to be daily more so, he waited upon Bute, and demanded, in a tone somewhat decisive, two millions for car rying en the war in Germany, and for the payment o£ the King of Prussia's subsidy. Bute concealed not his aversion to this measure. The Duke immediately declared, that his remaining in office de pended on the granting of this demand. Bute coolly replied, that his resignation might probably retard the peace. The Duke immediately went to the king, and having obtained an audience, repeated his demand, with his resolution of resigning, did it not meet with a ready compliance. The king replied, that " he should regret such a determination, because he was persuaded that he wished well to his service." Thus the conference termi nated, and the Duke immediately resigned. Some writers have affirmed, that he received an intimation from a very high quar ter, that his resignation was expected ; .but for this supposition, his own account of the matter appears to afford little founda tion. , Upon this resignation, which took place on the 2d of May 1762, Lord Bute was immediately appointed to be First Lord of the Treasury ; - Mr Grenville became secretary of state, and Sir Francis Dashwood chancellor of the exchequer. Newcastle, who is said considerably to have impaired his fortune bv his at tention to the affairs of government, was offered a perision in compensation for his past services ; but with a generosity of senti ment not very common, he rejected it, declaring, that since he could no longer be permitted to serve his country, he was deter mined not to become a burden to it. The resolution of Lord Bute to relax our exertions upon the Continent, and the wish of the Duke of Newcastle to continue, and if possible to augment them, originated probably in the same cause. The King of Prussia, by events entirely unforeseen, from a state of embarrassment, was suddenly enabled, not only to brave his enemies menaces of destruction, but in his turn to threaten them Chap. I.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 14Y them with the loss of honour and of dominion. This New castle probably thought a favourable opportunity for strengthen ing our efforts, and pushing our enemies upon the Continent to such extremities as might subject them entirely to our power, and compel them to submit to whatever terms we chose to grant. Bute, on the other hand, thought our honour no longer bound us to support Frederick, who was so able to maintain his own cause ; and that this obstacle ought to be removed, by which a peace, in his opinion so requisite for the nation, was obstruct ed. The change which had happened in Frederick's affairs, was owing chiefly to the death of Elizabeth, Empress of Russia. That princess had always been his inveterate enemy, and had, perhaps almost as much as the French themselves, enabled the empress-queen to struggle with the warlike genius of the Prus sian monarch. Her death, indeed, would have been of no great advantage to him, had not her successor, though not a prince of the first capacity, been his decided friend. Peter III. before his accession to the Russian empire, had formed a warm attachment to Frederick ; and he had no sooner ascended the throne, than its effects became obvious. Frederick, who, even while Peter was only Duke of Holstein, had foreseen the probable utility of his friendship, and had cultivated it with assiduity, soon perceived the good consequences of his policy. When Peter mounted the throne, he was the first to present his congratulations upon the occasion ; and he received such an answer as convinced him, that the friendship of the emperor was no less than that of the Duke had been. A negotiation immediately commenced, which ter minated in a treaty of peace. This circumstance, in itself suf ficiently favourable, was in a short time followed by another still more so. This was no other than a treaty of alliance, by which the Russian troops, which, to the amount of twenty thousand, under Czernickef, were employed in aid of the Austrians, were not only to be withdrawn, but to be joined to the Prussian army. Thus Frederick's army, taking in^o account those his enemies had lost, and these he himself had gained, was suddenly strength ened to the amount of forty thousand men. Nor could this be reckoned the only advantage which accrued to Frederick by T2 the U& HISTORY OF THE [Chap. I. the treaty of alliance. The whole force of the Russian empire was now iri a great measure at the command of a prince, whom its emperor had chosen as the model of his conduct; and for this formidable accession to his power, the chief return required of • him, was to assist Peter iri a war against Denmark, against which he had conceived a violent animosity, though it could not be siupposed capable of causing him much uneasiness. This great change in the situation of the King of Prussia, seems to have determined the British minister to with-hold from him the usual subsidy, if he appeared to be more willing to pro secute the war, than to conclude an honourable peace ; such a peace, indeed, as before the death of the Russian empress, he would have been glad to accept. This resolution, of which hfr Soon received an undisguised information, appears to have Occa sioned in his mind no small degree of irritation. His genius and disposition prompted him to war. With a power apparently very inadequate, he had often signally defeated his enemies. The acquisition of a powerful ally, an ally too who had formerly been an enemy, must have inspired his ambition and his activi ty with new dreams of aggrandisement. In such a situation, it must have been some mortification tofind,that another ally, hither to his great Support, was more inclined to procure the establish ment of such a peace as might reasonably satisfy all the contend ing parties, than to Resist him in his airy schemes of conquest, which, had they really been practicable, it had perhaps been dangerous to encourage. In such a situation, he must have been predisposed to misconstrue the motives of the British minister, and' to throw the darkest shade possible upon every part of his conduct, Frederick's great genius did not probably exempt him from prejudices ; and disappointed ambition is' not surely less susceptible of prejudices than any other human passion. . It was perhaps under these impressions, that Frederick assert ed, and it is not unlikely believed too, that Lord Bute had desired Prince Gallitzin, the Russian minister at London, to inform the empetor, that the British were ready to assist him, in procuring from the Prussian monarch such terms as he might conceive to be necessary ; and to render the obtaining of these terms the more easy, to warn him against withdrawing the troops under Czernickef, Chap. I.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 149 Czernickef. This advice Peter is said to have in indignation imparted to the King of Prussia. Frederick, probably under the same prejudices, asserted, that offers somewhat similar had been offered to. Austria, arid that they had been rejected, not so much through respect for htm, as for contempt of Britain. These affirmations, if not absolutely refuted, must be greatly weakened by the assertions of Lor4 Bute himself, who, what ever might be his deficiencies as a statesman, was never suspected with regard to honour and probity. He affirms, that he made no such insinuations to Gallitzin ; that the report which that prince made to his sovereign, must have originated either in mis take, or in a failure of memory, or in his well-known attach ment to Austria, which might induce him to make Such re presentations as might favour that court. He farther affirms, that during that conversation with Gallitzin, which is alluded to, and which he well recollected, he held in his hands the copy Of a dispatch to Mr Keith, the British resident at Petersburgh, in which he mentions the pleasure which he felt respecting the change of measures which had followed upon the death of the empress ; hut at the same time asserts, that his chief pleasure arose from the hope that the emperor would use his good offices to restore peace between Frederick and the erripress->qtieeh. In his conversation with Gallitzin, he assures us, that he made no Insinuation" which was riot Contained in the memorial. With regard to the insinuations marie to the empress-queeft, he denies them with equal confidence. He owns, that the British minister at Vienna was instructed, when the completion Of the family-compact was no longer doubtful, to ascettain how far the empress-queen might be inclined to dread danger from the alliance of the Boufbott families, her ancient and hereditary enemies ; whether she might not be inclined to join a coa lition agairist them ; and whether, in return for Silesia, which irt that case she must abandon, she might not be willing to receive some Compensation in Italy. This Cession of Italian territory, it might not be easy to justify ; but the communication certainly Contained nothing prejudicial to the King of Prussia. If any intimation Was made respecting him, it was, that he -should be secured in the great object, of his wishes, at the ex- pence 15® HISTORY OF THE ' [Chap. I. pence of some unnamed unfortunate' prince, who' perhaps had offended none of the contending parties. Whatever complaints Frederick might imagine himself entitled to make, regarding the refusal to continue the subsidy, it was a measure entirely consistent with Bute's avowed political views. When Britain agreed to subsidise Frederick, she did not engage to make his quarrel entirely her own, to carry on the war as long as he chose, or to aid him in establishing his authority where- ever his ambition might extend. The treaty was only from year to year, that it might cease when circumstances no longer re quired it. While it could be deemed necessary, it was paid without hesitation. It was not till after war was declared against Spain, and that it evidently would be necessary to defend Portu gal, that any intimation was made which might prepare the King of Prussia to look forward to the withdrawing of the subsidy. Even then it was only recommended to him to attempt a recon ciliation with the court of Vienna, and to. propose the terms on which he might be willing to treat, with an implied assurance, that Britain would not abandon him, were these terms not ho nourable, and such as he had a right to demand. He was in deed reminded, that he had suffered great losses, and had upon the whole been unsuccessful. Yet this, though not a very courtly, was certainly a true state of the case ; and all the force of Britain, joined to his own well-known magnanimity and cou rage, might be unable to place him in the situation whither his wishes tended, considering that she had now a new and power ful enemy to encounter, as well as an additional ally to defend. Frederick was probably offended that Britain seemed somewhat unwilling to exert all her power in his cause, independent of her ' own necessities, and her former engagements ; and he, for a con siderable time, delayed giving any answer to the communication. This delay must have somewhat irritated the British govern ment ; yet no intention of with-holding the subsidy was insinua ted. At length, the Empress of Russia died, and the accession of Peter III. as has been already mentioned, gave a turn to the Prussian affairs, as favourable as it was sudden. Frederick had no longer occasion for the aid of Britain to restore his prosperity; yet he was plainly told, that the subsidy would still be paid, were Chap. I.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 151 were it faithfully applied to the true end of every war, the esta blishment of peace ; but as he now seemed secure of the terri tory for which he originally contended, Britain could not la vish her treasure in the support of a war which had continued too long, and in the prosecution of conquests for which it would be difficult to find a just pretext. While these various communications were made to Frederick, he maintained a silent reserve ; .-but at the same time he very busily, though secretly, negotiated a treaty with the emperor, of which the principal article was the mutual guarantee of Sile sia and Sleswick.1 In this treaty he could not have been coun tenanced by the British, since it was so very hostile to the Danes, at that time ' their allies. Notwithstanding this circumstance, which Frederick seems to have disregarded . he received no in sinuation that the subsidy might be discontinued, till he had concluded an armistice with Russia, which every one saw must terminate in a peace. This circumstance Frederick himself had deemed of so much importance, that on a former occasion he had declared, that if Britain would undertake to prevent him from being attacked by the Russians, he would be fully able, not only to defend himself, but to afford a body of troops for the defence of Hanover. Frederick in a short time concluded a cessation of arms with Sweden, as well as a peace with Russia. He thus not only got rid of two enemies, but gained one powerful friend. The empress- queen at the same time, induced, it may be supposed, by her late successes, or, as has been often affirmed, by her parsimo nious disposition, had disbanded twenty thousand of her troops. This advantage, joined to the accession of force received from Peter, gave .him a sudden superiority, as he himself confesses, equal to sixty thousand men. Yet, after all these advantages, we are not to be surprised that he so much desired a continuance of the. British subsidy, and that he was so much offended at its refusal. The aid which he received from Britain consisted in money, and money was now the chief thing which he wanted. With the troops of his new allies, and the pecuniary aid of Bri tain, his ardent fancy must have pointed out to his military ge nius no end to his success. The ruin of the empress-queen, or rather 152 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. L rather of the house of Austria, as of his natural and irreeoncile- able foe, would at the same time gratify his vengeance and his ambition. To be in any degree obstructed in such alluring schemes, to a mind like his must have been highly provoking ; but it was not the inclination, nor indeed was it the policy of Britain, to support him in that career of conquest which he would have so gladly accomplished. In this manner the British ministers might have destroyed that balance of power which they desired so sedulously to adjust. The great advantages which accident, rather than prudence or foresight, had thrown in the way of Frederick, unfortunate ly for him, were soon to be undermined by incidents no less un foreseen. He began the campaign in Silesia, indeed, with all his usual skill and courage, and with all his additional force,. when a revolution in Russia, which could not be counteracted either by him or by the British ministry, dissolved his connection with that country as suddenly as it had been formed. The friendship of Peter III. to Frederick of Prussia originated in his unlimited admiration of his character as a soldier, and as a politician. So sincere, indeed, was this admiration, that he proposed him not as a friend only, but as a model for unreserved imitation. When he ascended the imperial throne, therefore, he proposed to in troduce every regulation, even the most minute, which Frede rick had sanctioned. The Prussian code, which he had com piled, was to become the code of Russia, The Russian army was to be disciplined like that of Frederick. In all this there was perhaps nothing of which Russia had much reason to com plain ; but, regardless of the difference of climate, and what was more, of national prejudices, he resolved not only to disci pline, but to dress, his troops in the Prussian mode. He intro* duced a body of Holstein guards, to serve as a model to his ar* . my ; and he too evidently showed that these enjoyed both his affection and his confidence. To these innovations in his armyj he added others still more perilous in the clerical establishment of his country. He attacked the property of the clergy, which he alledged to be enormous ; arid, what was perhaps of almost equal importance, he proposed to reform their beards. And, as if it had not been enough for him, to have provoked, by these momentous Chap. I.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 153 momentous changes, the military and religious establishmerits of his country, than which a prince cannot be assailed by mote dangerous enemies, procured to himself the resentment of his empress, a woman whose capacity far surpassed his own, whose ambition equalled her capacity, and who little regarded the means employed for its gratification. He had no doubt given her no small provocation. He lived Openly with the Countess Woron- zoff, and so much attachment did he exemplify towards her, that suspicions were formed of his intending, in spite of his former marriage, to raise her to the imperial throne. This projected repudiation, if indeed it was projected, might by a prince of greater capacity have been accorriplished without great danger to himself ; but Catherine, for such was the name of the empress, who probably desired nothing more than an opportunity of seiz ing unlimited authority, used it for the purpose of irritating to ungovernable violerice, those subjects whom his other practices had disgusted. Among his other faults, Peter's subjects ranked his violent in-r clination to'engage in a war with Denmark, than which no mea sure could be more unpopular in Russia. This Catherine mad» the more immediate foundation. of her machinations- While Peter, among whose failings a suspicious disposition could not be classed, was indulging in fond dreams, regarding the issue of his projected improvements, the empress formed a conspiracy against him, in which she was supported by the most powerful of the discontented nobles. The troops in Petersburgh, dis gusted by the emperor's innovations, were easily gained to her side. She placed herself at their head, and was instantaneous ly proclaimed sole empress. Peter, thunderstruck by an in cident, for which, though he had been sometimes warned of it, he was totally unprepared, made no shadow of resistance ; and indeed, when abandoned by his army, what resistance can an absolute monarch ever make? He signed his abdication, was immediately imprisoned, and soon after died, in consequence, it has beeu supposed, and the assertion was never contradicted, of poison sent him by the empress. Frederick, whose penetration as much exceeded that of Peter as did his courage, had for some time foreseen the fate which Voi. I. U - hung 154 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. I. hung over him, and had warned him of his danger so often, and in so warm a manner, that the unsuspicious emperor at length began to be offended at advice, of which he could not believe the propriety. Catherine, informed of the penetration and advice of the Prussian sovereign, conceived against him a violent hatred; and being at the same time unwilling to continue an alliance which her subjects disliked, she withdrew her troops, and left Frederick once more to fight his own battles unsupported. She, perhaps, at the same time dreaded his resentment, for she resto red the conquests which had been made from him by Elizabeth, and as much as possible observed a strict neutrality between him and his enemies. ' While Frederick enjoyed the co-operation of the Russians, he carried on his military undertakings with great success, and com pelled Marshal Daun, who ventured not to engage in a pitched battle, to abandon every strong post which he held in Silesia. Schweidnitz was thus left uncovered, and he was preparing to besiege it, when the order arrived for the recal of the Russians; He had the art, even at this conjuncture, to make these troops useful to him, which were no longer to act on his side. Before their departure, he attacked the Austrians, who being ignorant of the order .received by the Russians, dreaded an attack from them at the same time, and consequently retreated. Frederick accordingly invested Schweidnitz on the 18th of July; and though he was now abandoned by his powerful ally, the tide of fortune was turned in his favour, and the Austrians were to receive only a negative advantage from the revolution in Russia. He con tinued the siege, therefore, with vigour, and in spite' of all his enemies exertions, with success. In the following October, Schweidnitz, the chief fortress of Silesia, fell into his hands, and he. saw himself once more nearly master of this disputed province. Prince Ferdinand, meanwhile, with the troops under his com mand, no less successfully opposed the French in another part of the Continent. Though the number of his troops was inferior to that of the enemy, and though the latter were advantageous ly posted on the frontiers of Hesse, he attacked them, threw them into confusion, and compelled them, after having sustain ed Chap. I.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 155 ed considerable loss, to retreat with sqme precipitation. The Marquis of Granby, who fought under the auspices of Ferdi nand, soon after vanquished a body of French, near Homberg. Prince Xavier, about the same time, was defeated in Lower Saxony ; and the Prince of Conde was compelled to leave his posts upon the Lower Rhine, that the discomfited troops might be able to join his army. Cassel was left without protection, and, after a siege of fifteen days, was in November taken by the allies. Hesse was almost totally evacuated by the enemy, when peace put a stop to all hostile operations. In another quarter, the French gained a temporary success, which they magnified into an important victory. A squadron of their ships succeeded in escaping from Brest without detec tion, and reached Newfoundland, before the place of their de stination could be ascertained. They immediately took the town of St John's, of which the garrison consisted of a company of soldiers. In the harbour, besides several smaller vessels, they found a sloop of war ; and, to do as much mischief as possible, they destroyed the conveniencies which had been erected for the curing of fish. This was no sooner known in Britain, than a squadron was sent to drive the French from their conquest; but a small armament, which had arrived from Halifax, rendered .the exertions of this squadron unnecessary. This was almost the only success of which the French about this time could boast. In the West Indies they were eminently unfortunate. An expedition against Martinico, in the West Indies, is said to have been planned by Pitt, previous to his re signation. If he formed the plan, the execution was left to his successors. In January 1762, a fleet consisting of eighteen ships of the line, besides vessels of inferior size, sailed, under the com mand of Admiral Rodney, having on board General Monckton, with twelve thousand land-forces. They soon anchored in St Anne's bay, in the island of Martinico, where, through the igno rance of a pilot, a ship of war was lost. As this place was in convenient, for landing, they disembarked part of the troops at a creek, named Cas de Navires, and part at a place called Petite Anse. The French prepared to defend with vigour the princi pal fortress, named Fort Royal. The number cf regular troops U2 hi 156 HISTORY OF THE [CHjtt. I. in the garrison was not indeed great, but , the militia was numerous, well armed, and carefully disciplined. The whole country, besides, was from its nature strong, and care had been taken to add artificial strength to every place which could be defended with advantage. In approaching the princi-' pal fortress, it was necessary to take possession of Morne Tor- tenson and Morne Gamier, two fortified eminences, by which that place was in some measure covered. Though defended with much bravery, the former was almost instantaneously seized ; and the latter, more elevated, and much stronger, with stood the attack only three days. These approaches being thus in the possession of the British, they prepared for the at tack of Fort Royal itself ; and the enemy no sooner saw the batteries about to be opened against- them, than they surrendered. St Pierre, the capital of the island, was next to be assailed ; but before this could be effected, the whqle island by capitulation yielded to the victors. This place having been so easily captur ed, several other islands became an easy prey. Among these may be enumerated, Grenada, Tobago, St Lucie, and St Vincent's, so that the conquest of the whole Caribbee islands was, without any considerable loss, and within a very short period, effected by the expedition. When Spain and France declared war against Portugal in the iniquitous manner which has been narrated, they probably hoped to indemnify themselves by her spoils, for the losses they might incur in other quarters. The situation of Portugal, at this time, was such as might have excited the commiseration of a generous foe ; but when France and Spain resolved to involve her in war, this very circumstance^erhaps, encouraged them in their purpose. Her government, - at all times feeble, had been still farther de bilitated by a recent conspiracy. As the Portugueze had in reality given provocation to no one, war was totally unexpect ed; and they were consequently altogether unprepared to oppose an enemy. Nature herself had in a very striking degree con tributed to the miseries of this unhappy kingdom : an earth quake, hardly exceeded in violence by any which history has recorded, had lately ingulphed a great part of her metropolis, with thirty thousand of its inhabitants. Yet such a condition, 'ivstead of inducing their enemies to listen to the dictates of pity, Chap. I.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 157 pity, or at least to those of natural justice, only encouraged them to hope for greater success in their lawless project. So eager were the Spaniards to prosecute their plan of ag gression, and so determined Were they, at all events, to com mence hostilities against Portugal, that their armies, already as sembled on the frontier, entered the kingdom, not only before war was proclaimed, but even before the negotiation, if such it might be called, was terminated^ One army, under the com mand of the Marquis de Sarria, laid siege to a town named Miranda. This place could not probably in any circumstances have made a successful defence, but its surrender was accele rated by a melancholy accident. A magazine of powder was blown up, which killed five hundred of the garrison, and de stroyed so much of the Wall, that an easy access was laid open to the enemy. Moncorvo, Branganza, and Chaves, fell successive ly into the hands of the Spaniards, having surrendered without resistance. Almost the whole province of Tralos Montes was thus in the power of the enemy ; and so much apprehension ¦was entertained for the safety of Oporto, that the British fac tory were preparing to abandon the place. A body of the pea santry, however, having armed themselves, though undisci plined, repulsed the Spaniards, as they attempted to pass the Douro, and compelled them to retreat. From this Spanish army, detachments were sent to join another which had entered the province of Beira, when, after taking several places of inferior importance, they invested Almeida. This town, though it made a vigorous resistance, was at length obliged to capitulate. As Portugal was involved in war, chiefly on account of her connection with Britain, it was reasonable that she should re ceive assistance from that country ; and accordingly it was re- Solved to send to her aid a considerable body of forces. In pur. suance of this determination, Lord Tyrawley, Lord Loudon, and Lieutenant-General Townsend, were dispatched with eight thousand men. The officers just named were assisted by Lord George Lenox, with Brigadiers Crawfprd and Burgoyne ; and Lord Tyrawley was authorised to act in a diplomatic, as well as In a military capacity. The British and Portugueze appear for some time pot to have T5S HISTORY OF THE [Chap. I. have acted together with that cordiality which is so necessary to the success of military enterprises. The latter cherished a bi- gotted attachment to the Catholic faith. They could hardly conceive that it was possible for them to be effectually aided'by heretics ; and were it possible, they could hardly believe that it was lawful. To overcome this prejudice, required all the efforts of the British officers, and was at last effected chiefly through the influence of the Count de la Lippe Buckbourg, an experien ced officer, who had served with honour in Germany under Prince Ferdinand, and who, by the recommendation of the Bri tish government, had been appointed to the command of the Portugueze armies. Lord Tyrawley, too, returned home in dis gust, declaring his belief that the pretended war was a scheme concerted between Spain and Portugal, to deceive the British ; though some have not hesitated to affirm, that it arose from re sentment that Buckbourg, in preference to him, was promoted to the supreme command. Buckbourg, however, seems to have been eminently qualified for the discharge of the trust reposed in him ; and he was ably sup ported by the Earl of Loudon, on whom the command of the British devolved. A third body of Spaniards, which had been collected in Spanish Estramadura, was preparing to inyade the southern part of Portugal. To prevent their design, he thought it best to attack them in their own territory. For this purpose, Burgoyne was detached. That officer succeeded in surprising the Spaniards. He attacked, defeated, and dispersed them. He took Valentia d' Alcantara, where he found a quantity of am munition and arms, imposed a considerable contribution in re- turn for having spared the churches, and brought away hostages for its payment. One part of the Spanish army was thus prevented from prosecuting its plan of operations, but the greater part, under the Conde d' Aranda, succeeded in compelling Buckbourg to retreat, menacingLisbon itself. Itwas necessary for them, however, to pass the Tagus, and to force a difficult passage through the moun tains. Here, therefore, it was resolved to make a resolute op position. The passage of the mountains, known by the name of the pass of Alvito, was protected by the Count St Jago ; while Chap. I.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 159 while Burgoyne was posted at Villa Velha, where the Spaniards seemed to meditate their passage of the Tagus. The Spaniards, in the first place, directed their chief efforts against St Jago, who was unable long to resist them, and they consequently made themselves masters of the passes. When St Jago was ordered to retreat, Lord Loudon was directed to ad vance, for the purpose of covering him ; and the Spaniards, per ceiving this design, detached a strong body, to the attack of the latter. Burgoyne, who was encamped on the opposite side of the river, perceiving that the enemy had greatly weakened them selves by detaching so large a party, resolved to attack them by surprise. Colonel Lee, therefore, was ordered to pass the Ta gus in the night. This he effected without being perceived, anri before the enemy suspected any danger, » they were attacked in their camp. The surprise threw them into confusion ; they were quickly vanquished. Many of them fell, among whom were a great number of officers, and their most considerable magazines were destroyed. This defeat, which was effected with little loss to the British, somewhat disconcerted the measures of the Spaniards ; but they were still in possession of the passes of the mountains, from which it was found impossible to drive them, and could they have passed the Tagus, they were still in a condition to make themselves formidable. To prevent them from effecting this important point, Buckbourg directed his whole attention ; and by the successful vigilance of Burgoyne, he effected his pur pose. The Spaniards, after their defeat at Villa Velha, were unable to act with their foi'mer vigour, or to maintain any deci sive advantage. They continued, indeed, to maintain their ground, but they could make little further progress. The rain which deluged the country impeded their motions, and the ap proach of winter deprived them of every hope of being able to continue their operations. After having destroyed, therefore, the castles of Almeida, Roderigo, and Boni, they returned into Spain, without having effected any thing adequate to their ex pectations, or the preparations they had made. The return of peace prevented the commencement of a second campaign. Jf the Spaniards, in their attack upon Portugal, were ulti mately 160 HISTORY OF THE [Chap.T. mately unsuccessful, they were more fortunate in repelling an attempt to deprive them of their settlement at Buenos Ayres. This expedition was undertaken at the risk of several private ad venturers, under thg auspices of government ; but the arma ment, at first perhaps inadequate to the undertaking, was ob structed by many misfortunes. The squadron, consisting of three frigates and two store-ships, with only five hundred troops on board, left the Tagus on the 30th of August. Their voyage to the mouth of the Plata was prosperous ; but they had no sooner reached that place, than their disasters commenced. A violent storm, accompanied with thunder and lightning, exposed them to the greatest danger, which was rendered still more im minent by their ignorance of the soundings of the river. The enemy, apprised of their intention, had anticipated them in hos tilities, by taking possession of Colonia, a Portugueze settle ment. It was thought proper to attempt the recovery of this place, before they proceeded to the principal object of the ex pedition. The commodore's ship was carried within pistol-shot of the principal battery, and the attack commenced with fury. The cannonade had continued four hours. The slack fire of the enemy encouraged the hope that they were about to surrender, when the commodore's ship was perceived to be on fire. The Spaniards, elated by this circumstance, continued their can nonade with renewed violence ; and the other vessels could not, without almost a certainty of destruction, approach to her relief. The consequence may easily be inferred. The greater part of the men perished either in the flames or in the sea, only seventy-eight escaping out of three hundred and forty. Among the number of the drowned was the commodore himself. The remaining vessels were much shattered, and many of the men- were killed. Those who escaped to the shore from the burning vessel, were treated with the greatest humanity. The shattered remains of this unfortunate expedition proceeded to Rio Janeiro, a Portugueze settlement, where, such was the condition of the vessels, it did not arrive without the greatest difficulty. The Spaniards were not equally successful in their defence of a place of much greater importance, though their efforts for that uurpose did not certainly disgrace- them. Convinced that the Spanish Chap. I.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. , 161 Spanish commerce with America was the great source of their wealth, the British ministry were resolved, if possible, effectually to intercept it ; and for this purpose no plan seemed more proper than to attempt the capture of the Havannah, the principal town of Cuba, and the great intermediate port through which that com merce is conducted ; without which, indeed, it was believed that it could hardly be carried on, at least by the Spaniards themselves. The place was known to be extremely strong, but it was likewise known to be extremely rich, and such a force was sent against it as seemed every way adequate to its reduction. A fleet, under the command of Admiral Po cocke, sailed from Portsmouth on the 5th of March, having on board ten thousand land-forces, under the command of Lord Al bemarle. This fleet was joined, near Cape Nicola, by part of that which had been so successfully employed against Martinico., The whole, when combined, amounted to nineteen ships of the line, and eighteen ships of war of inferior size, while the trans ports amounted to nearly a hundred and fifty. An armament so powerful could not fail to alarm the enemies of Britain, but its destination was as much as possible kept secret. They were now in the vicinity of Cuba ; and as it was of the utmost consequence to reach the place of destination before the commencement of the stormy season, Pococke proceeded by a narrow passage, known by the name of the Old Strait of Baha ma, a strait which is seldom passed by any vessel, and which,, it is probable, never was passed by a fleet of such magnitude. The length of this channel is about seven hundred miles, and the whole of it is narrow and difficult ; yet such was the confi dence of the admiral that he would enjoy favourable weather, that he entered with the whole fleet, using the precaution, how ever, to send before him several small vessels, to examine the passage as he approached. His good fortune equalled his ex pectations. In nine days he passed the strait, without having sustained any damage, or having encountered any danger. On the 5th of June they arrived before the Havannah, the place of their destination. An attack had not been imme diately foreseen, yet the place was well prepared for a vi gorous defence, and the Spanish ships of war, which wer^ intended for the West-India service^ lay in the harbour, and - Vol. I. X contributed- 162 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. % contributed much to accelerate such extraordinary prepara tions as were necessary. The entrance to the harbour, which is narrow, is defended by two forts, one called Puntal, on the side next the town ; the other, of uncommon strength, is si tuated upon the side opposite. Even the town itself is well fortified, being surrounded with a rampart, bastions, and a deep ditch. The vessels stationed in the harbour had been careful to render the entrance as difficult as possible, by laying a strong boom from one side to the other, and sinking several ships be hind it. The whole was such a scene of accumulated strength, as seemed to bid defiance even to the great force sent against it. A resolution being formed, to land the forces to the eastward of the place, in order to attack the Moro, the great fort, which in truth commanded the whole surrounding country, the fleet sailed to the west, in order to conceal their intentions. This stratagem succeeded, and on the 7th of June the troops were landed without opposition. They were no sooner on shore, than they proceeded to active operations. While the principal part of the forces undertook the siege of the Moro, the remainder ad vanced to some distance into the interior, in order to blockade the town and other forts. The command of the siege was given to General Keppel, that of the blockading division to General Elliot. Hardly any thing can be imagined more arduous than the siege which they had just undertaken. Nature herself seemed to pre clude every prospect of success. The soil was so thin upon the rocks, that it was by no means sufficient to cover the approaches. They were compelled, for this purpose, to have recourse to bags' of cotton. The necessary artillery was dragged over rocks to the batteries where it was to be used. A vertical sun rendered the fatigue excessive, while no water could be procured till it was brought from a distance, through paths cut in the woods ; and even that was so scanty, that the greater part was furnished by the fleet. , When all these circumstances are considered, we can hardly be surprised, that many, during the great exertions they were obliged to make, dropt down dead. All these obstacles yielded to the perseverance and activity of the British. Nor did the enemy show less courage in the de fence, Chap. I.] REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 163 fence, than was exemplified in the attack. To the number of fifteen thousand, they made a bold exertion to drive away their assailants, but were repulsed, with the loss, of three hundred men. To aid the land-forces, three British ships of war join ed in cannonading the Moro, but without making any other ap parent impression than that of attracting to themselves great part of the fire of the fort ; they suffered severely, and were at length obliged to retire. The chief battery which the British had erect ed, being of wood, caught fire and was consumed. One half of the land-forces, and a very great number of seamen, were al ready sick ; and owing to the want of fresh provisions, of good water, and, above all, owing to the insalubrity of the climate, dis eases were daily multiplying. To add to their misfortunes, a reinforcement which was expected from North America, and which might have enabled them to continue their exertions, not withstanding the great number of sick, did not arrive at the ex pected time ; and, above all, the hurricane-season was at no great distance, when not only all their difficulties would be aug mented, and their fleet would be exposed to destructive storms, but when it would be absolutely impossible to carry on their operations. In this perilous situation, and surrounded by so many dangers and difficulties, the courage of the British supported them un moved ; and the seamen, who suffered less from sickness than the land-forces, cheerfully contributed every thing in their power to forward the siege. At length, when their hope of making any imprassion upon the place had alrhost failed them, they succeeded, in making a lodgement in the covered way. Their expectations again revived, and they carried on their operations with encreas- ed energy. Twelve thousand of the enemy, who attempted to drive them from their works, were compelled to retreat with loss. A supply of provisions was received from Jamaica, and part of the aid so long expected from New York, at length ar rived. The miners effected a breach in the wall, apd by this,. though hardly practicable, it was resolved to storm the place. The British received orders to advance on this perilous service with joy ; since they wished rather to meet the enemy, than to exhaust themselves in the distant operations of a siege. ,X2. Tfeej- 164 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. I. They accordingly mounted the breach, and though opposed by the Spaniards with the utmost bravery, they forced their way into the place. Don Lewis de Velasco, the governor, who had made so vigorous a defence, seeing the fort in the power of the enemy, determined at least to die with honour. Having formed a small entrenchment round his colours, he placed himself there, with a hundred men, resolved to defend them to the last extri- mity ; nor could he be persuaded to yield, till the greater part of his brave companions had fallen, and the remainder were ob liged to retire. He then with reluctance offered his sword to the conquerors, but before it could be received from him, a ran- dum shot deprived him of existence. Ihe death of such a man was greatly regretted, even by his enemies. By the capture of the Moro, one great step was effected towards the taking of the town itself, and the arrival of a second body of troops from America gave greater efficacy to this measure. On the 10th of August, all the batteries were ready to be opened ; and though the Spaniards at first refused to surrender, a cannon ade of six hours compelled them to capitulate, and on the 14th the British took possession of the town. They at the same time got possession of the fleet, consisting of nine ships of the line, and four frigates. The booty obtained in money, and valuable commodities, amounted to three millions Sterling. In this manner, their very great exertions were no less amply reward ed. In another undertaking, though of inferior importance, the Bri tish were equally fortunate ; this was an expedition sent from, Madras against Manilla, the capital of Luconia, one of the Phi lippine islands. The troops destined for this undertaking, a- mounting to somewhat more than two thousand, sailed under the command of General Draper, and on the 24th of September thejt effected a landing. They immediately commenced the siege of the place, but met with greater opposition than they expected, the Spaniards being faithfully and valiantly served by a body of Indian soldiers. Even after a breach was effected, the garrison refused to capitulate, so that the place was necessarily abandon ed to the fury of the troops. At length, the governor and arch bishop, who had retired to the citadel, a place incapable of de fence, Chap. I.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 165 fence, consented to capitulate. They surrendered to the British the town and harbour, with several ships, at that time in ft, with a considerable quantity of military stores. And as a compensa tion for the private property contained in the town, they agreed to pay four rriillions of dollars. Letters which fell into the hands of the British at this place, "induced them to send a ship of the line, and a frigate, to inter cept the gallion Philippina. They met not, indeed, the ship of frhich they were in quest, but they met, and took, an Acapulco ship, named the Santissima Trinidad, whose cargo was valued at three hundred thousand dollars. These successes in the West and East Indies were accompa nied by another in Europe, which greatly curtailed the Spanish Supply of money, on which they greatly depended for a success ful prosecution of hostilities ; and probably the chief circum stance which made the French so much desire their alliance. On the 21st of May, two British frigates intercepted, on the Spa nish coast, the Hermione register-ship, which had sailed from Lima, with treasure to the amount of nearly one million Ster ling. While Britain was thus successful abroad, her internal felicity was augmented by the birth of a prince, the heir of the crown. This event took place on the 12th of August 1762 ; and, as if fortune had conspired to accumulate the joys of the metropolis, the treasure taken on board the Hermione, passed under the win dows of the palace, on that very day when the prince was born. This date was the more remarkable, that it was the day on which the house of Brunswick ascended the throne of Britain. A concurrence of dates so fortunate was mentioned by many of the addresses which on this occasion were presented to the throne, from all parts of the kingdom. While Spain might thus be convinced, that her declaration of war tended only to her own ruin, Bute, by his successes, was not induced to lose sight of his pacific measures, or to forget that peace was preferable to the most prosperous war ; and on all proper occasions, he indicated his wish of resuming negotia tions. The King of Sardinia was engaged as a neutral power, through whom communications to that effect might be conve- ' niently 166" HISTORY OF THE [Chap. I. niently made. The proposals for pacification, at first made with much secrecy, were soon publicly acknowledged. The French, who had indulged fond hopes of the consequences of the alliance with Spain, found that this alliance had placed their affairs in ra ther a worse situation than formerly ; and they listened to pro posals of peaCe, with an eagerness proportioned to their despon dency regarding the event of hostilities. Even the Spaniards themselves, besides that they were obliged to follow the example • of France, were satisfied that peace was the only remedy for the misfortunes which they had sustained. Lord Bute, whose disposition for peace he had never attempt ed to disguise, sent information to the Mayor of London, on the 30th of August, that a negotiation for peace was projected ; an information Which he thought necessary, to prevent the specu lations of those persons who are always ready to make use of such events to their own advantage. In September, the Duke de Nivernois was received as a plenipotentiary from France, while the Duke of Bedford, in the same capacity, was dispatched from Britain. Lord Bute and the Earl of Egremont were considered as those who had the power of finally adjusting the terms of the treaty on the part of Britain ; while de Choiseul had the same commission for France. And, in consequence of acknowledg-. ing the King of Sardinia as a mediator in the affair, the Sardinian minister at London, the Conte de Viri, and the minister from the same court at Paris, the Bailli de Solure, were appointed to be the persons through whom the communications were to be made. The same causes which rendered the enemies of Britain desirous of peace, made many of the British themselves desirous of war. The success which had almost uniformly attended the arms of Britain, and the many important acquisitions which she had made, had inflamed the people with a love of war, and with a desire of continuing hostilities, till they should attain some great- object, of which they had no accurate conception. This disposition, very prevalent among the people, was a conve nient instrument in the hands of those who were desirous of opposing all Bute's measures, and of disgracing all his undertak ings. The minister, indeed, was not able to convince even all his Chap. I.] REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 167 his own colleagues in power, that peace was desireable for Bri tain. The ideas of extensive conquests, and aggrandisement, had taken so much possession of the nation, that peaceful poli tics seemed to be for a time forgotten. The king's favour, which Bute so evidently enjoyed, appeared to increase the distrust and aversion of the other persons in power, rather than to augment their confidence. Perhaps the very open display which was made of the king's favour, may have been one reason of the odium which attended the minister's character. He was appointed to be ranger of Richmond Park. He received the honour of the garter ; and to render this honour still greater, he was installed at the same time with the king's brother, the Duke of York. Bute's own accession to power appears not to have rendered him unwilling to bestow places of power and profit on others. On the contrary, he has been accused of being somewhat lavish in this respect, especially to his favourites. Yet he seems not to have been able to secure friends, even among those who en joyed his bounty. Hardly had his administration commenced, when it was perceived, that the cabinet-council was not held to gether by any permanent ties. No sooner had the Duke of New castle resigned, than many whom his great influence, if not his abilities united, began to discover symptoms of dissatisfaction. At length, when the negotiation for peace commenced, the Duke of Devonshire refused, even after he had been summoned for that purpose, to attend his place in the council ; and such was the displeasure of the king en this occasion, that he was de prived of his place as Lord Chamberlain, and with his own hand the king removed his name from the list of privy-coun sellors. The consequence of this measure was the immediate resignation of several members of administration of no small power and influence ; among others, of Lord George Cavendish, comptroller of the household, and of Lord Besborough, who was joint postmaster-general. These, and several others, having added themselves to the opposition, daily augmented its power, which, thus continually accumulating, was concentrated under the influence of the Duke of Cumberland. Jn London, the great centre which regulates in some mear sure 168 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. L sure the political opinions of the other, parts of the nation, Pitt was still an unrivalled favourite. To the policy and vigour of his plans, was attributed all the success which had hitherto attended Bute in his administration ; and to negotiate for peace was, in the opinion of the greater part, to relinquish all those advantages which war had already procured, and which might flow from its further prosecution. The mercantile classes in die metropolis were particularly willing to continue hostilities. Our great superiority at sea rendered their trade in a great measure secure, while it had almost annihilated that of the enemy. The burdens of war were not severely felt by them, perhaps were little felt at all ; and it was not difficult for them to con strue a partial prosperity into that of the nation. During the whole course of the war, they had evinced a very decided op position to pacific measures, and our brilliant atchievements, since the commencement of war with Spain, had not much tended to render their expectations in case of a negotiation more moderate. We can hardly suppose that Pitt viewed this disposition in the city of London, and among the greater part of the people, with indifference. His attachment to the prosecution of war, from his character as well as from his politics, may be suppos ed to have been sincere ; and this, as well as that opposition which it is natural to maintain against every rival in power, must have caused him to view with some pleasure the growing aver sion to Bute's pacific measures. To sway the opinions of the citizens of London, must be a great object to every party in go vernment ; and such was Pitt's influence at this time in that city, that Alderman Beckford, a person well known as his determined partizan, notwithstanding his desire to retire from office, was elected to the office of Mayor. The press, too, teemed with political discussions, each party accusing the other, in unquali fied terms, of measures the most iniquitous and most hurtful. This opposition, violent as it was, prevented not Bute and his adherents from persevering in their pacific intentions ; arid as both parties were sincere, the French and their allies from necessity, the British from its conceived political utility, the ne gotiation proceeded with rapidity. Both France and Britain, convinced Chap. I.] REIGN OF GEORGE IIL 169 convinced of the impolicy of intermingling their own concerns with those of Germany, were now much less punctilious than formerly regarding that particular. This, no doubt, removed one great cause of jealousy, yet the negotiation remained not without its difficulties.. The great success of Britain during the whole war, and particularly during the late campaign, rendered the expectations of the people exorbitant. To grant the enemy favourable terms, would in their opinion have been to sacrifice to a pusillanimous desire of peace all our exertions, and all our victories. To have extorted from them terms obviously oppres sive, would have been to render the pacification insincere, and the speedy recurrence of war almost certain. In such a situa tion, not to disappoint the reasonable expectations of the British people on the one hand, and not to disgust the enemy by ty rannical conditions on the other, must be allowed to have been no easy undertaking. The British ministry at this time made not demands so ex orbitant as the greater part of the nation expected. Besides the impolicy of endless war, Britain, in their opinion, had not reaped all those advantages which caused the general exultation. The accumulation of the national debt was altogether unprece dented, and threatened, in the midst of victory, to oppress the country with burdens which might ultimately overturn the na tional prosperity. To provide for the payment of the annual interest, was become no easy task. Nor was this die only diffi culty ; our population, certainly inferior to that of several of the nations with which we were at war, could not long sustain the great loss which we incurred by the contest, a loss which was much augmented by the unhealthy climates in wlrich we had lately carried on hostilities, and which must be more severe ly felt, in proportion to the length of time during which we retained those foreign conquests. As both parties were sincerely desirous of peace, the nego tiation was conducted with little difficulty, both being willing to make every reasonable concession. The interests of the different nations in Europe were not now, as formerly, any serious ob stacle to die treaty. Britain no longer insisted on retaining a right to interfere in the affairs of Germany, and France could Vol. L Y not 170 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. I not refuse to make similar concessions. It was accordingly Sti pulated, that all the territories belonging to the Elector of Hano ver, the Landgrave of Hesse, and the Duke of Brunswick, should be restored ; that Wesel, Gueldres, and Cleves, with all the ter ritories of the King of Prussia, should be evacuated. The troops ol Spain were immediately to abandon such places as they still retained in Portugal. France agreed to restore to Britain the island of Minorca, and to. demolish the harbour and fortifica tions of Dunkirk ; while Britain, in return, was to restore Belle isle, ,the only conquest of any consequence which she had made in Europe. In the East Indies the French had little to cede, but they ex pected more easy terms in that quarter, on account of their yielding in some other places. Britain agreed to return to the French their factories on the coast of Coromandel, Orissa, and Malabar, and in Bengal, as they had been in 1749. In return, the French agreed to acknowledge Mahomet Ali Khan as Na bob of the Carnatic, and Salabat 6ing as Subah of the Decan, They likewise agreed to relinquish to us Nattal, and Tapanoully, in the island of Sumatra. Luconia was not mentioned in the treaty, and was consequently supposed to be restored to the Spaniards. Neither nation had in Africa any object by which they were greatly interested. Senegal was restored to France, while Goree was retained by the British. But it was in America, the original cause of the war, and the place where the enemy had been most signally vanquish- ed, that their concessions were most humiliating. France, in this quarter, solemnly relinquished all pretensions to Nova Scotia, or Acadia. She at the same time ceded the whole of Canada, including Cape Breton, and all the islands in the gulph and; river of St Lawrence ; and, to render the confines of the whole still less liable to dispute, she ceded likewise a great part of Louisiana. To these territorial cessions, the Spaniards added Florida, and all their other possessions in North America, to the east or south-east of the Mississippi. Thus the British saw themselves masters of an immense territory, capable of beco ming a much more powerful empire than Britain itself. Britain having Chap. I.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 171 having thus made so large acquisitions in North America, in her turn relinquished some of her conquests in the West Indies. To Spain she gave up all her acquisitions in Cuba, to France she relinquished Guadaloupe, Mariegalante, Desirade, Martinique, and St Lucie ; thus preserving to herself, of all her conquests in that quarter, only Grenada, and the Grenadines, St Vincent, Dominica, and Tobago. It was attempted,, at the commencement of the negotiation, to deprive the French of all share in the Newfoundland fishery ; but as on this article they were found to be somewhat refractory, it was at length agreed that they should enjoy a certain propor tion. The fishery upon the Coast of Nova Scotia, and Acadia, Was left under the regulation of former treaties. In the gulph of St Lawrence, the French were not to fish within less than three leagues from the shore ; oft the opposite side of the island of Cape Breton, they were not permitted to approach within less than fifteen leagues. That their fishermen might riot be destitute of all shelter, the small islands of St Pierre and Mi- quelon were ceded to them for that purpose, but with the express stipulation, that they were at no time to keep on them a force of more than fifty men, and that they were to erect no build ings, but such as were absolutely necessary for the fishery. Spain abandoned every claim of fishing in the vicinity of New foundland. Notwithstanding this concession, it was agreed that the subjects of Britain should retain their privilege of cut ting logwood in the Bay of Honduras, provided" that all their fortifications should be demolished. With regard to the prizes alledged to have been wrongfully taken, under Spanish colours, the Spanish ministry, trusting to the national honour, consented to refer the whole affair to the British Court of Admiralty. This treaty, of which these are the principal outlines, while it was Warmly applauded by the British minister and his friends, was no less severely censured by his opponents, at that time u very numerous class. Every article of it, indeed, underwent a strict examination, and almost every article was censured. We Ought not, it was asserted, to have abandoned Belleisle for Mi norca, as the former was certainly a place of more importance ro us than the latter. We ought not to have abandoned the Y 2 interest. 172 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. I. interests of Frederick. It was highly impolitic, in the opinion of the same persons, to give up our conquests in the East Indies, where the enemy had nothing to offer in return. , Senegal ought not to have been surrendered, though a place of inferior impor tance. Even our territorial acquisitions in America, it was a- verred, though very great, could hardly be deemed a sufficient recompence for the many islands in the West Indies which we relinquished, since these islands put it in the power of France to restore her trade, and'consequently her naval force, to its former prosperity. The fisheries too, as they were another source of naval aggrandisement, ought to have been retained in the hands of the British. France ought to have been allowed no share. To these several censures, the ministerial party were not with out their answers. The importance of Belleisle, it was argued, had been over-rated. The French themselves had affirmed, that we might retain it, if they were allowed to retain Minorca. The King of Prussia was now in a condition to support his own cause, yet we had not abandoned him, since we had procured to him the cession of such places as remained in the hands of the enemy, and if we had withdrawn our assistance from him, we had made the French consent to withdraw theirs from his adversaries. Our acquisitions in India, notwithstanding those given up to France, were every way sufficient for our commerce in that quarter, and perhaps were greater than a commercial com pany could advantageously manage. The truth seems to be, how ever, that Britain had not then formed the plan of monopolizing the commerce of the east, and of seizing a very large extent of its most valuable territory. The chief use of Goree and Senegal, either to the French or British, was as places to procure slaves ; and of these the latter could always obtain a much greater num ber than the former, even supposing they should be allowed to retain possession of Senegal. With respect to the West-India islands, it was affirmed, that we could not cultivate them to ad vantage. The French might indeed derive some prosperity from diese islands, but we could not hope to annihilate the French ; and if, by refusing every concession, we should render them desperate, we might continue the war to out own destruction. The portion of the Newfoundland fishery allowed to the French, was Chap. I.] REIGN OF GEORGE HI. m was so small, and the means of carrying it on so inconsiderable, that it could not contribute much, either to the strengthening of their own navy, or the diminution of our trade. We had, in deed, procured no pecuniary remuneration for our very great expences during the war ; but where was this to be procured ? The French were hardly able to defray their own expence, much less to indemnify ours ; and we had already taken from the Spaniards, by force, almost every thing which it might have been in their power to give. Even allowing hostilities to be continued, and our success to surpass all that we had yet ex perienced, there was no object in view, which could in any degree indemnify us for the enormous burdens which the war was accumulating. Such were a few of the arguments which this treaty, known by the name of the Peace of Fontainebleau, excited among the different parties which at that time divided Britain. It is need less to say, that on this occasion they were overcharged by both parties. On such occasions this always happens. By greater dexterity of negotiation, or by a longer continuance of the war, the British might perhaps have obtained terms more honourable, and probably more advantageous. Yet Bute's most determined ene mies must confess, that Britain has seldom concluded a peace, in which she really gained so much, or so completely humbled her enemies. The parliament met on the 25th of November. The king, after due commendations to the recent exertions of his army and navy, informed them that preliminaries of peace between France and Spain on the one hand, and Britain on the other, were already signed. The terms were such as he hoped would be sufficiently honourable and advantageous to his kingdom ; and unanimity was recommended as the best method of preserving those advantages which our exertions had acquired. The treaty, as soon as it was laid before parliament, was mi nutely and severely examined by those who were resolved to oppose it. Pitt, though really unable to support himself, was carried to the House of Commons, where he spoke against it for three hours, and even then ended his speech, not because his matter was exhausted, but because he was too much debilitated to 174 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. L to proceed. He reprobated almost the whole in the most un qualified terms. In the House of Lords, Bute defended himself with greater energy than was natural to him. He declared, that he would desire no greater encomium even on his tomb-stone, than that he had contributed to the completion of that treaty. The arguments on both sides were riot materially different from those already detailed. The recess of parliament took place be fore any other important business was introduced. Peace was definitively established on the 10th of February 1763. The other nations of Europe were soon induced to fol low the example of the greater contending powers ; and in a very short time a treaty was concluded' betwefen Prussia, Aus tria, Saxony, and Poland. At the termination of hostilities, these found very little difference in their situation from what it had been at their commencement, except that almost the whole might perceive their real power to be somewhat weakened, and their embarrassrhents somewhat increased. HISTORY HISTORY OF THE REIGN OF GEORGE THE THIRD. CHAPTER n. \\7 Hatever might be the merits or demerits of the peace which had just been concluded, it certainly was held in ab horrence by a very great proportion of the people, and the mini ster under whom it was concluded, at no time popular, had thus rendered himself still more odious. Though he was able, there fore, to procure, in parliament a great majority to approve of the treaty, many parts of the kingdom without disguise expressed their disapprobation. Thecityof London, which has no inconsider able influence on the political opinions of the nation, could not for a considerable period be persuaded to present an address upon the occasion ; and when, at length, an address was brought for wards, it was accompanied with circumstances which plainly marked the reluctance with which it had been produced. The mayor of the city did not attend at St James's upon the occasion, and several of the bells were muffled during the procession. Nor was London singular in this part of its conduct. Many of the addresses are said to have been obtained with difficulty by all the art of the ministry, and the counties of York and Surry refused to present an address of any kind. When parliament met on the 20th of January, Bute perceived that even there his opponents were numerous, and that they wanted only unanimity to render them formidable. The mi nority "6 PIISTORY OF THE [Chap. II. nority at this time consisted of two separate parties, one attach ed to Pitt, the other to the Duke of Newcastle. These, though they equally opposed the ministry, weje somewhat hostile to each other. To render their opposition more effectual, these parties proposed, and at length effected a coalition, by which they agreed unanimously to support each other in their political warfare with administration. While this coalition was secretly negotiating, the great expence ' of the, late campaign made it necessary to propose to parlia ment, to raise three millions and a half by way of 'loan. The whole financial schemes of the minister were on this occasion, as is usual in such cases, attacked with rancour. The amount of the supplies for the year, though the sum in reality seems not to have been uncommonly' great, was censured as extravagant, and they who would have grudged no sums for carrying on the war> were now Unwilling to submit to those burdens which the war had necessarily created. In negotiating the loan, tbo, it was alledged, that the minister had neither shewn himself able nor upright. It was affirmed, that he had disposed of it privately to some persons whom he chose to favour, and that he had granted them such terms as to benefit them to the amount of more than three hundred thousand pounds, at the expence of the nation. The taxes by which the interest of this loan was to be defray ed, excited an opposition of a still more formidable nature. Anxious as much as possible to confine his taxes to the luxuries and superfluities, rather than the necessaries of life, the minis ter proposed a tax upon cyder, which he thought as fair a sub ject of taxation as either beer, ale, or wine. After he had exa mined -and rejected several modes in which the tax might be imposed, he at length adopted the imposition of four shillings upon the hogshead, to be paid by the grower, and the tax was to he collected under the regulations of fhe excise. The people have at all times, though for no good reason, been extremely averse to taxes payable in the way of excise. Wal pole himself, notwithstanding the acknowledged stability of his power, was compelled to abandon an excise-scheme, otherwise he must have been compelled to abandon his office. Nothing; therefore, could be more impolitic in Bute, at all times an un popular €hat. IL] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 177 popular minister, to adopt so unpopular a mode of taxation. His enemies failed not to seize so favourable an opportunity of degrading him still farther in the opinion of the public. Pitt, in particular, when the tax Was proposed in the House of Commons, inveighed against it in his usual vehement style of eloquence. The vexatious visits of excisemen, to whom so many additional houses were about to be laid open, were the subject of virulent comments. The expressions of Mr Hartley, in the House of Com mons, on this occasion, have found their way into almost every IristoYical document respecting that period. « The exciseman," said he, " is to be armed with unlimited powers of research, from the barn without to the closet within ; with an alternative ' offered to each person thus visited, of escaping all this vexation upon a certain composition for the duty. Now, because there is an alternative offered, this is said to be a law formed upon the principles of liberty, for no man is forced under this excise. The law only compels him, under intolerable pains and penalties, to a voluntary payment. I wish some clear-sighted man would explain to me the difference between these two cases ; the mi nistry send me notice, that I shall have a troop of excisemen, or a troop of horse, no matter which, quartered upon me ; and in a postscript they subjoin, that the troop of horse is but, as the gentlemen of the long robe say, a fiction in law, and if I will pay the sum specified per head for my family, I shall hear no more of the excisemen, or the troop of horse, till the next time." The minority entered not into any reasoning concerning the real merits of excise-laws, under proper regulations, when com pared with other modes of taxation. They might, in such a case, have found some difficulty in overturning the arguments wlrich could have been adduced in favour of the excise. They confined themselves to these popular topics which are level to all apprehensions, and which were peculiarly calculated to make an impression upon the nation in general, and particularly upon those who were more immediately to feel the operations of the act. It remained not long doubtful, indeed, that the propos ed tax was to meet with formidable opposition among the peo ple, as well as in parliament. A petition against it was present ed by the city of London. Similar petitions were presented by Vol. I. Z the 173 .. HISTORY OF THE [Chap. II, the cities of Exeter and Worcester. Several counties, particular ly those which furnish cyder in the greatest quantities, instructed their representatives to oppose the bill With all their influence ; and letters of thanks Were transmitted to those members of parliament, who shewed themselves most zealous in their opposi tion. Even in the House of Ldrds, thottgh a money-bill, it un derwent a violent discussion, and what, with regard to such a bill, was unprecedented, they riot oflly divided upon the subject, but entered several protests against it. The city of London, even after it had" passed both houses, though they had no hopes of success, yet, to shew their inveterate hatred of the measure, petitioned the king to with-hold his assent. Every effort proved fruitless ; the bill passed into a law. Besides the general objections stated against this tax, as it was an extension of the excise-laws, the tax upon cyder Was general ly thought to be liable to particular objections. Its amount wa9 said nearly to equal the rent of the land which produced the taxed commodity, and consequently the tax was thought to be altogether disproportioned to the value of the article taxed. It was payable within six weeks after the cyder was made, and the payer could have no indemnification for the liquor, which after that period it is usual to lose. The tax, at the same time, was very unequal in its operatioris, the same sum being payable for every hogshead, of which the prices varied from eight to fifty shillings. It was indeed averred, that it Was impossible to distinguish with sufficient accuracy the several kinds of cyder, but even this was made an argument against the bill itself. Bute's popularity was not certainly promoted by this procedure ; nor is it .probable that he would ever have been popular, had he even adopted Walpole's plan, and rescinded the law after he had shewn that he had influence to procure it. Had he been desirous, however, of retaining power, and of preserving undi minished that small share of public favour which he enjoyed, he ought certainly, either to have withdrawn his bill before it passed into a law, or abrogated the law soon after it was passed. But the minister could not be ignorant that he was not beloved. He might be indignant at mert who shewed themselves insensible of that merit which every one, especially every one in power, thinks Chap. II.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. ' 179 thinks he himself possesses ; and his notions of dignity were such, that he thought it quite incompatible with his retracting a mea sure, which he was probably conscious of having brought for wards with the best intentions. This dignity, however, or, as some scrupled not to call it, obstinacy, tended rapidly to under mine the influence of all connected with him in office, and to afford to the minority an advantage which they eagerly sought. After having granted some compensation to the American colonists, for their expences incurred during the war, parlia ment, on the 19th of April, was prorogued. Notwithstanding the violent agitation which the cyder-bill had excited in the minds of the public, and the additional odiuni which was thereby attached to Bute's political character, he seemed in no danger of losing that place which he enjoyed in the national council. His party, in both Houses of Parliament, on the contrary, was evidently acquiring daily strength ; when, on the 8th of April, the nation in general, and the greater part pf his own friends, were surprised by his sudden resignation ; an example which was instantly followed by Sir Francis Dash- WQod. Nothing could exceed the astonishment of the nation on this occasion. Ministers seldom abandon offices of honour and power, without some evident necessity, and in this case no such necessity was apparent, Bute's influence with his sovereign seemed to be undiminished, his partizans in the national councils seemed to "be increasing. Whatever reason he might himself assign, he might be assured, would meet with little credit ; and every one formed for himself such conjectures as best agreed with his opinion of the minister's character, In this case it may be easily inferred, that few assigned any cause honourable to him, either as a man or a minister. The same disrespect which had attended him during the whole time of his administration, now followed him when he resigned his power ; and as he had exercised his authority without esteem, he could not be permit ted to lay it down without censure. The uncertainty of the affair, however, left every one at liber ty to please his fancy, with regard to the cause to be assigned ; so that though these causes were generally unfavourable, they were 7 2 not 180 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. If. not on that account the less numerous. It was affirmed by some, that he dreaded an impeachment, which the Duke of Bedford's re turn from France gave him, in their opinion, some reason to appre hend. Some were of opinion, that he had not courage to brave the storm which his conduct had raised ; and that, with a timi dity unbecoming the minister of a great nation, he hoped to shun, in retirement, those affronts which were daily offered to his pride in public. Some believed him to be so weak as to have been driven from his post, by the publication entitled The North Briton ; a paper whose attacks he had long sustained. While others, assuming the credit of superior discernment, were of opi nion, that his retreat from office was more apparent than real j that he still was in private to direct the part which others were to act in public ; that, in short, the whole was a political strata gem, designed to deceive the nation, and to screen the minister from that resentment which his measures had at all times exT cited, and which they had of late so greatly exasperated. That Bute retired through dread of impeachment, we have hardly any reason to suppose. Had he really been apprehensive of being impeached, it was not certainly prudent to retire from power, and thus lay himself open to danger without protection. He would certainly, in such a case, have remained in office where the majority, which had approved of his measures, would either have prevented all inquiry into his conduct, or at least would have screened him from censure. But why should he dread impeachment ? His conduct respecting the peace had been already amply discussed, and had met with the approbation of a majority. It had, indeed, been asserted by his enemies, that he had received from France a large sum of money. But the event shewed, that even had this been made the foundation of an impeachment, he had been safe. After a minute inquiry into this matter, when parliament was no longer under the ma nagement of Bute, the House of Commons pronounced the charge to be frivolous, and void of foundation. It is not probable that Bute, whose whole administration had been to him one continued scene of popular reproach, and not unfrequently of personal danger, should now shrink from that danger; Chap.H.] REIGN OF GEORGE IH. 1S1 danger, and those reproaches, on account of a bill wlrich he bad carried in triumph through both Houses of Pari'a-.vient, where it had not apparendv diminished the number of h.s friend;. It is still less probable that he should be driven from his pL.ce by the violence of the Nsrth Briton, a paper whose attacks he had hi therto sustained with the most philosophic ccoices^. and of ¦which the wit and reasoning, even in the opinion of his ene mies, were not the most formidable. That Bute, after his resignation, wss to retain his influence in the cabinet, has been frequendy and strenuously asserted, and the assertion in its very nature is incapable either of complete proof or refutation. It appears to be certain, that if he had not the choice of some of those persons who were to succeed to office, in consequence of the change which his resignation produced, he was at least appointed to inform them of the king's pleasure. If Bute himself may be believed, however, and neither his vera city nor his caution appears ever to have been doubted, bis in fluence, not in the cabinet only, but even with his sovereign, ex perienced a rapid and very considerable decline. Not only at home, but when abroad, he complained to such friends as he could trust of his sovereign's neglect, and he complained in such a way as shewed that he felt it, not only as a minister, but as a man. Even his own friends were at a loss to account for his sudden and mysterious retreat, and found difficulty in assigning for it anv reasonable cause. When they fixed upon one, however, it was, as might have been expected, not a httle honourable to his character. According to them, Bute at first coveted power, be cause he saw his country involved in a war, glorious indeed to her in its atchievements, but ruinous in its consequences, while the ministry who swayed her councils seemed to forget, that an honourable, and if it could be obtained, a profitable pesce, was the end of every national contest. When he attained power, there fore, peace was the object at which he aimed, not that he might contradict the measures of his predecessor, but because he thought it for the good of his country. This object, even while he prosecuted the wir, he had constantly in view ; and in the prosecution of this plan, which he believed to be so salutary, he h;d 18* HISTORY OF THE [Chap. II. had exposed himself to the reproaches of a people, who had sacri ficed to the thirst of conquest their common sense ; he had even exposed himself to the hazard of assassination. He had despised the mean and scurrilous attacks of the ignorant and prejudiced up on himself, upon his frieixls, upon his country; and had succeed ed in concluding a peace, with which he was convinced every wise man would be satisfied, and which he -was certain would tend to the good of the nation. Having thus attained the great end for which he had at first desired power, he no longer wished to re tain it ; and having established an administration which could support itself without his assistance, he now desired to return to that philosophical retirement from which he could have been allured only by the hope of serving his country. Sentiments such as these are by far too heroic for the greater part of prime ministers. Nor is it necessary we should suppose Bute to be such a prodigy of patriotism. He himself, if very good authority can be relied on, gives a different account of the matter ; an account much more consonant to the general feel ings of human nature. The truth is, he found his influence in the cabinet rapidly decaying, — a circumstance of which, in a letter to a friend, he complains in bitter terms. He complains, that he found himself single in a cabinet which he had formed ; that those who voted on his side in the House of Lords, voted" rather through complaisance, and a desire of retaining their places, than through attachment either to his person or his mea sures. He found the ground he trode on to be hollow. He found himself in continual danger of falling ; and under all these circumstances, he very rationally concluded that it was time for him to retire. The duration of Bute's administration was not such as to al low us to form a decisive idea concerning the true extent of his political abilities. The detestation in which he was held, was the effect of prejudice, rather than of deliberate judgement. He was hated as having superseded Pitt, who enjoyed almost the adoration of the people ; he was hated as the reputed favourite of his king ; and, from a prejudice at that time not uncommon in England, he was hated as a Scotchman. Such was the effect of the odium under whigh he laboured, that almost all his ac tions Chap. IL] REIGN OF GEORGE fit 1& tions were misconstrued. When his plans succeeded, he had borrowed them from Pitt ; when they failed, they were allowed to be his own. He persisted in a political undertaking, which, however profitable it might be for the nation, was Certainly dis agreeable to it. Even the scheme which he had formed of go verning the kingdom independent of every party, rendered him obnoxious to many of the great families, especially those of that party in whbse hands had long been almost the exclusive ma nagement of government. His manners were naturally reserved ; and as he deemed himself to be wronged by the public opinion, he was not the less reserved on that account. Though a man of sense and of some learning, he was not eloquent ; and though anxious to attach many to himself by his good offices, he had little success in procuring sincere friends. In his political con duct there was nothing to excite either the adulation of his friends, or the more vehement execrations of his enemies. While he carried on the war, he was successful. If this, as has been asserted, was owing to Pitt's plans, it at least shewed that he had the good sense to adopt these plans, rather than, through vanity, to substitute others of an inferior order. When he ne gotiated a peace, he procured one, which, though a better might have been imagined,, arid perhaps through perseverance might have been procured, was yet in no inconsiderable degree honourable and advantageous to his country. The Celebrity which he attained appears, in short, to. be owing less to any thing remarkable either in his actions or in his Character, than to his rivalry with Pitt, who at that time might with some jus tice have been styled the idol of the British nation. When Bute resigned, George Grenville, at that time first Lord of the admiralty, was promoted to the head of the treasury, and the Earl of Sandwich was appointed to fill the place which he had left vacant. Lord Egremont and Lord Halifax were continued as secretaries of state. Ministry were not insensible how great an accession Pitt would have been to their party, and they accordingly offered him a place in the cabinet ; but as he Was indignant at the usage which he had already experienced, and as he certainly undervalued not his own powers and im portance, he insisted upon terms which were reckoned unrea sonable. 18* - HISTORY OF THE [Chap. IL sonable. He insisted that all who had been concerned in the late negotiation should be removed from the council ; and, though the treaty had been signed, to attempt to obtain terms still more favourable. In other words, he was desirous of re newing the war. Had he obtained these terms, his triumph would have been complete, but the ministry were unwilling to make such sacrifices even to Pitt's acknowledged abilities. Grenville, who had occupied high situations in government, both under George II. and during the present reign, was re spected for his capacity, as well as for' his accuracy and dis patch in the management of business. Those by whom he was supported in the more important ministerial offices, were men whose powers far exceeded mediocrity ; but as they were all known to be closely connected with Bute, he was suspected of directing in private the measures which they followed ; a cir cumstance of itself sufficient to deprive them of the confidence of the people. . ' During the whole of Bute's administration, the press had teemed with abuse of the most scurrilous kind. That minister has been accused of promoting this disgraceful practice, though it is certain that the writers on his side were less indecent than those by whom they were opposed. He bore in reserved dig nity all the abuse which was poured out against him ; but he had not long retired from office, when a publication appeared of such enormity as seemed to mark it out as the fit object of public vengeance. The North Briton, a publication which has been already mentioned, had for a considerable* time inflamed the passions of the factious, and disgusted die more orderly and respectable classes of society. Forty-four papers had already appeared, when on the 23d of April was published the forty.* fifth, which in culpable indecency exceeded all the rest. In some remarks there made upon the speech of the king, at the prorogation of parliament, the Sovereign is plainly accused of having uttered a direct falsehood. The reputed author of the obnoxious paper, and indeed of die greater part, if not the whole of the North Briton, was John Wilkes, member of parliament for Aylesbury, a man said ftrhave excelled in vivacity of conversation, though his capacity, either Chap. II.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 185 either as a writer or a speaker, was not great, and his character as a man not very respectable. The attack itself was as weak as indecent, and had it passed unheeded, must soon have fallen into oblivion ; but the ministry, by prosecuting its author, gave him his most earnest desire, by introducing him in a conspicuous situation to the public. In consequence of a resolution of the cabinet-council, though contrary to the opinion of some of its members, a general war rant was issued from the office of the secretary of state, for seizing the authors, publishers, and printers of the forty-fifth Num ber of die North Briton. When Kearsley, the publisher of the pa per, was apprehended, he without hesitation avowed before the secretary of state, that the paper was printed by a person named Balfe, and that Wilkes was the writer. Wilkes, however, was a member of parliament, and in ordinary cases could not be arrested ; but the crown-lawyers were of opinion that the paper in question was a libel, and that the publication of a libel was a breach of the peace, a case to which the privilege of parlia ment does not extend. The messengers, in consequence of this opinion, waited on Wilkes ; but as the warrant was general, that is, named no particular person, he refused to submit to it as illegal. As it was now night, the raessenger-s retired without enfor cing their orders ; but they returned next day, and, without granting him a copy of the Writ, which he strenuously demand-, ed, carried him before Lord Plalifax, the secretary of state; Lord Temple, who befriended him, and who now paid him a visit, advised him to apply to the Court of Common Pleas for a writ of Habeas Corpus. This advice he adopted, and his mo tion was granted ; but his examination meanwhile was con tinued, and before the writ could be prepared, as he refused to answer the questions put to him by the secretary, he was committed to the Tower, where so close was his confinement, that no friend, not even his counsel, could be admitted to him. The first writ of Habeas Corpus was directed to the messen gers, but Wilkes was no longet in their custody. Another was directed to the constable of the Tower, in consequence of which he was brought before the Court, where, in a speech of some Vol.. I. A a length, 186 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. II. length, he complained of the grievances he had endured, and among other things, pleaded the illegality of the warrant upon which he had been apprehended. After mature deliberation, the chief justice delivered it as the opinion of the Court, that the warrant was not illegal, but that Wilkes, in virtue of his privi lege, was entitled to a discharge, the counsel for the crown having admitted that he was a member of parliament. Wilkes was no sooner discharged, than the attorney-general commenced an action against him, as the author of the North Briton ; and to shew him that he had no forbearance to expect pn the part of government, his commission as colonel in the Buckinghamshire Militia was taken from him. Lord Temple, ¦who was Lord Lieutenant, was under the necessity of carrying this disagreeable intelligence ; but Temple, who had been, and Still was, his avowed friend, conveyed it in as gentle a manner as possible, intermixing it with many compliments, and with ex pressions of regret at being obliged to perform so disagreeable an office, This conduct so offended the ministers, that Lord Temple's name was taken from the list of privy-counsellors, and he was declared to be no longer Lord-Lieutenant of Buck inghamshire, While Temple thus openly befriended Wilkes, he was anxious that he should not disgrace his cause by any impe tuosity of behaviour, He accordingly advised him to retain a dignity of conduct, which would certainly place that of his adversaries in a more odious point of view. But dignity was not the aim of Wilkes. He wished to draw upon himself the eyes of the world. His character was turbulent, and he was capable only of outrageous measures. Instead of avoiding the resentment of administration, his chief aim was to provoke it, in hopes that, while it could inflict upon him no penalty which he much dreaded, he should be able thus to acquire the unlimit ed favour of the people. In pursuance pf this design, hardly was he discharged, when h.e wrote to the secretaries of state a letter, expressed in the bitterest and most opprobrious language. He asserted in un qualified terms, that his house had been robbed, and that the stplen goods were in their possession. To give, at the same time, Chap. II.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 187 time, the greater publicity to the transaction, and to render the affront still more heinous, he printed several thousand copies of his letter, and distributed it in every quarter of the metropolis. This measure procured Wilkes the very satisfaction he desired ; instead of regarding his letter with contempt, the council was- weak enough to follow his example, and to return him an an swer. His conduct, indeed, was such as to render him alto gether unworthy of serious notice. As few printers were will ing to expose themselves to the danger of printing his produc tions, he erected a printing-press in his own house, resolved to set no bounds to the licence of his publications. The first work published at this press was, « The proceedings of government in his case." This he published by subscription, at one guinea for each copy ; and as he sold a considerable number, it put him in a state of affluence, to which for some time he had been little accustomed. His success in this instance encouraged him to proceed, and he published a new edition of the first forty- five numbers of the North Briton, with corrections and some n^tes. Neither did he confine himself to political publications ; he printed " an Essay on Woman," a work so replete with ob scenity and every kind of immorality, as to sink him still lower than formerly in the opinion of all honest men. It was never published, so that its evil tendency was prevented. While these various works were preparing for publication, Wilkes himself retired to France, with the design of remaining for some time, till parliament should meet. While the public were agitated by the transactions in the case ef Wilkes, the Queen, on the 16th of August 1763, was deliver ed of a second son, named Frederick. The death of Lord Egremont, which took place on the 21st of August, considerably weakened the cabinet-council. So much, indeed, was his loss felt, that Bute, apprehensive that the mini sters would find no small difficulty in carrying on the national business, contrived to bring about an interview between the king and Pitt, with a view to plan an administration of greater stability and efficiency. Pitt, at this instant, found himself in a very delicate situation. He could not refuse the advice which his sovereign solicited. Yet, to have an interview with the king, A a 2 and 188 HISTORY OF THE- [Chap. II. and that interview planned by Bute, must subject him to strong suspicions among his own party. He rightly conceived, that openness of conduct was least likely to be misinterpreted. He accordingly proceeded to Buckingham-House, where the inter view was to take place, in open day, without any attempt at con cealment. The conversation continued during three hours, ¦when Pitt, with all his usual freedom and strength of colouring, laid before his sovereign his ideas concerning the state of the nation. He descanted on the peace, on its defects, and what was necessary to its farther improvement. He lamented the measures which had driven from all share in administration, those great families of the Whig party, whose influence had so long and prosperously supported the national councils. And he stated as his opinion, that these ought -to be brought back to the public service. All this the king heard with attention and com plaisance ; but he failed not to remark, that whatever might seem necessary to be done, his honour must be preserved. Pitt was then dismissed, after he had been desired to wait upon his Ma jesty on the second day following. Such was the hope with which the king's behaviour had in spired Pitt, that a new administration was about to be formed, founded chiefly upon the Whig interest, that he hurried with the intelligence to the Duke of Newcastle, and to such other of his friends as he conceived were soon to have a principal share in the public administration. On the day appointed, he repaired to his Majesty, when he soon had reason to believe that his hopes had been premature. Pitt named the persons with whom, hi case of the formation of a new ministry, he chose to be con nected. To this the king replied, by naming several persons whom he was particularly anxious to introduce into administra tion ; at the same time, he proposed a general plan for the for mation of a ministry, somewhat different from that which had been offered. Pitt, without hesitation, declared, that unless the great Whig families were included, the hope was vain to form any ministry in which the nation could have confidence. Here the conference terminated. ' The king expressed his apprehen sions that the proposed scheme « would not do." His honour, he said, was concerned, and must be supported. This Chap. II.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 189 This'change in the king's opinion, whichmust be allowed to have been somewhat sudden, has given rise to various speculations. Some have attributed, the change, not to the king himself, but to Lord Bute, whose influence, according to them, remainetl un- eontrouled. Others affirm, that this supposition is, to say the least of it, extremely improbable. Bute was one of those with whom Pitt had no objections to coalesce in his projected admi nistration ; and he could no longer hope sincerely to unite with those whose removal he had been the first to advise. The as cendancy proposed to be given to the great Whig families, is by many supposed to have been the chief objection entertained by the king against the scheme which Pitt had offered. In his po litical conduct, he had always evinced his unwillingness that any family, or combination of families, should acquire a power so consolidated as to render them necessary to the stability of government. This seemed in some degree to detract from the dignity of the throne itself. He was willing that Pitt and his colleagues should hold the first ministerial offices, but ho could not consent that any party, however powerful, should en joy the exclusive management of the national councils. Be tween two who differed regarding this fundamental principle, a complete agreement in the nomination of ministers could hardly be expected. This may probably have been the true cause of the sudden termination of the conference, yet this may have been combined with other causes which have never been de veloped ; but fortunately the affair is not ©f the first import ance. The changes in administration, which had been proposed by Pitt, having been rejected, the following were the alterations which took place in consequence of the death of Lord Egre- mont.. Grenville still retained his place of first Lord of the'trea- sury, and chancellor of the exchequer. The presidency of the council was bestowed on the Duke of Bedford ; Lord Sandwich was appointed secretary of state ; and Lord Egmont was made first Lord of the admiralty. Wilkes, who had already succeeded so well in attracting to his cause the attention of the public, was not of a disposition to permit the affair to drop without farther exertion; nor were the ministry 190 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. II. ministry more backward to bring under public discussion, an af fair to which they thus gave an adventitious magnitude. When parliament met on the 15th of November, the case of Wilkes was the first business to which the ministers directed their at tention. Before an address could be voted in reply to the king's speech, a message was delivered to the House of Com mons, informing them of the proceedings in the case of John Wilkes. The minister, having detailed the transactions in the inferior courts, laid before them the libel itself, with the exami nations of the printer and bookseller. After a debate of some virulence, a great majority resolved the forty-fifth Number of the North Briton to be a false, scandalous, and seditious libel, and ordered it fo be burnt by the hands of the common hang man. Far frpm being intimidated by this resolution, Wilkes, in his turn, complained to the House of the treatment he had expe rienced. He averred, that in his person, not only the privileges of parliament had been violated, but the rights of every British subject. He entered into a detail of his arrest and discharge, with the various proceedings which had been carried on against him. With regard to his privilege, he declared his readiness to submit to the judgement of the House ; but, at the same time, he avowed his purpose, whatever might be their decision, to refer his cause to a jury of his countrymen. The consideration of these matters was deferred for several days ; but Wilkes was soon convinced that he had no reason to expect a favourable termination to his business. The Earl of Sandwich, in the House of Lords, complained, in very severe terms, of the obscene profanity of the Essay on Woman ; and Warburton, bishop of Gloucester, whose name, to render the parody on Pope's Essay more complete, had been put to one of the notes, resented it as a breach of privilege. Sandwich's own character was not such as to bear a strict scrutiny with regard to morals ; but this was no favourable symptom for Wilkes, who was openly abandoned by the former companions of his irregularities. The attacks made upon hitn in both Houses, in deed, shew that he was the subject of much detestation. Mr Martin, the member of die House of Commons for Camelford, had Chap. IL] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 191 had conceived himself to be injured by some strictures ir the earlier Numbers of the North Briton ; and during the deb.ites upon that publication, he took the opportunity of affirming, that the author of the passages of which he complained, whoever he might be, was a malignant, infamous coward. In a letter which he immediately sent to Mr Martin, Wilkes owned himself to be the author of the papers alluded to. A duel was the conse quence, in which Wilkes was severely wounded. Notwithstanding the inability of Wilkes to attend, the question of privilege was debated with great keenness. On the second day of the debate, a letter was produced from Wilkes, request ing that it might be postponed till he should be able to make his appearance in the House. This request was disregarded, and the debate continued. At length it was resolved, by a very great majority, " That the privilege of parliament does not extend to the case of writing and publishing seditious libels, nor ought to1 be allowed to obstruct the ordinary course of the laws, in the speedy and effectual prosecution of so heinous and dangerous an offence." To this resolution they added a confirmation of those they had formerly made regarding this matter. The resolution regardiag privilege was strongly opposed by Pitt. While he agreed, that the paper in question was truly a libel ; while he condemned the whole series of which it formed a part, as illiberal, unmanly, and detestable ; while he considered the author as the libeller of his king, as the blasphemer of his God, as having few pretensions to rank among the human species ; yet he could not agree in a resolution, which shew ed with how much facility parliament , could vote away its own privileges. The Commons, deeming the concurrence of the Lords of some importance, had desired a conference with them. When they met, their conduct with regard to Wilkes was debated with considerable keenness. Lord Lyttleton defended the proceedings of the Commons at great length, and with great ability. Their resolutions were agreed to, but not without producing a pro test, signed by seventeen members of the House of Lords. At the same conference, an address was voted to the king, express ing 192 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. IL ing the indignation of parliament at the insult which had been offered to his public character. On the 3d of December an attempt was made to execute that part of the parliamentary resolutions which respected the burn ing of the forty-fifth Number cf the North Briton by the hands of the common hangman ; but this undertaking was found to be not on}y difficult, but dangerous. Wilkes, among the rabble of London, was regarded as the champion of liberty, and the proceedings against him were considered as persecution, rather than legal procedure. Alderman Hartley, therefore, the sheriff of London, to whom the execution of the sentence Was entrust ed, was treated with great violence, as well as all those who at tended to assist him in this part of his duty. From scurrilous insults the mob proceeded to more violent measures. The glasses of Hartley's chariot were broken, and he himself very narrowly escaped from being personally hurt. Alarmed by this outrageous appearance, he retired to the mansion-house, whither the executioner and constables were quickly compelled to follow him. The paper was rescued from the fir, Ties, so that the sen tence in reality was not executed. The fragments, for it was unavoidably torn during the struggle, were carried as trophies of victory to Temple-Bar, where, in derision of a nobleman, who, though he belonged not to the ministry, yet was regarded as the source of every obnoxious measure, they burnt, not the North Briton, but a jack-boot. This riot was warmly resented by parliament. Those concerned in it were declared to be dis turbers of the public peace, and enemies to the liberties of their country ; and proper measures were taken to discover and bring them to punishment. At the conference with the Lords, Wilkes had been ordered to attend the bar of the Commons within a week. When the time arrived, a physician and surgeon of respectability appeared at the bar, and declared that his health prevented him from obeying the order. Another week was granted him, at the ex piration of which the same persons made the same declaration. He was then ordered to appear immediately after the Christmas recess ; and to prevent all suspicion which might arise, of his baving prevailed on his physician and surgeon to make a false report, Chap. II.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 193 report, a physician and surgeon, chosen by the Commons, were appointed then to attend him, and to give their opinion of his case. In consequence of the verdict which Wilkes had obtained, that his arrest was illegal, he had commenced actions against Lords Egremont and Halifax, the secretaries of state, and against Mr Wood, who was under-secretary. The death of Lord Egremont put an end to the process in his case, and Hali fax had the influence to delay die decision of that in which he was concerned, till the outlawry of Wilkes rendered a sentence unnecessary. Wobd, whose influence was not so great, was obliged to trust his cause to the laws of his country. The cause was tried at Guildhall before a special jury ; and after a hearing of fifteen hours, a verdict was given in favour of Wilkes, award ing him damages to the amount of a thousand pounds. On this occasion, the Lord Chief Justice declared his opinion, that the warrant under which Wilkes had been arrested, was uncon stitutional, illegal, and absolutely void. The words he used are too remarkable to be omitted : « If it be good," said he, " a se cretary of state can delegate and depute any one of his messen gers, or any even from the lowest of the people, to take exa minations, to commit or release, and in fine, to do every act which the highest judicial officers the law knows, can do or or der. There is no authority in our law-books mentions this kind of warrants, but in express terms condemns them. Upon the maturest, consideration, I am bold to say this warrant is illegal ; but I am far from wishing a matter of this consequence should rest solely on my opinion. It may be referred to die twelve judges, and there is a still higher court before which it may be canvassed, and whose determination is final. If these superior jurisdictions should declare my opinion erroneous, I submit as will become me, and kiss the rod ; but I must say, I shall al ways consider it as a rod of iron, for the chastisement of the people of Great Britain." The physician and surgeon appointed by the Commons to visit Wilkes, were refused admittance to him. To vindicate, indeed, the characters of those who had formerly made the re ports concerning him, he called another surgeon and physician, Vol. I. B b by 194 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. II. by whom these reports were confirmed. He himself, however, was not very anxious to preserve their reputation for iritegrity, since in a very short time he undertook a journey to Paris, as if that had been more easy than to proceed to the bar of the Com mons. On the 16th of January 1764, parliament met, and Wilkes was in due form called on to make his appearance, when a letter from him was produced, inclosing a certificate from one of the French King's physicians, and a surgeon of the French army, affirming that the state of his wound prevented him from leav ing Paris without imminent danger to his life. No precaution had been taken to authenticate this certificate, and even had this been done, it did not seem to merit implicit credit. Wilkes had travelled from London to Paris, and no good reason -was as signed why he should be unable to return from Paris to Lon don. His behaviour, upon the whole, was such as appeared to justify them in proceeding to the consideration of the charges against him, even in his absence. The examination of the evidence, and their deliberations upon this subject, occupied them a considerable time. They at last came to a resolution, that the forty-fifth number of the North Briton contained expressions regarding his Majesty in the high est degree insolent and contumelious : that it aspersed parlia ment, and breathed defiance to government : that its tendency was to sow the seeds of dissension, to encourage the factious, and to incite them to the most traitorous undertakings. In con sequence of all this, Wilkes was declared to be expelled from the House. Notwithstanding Wilkes was no longer a member of parlia ment, his complaint of a breach of privilege was taken un der consideration. In the debates upon this subject, the ministry were anxious to avoid the discussion of the ab stract question of the legality of general warrants, sedulous ly confining themselves to the particular acts of the under secretaries ; and for this they offered the very plausible pretext, that they of themselves enjoyed no legislative authority, and that the question was not yet finally decided in the courts of -' law. Chap. II.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 195 law. Confining the complaint to this very narrow view, it was in a short time discharged. The minority, however, were not discouraged by the failure of this attempt. In a short time they rhoved, in general terms, " That a warrant for apprehending arid seizing the author, printers, and publishers of a seditious libel, is hot warranted by law." This motion was amended by the ministry, by the ad dition, that it had long been the practice of those in office, arid its validity had never been debated. The ministers, ihdeed, wished to avoid the discussion of the general question. They al ledged merely, that they had followed the example of their prede cessors, who had all without censure had recourse to similar mea sures. Pitt himself, they averred, who now so eagerly condemned their proceedings, had not disdained to make use of general warrants during his ministerial career. Pitt immediately grant ed, that he had used such warrants twice, but that even when he used them, he was convinced of their illegality, and that nothing but the most imperious necessity could have induced him to have recourse to so unwarrantable a practice. The ur gency which had prompted him to issue general warrants, was in his opinion very different from that which existed, if any could be said to exist, when Wilkes was arrested. At any rate, precedent could not diminish the iniquity of the practice. Nor would it be possible for them to justify their conduct, either to diemselves or to their posterity, if they thus deliberately threw away their own privileges, and betrayed the liberties of the people. The ministry, however, persisted in defending them selves by the practice of their predecessors ; nor could they by any means be brought to enter into a debate concerning the principles upon which that practice was founded. The argu ments which the minority had prepared and arranged, were thus in a great measure lost, and the question was adjourned to a period which amounted to a dismissal. The triumph of the ministry, however, was very far from being complete. Though four hundred and fifty-four members were present, they carried their purpose only by a majority of fourteen. The prosecution against Wilkes, for the publication of the,North Briton, and the Essay on Woman, still continued, and in a B b 2 short 196 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. II. short time he was condemned upon both. As he failed to ap pear for the purpose of receiving sentence, he was outlawed. These various , proceedings tended little to diminish the popu larity of Wilkes ; on the contrary, they perhaps somewhat in creased it. His private character, indeed, was blamed by all, and detested by the greater number ; but riot a few were the avowed admirers of his political conduct. The discussions to which his cause gave rise were in themselves interesting, and the manner in which the ministry had acted in the first place, apd avoided all discussion concerning the legality of their con duct in the second, had rendered them not a little odious. On this occasion, as on some others, the city of London expressed its opinions by very unequivocal symptoms. On the day of Wilkes' trial, the common council voted their thanks to the city-members for their zeal to preserve the liberty of the peo ple, and particularly for their exertions with respect to the question of general warrants. The conduct of Pratt, the Lord Chief Justice, regarding these warrants, received their warmest approbation. To express their approbation, he received the freedom of the city ; and to perpetuate the memory of his pa triotism, his portrait was placed in a conspicuous situation in Guildhall. During this session, parliament was by a message informed of a proposed marriage between the Prince of Brunswick and Lunenburg, and the Princess Augusta, eldest sister to the liing. They immediately voted the sum of eighty thousand pounds as her dowry. The prince soon arrived in Britain, and the marriage was solemnized on the 16th of January 1764. Of the affairs of Ireland, hitherto passed over in silence, a short recapitulation seems now to be necessary. After the con quest of that island, during the reign of Henry II. its govern ment was long in a very unsettled state. It was nominally un der the laws of England ; but as its government, without hav ing recourse to the king, could enact whatever laws they thought convenient, and as they not unfrequently made use of that pri vilege, no small confusion ensued. At length, in the reign of Henry VII. the statutes, so well known by the name of Poyn- s frig's Chap.IL] REIGN OF GEORGE til. 197 ing's statutes, were framed by a Lord-deputy of that name. Among other regulations, these statutes, in order to prevent the promulgation of pernicious and contradictory laws, ordain ed, that before a parliament should be convened in Ireland, the chief governor of that island, and his council, should, under the great seal, certify to the sovereign of England, the nature of the acts to be proposed, and their several articles. The king, with his council, having examined these acts, and approved or altered them as might be thought expedient, and having returned them, certified under the great seal, with permission to summon a parliament, that assembly had no other power but to approve or reject those acts, which had thus been prepared for their consideration. This regulation, though it certainly restricted the powers of the Irish parliament, had the very beneficial tendency of preventing the legislatures of the two countries from adopting jarring and contradictory measures. As no new act could be proposed, how ever, after parliament was summoned, this rigid restriction was found to be inconvenient. As a proper relaxation, there fore, it was enacted, during the reign of Queen Mary, that other laws, different from those which had been transmitted to England previous to the meeting of parliament, might, in the usual form, be setn for the approbation of the English go vernment, and might be returned, to be laid before the Irish legislature. In consequence of this law, it was not necessary to send to England more than one act previous to the meet ing of the Irish parliament. The rest might all be transmitted during the session. In this way the opinions of the legislature might easily be ascertained ; for though the Irish parliament were not suffered to discuss a bill, in order to pass it into a law, be fore it had received the approbation of the English government, they did not think themselves precluded from debating whethcr a particular bill ought to be sent to England for the approba tion of government ; and in this way its various particulars might be discussed as fully as if they had been submitted to their consideration, in order to be passed into a law. The benefits which Ireland derived from its participation in the 198 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. II. the privileges of the British constitution, were interrupted by a rebellion, in the reign of Charles I. and by very violent disor ders during the time of the Commonwealth. When Charles II. was restored, he relinquished his right to the lands which had been forfeited ; and in return for this generosity, the Irish par liament, by a perpetual grant, vested in the crown the whole revenue. Notwithstanding this grant, an attempt Was made in 1692, when Lord Sidney was Lord-Lieutenant, to give to the Irish House of Commons the sole right, not only of granting the supplies, but of proposing the bills in the first instance for that purpose. The parliament had been regularly summoned, and several bills, among which were two bills of supply, were submitted -to them. Of these bills one was framed for the pur pose of granting an additional excise. This bill was ultimately passed, though not without certain resolutions, which strongly marked the disposition of the Irish parliament. On this- occa sion it was resolved, in the first place, that it was the right of the Commons of Ireland, to propose the modes in which the taxes were to be raised ; in the second place, that it was the right of the Irish House of Commons, to prepare the heads of every money-bill ; and that, in the third place, though, in con- quence of the difficulties under which the nation laboured, they consented that the bill should pass, they by no means con sented that it should not be reckoned a precedent, authorising similar practices in future. It was not without difficulty that this bill was passed with all these obnoxious resolutions ; but the other,- which Was " for granting to their Majesties certain duties for one year," was ab solutely rejected, because, as they expressed it, the bill had not originated in the Irish House of Commons. Sidney, high ly offended at this conduct, after having entered protests upon the journals, : prorogued the parliament ; and in a short time die judges, both in Britain and Ireland, declared the claim of 'the Irish. to be: totally unfounded. These obnoxious resolutions prevented this parliament from being summoned again ; and that which was next assem bled, instead of contending for those privileges, which to their predecessors Chap. II.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 199 predecessors had seemed of such importance, expressly aban doned every claim to them. They acknowledged the right of the Lord-Lieutenant and privy-council to transmit money bills to England; in order to receive the sanction of government, and to be returned for the approbation of the Irish parliament ; and this principle invariably influenced the practice of the Irish le gislature. The government of Ireland was for a considerable time con ducted without any formidable opposition. In 1725, the mino rity, instigated and supported by the transcendentabilities of Swift, opposed administration, with regard to a patent granted to a per son named Wood, for a copper coinage. It seems to have been on this occasion that Walpole first saw the political impropriety of permitting the offices of Lord Primate and Lord Chancellor to be filled by Irishmen, and the British administration was accordingly careful to fill them with natives of Britain ; a mea sure which, while it gave some facility to the management of the Irish government, certainly tended little to secure the af fections of the people to be governed. As. at this time, how ever, the Lord-Lieutenant was not obliged to reside constantly in Ireland, the great officers of state, to whom the chief power was committed during his absence, continually embarrassed the measures of government, by attempts to acquire the ascen dancy. In 1757, immediately before the accession of George III. to the throne, the Irish parliament consisted of three distinct bodies, different in their views, though two of them were some times induced to join in the prosecution of the same measures. The first consisted of the profound- adherents to die British government, and of those who joined; in all its purposes, of what ever description. The second consisted of a class, who, through family-grandeur, or other circumstances, had a great influence in the management of the national business. These the mi nistry endeavoured, with unwearied diligence, to win to then- own side. They were generally distinguished by the name of Undertakers. The third party, who assumed to themselves the ap pellation of Patriots, endeavoured to adjust the balance between the two already mentioned, sometimes lending their influence to 200 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. II. to administration, sometimes to the Undertakers, according as they thought the exigencies of the times required. When mi nisters at length gained the Undertakers to their own party, they maintained an avowed opposition to both. This party, though it had few of high rank, yet could boast of many adherents of splendid abilities. To embarrass as much as possible the measures of government, the Patriots proposed a law, by which a bounty should be granted on corn and flour brought by land to Dublin. In this scheme, having been joined by the Undertakers, they were successful ; and the Duke of Bedford, at that time Lord-Lieutenant, after having in vain attempted to limit the operation of the law to a certain term of years, found it necessary to give it his approba tion. This bounty seldom amounting to less than fifty thousand pounds yearly, and being payable from the funds in the hands of the collectors of the customs at the port of Dublin, was such a grievance as could be continued only by the interested passions ef those who had estates in the distant parts of the country. In this state were die affairs of Ireland, when George III. ascended the throne. Lord Shannon, the primate of the kingdom, and Mr Ponsonby, speaker of the House of Commons, aided by Mr Malone, chancellor of the exchequer, endeavoured to esta blish their own popularity, by a measure which must evidently embarrass the measures of the British ministry. Though the Lord Chancellor had already given it as his opinion, that a money- bill ought to be transmitted to Britain, agreeably to the usual practice, this was strongly opposed in the privy-council, from a conjectured opposition which it was to meet in the House of Commons ; and such was the success of those who had espoused this side of the question, that instead of the usual money-bill for a supply to the king, there was sent a bill respecting a vote of credit for Ireland. At this difficult juncture, the Duke of Bedford was succeed ed in the lieutenancy by Lord Halifax, whose conduct, at the same time dignified, consistent, and manly, tended greatly to re store the public tranquillity. The popular party, unable to cen sure his measures as defective in candour and uprightness, at tempted to convince the nation, that he was not so disinterested a* Chap. II.] REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 201 as was pretended. Under colour of concern for his dignity, they affirmed, that his appointment as Lord-Lieutenant was in no degree adequate to maintain the suitable splendour , of his office ; and it was accordingly proposed to augment his annual allowance to sixteen thousand pounds. Halifax, who had pro posed several schemes attended with considerable expence, would not consent to this augmentation while he himself con tinued in power ; but, with a generosity not very frequently ex emplified by those in elevated situations, he requested that the law might remain in force for the benefit of his successor. - Conduct so eminently disinterested, strongly counteracted the very de sign for which the measure had been originally projected. Ha* * lifax became the favourite of the people, and every proposal which he made was carried almost without any opposition. Ireland, however, still submitted with reluctance to the yoke of dependence, and the sway of Britain, however lenient that sway might be, was still abhorred by many, especially of the vulgar and ignorant, whose minds were exposed to numerous prejudices. A great party among the lower orders vio lently opposed' every measure of government. They not un frequently employed themselves in throwing down walls, and filling up ditches, with the avowed pretext of restoring to the poor the use of those commons of which they had been de prived, and were thence called Levellers ,- and as they distinguish ed themselves by wearing a shirt over their clothes, they were often called White Boys. No effort was spared, either of civil or military force, to suppress this dangerous fraternity ; but every effort was fruitless. When they appeared to be quelled in one part, they suddenly rose in another ; and they long continued to embarrass the measures of government by their unconquerable aversion to law and order. The violence of this party, hardly restrained by the equitable administration of Lord Halifax, was redoubled under that of the Earl of Northumberland, by whom he was succeeded. Not only the more remote parts of the kingdom, but even Dublin itself, became the frequent scene of riot and disorder. It was in vain that committees were appointed to inquire into the causes of these irregularities ; they continued with increased virulence. Vol. I. C c Nor ^202 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. IL Nor was the opposition to government confined to the lower ranks ; in parliament itself there were not wanting many who seized every opportunity of obstructing its measures. For this, nothing afforded them a more plausible pretext, than the pension-list, of which a copy had been procured."- It Was attacked and defended with equal heat, and was the cause of great political animosity. To political discussions, the vulgar in different parts of the kingdom added all the outrage of vio lence. Assuming, besides their other designations, the names of Oak Boys, and Hearts of Steel, they every where spread con sternation among the peaceful ; but directing their animosity chiefly against those who had incurred their displeasure, by pay ing tithes in kind. To these political animosities, more peculiar v to Ireland itself, were added others, originating in its connection with Britain. In the one country, as in the other, Pitt was by a numerous party almost adored. Wilkes was considered as the victim of ministerial persecution, and in Dublin, as well as in the other principal cities, very significant methods were adopted to indicate the opinions of the people. France had been so completely humbled by the events of the late war, that little could be dreaded of any wish to renew hos tilities. Her numerous defeats had weakened her power, parti cularly her maritime force, and her financial embarrassments were such as to threaten the most disastrous consequences. These embarrassments occasioned continual disputes between the king and his parliament, which took the advantage offered them by the situation of the government, of assuming a degree of autho rity which they had long been unaccustomed to exercise. These disputes, at'first disregarded, led to incidents the most momen tous which history has ever recorded. Notwithstanding it was so obviously the interest of France to abstain from every hostile measure, and notwithstanding her ministers seem to have been convinced of this circumstance, their forces in dis tant parts of the world appear to have been influenced by no such motives. An island in the West Indies, named Tortuga, cr Turkois Island, of little consequence but for the quantity of salt which it affords, was suddenly seized by a French force. This attack, though it was not formidable, was certainly such as could Chap. IL] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 20S could not be justified ; and the British ministers complained of it as an infringement of that amity which it was the interest of both nations to preserve inviolable. The French administration were no sooner informed of the circumstances, than they expli citly censured that part of the conduct of their troops which had been complained of, and agreed to give whatever indemnification should be deemed necessary. This answer was judged to be satisfactory, and the final adjusting of the matter was left to the governors of Jamaica and St Domingo. Some suspicions were at the same time entertained, that the French were making encroachments- upon Newfoundland, and that they were erecting fortifications upon St Pierre, in direct opposition to the terms of the late treaty. But these suspicions, after the proper inquiries, were found to be groundless. The Spaniards, too, were said to display a disposition somewhat hos tile. Not only had they disturbed the British while cutting log wood in the bay of Honduras, they had even in the Mediterra nean made prize of a British vessel. These complaints were not perhaps altogether without foundation ; but when they were re presented to the Spaniards, they took such measures as com pletely satisfied the British. The other powers of Europe were no less willing than France and Spain, to prevent the renewal of hostilities. The King of Prussia in particular, unsupported by his former allies, was de sirous of avoiding a war with Austria. Piis chief anxiety was to form alliances with such powers as might enable him to balance the Austrian grandeur and influence. To avoid giving offence to the Austrians, therefore, he made no opposition to the elec tion of the Archduke Joseph to be king of the Romans ; but he was still more willing to cultivate the friendship of Russia. In consideration, accordingly, of a treaty of alliance, offensive and defensive, into which the Russian Empress entered with him, he agreed to aid her in her schemes of raising a new king to the throne of Poland, lately become vacant by the death of Augus tus III. Catharine was desirous of raising to the Polish throne Count Stanislaus Poniatowsky, who at that time enjoyed much pf her favour ; and under pretence of preventing the crown of C C 2 Poland 204 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. II. Poland from becoming elective, Frederick consented to forward her designs. Besides securing the concurrence of Frederick, Catharine had the art to prevail upon France and Austria to with-hold their interposition in favour of any candidate for the crown. But to render the success of the election still less uncertain, a body of Russian troops were marched into Poland, while a Prussian army approached its frontiers. Such were the privileges of the Polish nobles, that any one of them, by his simple dissent, could not only suspend its deliberations, but could even dissolve the As sembly itself. This privilege, so hostile to the designs of the empress, it was necessary to supersede, at least for some time. The Assembly, therefore, was converted into what was called a Diet of Confederation, in which their resolutions were to be form ed according to opinion of the greater number, without respect to the judgement of particular persons. In the first Assembly, Catharine, by the assistance of her troops, and perhaps of other more concealed agents, secured a majority, though not without considerable opposition. The more independent among the Poles were provoked at the palpable abridgement of their an cient rights; and though Poniatowsky was nominated king, no fewer than twenty-two senators and forty-five nuncios solemnly protested against the proceedings of the diet. Some even dared to take up arms in defence of their country's independence ; but their feeble efforts were totally ineffectual, when opposed to the armies of Russia. Convinced that it was vain to contend with the overbearing influence of Catharine, when the diet was sum moned for the final election, of the king, they unanimously be stowed their crown on Poniatowsky, who, when he mounted the throne, assumed the name of Stanislaus Augustus. While tranquillity was, as we have seen, restored to Europe, and Britain was agitated only by the contests of her own parties, the East Indies continued to be harassed with almost uninter rupted commotions. The power of the Moguls, which had long been tottering, was at length in a great measure overturned, the city of Delhi itself, the capital of the empire, was plundered, was almost totally laid in ruins, and of the inhabitants a very great number were massacred. The governors of the distant provin ces, Chap. IL] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 205 ces, who had long exercised uncontrouled power, now began to assume the name, as well as the authority of independent princes. The whole country was a scene of unceasing intrigues, conduct ed with all the arts of cunning, and not unfrequently of villany. The contending parties were continually soliciting the aid of the Europeans, which they knew to be so effectual; and as the power of the French in India had been so completely disabled, the British became the arbiters in almost every contest. Even though we do not suppose the British East-India Com pany at this time to have conceived the vast project of establishing a mighty empire, in a country to trade with which had at first been their only ambition ; they had, nevertheless, very import ant reasons for interfering in the quarrels which daily arose a- mong the native princes. It was their interest to preserve among those princes an equality, which might prevent any one of them from becoming formidable to his neighbour, and consequently to their own possessions. In those quarrels, their influence be came daily more conspicuous. To every native force it, was ir resistible, and their success gradually inspired those ambitious aims which they have since so successfully pursued. The friendship which the British had displayed towards Ma homed Alii, had the desired effect of securing to them Kis at tachment. His aid was afforded wherever it became necessary, and often unsolicited. Mir Jaffier Alii, however, though he owed his elevation principally to the British, soon shewed him self unworthy of the power, which it is probable he owed less to the personal favour, than the political schemes of his sup porters. For some time, indeed, he retained the appearance of gratitude, convinced, perhaps, .that the same power which led him to a throne, could again tumble him from it. But he could not long disguise his desire of independence ; and finding the debt of gratitude to be a troublesome incumbrance, he became willing to quarrel with his benefactors. In his conduct towards his subjects, Jaffier appears not to have been prudent. Instead of lending strength to his doubtful authority by well timed indulgences, he is represented as having been naturally cruel; and as his finances were always scanty, hi? cruelty was most frequently exerted in the most violent acts of rapacity. 206 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. II. rapacity. This conduct alienated the affections of those who had been subjected to his authority, and prevented him, when attacked by the British, from finding among his own subjects, that support which might have rescued a more amiable prince from the machinations of his adversaries. At the same time, instead of cultivating the friendship of the British, he is said to have begun, in a short time after his elevation to power, to en tertain the strongest suspicions of their ambitious designs ; a disposition in which he was encouraged by his son Miran, who continually reproached his father with possessing a power en tirely at the mercy of those whom he termed his friends. While, in consequence of these reproaches, the aged Jaffier was form ing schemes for his emancipation, Bengal was invaded by Shah Zaddah, son of a person who had lately been Mogul, and Patna itself was besieged. Jaffier, though he was supported by the British, had not perhaps been able to acquire the entire affec tions of his subjects, and he found himself in some danger of being deserted by a great number of them, when the unexpected arrival of Colonel Clive with a body of forces, relieved him from his perilous situation, and compelled his enemies to retire. Perceiving that while Jaffier retained the favour of the British, his reduction would be very difficult, if not impossible, Zad dah endeavoured to make allies of those whom he could not overcome ; and he informed Clive, that he would accede to any conditions, provided the British would consent to desert their old ally, and join one whom they would find more complaisant. Clive, who about this time returned to Britain, paid no atten tion to this insidious offer, which nevertheless is by many said to have made no small impressjpn upon a great number of the Company's servants in India. In consequence of Clive's departure, Zaddah thought fit once more to renew his efforts against Patna. Colonel Caillaud, who had succeeded Clive in the command of the forces, not being yet prepared to oppose him, he accordingly approached it with thirty thousand men. Caillaud and Jaffier, who, as well as Mi- ran his son, resided with the British, sent instructions to the Rajah Ramnarain, who at that time commanded in Patna, to avoid an engagement till the arrival of a reinforcement of British troops Chap. II.] REIGN OE GEORGE III. 20? troops should render his success less doubtful. Ramnarain's forces, however, were superior in number to those of Zaddah, amounting to forty thousand men. He had much personal bra very, and wished to distinguish himself by some gallant action ; and he accordingly adopted the imprudent measure of attacking the enemy before the arrival of his expected auxiliaries, whose credit he was peihaps desirous of diminishing. He accordingly led out his men from Patna, and attacked the enemy, when he sustained a complete defeat, not so much through the bravery of his foes, as the treachery of some of the chiefs of his own army. During the engagement, three of them deserted him ; one attacked the few British attached to his army, and thus pre vented them from exerting their force against Zaddah's troops ; another attacked the rear of Ramnarain's party ; a third quitted the field. The rajah, though defeated, maintained the combat with undaunted courage, till he was severely wounded. He was rescued from being made prisoner by a body of Sepoys, who, along with the British, were suffered to retire to Patna, without having sustained any material loss. Patna was now closely invested, and must have fallen into the hands of Zaddah, had not Ramnarain, whose cunning waS at least equal to his braVery, deceived him by a stratagem. Under pretence of treating for a surrender, he amused Zaddah till Caillaud and Miran arrived in the vicinity of the place. Enraged at being deceived by an enemy whom, he had been able to van quish, Zaddah marched to oppose the approaching army. They soon came to an engagement, in which Miran was victorious, rather through the exertions of his British allies than his own conduct, which was not only rash, but in some degree re fractory. Caillaud, who proposed to pursue this victory, and to follow the enemy with celerity, was over-ruled by Miran, who led his troops to Patna, and had given himself up to sensual indulgence. Zaddah knew how to profit by this indolent conduct of his enemies. He collected at Bahar the remains of his scattered army, and instead of returning to Patna, he marched into the central parts of Bengal, with a view to attack Moorshedabad, which he supposed to be ill prepared for defence. Jaffier 208 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. II. Jaffier no sooner learnt that his capital was threatened by Zaddah, than he collected such troops as were in the neigh bourhood, among which were two huridred British ; and being resolved, if possible, to prevent the city from being invested, he took the field when the enemy was yet about the distance of thirty miles. Zaddah's chief prospect of success must have been in attacking Jaffier before he could be joined by the army under the command of his son Miran, and, what was of still greater consequence, by the British under the command of Caillaud. He might thus, without any formidable resistance, have made himself master of the metropolis of Bengal, a cir cumstance which must have giveri him considerable advantage" in the contest. But Zaddah's activity and decision appeared, at this conjuncture, to have in a great degree abandoned him. He spent the time in seeming indolerice, till Jaffier was joined by Caillaud and his son. Perceiving that now all his hopes must be fruitless of making himself master of Moorshedabad, he suddenly shook off his lethargy, and decamping before he could be attacked, returned towards Patna. His intentions were immediately discovered, and Captain Knox, at the head of a considerable detachment, was sent to the relief of the city. Though Knox marched with great expedition, having passed three hundred miles in thirteen days, yet Zaddah had arrived at Patna three days before him, and had already attacked it twice, and was preparing to attack it the third time. Knox's troops were fatigued ; but he knew, that to delay his efforts was to expose the place to be captured by the enemy, when it might not be re-taken without great difficulty, and he therefore j udged it preferable to lead his men directly to the attack. The arrival of aid inspired the besieged with new courage, and they succeeded in repelling the third attack of the enemy. Knox next day advanced with his whole force, and compelled Zaddah not only to raise the siege, but to retreat to the distance of fifty miles. The defeat of Zaddah was immediately followed by the ap pearance of another enemy, who, though not of equal power, was sufficient to create confusion among the weak governments of India. Cuddeim Houssein, the Rajah of Purneah, knowing the Chap. IL] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 209 the feeble situation of Jaffier's power, had for several years re tained in his own hands the revenue of the province, and at length resolved to add open rebellion to his former crime. He accordingly assembled his troops, with the intention of joining Zaddah's army ; but the defeat of that prince, while it Tendered this scheme abortive, made him an easy conquest to Miran and Caillaud, who attacked and quickly dispersed this insurgent army. The victory was rendered less decisive, however, by the obstinacy of Miran, who would not permit his troops to aid the British in the pursuit of the fugitives. After some de lay he consented, and they accordingly followed Hussein five days without being able to overtake him. At this conjuncture, Miran was killed in his tent by lightning. His abilities had not indeed been such as to conduct an army with success, but his authority was necessary to keep it toge ther. Caillaud, therefore, found it somewhat difficult to pre vent the whole from dispersing, after having plundered each other. To persevere in hostile measures with such an army, would have been extremely imprudent ; Caillaud consequently desisted from the pursuit, and immediately returned to Patna. About this time, Zaddah, whose expedition against Jaffier had terminated so unfortunately, was, after the sudden invasion of Allumguire, by the influence of the invader Abdulla, crea- ted'sovereign of Hindostan, under the appellation of Shah Al- lum. Mr Vansittart, who had been appointed president, having arrived at Calcutta, Caillaud was summoned to attend, for the purpose of giving information of the situation of affairs in the in terior. Before his departure, he obtained from the Nabob Jaffier a promise that he would use every effort to augment his army, ' that he might be able to appear in the field early in the ensuing season ; but Jaffier was perhaps unwilling, and was Certainly not very able, to perform his engagement. His rapacious cruel ty, which increased with his years, rendered him odious to his subjects, and his indecisive conduct rendered his authority pre carious. His rajahs and other officers obeyed his orders only when they found them agreeable. They seldom transmitted to him any part of the revenue, with the collection of which they Vol. I. D d were 210 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. II. were entrusted ; and when he threatened to compel them by force to fulfil their duty, they in their turn menaced him with rebel lion. A prince in such a situation could hardly be expected to have an army either numerous or affectionate. While he was thus obviously unable, he was suspected to be unwilling, to co operate with the British. Though to them he owed his eleva tion, his jealousy of them seemed for that very reason to be augmented. He regarded them rather as tyrants than as be nefactors ; and though he dared not openly to oppose any of their schemes, he secretly rejoiced at every reverse of fortune which they experienced. The friendship of a country in such a situation, and under such a prince, could not, it was supposed, be relied on with safety. Any upstart of considerable abilities might suddenly make himself master of the whole territory, and might deprive the British of its alliance. Jaffier had by their influence been raised to power, but they thought it not necessary to sup port him in the exercise of that power longer than it suited their own purposes. And though they did not wish suddenly to drive him from a throne on which they themselves had placed him, they deemed it expedient to provide him with a colleague, whose abilities might be sufficient to lend respectability to his government, and whose friendship might be unsuspected. The expediency of giving Jaffier a co-adjutor was no sooner determined, than it was resolved to offer that important office to Cossim Alii, the Nabob's own son-in-law, whose abilities were allowed to be considerable, and who had often voluntarily ex pressed his sincere attachment to the British. He was imme diately sent for, and in his first conversation with Mr Holwell, who had been appointed to negotiate with him, evinced that his own ambitious projects exceeded in violence those which had been formed by the British ; he discovered that he aimed at nothing less, than to supplant Jaffier entirely, and to occu py his room. To reconcile the British to this scheme, he ex patiated on the treachery, the cruelty, the rapacity, and the un stable capriciousness of Jaffier's government; and he declared, that unless he should receive the supreme and undivided authority, the Chap. H.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 211 the great benefits which he had hoped to render to the British must remain imperfect. The Company's servants were not yet prepared to proceed to an extremity which they thought unjustifiable, especially as it was at the same time unnecessary. Holwell therefore declared, that he could not listen to such iniquitous proposals, and assur ed Cossim, that if he persisted in such views, the conference must be terminated. The crafty chief perceived that he had proceeded too far, and, after some discussion, he entered into an agreement upon more moderate terms. By this agreement it was stipulated, that he should be invested with the Dewannee ; that he should be declared Chuter Nabob, and successor to Jaf fier ; and that he should be invested in all the offices lately held by Miran ; that the dignity of Subah should remain to Jaf fier, who was to have a monthly allowance of one lack of ru- pies, and in whose name all acts of government were to run, while Cossim should enjoy all the executive power. The force to be maintained by the company for the defence of the country, was to consist of eight thousand Sepoys, two thousand Euro pean infantry, two thousand Indian, and five hundred Euro pean cavalry ; in consideration of which, the Company were to receive the territories of Burdowan, Midnapour, Chittigong, and half the annual produce of the Chinam at Silhet. Holwell likewise proposed that Cossim should acknowledge Shah Allum to be sovereign of Hindostan ; but this article was suffered to remain undecided, without any formal acceptance or rejection. The change of government thus to be brought about, was not indeed so violent as that projected by Cossim, but it was sufficiendy violent to preclude the hope of its being effected without the aid of military force. Under the pretence, therefore, of strengthening the garrison of Patna, Major Yorke, with two hundred Europeans, somewhat more than five hundred Sepoys, and four pieces of artillery, marched to Moorshedabad, while Vansittart, accompanied by Caillaud, proceeded to Cossimbaza in its vicinity, where they could afford such occasional assistance as might be deemed necessary. To bring about their design with as little' disturbance as pos sible, Vansittart had several interviews with Jaffier at Morad- D d 2 baag, 212 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. II. baag, where he laid before him, without disguise, the impro priety of that mode of conduct in which he had so long persist ed. To render those remonstrances the more impressive, they were delivered in writing to Jaffier, who seemed to receive them wid: great deference. To reform the abuses of a corrupt go vernment, must be presumed to be a difficult undertaking to any one ; but to an old man oppressed with grief for the recent loss of a son, must be peculiarly arduous. He promised, however, to consult his friends, and with their advice he hoped to remove every just cause of complaint. Vansittart now assured him, that those whom he accounted his friends, were in reality his enemies ; and that it would be necessary for him to consult those in whose fidelity as well as ta lents the British could have confidence. Vansittart then named several persons, and among others Cossim, his son-in-law. This nomination was far from being agreeable to Jaffier. He was indeed so exasperated at the naming of Cossim, that he declared himself entirely unwilling to permit his relation to have any share in the government. He could hardly be per suaded even to send for him. At length, however, he appa rently complied to the interview ; but before Cossim, who was immediately sent for, could arrive at Moradbaag, Jaffier, under the pretence of ill health, had departed. Vansittart was now convinced that Jaffier would not submit to the proposed regulations in his government without compul sory measures ; and Cossim was so far from entertaining any hopes of acquiring a share of. power, that he expressed his ap prehensions lest his father-in-law should form some secret plot against his life ; and Vansittart agreed, that it was im proper for him to return to the Nabob's house, till precau tions should be taken for his safety. The necessary measures were immediately planned ; and though Vansittart had origi nally intended to allow Jaffier some time to ruminate upon the advice which had been given him, he was induced to alter his resolution, Jaffier had consulted the very persons whom he had been advised to shun. He seemed, indeed, resolute to oppose every scheme proposed by the British. It was now deemed necessary to compel Jaffier to adopt that mode Chap. IL] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 213 mode of conduct which was judged to be most agreeable to the interests of the British East-India Company. For this purpose the 19th of October, the termination of a great festival of the Gentoos, was selected as a time when, on several accounts, the execution of their plans would be peculiarly easy. Cail laud, in consequence of Vansittart's orders, having joined his forces to those of Cossim, at an early hour surrounded Jaffier's palace. His three chief ministers were immediately seized, men who were envied as upstarts, and hated for their rapacity. A letter from Vansittart was sent to Jaffier himself, pointing out to him that line of conduct which it was expected he should adopt. Advice from the British, Jaffier very justly considered as a command, and he could not disguise his rage at a mode of conduct which he thought altogether unjustifiable. He threaten ed, that while any of his troops remained faithful to him, he would not abandon his own cause, but would maintain his ho. nour at the hazard of his life. It was not the purpose of the British to proceed to extremi ties, and Caillaud accordingly, after Jaffier's rage had some what subsided, waited upon him in consequence of an invita tion for that purpose, and represented- to him in a very forcible manner, the futility of his projected resistance, and keenly urged it as his most prudent conduct, implicitly to submit to that mode of conduct which had been dictated to him. Jaffier was at length convinced that resistance was vain, yet he firmly resol ved not to submit to the conditions proposed to him. Instead of receiving such co-adjutors in his government as had been proposed, he resolved entirely to abandon his power. He de clared, that he knew too well the character of those by whom his deposition had been planned, to put himself in their power ; and he begged, as the last favour he might require of the British, to permit him to reside at Fort-William, under their immediate protection. This resolution he could not be persuaded to re linquish, a circumstance which probably was not a matter of deep regret. Having taken along him his women and all his property, he was conveyed by a strong detachment of British to Calcutta, where he was received with all that mock pageantry, i which -'14 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. II. which was perhaps better calculated to irritate than to soothe the feelings of the degraded prince. Jaffier's conduct was immediately construed into a voluntary abdication of his authority, and Cossim was declared his suc cessor ; and that prince, whose elevation was perhaps somewhat more sudden than even he himself had expected, hesitated not to fulfil the terms of his engagement with the British. He ceded to them the territories of Burdwan, Midnapour, and Chittigong, a district remarkable for its fertility, and yielding an annual re venue of nearly six hundred thousand pounds. He entered, at the same time, into an alliance, offensive and defensive, thus assuring them of powerful aid in any of their quarrels, if they could trust to the fidelity of a prince who had already in so remarkable a manner displayed his treachery to one of his nearest kinsmen. Of this whole transaction, a very different account is given by different persons ; but that which is here detailed appears to be generally adopted by the more respectable historians of that period. Cossim, a prince of abilities much superior to those of Jaf fier, was not more attached to the British. To them, indeed, he owed his grandeur, but thishe considered a subject rather of regret than of gratitude ; and he seems, from the moment of his acces sion to authority, to have sedulously studied his relief from that power to which he owed his elevation, and, if possible, its ul timate overthrow. His dissimulation, however, was no less profound than his ambition was vast, and he long prevented the British from perceiving that they had raised themselves an enemy, from whom they had much more to fear than from the irresolute Jaffier. The first use which Cossim made of the aid of his British allies, was to attack Shah Allum, who for some time had enjoyed the title of Mogul. This prince he vanquished and made pri soner, and obtained from him, as the price of his freedom, a very advantageous treaty ; yetyrin spite of the wishes of the Bri tish, he carefully avoided- acknowledging the right of Shah Al lum to the throne of the Mogul. , The power of the British was in a manner still more advan tageously Chap. II.] RElGN OF GEORGE III. 215 tageously to himself used by Cossim in the suppression of the in fluence of his refractory chiefs, who had given so much disturb ance to Jaffier's government. He compelled them to produce regularly the revenues of their several districts, and by a rigid economy he endeavoured to avoid those embarrassments which had so much enfeebled his predecessor's authority. So far was Cossim from befriending his benefactors, that any prince who favoured the British was almost certain to provoke his enmity. This was particularly the case with the Rajah Ramnarain, who, like Cossim himself, owed his power to the British, but who retained a more just sense of the obligation. He U6ed every effort to get the rajah into his power ; but as in this he was opposed by Major Carnac and Colonel Coote, he found some difficulty. He pretended that Ramnarain was in arrear to him ; but though the rajah often offered to make every reasonable satisfaction, the offer was never accepted. Failing in procuring possession of Ramnarain's person by persuasion, he attempted it by treachery, and even by force. The crafty nabob had prevailed upon the council at Calcutta to order Carnac, who commanded at Patna, to deliver up the rajah. With this order Carnac thought it prudent not to comply, though he thus , attracted to himself the resentment of the council. Coote, who succeeded Carnac in the command of Patna, had the coUrase to adopt the example of his predecessor, and the virtue to refuse a large bribe which Cossim had offered to induce him to give up Ramnarain. The nabob had die art soon after to represent Coote's behaviour to the council in such a light, that he was re called to answer for himself ; and in his absence, Ramnarain fell a sacrifice to the malicious policy of ,his enemy. Cossim now displayed his enmity to the British with somewhat less moderation or disguise. Nor was he, indeed, without pre text for his hostile conduct. The British treated him with much of that arrogance which the powerful are apt to display towards those whom they regard as their dependents. His obligations to them were continually kept in view, and his inferiority, evinced in such a way as must have been peculiarly disagreeable to a prince of considerable abilities and proud feelings. The treaty, too, into which he had entered with the British, was made the occasion 216 HISTORY OF THE: [Chap. H. occasion of numberless abuses. It granted them an immunity from certain inland duties ; and under this pretence, not only the British, but the more unprincipled among the natives, com mitted the greatest irregularities, and not unfrequently insulted and plundered the peaceable inhabitants. Cossim meanwhile, whatever may have been his secret de signs, was careful to refrain from any open infraction of the treaty. He was, however, no less desirous of adopting such measures as, in case of a rupture with the British, would enable him to assert, with becoming firmness, his dignity and inde pendence. That his operations might be less exposed to the keen observations of his allies, he removed from Moorshedabad, where he had formerly resided, to Monghir, a place situated upon the Ganges, and two hundred miles farther from Calcutta, the seat of the British council. This place he fortified so as to render it a place of no small strength. Convinced by his own experience of the superiority of the European tactics and disci pline, he made every exertion to introduce them into his ar my. For this purpose he gave the most flattering encourage ment to every European whom he could allure into his service, particularly to such as had made arms their profession. Even such Sepoys as had been dismissed from the British army, were gladly received as soldiers in some degree accustomed to the warlike arts of their former masters. These adventurers, collect ed from various quarters, were distributed among his native troops, that by their example the introduction of the discipline of Europe might be facilitated. He introduced as much as was in his power the firelocks of the Europeans, for the match locks at that time almost universally used by the natives. He formed likewise a train of artillery, which, if it did not equal that of the British in real efficiency, at least resembled it in its general plan. When these innovating schemes had been brought to some degree of perfection, he became gradually less anxious to con ceal his hostile designs ; and he soon convinced the British, that he regarded almost every one of their measures with jealousy. To prevent the increase of their party and influence in his own dominions,he imprisoned almost all the considerable personswhom he Chap. II.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 217 he supposed to favour their power. Of these not a few were put to death. He forbade the Company's officers to have any intercourse with his people, whatever might be their pretence ; and he gave orders to enforce against private traders laws which interdicted those privileges which they supposed themselves to enjoy ; and with so much rigour was this carried into execution, that their boats were prevented from passing from one part of the country to another. Though Cossim in all this actually infringed no part of the treaty into which he had entered, and though the manner in which theBritish abused the privileges which they claimed was sufficient to justify all his rigour, yet his conduct was reckoned too bold and decisive to admit any doubt of its ultimate tendency. Van sittart, accordingly, though he was neither ignorant of the abuses practised by the Company's servants, nor willing to encourage them in such proceedings, was at length induced to proceed to Monghir, to obtain some explanation of the nabob's suspicious behaviour. Cossim heard the complaints of the British without embarrass ment, and ansv/ered with his usual firmness, that if the Com pany's servants insisted on trading in every part of his dominions, without paying the usual duties, his true policy would be to ab rogate every law respecting customs, that the road to industrious activity might be. equally open to all. It would perhaps have been difficult for Vansittart to refute the truth of such a remark, and he was probably unwilling to enter into hostilities with a prince to whose elevation he had so much contributed. After some discussion, therefore, he entered into a treaty with the nabob, which was reckoned not only hurtful to the interests of the Company, but disgraceful to their name, as in some respects Cossim's superiors. By this treaty, into which Vansittart is as serted to have been induced to enter by a large present, it was stipulated, that the British should pay all the inland duties, a- mounting to no less than nine or ten per cent, on the value of all goods not imported by sea, and that all disputes between Cos sim's subjects and the Company's servants should be decided by native magistrates. Having obtained terms so agreeable to his views, Cossim was not backward to execute them in the most rigorous manner. Vol. I. E e With 218 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. IE With a degree of inaccuracy seldom exemplified in such transac tions, the term when the operation of the treaty was to com mence was left undetermined, and Cossim thought himself authorised to put it in immediate force. The consequence was, that many of the British traders, entirely ignorant of the treaty, Were subjected to regulations of'which they had no conception ; and when they hesitated in making payment of the duties de manded, their property was forcibly seized, and retained till Cossim should be satisfied. Such conduct necessarily brought complaints from many quarters to the council at Calcutta ; and as Vansittart had con cluded the treaty without their authority, they scrupled not to declare it to be a breach of their privileges, and an impolitic Cession of the rights which they had originally received from the Mogul. Vansittart attempted not directly to justify his con duct, but he avowed that he had yielded to circumstances, and had acted in such a way as he judged to be most conducive to the interests of the Company. Pie had not, indeed, their expli cit sanction to the conclusion of the treaty, but he endeavoured to interpret his letters of instruction in such a way as to screen himself from blame. Neither did he deny that the treaty itself was in some respects defective ; but he affirmed, that the con duct of the nabob's officers was such as from the tenor of the treaty he had no' reason to expect. Though the council strongly reprobated, and not without some apparent reason, the treaty which Vansittart had so rash ly concluded with the nabob, they were unwilling to involve themselves in a war against him. They accordingly sent a de putation to Monghir, to treat with Cossim in a manner more agreeable to their acknowledged privileges, having placed at their head Mr Amyatt, who was himself a member of the council. Amyatt was remarkable for the moderation of his principles, and the complacency of his manners ; but he had opposed the degradation of Jaffier, and the subsequent eleva tion of Cossim, and consequently could hardly be deemed a fit person to negotiate with the nabob, who was not very apt to forget or to forgive an injury. The event shewed the truth of this remark. Cossim declared that Chap. II.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 219 that he had concluded a treaty with a servant of the Company in his official capacity, and he insisted on its terms being strict ly observed. That his declaration might have the more force, he hardly concealed his military preparations, which were daily becoming more formidable. The deputation, instead of being ' received in an honourable, or even in a friendly manner, were continually surrounded with guards, and they were watched in such a way as bespoke both the jealous and vigilant disposition of the nabob. Perceiving that no hope remained of an amicable termination of the treaty, Amyatt demanded permission to return ; but even this was for some time refused. Passports were at length grant ed, but with a design which could have been conceived only by one already habituated to the most treacherous cruelty. Amyatt with his companions left Monghir, and proceeded without mo lestation till they reached Moorshedabad. They were here at tacked by Cossim's troops, posted, apparently for that purpose, on both sides of the river. They landed, and produced the na bob's passports, but they produced them in vain. The whole party were instantly murdered. This massacre, which took place on the 3d of July 1763, was of itself sufficient to have involved Cossim in a war with the British ; but he confined not his hostile measures to this atro cious deed ; at Patna, the residence of a British factory, he studiously displayed his enmity. The number of troops, already greater than the nature of the place appeared to demand, was receiving almost daily augmentations. Cossim's principal officer in the town treated Mr Ellis, the chief of the factory, with dis respect. The British soldiers experienced frequent insults ; and at length the gates of the town v/ere seized, with the apparent purpose of securing the absolute command of the place. Such insults, and such hostile measures, could not be permit ted to pass unnoticed. The matter had already been communi cated to the council, and orders had been transmitted, that if Cossim should approach Patna, under whatever pretence, Ellis, with the troops under his command, should attempt to make himgelf master of the place, and to defend himself in it till a E e 2 greater 220 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. II. greater force could be sent to him. Nor did Cossim remain a silent spectator of all those various proceedings. He complain ed of the hostile disposition of the British, and declared, that unless the British troops were removed • from Patna, he would be under the necessity of taking such measures as might seem requisite for his own security. Incited by the advice of the council, and by the declaration of Cossim, Ellis attacked Patna, and though the number of the garrison had been of late so greatly increased, he gained pos session of it after a feeble resistance. The facility of this con quest, however, seems to have too much diminished his cau tion. Instead of adopting measures for the defence of a place which he had just captured, his troops were permitted to be take themselves to plundering, and to the perpetration of all those enormities which in such cases are generally commit ted. The governor, who with his garrison had fled with pre cipitation, informed of this circumstance, returned, and at tacking the British in a situation when it was impossible to re- cal them into regular order, regained the place as speedily as it had been lost. The British retired into the fort ; but believing themselves unable to defend it, they crossed the Ganges, with the view of retiring into the territories of a friendly nabob at no great distance. The garrison of Patna, however, elated by their re cent success, and by the retreat of the British, perhaps some what unexpected, speedily followed. They soon overtook the fugitives, and attacked them, and notwithstanding they were at first repulsed, in a second attempt they were victorious. Many of the British fell. Such as remained alive were made pri soners, and were carried in triumph, part of them to Patna, and part of them to Monghir. The destruction of the greater part of the British troops at Patna, and the captivity of the remainder, a disaster which was owing chiefly to their own misconduct, occasioned great con sternation to the council at Calcutta. Cossim, it was now evi dent, instead of being the tame instrument of those who had raised him to power, desired nothing more than to estahlish his Chap. II.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 221 own independence on the ruin of his benefactors. Jaffier him self, though in real worth he was not perhaps superior, had been more submissive, as his abilities were certainly inferior, and it was now thought fit to set up as a proper representative of sovereignty, the prince whom so very lately they had been anxious to drive from his throne. The restoration of Jaffier was accordingly proclaimed. Cossim's vigour seemed to make the Company's servants for a moment forget their party-feuds ; and Vansittart, notwithstanding his late treaty with the nabob, was not less forward than Hastings to declare his approbation of the proposed revolution. Notwithstanding that Jaffier was again declared to be Subah- dar of Bengal, he could not be put in actual possession of his power without a military force, and Major Adams was appoint ed to the command of the troops destined for that service. The force consisted of ten companies of Sepoys, two troops of European cavalry, and ten pieces of artillery. This army, not exceeding eighteen hundred men, of whom six hundred and fifty were Europeans, was deemed sufficient to effect a revolu tion in the populous territory of Bengal, a territory in which the British could expect to find few friends, as Cossim had de stroyed many of their adherents, and had disseminated in curable jealousies among the remainder. Not discouraged by these unfavourable circumstances, Adams proceeded with vigour to prosecute hostilities. After having dispersed several small parties of the enemy, he crossed the Cossimbuzar river, and soon found ten thousand men in a strong position, prepared to oppose him. The action had not continued long, when the enemy retreated with considerable loss. Ma homet Tuckey Khan, who commanded the troops by whom Amyatt and his companions had been murdered, here met that death which he so well merited, but which ought to have been more ignominious. The first aim of Adams was, to gain possession of Moorshc- dabad, the former metropolis. He accordingly advanced to wards it with all possible, celerity ; but as he approached it, he found a great body of the enemy very strongly entrenched. All opposition, however, was fruitless ; he soon entered Moorshe- dabad 222 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. n. dabad in triumph, and Jaffier was formally restored to that authority which he had lately been deemed unworthy to exer cise. Adams remained at Moorshedabad only till he had refreshed his troops, when he proceeded in quest of Cossim, who avoid ed a decisive engagement with a caution which indicated the most profound policy. After many tedious and fatiguing marches, the British, at Nuncas Nullas, found awaiting them an army, consisting of twenty thousand cavalry, and eight thou sand infantry. In this place, more than on any former occasion, the effects of Cossim's military policy were conspicuous. Not only were the troops armed and cloathed like those of Europe, such an alteration required no uncommon effort ; not only were they divided into regular brigades, they displayed an order and regularity altogether different from the desultory tactics of the native troops ; their train of artillery was good, and their post was chosen with no small share of military skill. Notwithstanding this formidable display of improvement, and the great superiority of numbers opposed to them, the British, without dismay, advanced to the attack. Cossim's troops for a while made a resistance, which, in spite of their new mode of discipline, was more brave than regular or steady. In a short time they were compelled to retreat with the loss of all their artillery, and a great number of boats laden with pro visions and various kinds of stores. This victory, so easily ob tained over that part of Cossim's army on which he chiefly de pended, and which he had been so careful to train according to the rules of European tactics, convinced him that something else was necessary to constitute soldiers than a particular dress, particular arms, or particular evolutions ; and he thought it eli gible for the future to trust the success of his resistance, rather to the strongly-fortified places which he possessed, than to the lour or discipline of his troops in the field. As Cossim now returned to his strong-holds, Adams found it necessary to attack in those fortresses an enemy who was no longer willing to meet him in the field. He accordingly advanced to the attack of Auda Nulla, a post of which the natural strength was much augmented by art. On one side was the Ganges, Chap. IL] REIGN OF GEORGE III. Ganges, on the opposite side was a ridge of mountains, and on the third was a marsh. On the works which the Indians had constructed with no inconsiderable skill, were mounted not fewer than a hundred pieces of cannon. Such a place seemed capable of making a vigorous defence. Adams, having invested the place, at first carried on his approaches in the regular form ; but at the end of fourteen days, finding that his progress was inconsiderable, he resolved to hazard an attempt of a more pe rilous kind. As the mountainous side was by the enemy deem ed to be less exposed to danger, their precautions in that quar ter were proportionally deficient. On this side "Major Irwiri was ordered to advance, in order, if possible, to take the place by storm. The project was bold, but the success equalled the expectation of him who had formed it. The Indians, surpris ed by an assault where it was so little expected, soon abandon ed their entrenchments, and the British, with little comparative loss, took possession of a place, which, according to the regular mode of besieging, might have given them no small employ ment. From Auda Nulla Adams proceeded to Monghir, which he immediately invested; and though the garrison amounted to two thousand men, he compelled it, after a siege of only nine days, to surrender. After the capture of Monghir, which took place on the 1 1th of October, Patna was the only irhportant place which remained in the power of Cossim ; and to the attack of this place Adams advanced, with a hope of success, inspired by his recent rapid victories. To encourage the British who were prisoners in Patna, and to blockade the place^ previous to its being besieged in form, a detachment was sent before the principal body of the army. The barbarous policy of Cossim, however, prevented the British who were in his power, from receiving any benefit from the ex ertions of their countrymen. He ordered the whole of them to be murdered; an order, which, after it had been rejected by the Indian soldiers, was executed by a person named Somers, a Ger man, who had been successively employed in the service of the French, the British, and the Indians. Rendered 224 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. II. Rendered desperate by his atrocities, and by the declining State of his affairs, Cossim resolved to defend Patna by every possible effort ; and his troops, by their uncommon exertions, and by a steadiness and discipline which they had seldom dis played, seemed in some measure to second his designs. The place, however, was not regularly fortified, and consequently, though it might be defended with fury, could hardly be capable of a lengthened resistance. The British troops, hitherto fortu nate during the campaign, attacked the place with confidence of victory, and, after eight days siege, it Was stormed and taken. No hope of success now remained to Cossim. As he had formerly been driven from the field, he was now driven from the last of his fortified places. Passing the Ganges, he carried his treasures into the province of Oude ; and, though the re mains of his army could not be admitted, he himself was re ceived into the protection of Sujah ul Dowlah, the vizier of Shah Allum the Mogul. Thus Adams, in somewhat less than four months, completed the conquest of Bengal ; a conquest, it must be confessed, more magnificent with regard to the extent of territory, and more important to the India Company, than arduous in the plan or execution. While these affairs were going on in India, the directors of the Company in Britain could not be supposed to be disinterest ed spectators. Their armies had. upon the whole been success ful, but their servants had in their conduct been somewhat im prudent, had treated the native princes with little regard to the for malities of justice; and, what perhaps in their estimation was more culpable, had not unfrequently exposed the affairs of the Com pany to entire ruin, by their unprincipled contests for territorial acquisitions. The alternate deposition and elevation of Jaffier and Cossim, was by many thought to be too glaringly arbitrary to be prudent, since it must have convinced the more sagacious of the native princes, that among the British, the support of their power formed only a secondary object, and that they had no other prospect but to be elevated or depressed, according as the Company might think it suited their own purposes. Under impressions, cf which the opposite parties might take very dif ferent Chap. II.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 225 ferent views, the directors were frequendy engaged in warm de bates concerning their affairs in the East. After a considerable struggle, the friends of Lord Clive prevailed, and it was deter mined, that he alone was capable of bringing the affairs of India from a state of endless quarrels, to some degree of order and peaceable prosperity. On the 2d of May 1764, accordingly, he was named governor-general, and commander of the forces in Bengal ; and, along with several other persons who had been nominated to fill inferior stations under his administration, he immediately sailed, to take in charge that trust to which he had been appointed. Though Cossim, by his conduct, had irritated the British, he still retained the affections of a considerable party of his own subjects, and among the Indians in general he was regarded as one who was destined to be the sport of foreigners, to be ele vated or depressed according to their caprice, rather than his own merit. The Nabob of Oude, therefore, afforded him an asylum. The council were unwilling to cause their troops to enter Dowlah's territories in a hostile manner, but they endeavoured, though in vain, to persuade the nabob to drive the fugitive prince from his dominions. Perceiving themselves to be unable to prevail on Dowlah to expel Cossim from his camp, the British menaced him with im mediate hostilities, and prepared to march into his territories. Alarmed by these threats, Dowlah endeavoured to pacify the British by several concessions, but he obstinately refused to de liver up Cossim, which they proposed as a necessary preliminary. In a short time, he displayed his hostile intentions in a more de cided manner, by affording Cossim such military aid as enabled him once more to appear in the field, at the head of fifty thou sand men. ' Major Adams, whose prowess Cossim much dreaded, was now dead ; but he was succeeded in the command by Major- Hector Monro, who shewed himself not unworthy of his prede cessor. His army, consisting of about nine thousand men, of whom not more than twelve hundred were Europeans, he found in such a mutinous disposition, that before he could reduce them to a proper state of subordination, he was obliged to have re- Vol. I. F f course 226 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. If. course to the very severe measure of blowing from the mouths of cannon, twenty-four of the more active individuals. After this dreadful example of strict discipline, Monro com menced his military operations. Proceeding in quest of the enemy, he found them advantageously posted at Buxar, on the river Camnassary,,at the distance of about a hundred miles from Patna. Trusting to their superiority in numbers, the Indians waited not for the assault, but attacked Monro with all theiF forces ; but after having lost four thousand men, upwards of a hundred pieces of artillery, and almost all their camp-equipage, they fled in great confusion. The whole loss of the British, in killed and wounded, amounted not to nine hundred. Dowlah, who acted in the capacity of vizier to Shah Allum the Mogul, but who in reality was the master of his sovereign,, had kept that unhappy prince in a species of captivity. Allum, previous to the battle of Buxar, had escaped from Dowlah, and put himself under the protection of the British. The important victory which they gained with so little loss, inspired him with such confidence in the power of the British, and their ultimate success, that he solicited their aid in restoring him to the throne of Delhi, promising them, as a compensation for their exertions in his favour, the province of Oude, then under the sway of his haughty vizier, or any other part of his territorial possessions which they might think more eligible. Such an offer was too favourable to be rejected. They im mediately entered into a treaty with Allum, by which they con sented to receive from him, in compensation for the assistance to be afforded him, Ghazepoor, and the Zemindary of Rajah Bulwant Sing. In consequence of this treaty, Allum received from the British the homage of an Emperor, while they proceeded to prosecute with vigour the war against Dowlah. Chander Gheer, a fortress situated upon a steep eminence on the banks of the Ganges, was the next object against which Monro led his forces. From its natural position, it was almost impregnable ; but, as it was supposed to contain the greater part of Cossim's wealth, it was deemed eligible to attempt its capture. In this, however, Monro was disappointed. He twice led his troops to attack it by a narrow path, on the only side where it could Chap. II.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 227 could be approached, and he was twice repulsed. Nothing, in deed, could be easier than the defence of this fort. The Indians had only to roll down upon the heads of the assailants, the stones collected upon the summit. Despairing of success, he with drew to Benares, and encamped in the vicinity of that place. Though the British failed in their attempt on Chander Gheer, their victory at Buxar had so intimidated Dowlah, that he sent Beney Bahadre, his minister, again to propose terms of negotia tion. As a preliminary, Monro insisted, that Cossim and So- mers, the brutal murderer of the British at Patna, should be put into his hands ; but Dowlah persisted in refusing to give up those whom he had taken into his protection. He endeavoured, hy every possible argument, to induce Monro to relinquish this demand. When every other method failed, he attempted bribery ; but the British general, with a degree of virtue not very frequent ly exemplified in India, disdainfully rejected the offer. This attempt at negotiation having failed, Dowlah put his troops, still very numerous, into motion ; but profiting by his late experience, he was unwilling to hazard a decisive engagement. While the main body of his army remained at the distance of fifteen miles, he sent out numerous small parties, which con tinually harassed the British upon every side, confinijag them al most entirely to their camp. At this very period, the recal of Monro took place, and he was obliged to leave his army, if not in a dangerous, at least in a very disagreeable situation. Sir Robert Fletcher, on whom the command devolved till a superior officer could arrive, was de sirous of using his temporary power in such a way as might be nefit the service in which he was engaged, and procure honour to himself. He resolved, if possible, to free himself from the embarrassment ifnder which the vicinity of the enemy had placed him. In spite, therefore, of the remonstrances of the greater ¦ part of his officers, who thought the undertaking too hazardous, Fletcher resolved to attack the enemy in their camp. Notwith standing the distance was only fifteen miles, it was three days before he reached it. The enemy twice drew out their forces to receive him ; but at the third time they fled, without waiting for an attack. F f 2 Relieved 228 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. IL Relieved in this manner from the army which had occasioned so much uneasiness to the British, Fletcher was encouraged to undertakings still more arduous. He flattered himself, that he should be able to make himself master of Chander Gheer itself. He accordingly led his men to the assault, and succeeded in cap- turingit, rather through the mutinous disposition of the garrison, however, than through the efforts of the British. Their pay had for some months been with-held from them, and they compelled their aged governor to open the gates of the place. Deeply afflict ed at this misfortune, the veteran, when he delivered the keys, could not refrain from shedding tears ; declaring, that it was wholly owing to his faithless garrison that he had not been able to defend the place as became a soldier. This second instance of good fortune soon conducted Fletcher to a third. Allahabad, the enemy's metropolis, a place which was well fortified, and capable of making a vigorous defence, surrendered to him almost without resistance. Thus, under the management and good fortune of Fletcher, Dowlah's affairs were returned to a situation almost hopeless. Jaffier, meanwhile, who had so lately been placed upon his' throne, died. His legal heir, by the laws of India, which in this respect agree with those of Europe, " was his grandson, the son of the deceased Miran, at that time not more than six years of age ; but Jaffier, disregarding the laws of succession, had chosen for himself a different heir. By his will, he delivered to his natural son Nagim ul Dowlah, the whole of his authority and power as Nabob of Bengal, recommending to him as a prime minister the Rajah Nundcomar, who had for some time served himself in a similar capacity. It was not perhaps a matter of great moment to the council at Calcutta, whether Miran's grandson, a child six years old, or his own son, a youth of twenty, was declared to be nabob, since they would equally in either case reckon themselves the true sovereigns of the country. For some reason, however, they chose to sanction the pretensions of Nagim ; and as Lord Clive had orders to abridge , several of their privileges, which it was alledged they had much abused, they took in this case such Pleasures as best pleased their own fancy. Without allowing themselves Chap. IL] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 229 themselves time to consider an affair which surely was of some magnitude, without consulting the Mogul, whose consent they probably thought of little consequence, they declared Nagim to be Jaffier's successor, bestowing upon him all the power which they interided a Nabob of Bengal should possess. Though they had thus raised Nagim to a throne, they did not on that account treat him with remarkable complaisance. Hard ly in any instance did they allow him to gratify his own inclina tion ; and when they condescended to grant him such a favour, it was generally in consequence of some valuable consideration. He was Hot allowed to adopt the minist er recommended to him by his father. Instead of that person, they insisted that he should bestow that office on Mahommed Rhezi Khan, one whom Na gim considered as the enemy of his family. So suspicious, in deed, were they, that Nundcomar would still retain a greater in fluence than they thought proper over the young prince, that they insisted upon his being sent to Calcutta, to be tried for se ditious practices. Nagim was anxious to prevent Nundcomar from going to a place where perhaps he had Httle reason to ex pect the most impartial treatment ; but in this case the council were inflexible, not even a bribe could induce them to alter their resolution. Nundcomar was accordingly carried to Calcutta ; but the charges against him were found to be so entirely void of foundation, that the council were under the necessity of discharg ing him. At length Clive arrived, and, entering upon the dis charge of his duty, deprived them of much of that power which for some time they had so frequently abused with impunity. Notwithstanding the frequent defeats of Dowlah, Major Carnac, when he took the command of the army, which under Fleteher had exerted itself so successfully, found the nabob still at the head of a considerable body of troops, prepared not only to defend himself, but even to prosecute offensive warfare. Be sides the forces which in spite of his numerous disasters he had been able to assemble, he had succeeded in forming an alliance with the Mahrattas, a tribe well known in India for their war like character. Informed of his design, Carnac was convinced that great ce lerity was necessary; in order to surprise him before his junc tion 230 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. II. tion with the Mahrattas could be effected. Having joined Fletcher, therefore, with a reinforcement which he carried along with him, he attacked Dowlah somewhat unexpectedly, and be fore the Mahrattas could reach him. The unfortunate nabob was completely vanquished, and a body of his allies, which was preparing to join him, in a short time shared in his disaster. Resistance was now hopeless ; but Dowlah, even in his misfor tunes, was resolved not to relinquish his integrity. He permit-' ted Cossim and Somers, persons so obnoxious to the British,, secretly to escape, and then, repairing to the British camp, yielded himself to the mercy of his enemies. Carnac did not de grade his character as a soldier, by insulting an unfortunate ad versary. He received him with all the distinction due to one ¦who had distinguished himself by much bravery, and by a very uncommon fidelity to his engagements. When information was conveyed to Calcutta of the brilliant success of the British arms, Clive thought fit himself to repair to the scene of action, to superintend the negotiation for a per manent peace. It was his opinion, as well as that pf the select committee, which now supplied the place of the council, that, by aiming without disguise at territorial aggrandizement, the British would irritate the native princes, and render very insecure whatever peace they might conclude. Determined to avoid this error in the present instance, he consented, notwithstanding Dowlah's misfortunes, to restore to him all the territory which he possessed at the beginning of the contest. No stipulation was made for the erection of British factories in any part of the Nabob's dominions. Shah Allum was gratified with the territory of Korah, part of the territory of Allahabad, and an annual allowance from the revenues of Bengal, amounting to somewhat more than three hundred thousand pounds. The advantages obtained by the Company were chiefly of the pecuniary kirid : Shah Allum granted them the reversion in perpetuity of Lord Give's pension, amounting to about thir ty thousand pounds yearly. Dowlah consented to pay them six hundred and fifty thousand pounds, to indemnify the expences incurred by the war. They received, at the same time, the Dewanny of Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa, on condition that they should pay from its revenue to Nagim, to enable him to sup port Chap. IL] REIGN OF GEORGE IH. 231 port his dignity, fifty-three lacks of rupees, or six hundred and sixty-two thousand five hundred pounds, and fifty lacks, — a sum not greatly inferior to the Mogul. This treaty, exempli fying a moderation which has not always been imitated in India, amply satisfied all the parties who were principally concerned. Nor were the British small gainers by the business. They had taken the proper measures to secure the friendship of three powerful princes ; and, by their generosity of conduct, perhaps somewhat retrieved their character, which among the natives had not for some time been the most exalted. The war being thus terminated by an honourable treaty, Clive next applied himself to the still more arduous undertaking of correcting the numerous abuses in the civil and military administration of the Company's servants. In every depart ment, the insubordination which prevailed was exceeded only by the total want of ceconomy. Men too young for being ca pable of serious application to business, and whose experience was extremely limited, were suddenly promoted to places of great trust, where they almost instantaneously amassed immense fortunes. Among almost all, indeed, the affairs of the Com pany appeared to be only of secondary consideration. Each seemed to be exclusively employed in advancing his own private interest. Clive attacked those abuses with becoming zeal, and had at length at least a partial success in their suppression. Such a service could not be performed, however, without in creasing the envy and the hatred of many who conceived them selves to be injured ; and the effects of these passions, thus ex cited, were experienced by Clive during the remaining part of his life. In the military, no less than in the civil department, Clive had many difficulties to encounter ; a mutinous disposition had long prevailed in the army, and on one occasion, as has already been mentioned, Sir Hector Monro found himself under the necessi ty of blowing from the mouths of cannon several of the more active insurgents. On other occasions a similar disposition had displayed itself; but in May 1766 the tendency to mutiny be came alarming. At this time, the repeal of a regulation, to which at a former period Clive had given his sanction, was made 232 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. II. made the cause of complaint. In Bengal, the army had for some time enjoyed a double allowance for subsistence. The causes, however, which at first had rendered this a necessary measure, had now ceased to exist, and several other privileges having been bestowed on them, it was judged proper to recal this, which it had never been intended to render perpetual. This repeal of the allowance, which was planned by Clive, who had originally obtained the grant, excited the most violent dissatisfaction. Nor was it confined to the lower ranks in the army ; on the contrary, the officers seemed to be more active than those in subordinate situations. They resolved, if pos sible, to compel government to continue the allowance which they had for some time enjoyed ; and -as a proper step for this purpose, they resolved to lay down their commissions till a fa vourable answer should be given to their demands. To give the greater consistency to their measures, committees were appoint ed in different places to correspond with each other. Oaths of secrecy were administered to all who engaged in the project, and penalties to a considerable amount were to be exacted from such as voluntarily failed in any part of the undertaking. To indemnify those, likewise, who might ultimately lose their com missions on account of their exertions, or who might be sub jected to expences which they were unable to defray, a sum not less than eighteen thousand pounds was raised by -subscription. The association, formed at first for the purpose of securing their double allowance, could hardly be expected to confine themselves entirely to that object. They are accordingly said to have resolved to demand the redress of other grievances, of which they fancied they had reason to complain. A_ regulation, pro hibiting the servants of the Company from receiving any pre sent from a native prince, was particularly obnoxious, and they determined to procure its alteration. The selqct com mittee, by its vigorous exertions for the suppression of abuses, had given them much offence. They accordingly resolved to procure its abolition, and the restoration of the more indul gent council of Calcutta. They likewise resolved to insist on the strict observance of a standing regulation of the board, that Chap. IL] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 233 no officer in Bengal should be superseded by another appointed in Britain. Clive, who had no apprehensions' of so alarming a conspi racy, was at "Moorshedabad, when he first received intelli gence regarding it ; and such had been the secrecy with which the conspirators had managed their aflairs, that the scheme was almost ripe for execution. When it first became known, Sir Robert Fletcher conveyed the information to Clive in a letter, and he immediately took die requisite measures for its suppres sion. He repaired to Monghir widi all possible dispatch, attended by two members of the select committee. The troops had not wholly deserted their duty, and he had recourse to the common policy of using the more obedient to reduce to reason the more refractory. On this occasion he found some of the black troops of great service. Those who remained faithful to their duty, he confirmed by a prudent distribution of honours and rewards. Those who wavered between two opinions, he biassed to the side of submission, by convincing them, that to remain un moved in their duty, was the only sure mode of promoting their own interests. Having thus secured a considerable part of the army, to reduce the rest to reason was not an arduous underta king. Deserted by many of those on whose concurrence and aid they had depended, they became dispirited and irresolute. The greater part of the refractory officers were removed to Calcutta. Many of their commissions were bestowed on subalterns. Some of the least culpable, upon making proper submissions, were restored to the service. Not a few were tried by a court-mar tial ; and though none were punished with deadi, they were subjected to punishments of an ignominious nature. Many were appointed to be carried back to Europe ; and as some of them shewed themselves highly dissatisfied with this sentence, they were put under the care of a proper guard till the period of their departure. Thus, without any great trouble, was curb ed a mutiny, which, had it remained much longer unchecked, might have had the most destructive consequences. The aflairs of the East-India Company, during the progress of the war, had been so much embarrassed, that the dividends Vol. I. G g were 234. HISTORY OF, &c. [Chap. IL were reduced from eight to six per cent. At the restoration of peace, however, on terms so much more favourable than could have been expected, the proprietors became clamorous for their share of the prosperity ; and after some attempts to evade the request, the directors found themselves under the necessity of augmenting the dividends to ten per cent. The issue of the con test, upon the whole, had been so favourable to the Company, that they considered their affairs as standing upon a more sure foundation than at any former period. HISTORY HISTORY OF THE HEIGN OF GEORGE THE THIRD. CHAPTER III. '"THE peace which Britain had Concluded with the European powers, and which the friends of their country flattered themselves would be bf long duration, Was at no very distant period to terminate in a war of a description hitherto scarcely known in the history of the world. Mr Grenville, to whose care the treasury was now committed, was anxious to dis tinguish himself by unexampled ceconomy in the management of the national revenue, and by such means of raising the sup plies as might be deemed least burdensome to a state already subjected to greater oppression than it could easily support. His exertions for this purpose were in several instances attended with no small share of success. He eagerly looked round on every side for practicable modes of augmenting the revenue, without directly taxing the inhabitants of Britain ; and while he was in this disposition, the American settlements presented themselves to him as a source of revenue which either had al together escaped his predecessors, or had yielded a much smaller addition to the British national income, than they seemed capable of affording. Britain had long been accustomed to regulate the trade of her American colonies, by imposing such duties and customs as seemed necessary to secure to her the proper share of the pro- G g 2 fits ?36 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. IlL fits to be derived from it. And Grenville, with the professed view of preventing the increase of contraband commerce, at that time carried on to great extent, considerably augmented these regulations. His innovations in this respect, though they might have produced a temporary discontent, would not pro bably have led to any serious consequences, had he not openly avowed a design, wlrich instantaneously roused the apprehensions of the Americans respecting those rights which they had hither to been permitted to enjoy without molestation. He proposed to raise in America a portion of the British revenue, to be paid into the British treasury, and to be under the management of the British ministry, without the interference in any respect of their American subjects. This proposal, in short, which he laid be fore the House of Commons in April 1764, was to impose a stamp-duty in America ; but in order that all whom it concern ed might have an opportunity of considering it maturely, he proposed not to pass it into a law for some time, till the opi nions of the Americans regarding it might be obtained. Such was the commencement of those measures, which in the first place excited the most violent discontents among the Ame ricans, and which at length terminated in their open rebellion. Notwithstanding its ultimate consequences, Grenville, in pro posing the measure, must be freed from all tyrannical or op pressive views. He wished not to precipitate the matter ; but by bringing it forward at first in the form of a simple motion, he allowed time to all, and particularly to the Americans them selves, to examine, with all necessary attention, the consequen ces of the law which he proposed. It is probable, indeed, that the British minister was himself ignorant of the , important po litical questions which the proposed measure involved. He was ignorant that his motion in the House of Commons was to terminate in the emancipation of the Americans, and that he was laying the foundation of a new and independent empire. The submission to the people of this proposal for imposing stamp-duties in America, excited among all ranks a greater de gree of interest than perhaps the minister had foreseen, and a gre.itcv share of keen discussion than perhaps he desired. Those Chap. III.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 237 Those who favoured his projects affirmed, that as the Ameri cans enjoyed all the benefits of the British constitution, it was fitting they should contribute their share towards its support. A great part of the debt under which Britain laboured, had been incurred during wars undertaken for the defence of these colonies. Without the exertions of Britain in their behalf, they would probably long before this have been subjected to the dominion of France, and it was right that they should con tribute their part to the payment of the interest of that debt, to which their own defence had so largely added. Nor could it be objected to the taxation of the colonies in America, that it was a measure unsanctioned by precedent. On several former occasions these colonies had been subjected to taxes. The instances, indeed, had been of little magnitude, and had passed almost unheeded ; but they were sufficient to justify the proceeding as far as precedent could justify it. To these arguments, in themselves not a little specious, were objected others of nearly equal plausibility. The Americans, indeed, enjoyed the benefits of the British constitution ; but for this, it was no mean compensation that the British enjoyed the exclusive trade of their colonies, and thus reaped immense com mercial advantages. The support thus afforded to the British empire and constitution, was more than could be extorted from the Americans by the most oppressive regulations. Britain had no doubt incurred a great debt in her late war with France ; but had she not thought the object deserving of such exertions, she ought not to have made them. Nor could it with strict justice be said, that the defence of America was the sole object which, during that war, she had in view. She defended Ameri ca, because she deemed her interest to be involved in the de fence. And, even had the American colonies been independ ent, Britain would not probably have made inferior exertions to prevent them from falling into the hands of France. The pre cedents urged in defence of the measure appeared of so little importance, that they had passed unheeded ; but had they been even more numerous, and of more consequence, they could not authorise regulations utterly incompatible with that degree of freedom 238 . HISTORY OF THE [Chap. III. freedom which they claimed as subjects of a representative go vernment. The British parliament, even according to the prin ciples of the British constitution, could not legally tax them, since they were neither actually nor virtually represented in that Assembly. Were taxation of this kind once permitted, the British would naturally endeavour to throw the chief burden from themselves to the Americans ; and as the ijtttr were not represented, it is possible that in this they would find little dif ficulty. While these proceedings were sowing the seeds of future dis sensions among the colonies, some of these parts of America "which had lately been ceded by France, were the scenes of dan gers of a different kind. When the French yielded Canada to the British, their influence in that district was far from being annihilated, perhaps was little diminished. The British government, anxious to convince the nation that their American acquisitions were more valuable than the people in general wished to allow, began to cultivate and improve that territory with all possible expedition. The territory which had been ceded, was divided into three distinct governments, of Quebec, of East Florida, and of West Florida. In taking pos session of these countries, and dividing them among the new settlers, little respect was had to the feelings of the Indians, who imagined, with some appearance of reason, that they were now to be entirely driven from their ancient possessions. In this be lief the French, who chose so remain in those colonies, were careful to encourage them. A disposition to quarrel became daily more conspicuous, and at length the Indians had recourse to open hostilities. As a preliminary step to their warlike measures, several In dian ambassadors were sent to some of the British governors, to complain of the encroachments which had been made. With out waiting for a reply, however, though the governors declared themselves willing to give every proper satisfaction, the ambas sadors returned ; and the Indians prepared for* the execution of a scheme which they had formed, for the total extirpation of the inhabitants of the remote western settlements. Their scheme, which was adopted after some deliberation, and not improbably in Chap. HI.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 239 in consequence of the advice and encouragement from the emis saries of France, was to commence their attack along the whole frontier, while the inhabitants were occupied with their harvest ; to put to death every one whom they could overtake, and to lay waste the country, by burning every thing which could be use ful. The execution of a plan which threatened to be so very de structive, was partly prevented by the indiscretion of some young Indians, who were acquainted with the plot. Still, however, it was executed to an extent which was truly alarming. On the frontiers of Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, in particular} such were the depredations which were committed, that the country was abandoned by the few inhabitants who were left alive. In Canada, too, the Indians not only ravaged the open country, but made themselves masters of several fortified places ; and in these places the garrisons were invariably sacrificed to the fury of the assailants. It was some time before the Indians could be opposed by such a force as was adequate to repress their depredations ; and even when regular troops were sent against them, it was found more difficult to repel diem than had been supposed. The British never obtained a victory without sustaining much loss, and were even sometimes vanquished. Captain Dalyel, who on the 30th of July 1763 encountered the Indians near Fort Detroit, was himself killed, and the troops which he commanded were obli ged to retire. In several other places the British losses, though they were not perhaps very serious, were such as had been little expected in a war with Indians. On this occasion Sir William Johnston made good use of the ascendency which his manners had procured him over several of the Indian tribes. He succeeded in detaching from the hostile association, the tribe distinguished by the name of the Six Nations. By the aid of these, who were better quali fied to carry on war against their countrymen than regular troops, he gained several advantages over those who still re mained refractory; and at length, in April 1764, the war, which at first had threatened to be so disastrous, was successfully ter minated, S*0 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. HI. minattd, not, however, without considerable loss to the British, aud great hurt to the frontier territory, The regulations which had been formed for the suppression of smuggling upon the coasts of Britain and Ireland, having been attended with no small share of success, and having con siderably augmented the revenue, it was deemed proper to frame similar regulations for the suppression of illicit trade on the coasts of America and the West Indies. These regulations, however, which had been willingly submitted to at home, and which the respectable part of the people had judged to be ad vantageous to the nation, were not received with equal cordia lity in the colonies. The truth is, the American and West In dian-colonies owed much of their prosperity to a trade, which, though really against existing laws, was hardly considered by the greater part of the inhabitants as being illicit. The chief share of the contraband trade of North America and the West Indies, was carried on with die Spanish American settlements. These afforded an extensive market for the produce of the British co lonies, and furnished them with almost the whole of the gold and silver necessary in their commerce with other parts of the world. To interdict this trade, therefore, was to destroy one source of their prosperity, and to check that improvement in which they were so rapidly advancing. The regulations regarding illicit trade, so odious to a large portion of the Americans, were rendered yet more hateful by the way in which they were executed. Numerous small vessels were stationed upon different parts of the extensive American coast. These vessels were manned and commanded by men, who, though sufficiently brave and sufficiently active, were little acquainted with custom-house laws, and were often blamed as being too rigid and indiscriminating in the execution of what they conceived to be their duty. They were frequently accused of being no less ready to seize the goods of the fair trader, than those that were contraband. And where such grievances took place, re dress could be had only by the circuitous and difficult mode of applying to the courts in Britain, — a mode of application, indeed, from which many who were injured might be conceived as being virtually excluded. The Chap. III.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 24-1- The minds of the Americans were already irritated by these obnoxious measures, when they received intelligence of the in*- definite resolutions in the House of Commons, for taxing the American colonies. This information was not the less alarm ing that the mode of taxation was left undecided. That dis content which had for some time been accumulating, was speedily augmented by this information, and prompted many to an open opposition to the designs of the British government. And as the obnoxious resolution specified no particular tax, the Ame ricans proposed to attack it in the Same indefinite way, by de nying the right of the British parliament, where they were not in sense represented, to tax the colonies. This proposal to tax the Americans gave great advantage to a party, which, though neither very numerous, nor composed of the more respectable among the inhabitants, had long subsist ed, particularly in the district known by the name of New Eng land. This party, cherishing the republican principles which their forefathers had brought from Europe, had secretly wished to establish the independence of the colonies, and to emancipate them from their subjection to Britain. This party, indeed, had never dared openly to avow their principles ; but the recent re solutions of the British ministry afforded them an advantage, which they were not slow to improve to their own purposes. In the provinces of New England, particularly in Massachussets, resolutions were formed to oppose the proposed laws. These resolutions were transmitted to Britain, where they were laid before the board of trade and the privy-council ; and the well- known Franklin was sent in a public capacity to watch over their interests. When parliament met in January 1765, the subject of Ame rican taxation was again brought before them, and they were informed of the resolutions of several of the colonies to oppose any such measure ; but these resolutions produced very little effect. The British minister, indeed, relented so far as to con sent, that if parliament were allowed to fix the sum to be fur nished by America, the Americans should be allowed to raise it in whatever way they might judge most proper. The Ame rican agents, however, affirmed that they were positively in- Vol. 1. H h stru,;;s«j v.242 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. III. structed to listen to no such offer. They were instructed to deny the right of the British parliament to tax the Americans, or even to point out any specific sum to be furnished by them to the British revenue. This right the ministry thought to be un questionable, and consequently they were not disposed to re linquish it. In this opinion, indeed, the ministry appear to have been supported by the greater part of the British nation. And as the Americans had refused to accept the offer which had been made them of taxing themselves to a certain amount, to be pre scribed to them, the House of Commons proceeded immediately to tax them in the way which had been originally proposed. The .matter having been discussed in a committee of supply, their resolutions were formed into a bill, imposing stamp-duties in America nearly the same with those payable in Britain. So little did this subject, so momentous in its consequences, interest the nation, or at least the legislature, that the bill pass ed through parliament with little opposition, and indeed almost without remark. In the House of Commons very few spoke a- gainst it, and only one with any degree of violence. While the bill passed through the usual forms, only one division of the Plouse took place, and on that occasion the minority did not exceed forty. The petitions presented against it were received with little attention, and several of them were altogether reject ed. In the House of Lords, the bill caused no debate ; they never divided upon the occasion, and no protest recorded the opinion of even one dissenting Peer. The question regarding general warrants, to which the pro ceedings against Wilkes had given rise on a former occasion, was again revived ; but every exertion of the adversaries of admini stration to procure a resolution declaring them illegal, was ineffectual. The debate, however, was managed with great vio lence and keenness, and the majority in favour of the ministers consisted only of forty. The laws to discourage illicit commerce upon the British coast, though they had upon the whole been productive of good effects, were considerably checked, by the shelter which the Isle of Man afforded to smugglers of every descrip tion. This island, which, during four hundred years, had been vested Chap. HI.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 2*6 vested in the family of the Duke of Athol, was placed in a very singular situation respecting the British government. It belong ed to the crown of Britain, yet it formed no part of the realm ; so that, though it acknowledged the British monarch for its sovereign, it was governed entirely by its own particular laws and customs. In Man, the king had neither court nor officer, and no cause originating in that island could be prosecuted in Britain. It is easy to conceive, that an island so singularly situated with re gard to its political concerns, and so convenient for maintaining an intercourse with England, with Scodand, and with Ireland, must afford a singular facility to those engaged in illicit trade. To prevent the abuses which were thus occasioned, a bill was introduced into parliament, by which it was proposed to subject the trade of that island to more severe restrictions. This bill, as might be expected, excited the attention of the Duke of Athol, who, in a petition addressed to parliament, stated the right which his ancestors had long possessed to the territory in question, and requested, that if the sovereignty of Man was to be fully vested in the crown, he might receive such an indemnification as might be deemed equivalent. Nothing could be more reasonable than this request, and it accordingly was received with attention. It was agreed to pay to the Duke the sum of seventy thousand pounds, in exchange for the rights which he was to abandon. At the same time, he was to retain all his landed property in it, and the patronage of the ecclesiastical establishments, while the jurisdiction of the island, and every thing respecting its go vernment, were to be vested in the crown of Britain. A dangerous illness, which about this time seized the king, turned the attention of parliament to a question of some import ance. The question, indeed, was suggested by the king himself, who, after his recovery on the 24th of April, suggested the pro priety of granting him power to appoint the queen, or any other branch of the royal family generally residing in Britain, to be regents of the kingdom, and guardians of his successor, till he should reach the age of eighteen. This communication was answered by an address, and a bill was introduced, to grant the king the power which he requested. When this bill was laid before the Commons, a motion was made, that the king should H h 2 name 244* HISTORY OF THE [Chap. III. name the person whom, in case of necessity, he would nomi nate regent, affirming, that they could not sanction the naming of any person to that important office, unless they knew who the person was. This motion failing of success, it was next de manded, what was meant by the expression, " any of the royal family." The ministers answered, that they rheant the descen- dents of George II. An answer which implied the exclusion of the Princess-dowager of Wales, could hardly be pleasing to the king. Her name was afterwards expressly introduced, and- the bill, in that amended state, soon passed into a law. France, at this time at peace with all her neighbours, began to display, in her interior government, symptoms of that spirit of" innovation which has since proved so fatal to the repose and freedom of the world. The king issued a decree, imposing a duty of one per cent, upon the alienation of immoveable property. This decree was so odious to the parliament of Rouen, that they refused to, enter it upon their records. Enraged at their obstina cy, the Duke de Harcourt attempted to compel them to record it, This again was so much resented by the members, that by far the greater part of them immediately resigned their offices, and they absolutely refused to resume them, till the obnoxious edict was in some degree altered. Nor was this spirit of resistance confined to the parliament of Rouen, that of Toulouse showed itself to be equally obstinate ; and when the Due de Fitz- James attempted to force them to compliance, instead of being intimidated, they-' presented articles of impeachment against him, arid passed a decree, directing his person to be arrested wherever he could be found. The mat ter was brought before the parliament of Paris, as the Supreme Court of judicature. The parliament received the appeal, and directed their first president to inquire whether the king would attend the examination. The king with some asperity replied, that the duke, who was governor of Languedoc, represented his person in that province ; that consequently he reserved to him self and his council the examination of this cause ; and tha,t the parliament should not be allowed to interfere in any other way, than by making such a representation of the case as they thought agreeable to the Jaws. This answer was highly offensive to the . parliament, Chap. III.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 245 parliament, who no sooner received intelligence of it, than they appointed a committee, consisting of the princes of the royal blood, four peers of France, and sixty other members of the parliament, to wait upon the king with their remonstrances, and to procure, if possible, a more favourable reply. These proceed ings might soon have assumed a more serious aspect, had they not been interrupted by the death of the duke. They displayed in an unequivocal manner, however, the growing desire of the parliament to maintain, and, if possible, to extend their privileges. They indicated a striking decay in that tame spirit of submission to the royal will, which had so long distinguished the French nation. The growing desire of freedom, and a disposition to resist the will of the sovereign, when it was conceived to be contrary to the interest of the people, became daily more obvious. When the parliament of Paris had presented some remonstrances which were not agreeable to the king, they asserted, that they only spoke the opinions of the people ; and if he entertained any doubts on the matter, he might easily convince himself of the fidelity of their representations, by calling together the states-general of the kingdom. Bold as this representation was, it was exceeded In patriotic freedom, by one presented by the parliament of Rouen, wh» early distinguished themselves by their zeal for the liberty of the people. " It is to promote," said that parliament, " the happiness of those who are placed under your care, that you are invested with the supreme authority. Your subjects have a right to your beneficence. They have therefore a right to thr- easiest and least burdensome method of contributing to the wants of the state. This right, which is founded in nature, belongs to every nation in the world, whatever may be its form of government. It is principally the right of the French, and in a more special manner that of the province of Normandy. The Norman charter furnishes on this head the most respectable monuments of our national immunities, and of the justice of the kings, your august predecessors. We there find, that no tax can be laid on your subjects of this province, unless it be agreed to in the assembly of the people of the three estates. This charts 246' HISTORY OF THE; [Chap. III. charter subsists in its full force. It makes part of the people's rights, which you swore to maintain before him by whom kings reign."" The British ministry, at this period, were far from being agreeable to the greater part of the people, or even to the king hiriiself. The people evinced their disposition by their tumul tuous conduct. In the metropolis particularly, the silk-weavers became so riotous, under pretence that they suffered unprece dented distress from the encouragement given to French silks, that th"ey could not be quelled without the aid of military force. The ministers had lost the confidence of the king, and they scrupled not to oppose him in several of his favourite measures ;. while he, on the other hand, is said to have disposed of several places of great horiour and emolument, not only without their consent, but without having required their advice. The mi nistry, without much disguise, accused the king of suffering himself to be too much controuled by the secret influence of Lord Bute, while the king considered every such insinuation as a personal insult. In this situation it could, hardly be expected that the ministers could long retain their power ; a plan indeed was already form ed for their removal from office. On the ISth of May 1765, the Duke of Cumberland, in consequence of the king's request, mentioned the subject to Lord Temple and Mr Pitt, and desired them to propose the terms on: which they were willing to form part of a new ministry. This Temple did without hesitation, and the conditions appeared not unreasonable to the Duke of Cumberland. The latter proposed, however, that Lord Nor thumberland, then Lord- Lieutenant of Ireland, should be made First Lord of the Treasury ; but to this proposal Temple imme diately refused his assent. Though the conference was thus unsuccessfully terminated, Cumberland did not yet despair of accomplishing his purpose. Jn a few days, accordingly, he waited on Mr Pitt, where he was met by Lord Temple, and the conference was renewed. Pitt, to use his own words, was not unwilling to go to St James's, " could he carry the consdtution along with him." At the same time he declared, that he could form no part of a ministry in which the Earl of Northumberland was to be concerned. Not entirely Chap. III.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 247 entirely disheartened even by this assurance, Cumberland sooa after sent a message to Pitt by Lord Frederick Cavendish, some what modifying his proposals regarding the Earl of Northum berland ; but Pitt returned the same answer which he had given to the Duke himself. at their conference. As a last effort, the Duke of Cumberland offered the place of First Lord of the Treasury to Lord Lyttleton ; but instead of evincing a ready acceptance, Lyttleton declared, that before he formed any resolution, he would consult Mr Pitt and Lord Temple ; in other words, that he would adopt that line of con duct which might be most agreeable to them. These repeated disappointments convinced the Duke of Cum berland, that it was vain to hope that such a change of ministry could be effected, as would be in any degree satisfactory, either to the nation or its sovereign, and he informed the king, that for some time his ministers naust be continued in power. But these ministers were not ignorant of the negotiations which had. been carrying on for their removal, and as they believed they were to be retained in office, more through necessity than the choice of their sovereign, they ventured to propose certain conditions, on which alone they were willing to retain their situations. These conditions were, that Lord Bute should have no influence, either directly or indirectly, in affairs of state; that Mr Stuart M'Kenzie, Lc-rd Bute's brother, should no longer be permitted to retain the office of keeper of the privy-seal for Scotland ; that the office of paymaster of the forces should be taken from Lord Holland, and given to a member, of the House of Commons ; that the office of Commander-in-Chief of the army should be bestowed on the Marquis of Granby, and that the government of Ireland should be left to the discre tionary power of the ministers. These conditions were far from being agreeable to the king, but he found himself under the necessity of partially acceding to them, at least for some time. The privy-seal of Scotland, accordingly, was taken from M'Kenzie, and given tp Lord Frer derick Campbell. Charles Townsend was made paymaster of the forces in the place of Lord Holland, and Lord Weymouth was made Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. These £*S HISTORY OF THE [Chap. III. These arrangements were far from restoring that Cordiality which ought to subsist between the king and his council ; on the contrary, their mutual animosity becariie daily more conspi cuous. Such, indeed, was die-violence of. some of the members, that they are said to have remonstrated with the king upon cer tain parts of his conduct which they disliked, and even to have insulted him in a way that was altogether, intolerable. It now became more than ever necessary to remove those ministers whose conduct had been so unconciliating ; and. the king, trust ing die negotiation to none but himself, sent for Mr Pitt, for the purpose of conversing with him. Pitt and Lord Temple accordingly repaired to Buckingham -House, where the king proposed to them certain terms, under which he wished ' that they should undertake the management of the national affairs. Pitt requested that time should be allowed him for the conside ration of the. conditions ; but Temple- instantly declared that they were utterly inadmissible ; and in this opinion, after some reflection, Pitt concurred. The Duke of Cumberland was once more- employed as the negotiator of -a new administration. As Pitt and Temple ap peared to be inflexible in their resolutions, he applied to the Duke of Newcastle, who did not display so many scruples ; arid under his auspices a ministry was in a short time formed. The Marquis of Rockingham was made First Lord of the Treasury ; General Conway and the Duke of Grafton were made secretaries of state ; the Duke of Newcastle chose for himself the office of Lord Privy-seal ; Mr Dowdeswell was made chancellor of the exchequer, and the Earl of Hertford Lord-Lieutenant of Ire land. The Duke of Cumberland, who had formed this minis try, was extremely popular ; and though he chose no prominent situation, he constantly attended the council, to confer the greater degree of respectability on their consultations. One of the first measures of the new ministry was highly agreeable to the nation. The Chief-justice Pratt, who during the trial of Wilkes had exhibited so much inflexible patriotic integrity, was created a peer, by the title of Lord Camden. But the council were soon to lose the influence which the Duke of Cumberland bestowed upon them. He suddenly'dicd of an apoplexy on the 31st Chap. III.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 249 31st of October 1765, at the early age of forty-five. In politi cal matters, his patriotism was never suspected ; and in military affairs, his abilities have generally been allowed. to be much su perior, to his success. Pitt and his adherents blamed without reserve the conduct of the Duke of Newcastle, and his colleagues, in accepting their places under the stipulations annexed to them ; affirming, that if they had remained inflexible, Lord Bute might have been de prived of his secret influence ; whereas, now, his power had re ceived- a new support. But the conduct of Pitt himself did not escape without animadversion. The more moderate party in the nation censured him as being unwarrantably inflexible. They thought that he could hardly be justified, in with-holding from the service of his country his superior abilities, merely because be could not be indulged in a few particulars of comparatively small importance, while he was able to secure those great cir cumstances which more peculiarly involved the safety of the constitution. The stamp-act, which in Britain had passed through parlia ment almost without opposition, and as if it had been a matter of little consequence, was viewed in America in a very dif ferent light. It was there considered as in its nature illegal, and as the commencement of a scheme of oppression to which they foresaw no termination. Even the substance of the act itself, in dependent of its alledged illegality, was attacked as highly op pressive and iniquitous. In a country so thinly peopled as A- merica, it was affirmed, that the expence of conveying the stamps to places at some distance from the coast, would equal, if not surpass, that of the duties imposed by government. In some of the remote districts, it would be impossible to procure them, without undertaking a journey to a considerable distance, and thus to incur a very grievous expence, in order to pay a small sum to the British government. These arguments, it must be allowed, were more specious than solid, and they were probably used chiefly by the designing to irritate the feelings of the popu lace. The more rational, and on that account the more dan gerous, opponents to the measures of Britain, were those who, passing over the vexatious nature of the bill itself, insisted only. Vol. I. I i on 250 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. IIL on its injustice, and its total inconsistency with the principles of a representative government. Whatever may have been the impolicy of the British ministry in urging this law, they can hardly be suspected to have enter tained any idea of oppressing the cqlonies, or subjecting them to the uncontrouled sway of the British government. If such were their intentions, at least they acted very inconsistently, in giving notice of the proposed law so long before the bill was introdu ced into parliament. This measure, though it was perhaps meant to prevent the imputation of precipitancy, was easily by the co lonies construed into the timid policy of a ministry who were conscious of doing wrong, and were consequently desirous of concealing their fault under the mask of moderation and for bearance. So long a notice of the proposed law, indeed, invited investigation. The colonists soon discovered several arguments, in their opinion unanswerable, by which they could defend their- Tights ; and before it was proposed to enforce the obnoxious measure, these arguments had taken so deep root in the minds of the people, that to eradicate them was hardly possible. Nor was this the most baleful consequence of the premature notice of the intended law. The discontented, at that time a nume rous class in America, were thus allowed time to arrange, not their arguments only, but their plans for effectually opposing the law, to form associations, and to encourage each other in the proposed opposition to the British government. Considerable facility was afforded to the dissemination of ideas unfavourable to the pretensions of Britain, by the mea sures about this time adopted by the American Presbyterians. These had long been eager to procure the establishment of a Synod, in other words, to form themselves into a regular com bination, for the purpose of taking more prompt and consistent steps for advancing their particular interests. This association had hitherto been studiously discouraged by government, and in 1725 an express interference of the law was deemed neces sary to prevent them from effecting their purpose. The discontents which at diis time prevailed in the country, af forded them a favourable opportunity for renewing their excre tions. The ministers and elders of Philadelphia, having assembled, addressed Chap. III.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. t>sr addressed a circular letter to the several congregations of Presby terians, inviting them to unite themselves into a regular body, for the better management of their affairs. In this letter, after mentioning the degraded state in which they had so long been compelled to exist with regard to their civil and religious privi leges, and suggesting a plan by which those privileges might be more completely" secured, it was recommended, that the Pres byterian ministers of Philadelphia, assisted by some persons of respectability, should correspond with the ministers and select individuals in different parts of the colonies, mutually commu nicating such information as might tend to the benefit of the whole. The country was to be divided into districts ; in each district a committee was to be elected, and each committee was to appoint a particular person, for the purpose of corresponding with the rest ; and a deputy from each committee was to meet at a certain place, at regular intervals, to consult for the general interests of the association. This association of Presbyterians was soon established in every part of the American settlements, and their example was follow ed by the other numerous religious sectarians. It evidendy was not the intention of these combinations, to confine themselves entirely to religious matters. Political affairs were discussed without reserve, and diey were discussed in such a way as evin ced little disposition to submit to British oppression, as thev chose to denominate the scheme of taxation. The danger of these measures to the internal tranquillity is obvious, and had the British ministry entertained any tyrannical views, it was their interest as soon as possible to suppress them, though, had they attempted this, it would probably h.ive beeu found to be a very difficult undertaking. Not only did the British view with apparent indifference die ferment which was so rapidly diffusing itself in their American possessions, many of them, by their discourse and publications1, considerably encouraged it. By expatiating on the great import ance of America, on the impossibility of the existence of Britain as a commercial country, if separated from its colonies, they taught the Americans to estimate themselves at a very high value, to 'consider dieir country as in some degree necessary to I i 2 the •52 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. HI. the prosperity of Britain, and consequently to render them more ^sanguine in their hopes of success, in case of actual opposition. The invectives of the minority in parliament, especially as they were supported by the suffrages of a numerous party in the nation, were received in America with implicit credit, and were confidently cited as reasons why they should not submit to the oppression threatened by the British ministry. Under these impressions, the Americans fondly persuaded themselves, that to ruin Britain, nothing more was necessary than to refrain from the importation of her manufactures. If such was the derangement of her finances, that it was necessary to support them by the taxation of her colonies, how could she maintain a contest with those colonies, should they choose to assert their independence ? The failure of British trade, which in such a case must be experienced, would send crowds of emi grants into the colonies ; and this would gradually augment the strength of America, while that of Britain must in the same proportion be gradually diminished. America, besides, had now little to fear from its neighbours. The cession of Canada and Florida had removed from their frontiers their ancierit enemies, the French and Spaniards ; and should they even rise in oppo sition to Britain, these nations would probably be more inclined to aid than to hurt them. Their country was particularly a- dapted to the purposes of defence ; so that, while the people retained their spirit of freedom, it could hardly be entirely sub jugated. Such reasoning, though partially erroneous, strongly indicated the disposition of the colonists, and shewed that they not only hoped for success, should they enter into a struggle for their in dependence, but that they believed Britain would hardly dare to urge them to that necessity.-. The populace, inspired with these lofty ideas of their own importance and their power, put no restraint on their contumacy. Their opposition to the designs of the British government was daring and undisguised, display ed sometimes, indeed, in a manner somewhat ridiculous, but always bespeaking the inveterate spirit of resistance in which it ^Originated. When the act imposing stamp duties first arrived at New York, it was printed, not so much for the information, as for Chap. IH.] REIGN OF GEORGE IH. « IS for the execration of the people. The place usually occupied by the King's arms was filled with a death's-head ; and it was retailed in the streets, under the satirical tide of « England's folly, and the ruin of America." At Boston, the ships in die harbour displayed their colours in that wav which indicates the deepest mourning, while the muffled bells tolled a funeral-knell. And at Philadelphia, probably in contempt cf the military force, the guns, both in the town and in the barracks, were spiked. The more sanguine supporters of the British ministry might have endeavoured to interpret these commotions into the tempo rary effusion of popular resentment, had not the measures of the colonial legislatures convinced them, that the contagion was al- most universally disseminated, and had affected almost every rank in society. Virginia, more than any of the colonies, was liistin- guished by the loyalty of its inhabitants, and their attachment to the government of Britain. Yet this was the first to set an example of steady opposition to the obnoxious bill. It thus dis played a portentous omen to the British ministry, and might have convinced them, if that had been at all possible, that there was a party in America, even among the most moderate, who were determined to oppose what they considered as a tyrannical imposition. The assembly of Virginia no sooner received authenticated intelligence of the stamp-act having been passed, than they publicly took the matter under their consideration ; and, by the violence of their invectives, rather than debates, evinced to the world, that the Americans had a preponderance towards for cible resistance. The debates, indeed, were tumultuous, and on one side were enthusiastic, and might by some have been regarded as the ebullition of the fury of a popular party ; but even after more calm deliberation, the resolutions adapted by the majority of the assembly, sufficiently indicated the general politi cal notions of the country. It was resolved, that those who had first setded in Virginia had not forfeited any of the rights of British subjects, and that they had transmitted unimprired these rights to their posterity. These privileges, indeed, had been confirmed by several charters, particularly by two granted ~V5i HISTORY OF THE # [Chap. UL by James I. The rights thus originally claimed, and confinned by royal grant, had neither been forfeited nor voluntarily aban doned ; on the contrary, the British government had invariably recognised them. It was consequently in their opinion apparent, that the assembly of Virginia, together with the king, or the governor who represented him, had the sole right of impositig taxes upon the inhabitants of that colony. To allow the power of taxing them, therefore, to an assembly where they were not represented, was not only illegal, but, in the first place, was to annihilate the liberty of America, and in the second, by so arbi trary an example, was to endanger the liberty of Britain itself. These proceedings, it may well be supposed, were disagree". able to the governor, who was bound by his office to support the measures of the ministry under whom he acted ; and he ac cordingly dissolved the assembly. But in Virginia, during the ferment occasioned by the obnoxious measure, the voice of the governor was regarded rather as that of an interested individual, than of one who could be inclined to give an unbiassed opinion according to the merits of the cause. At any rate, the resolu tions of the assembly were already public, and were sufficient to convince the people, that the opinions so prevalent among themselves were not unsanctioned by those in more elevated situations. The resolutions passed" in the assembly of Virginia, generally reckoned the most moderate among the colonies, gave additional courage to those who were already sufficiently inclined to oppose the designs of the British ministry. The New England provinces, in particular, exemplified on this occasion their usual attachment to the popular cause. They had already, indeed, gone somewhat out of their way, by displaying their aversion to the design of Britain to subject the Isle of Man to the British laws ; and had thus tacitiy indicated their opinion with regard to their own indepen dence. The resolutions of the Virginian assembly gave a spe cies of dignity to those of the colonial assemblies, where more violent principles were known to prevail. The resolutions of individual colonial assemblies, however could have had little effect on the important measures which were soon to be followed, had the colonies not displayed their unani mity, Chap. III.] , REIGN OF GEORGE III. 255 mity, and their resolution to support each other in their opposi tion to the obnoxious law. The house of representatives at Boston, first suggested the propriety of sending to New York deputies from several of the different assemblies, to consult for the whole colonial interest, and particularly to take under their consideration, such measures as might be necessary to counter act the ruinous policy of the stamp-act. This measure was immediately adopted, and every effort was used, before the meeting of the deputies, to influence the public opinion in such a way as might render it difficult, and even dan gerous, for any of them to maintain an opinion different) from that which was so generally prevalent. The current of popular opinion overcame even individual interest. The officers appoint ed to collect the stamp-duties in general resigned their offices. These, it might be said, were influenced by; the danger to ¦which they were actually exposed ; but even the lawyers chose rather to relinquish their lucrative profession, than to sanction any measure which might tend to the political depression of dieir country. These resignations, however, had' not in many cases the merit of being voluntary ; the popular party imposed upon them oaths that they should^-resign, and should never re sume those offices of which the execution was so generally odious. Though these tumults were generally caused by people of the lower ranks, yet it was supposed, and not without specious rea sons, that they were countenanced and supported by those in more elevated stations. The proceedings in all the principal cities to dis play the resentment of the people, were extremely similar ; and those of the inhabitants of Bostonmaybe mentioned as anexample, which at this period was generally followed. A small fire was kindled in the streets in the evening, apparently by afew children for their own amusement. The person whose particular office it was to superintend the measures proper for the prevention of fire attempted to extinguish it, but an individual whom he did not know ordered him to desist. This information, given in so ambi guous a manner, he disregarded ; but a severe blow, which he im mediately received, convinced him that it would be necessary for him to abandon his design of extinguishing the fire. In a shor{ £56 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. IIL short time were heard a whoop and whistle, of so particular a kind, as evidently to have been preconcerted. Upon this sig nal, a great number of persons immediately assembled, armed with such weapons as chance threw in their way, and in such disguises as prevented them from being known., This crowd burned the records of the admiralty, and destroyed the houses of such pf the officers as had been most active in forwarding, the views of the British government. The more respectable inhabitants, indeed, publicly declared that they had' no connec tion with those riots ; they even offered considerable rewards for the discovery of those who were principally concerned in them, but these rewards were totally disregarded. The governor at tempted to call out the militia in order to preserve peace, but he found that diey had imbibed too much of the general spirit of dissatisfaction, to obey him in the suppression of these ir regularities. The more timid among the Americans, it is probable, were somewhat encouraged in their opposition to the obnoxious measures, by the change of government which took place in Britain. They who had uniformly objected to the taxa tion of the Americans having obtained the chief power, it was. supposed that the measures of government would be altered, and that consequently the tumults might be carried on with im punity. In consequence of the resolutions which had been formed for that purpose, deputies met from nine of the colonies. New Hampshire, Virginia, North Carolina, and Georgia, either through neglect or by design, sent no representatives ; but the first of these provinces made a general promise of concurring in whatever the congress of deputies should consider as being- advantageous to the whole. Nor could if be inferred from the absence of members from the provinces, that they were averse to the measures at that time so generally prevalent in America. When the letters from Massachusetts were circulated, their as semblies were not sitting ; and the governors of these provinces, foreseeing the consequences, prevented them from meeting till die congress met. It might have been expected, indeed, that the governors of the different provinces would have endeavour ed to prevent the meeting of the proposed congress from eves taking Chap. HI.] REIGN OF GEORGE IH. 257 taking place ; for this, however, they took no decisive measures-. The governor of New- York, indeed, declared, that the meet ing of the congress was unconstitutional, unprecedented, and un lawful, and refused them his countenance as a public body ; but he took no steps to prevent them from meeting, and adopting such resolutions as they thought proper. In their election of members to this congress, the people were, as might have been expected, guided much by the political prin ciples of those who were, to be representatives. The most vio lent and most popular declaimers, consequently, who repro bated the measures of the British . government with respect to America, were in general selected. These men had perhaps little conception of the ultimate importance of the business on which they were deputed. They resented in a warm, manner what they reckoned the tyrannical resolutions of the British parlia* ment ; and they were of opinion, that no measure could be too violent by which they were opposed. They were, besides, men little accustomed to business of such importance as that on which they were then called upon to decide. They were in ge neral anxious to return home ; and they soon came to several re solutions, without reflecting on the important consequences which were to follow. Under the influence of such enthusiasm, and of such impa tience to return home, it is surprising that their delibera tions were not more violent. Imperfect as they must have been, however, they were published to the world, and pro duced an effect upon the colonies which it was impossible afterwards to obliterate. It was resolved, that they should present a petition to the king, one to the House of Com mons, and one to the House of Lords. They professed their allegiance to the Crown as British subjects ; but they refu sed to acknowledge the right of the British parliament to tax them, tUl they were lawfully represented. It was evident, they affirmed, that the American colonies were not represented in the British parliament ; and from their relative situation, it was scarcely possible that they could be represented there. To per mit the Commons of Britain to tax them at their discretion, Vol. I. K k was 25S . HISTORY OF THE [Chap. III. was to bestow a power of oppression without any limitation or restraint. They claimed the rights of British subjects, and they claimed as one of those rights, the privilege of being represented in an assembly which was to fix the amount of their taxes, and the mode of imposing them. Supplies were gifts bestowed by subjects upon their sovereign. The British eould not therefore bestow upon the king any part of the property of Americans, since, iri that case, they would be making a gift of what did not in any sense belong to them. The right of trial by jury was injured by the stamp-act, without which they could enjoy little of the dignity of British subjects. The act, besides, was unequal in its operations, and in its execution was perhaps almost impracti cable. Nor could it be said, that the American colonies contri buted nothing to the British revenue, unless they were subject ed to a positive tax ; since it was evident, that while Britain reaped so great profits from her commerce with these colonies, they must add in no inconsiderable degree to her annual revenue; The effect of the tax would be, to prevent the Americans from purchasing the commodities of Britain, and thus, what her reve nue might gain in one way, it would infallibly lose in another. As British subjects, they claimed the right of petitioning the dif ferent branches of the British legislature ; and on this occasion they thought it their duty to petition them for the repeal of an act which was generally obnoxious. They concluded, by recom mending it to the several colonies, to endeavour by their agents to obtain a repeal of the stamp- act. In the opinion of the judicious, the very moderation of these proceedings rendered them the more dangerous. Instead of a temporary ebullition of popular fury, which would soon have been succeeded by a calm, it indicated a settled determination of cool opposition. The effects of this conference, indeed, became obvious in the measures which were immediately adopted by the different colonies. In all of them resolutions were formed, not to import British manufactures, till the stamp-act should be re pealed. When the ships having on board the stamped paper arrived, every exertion was made to secure that part of their cargo, and to place' the papers where those who might be will ing Chap. III.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 259 ing to use them, if any such there were, could nbt possibly pro cure them. Even the vessels themselves could be rescued from the fury of the people, only by taking shelter under the guns of fortresses, or in the vicinity of ships of war. Those who ha'd been appointed to the office of distributing stamps, judged it prudent to resign their situations. So that owing to these va rious causes, when the operation of the stamp-act ought to have commenced, hardly a sheet of stamped paper could be procured in any part of America. Every department of business, conse quently, which could not be conducted without such paper, was interrupted. No civil cause in the courts of justice could be carried on ; no vessel could obtain the requisite documents of the custom-house, and consequently commerce was instantaneously annihilated, except in diese cases, which soon became numerous, when those concerned chose to expose themselves to the hazard of using papers unstamped. The government of Massachussets, ever forward to encourage opposition to this obnoxious measure of the British administration, entered into a resolution, declaring stamped papers to be unnecessary in die legal transaction of business. The British ministry were at this time placed in a situation not a little embarrassing. They had rashly passed the stamp- act, probably without considering precisely the consequences to which it led, or the political questions which it involved. They were unwilling to impair their own dignity by repealing it, mere ly because it was disagreeable to those on whom it was to ope rate ; and they were now aware of the danger, as well as difficul ty, of enforcing the execution of it upon the Americans. Under such impressions, they adopted conduct so palpably indecisive, as to give new courage to those who were already sufficiently inclined to oppose them. They attempted, indeed, to mingle moderation witii severity, in such a way as indicated their un certainty to which side they ought to allow the preponder ance. The beard of trade no sooner received information of the re solutions of the assembly of Virginia, than diey pronounced diem to be a dj nacrous and unprecedented attack on the autho- K k •: rity 260 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. III. rand constitution of Britain; and they earnestly recom mended the use of vigorous measures to enforce obedience to a law which the colonists were so willing to evade. The treasury- board, on the other hand, adverting to the alledged difficulty of procuring such sums of money in the colonies to be annually transmitted to Britain, declared their willingness that it should be used to pay the troops, and to defray other public expences in America, without being sent out of the country. General Conway, one of the secretaries of state, wrote a letter to the governor of Virginia, hoping that a second assembly would adopt resolutions more agreeable to their allegiance to the British government, than those they had already published. He de clined, however, giving any decisive orders, as the matter was Still under the consideration of the council ; and thus he com pletely counteracted whatever good effect his letter might have otherwise produced. The council itself, when it took into consideration the resist ance of the colonies, displayed a total deficiency in- energy and decision. In their opinion the matter was of too serious a con sequence to he decided by a council, and they declined forming any resolution upon the subject, till it could once more be re ferred to parliament. In other words, they wished to consult parliament whether they would advise the execution of their own acts, or whether they would repeal them as rash and im prudent. Conway, at the same time, wrote a circular letter to the governors of the different Colonies, recommending to them to use every prudent step to enforce the execution of the stamp- act, yet allowing them such discretionary powers, and recom mending moderation in such a way, as clearly indicated the wavering policy of the British ministers. Though the matter was thus referred to the re-consideration of parliament, that assembly, as if the matter had not been of great importance, or had not required prompt and decisive mea sures, met not till the 17th of December ; and even then, with out taking into their consideration this momentous affair^ad- journed during the Christmas holidays. The chief members of administration, indeed, appear not yet to have resolved what side of the question to adopt, when the matter came to be publicly Chap, ni.] REIGN OF GEORGE HI. f6I publicly discussed. To fix their wavering opinions, and to give something like consistency to their resolutions, they had a meet ing, during the adjournment of parliament, at the house of the Marquis of Buckingham. At this meeting, among others, there were present the Marquis himself, Lord Egmont, General Conway, Mr Dowdeswell, the Earl of Dartmouth, arid Mr Yorke. Several plans were here proposed, without any of them being ultimately atropted. It was proposed to explain and alter the stamp-act in such a manner as to render its operation much less offensive to the Americans. The payment of the duties, according to these alterations, was to be received in currency. Offences against the act were to be tried in courts of record, instead of the court of vice-admiralty. The stamps necessary in the customs, were to be regulated in such a way as to free trade from almost every embarrassment. This modi fication of the stamp-act, which they supposed to be sufficient to satisfy the colonists, was to be attended with an act, declaring the legislative power of the British parliament over America ; and enacting, that whoever should impeach, either in speech or writing, that supreme power, should be guilty of high treason. This meeting terminated, however, without adopting any pre cise resolution ; without, indeed, doing any thing more than fixing the topics of the King's speech, when parliament should again assemble. At length, on the 14th of January 1766, the great national council met. The king, in his speech on that occasion, mentioned the disturbances which had taken place in America. He assured them, that the necessary orders had been issued to those in power, to take die proper steps for the suppression of tumults ; and he referred to diem, in their legislative capacity, to direct what other measures they might think eligible. The debate upon the address to the king, on this occasion, necessarily in troduced the affairs of America ; and they were discussed very fully, and with no inconsiderable degree of acrimony. It soon became obvious, however, that the ministers were faT from being unanimous in their opinions regarding die mode of conduct most proper to be followed towards the colonists. Ther 262 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. AIL They were by no means unanimously of opinion, that the taxa tion of America was a legal measure. The legality of taxation,- however, had many violent advocates, who insisted that the exe cution of the stamp-act ought to be rigorously enforced ; and that to propose its repeal, or even to modify its execution, was an insult to the dignity of parliament. No alteration, in their opinion, ought to be made on it, unless it were begged as a fa vour, not claimed as a right, and unless the power of the parlia ment to tax the colonies were at the same time acknowledged. The most able opponent of these opinions was Mr Pitt, who reprobated them with all his usual energy and eloquence. He blamed not the king's speech, however, nor the address by which it was to be answered, since they were couched in that indecisive and irresolute style, which left every one at liberty to form his own opinion. He blamed, nevertheless, the ministry, for with-holding so long from the legislature the information which they had received concerning the disturbances in Ameri ca. He could not, indeed, extend his approbation to any single measure pf those who i had lately conducted the affairs of ad ministration. The actual ministry had not his confidence, though as men many of them had his esteem.- He dreaded the cffeets of that secret influence, by which he openly insinuated that the national councils were still actuated. He wished for the enforcement of that clause in the act of settlement, which directs, that every minister should set his name to the advice which he gives to his sovereign. He might still have retain ed his place in the king's councils, had he been willing to act in subserviency to that influence to which he referred ; but hi.* could give his sanction to no measure conducted in such a manner. When he complained of secret influence, however, he meant not to stigmatise any man on account of the country where he was born. To him all parts of the British dominions were equal. " I have," said, he, " no local attachments ; it is indifferent to me whether a man was rocked in his cradle on this side or that side of the Tweed. I sought for merit where-! ever it was to be found. It is my boast, that I am the first mi nister who looked for it, and found it, in the mountains of the North. I caUed it forth, and drew into your service an hardy, Chap. 111.'] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 263 and intrepid race of men, — men who, when left by your jea« lousy; became a prey to the artifices of your enemies, and had gone nigh to overturn the state in the war before the last. These men, in the last war, were brought to combat on your side ; they served with fidelity as they fought with valour, and con quered for you in every part of the world. — Detested be the na tional reflections against them ; they are unjust, groundless, illiberal, unmahly. When I ceased to serve His Majesty as a minister, it was not the country of the man by Which, I was moved ; but the man of that country wanted wisdom, and held principles incompatible with freedom." He continued to inform them, that he. was detained by sick- aiess, and sickness alone could have detained him, from the house, when he was informed of this resolution to tax the Americans. He hoped, however, that at rio distant period the subject would be resumed ; but as his health was very precarious, he would now encroach upon their patience by giving his opinion upon the matter, lest he might not then be able to attend. He con demned in severe terms the^ arguments of those who proposed to make the enforcement of the obnoxious act a point of honour ; a resolution which, if adopted, might tend to the most destruc tive consequences. Without inquiring into the justice, the equity, the policy, or the expediency of the act, all of them somewhat doubtful, he would confine his views to the right of taxation. While he declared, therefore, that the authority of Britain in America was sovereign and supreme in every case of legislation, she had, in his opinion, no right to lay a tax upOn the colonies. The arguments by which he supported his opi nion, are too striking to be given in any other words than his own. " The colonists," said Mr Pitt, " are subjects of this king dom, equally entitled with yourselves to all the natural rights of mankind, and the peculiar privileges of Englishmen, equally bound by its laws, and equally participating in the constitution of this free country. The Americans are the sons, not the bas tards of England. Taxation is no part of the governing or le gislative power. Taxes are the voluntary gift and grant of the Commons alone. In legislation, the three estates of the realm are 264 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. III. are alike concerned, but the concurrence of the peers and the . crown to a tax, is only necessary to clothe it with the form of a law. The gift and grant is of the Commons alone. In ancient days the crown, the barons, and the clergy, possessed the lands. In those days the barons and the clergy granted to the crown, they gave and granted what was their own. At present, since the discovery of America, and other circumstances permitting, the commoners are become the proprietors of the land. The church, God bless it, has but a pittance. The property of the Lords, compared with that of the Commons, is as a drop of water in the ocean ; and this House represents those Commons, the proprietors of the lands, and those proprietors virtually re present the rest of the inhabitants. When, therefore, in this house we give and grant, we give and grant what is our own. But in an American tax, what do we do I We, your Majesty's Commons for Great Britain, give and grant to your Majesty what ? Our own property ? No ; we give and grant to your Majes ty the property of your Majesty's commons of America. It is an absurdity in terms. The distinction between legislation and taxation is essentially necessary to liberty. The crown, the peers, are equally legislative powers with the commons. If taxation be a part of simple legislation, the crown, the peers, have rights in taxation as well as yourselves, rights which they will claim, which they will exercise, whenever the principle can be supported by power. There is an idea in some, that the co lonies are virtually represented in the house. I would fain know by whom an American is represented'here ? Is he represented by any knight of the shire, in any county in this kingdom ? Would to God that respectable representation was augmented to a greater number. Or will you tell him that he is represent ed by any representative of a borough, a borough which per haps its own representatives never saw ? This is what is called the rotten part of the constitution. It cannot continue a cen tury. If jt does not drop, it must be amputated. The idea of a virtual representation of America in this house, is the most contemptible that ever entered into the head of a man. It does not deserve a serious refutation. The commoners of Ame rica, represented in their several assemblies, have ever been in pos session Chap. HI.] REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 285 session of the exercise of this their constitutional right, of giving and granting their own money. They would have been slaves; if diey had not enjoyed it. At the same time, this kingdom, as the supreme governing and legislative power, has always bound the colonies, by her laws, by regulations and restrictions in trade, in navigation, in manufactures, in every thing except that of taking their money out of their pockets, without their consent. Here I would draw the line, " quam ultra citraque nequit csnsis- tere rectum" Conway, who spoke next after Pitt, confessed, that his opi? nions were entirely conformable to those of that statesman. He attempted, nevertheless, to justify administration for being so Jate in laying intelligence of the troubles in America before the legislature, by averring, that the reports which had long cir culated were too vague to merit much credit ; and so far as his own penetration extended, he denied that he could perceive any secret influence by which the measures of administration were regulated, Grenvi)}e, eager to justify his own measures, censured in the severest terms the delay of the ministers in communicating theit intelligence from America. According to that intelligence, what had at first been styled occurrences, were now become dis turbances, tumults, and' riots. He doubted they would soon be come rebellion, and, encouraged by the doctrines promulgated by men of so much respectability, might terminate in revolution. He could ni?t comprehend the distinctions of external and in ternal taxes ; differing only in name, their nature was the same. It had been granted, that Britain had the supreme legislative power over America, and taxation, in his opinion, was part of that legislative power. To exercise this power of taxation over those who were not represented in parliament, was no new thing ; it was exercised over the India Company, over the merchants of London, over the proprietors of stopks, over the great manufac turing towns ; and it had been exercised over the palatinate of Chester, and the bishoprick of Durham, before they were re presented in parliament. For proof of this, he appealed to the preambles of the acts for giving them representatives, the one in the reign of Henry VIII. the other in that of Charles II. When Vol. I. 1. 1 he 266 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. nL he originally proposed to tax America, he had repeatedly put die question, whether any in the house doubted the right of taxa tion, and no one had insinuated that they entertained any doubt of that right.. Protection and obedience were in his opinion reci procal. If America, therefore, was protected by Britain, it like wise owed her obedience. If not, he wished to know when the Americans were emancipated. When they thought the protec tion of Britain necessary, they were always ready to ask it, and Britain had been no less ready to afford it. In affording this protection, she had incurred an immense debt ; and when they were required to contribute a small share towards the public ex- pence of that kingdom, to which they owed their existence and their protection, they denied its allegiance, and menaced it with rebellion. He regretted, however, that much of the rebellious disposition of the Americans was owing to the factions which were so prevalent in parliament itself, the opposite parties continually making such affirmations as suited their own pur poses, without regard to their consequences. When we were told in parliament that we might expect resistance, were we not encouraging the Americans to resist ? It led them to expect, that when their friends attained that power at which they aimed, an event which they fondly expected, they would be released from the pressure of those laws, to which they were so unwill ing to submit. The ingratitude of the Americans excited his indignation. Bounties had been allowed, them by Britain, for the encouragement of their commerce, while Britain herself laboured under an enormous debt. To favour their growing prosperity, the act of navigation, an act of which the British were so deservedly jealous, had been relaxed. All this had been done under his own administration, yet he had been openly branded as the enemy of the Americans. He had been blamed as having annihilated their trade with the Spanish settlements ; but he had interrupted no trade which had not long before his time been declared illicit. With regard to all these particulars, he had been frequently and loudly calumniated ; but this was the only notice which he had deigned to take of these asper sions. Several Chap. HL] REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 36? Several members seemed eager to reply to GrenvSle, but -when it appeared that Pitt was among the number, thev all, as if by consent, gave him the preference. It was," indeed, some what irregular that Pitt should speak twice on the same subject except in a committee, but the House was clamorous to hear him, and he proceeded. He declared, that he bad intended to con fine bis views to a few reflections on the claimed right of taxa tion ; but as Mr Grenville, without confining him^lf to that single and essential point, bad discussed the equity, the policy, and expediency of the stamp-act, that he might net seem to shrink from the argument, be was willing to contend with him on all these particular;. He, and such as had argued in a simi lar manner, had been accused of exciting a spirit of rebellion among the Americans. He was sorry to Lear freedom of speech interpreted mto a crime, but such imputations should never intimidate him from the performance of his duty. In stead of being offended at this liberty of speech, the ministry ought to have profited by ir. They might thus have avoided those absurd asi pernicious measures, which they found it al most impossible to enforce, and so delicate to retract. Suppo sing it to be true that the Americans were in rebellion, be re joiced at the information. He rejoiced that they had resisted the intended oppression. Had three millions of British subjects been found insensible to every call of liberty, they would have proved fit instmxnenrs for the subjugation of the remainder. He pretended not to contend with his adversaries in their know ledge of particular cases of law ; bat he might remark, that the cases of Chester and Durham might be cited for a different pur pose than to prove, that several portions of the British domi nions had been taxed without being represented in the British parliament. They nright be cited to shew, that under the most arbitrary sovereigns, the most servile parliaments had been a- shamed to tax diem without their consent, and bad consequent ly allowed them representatives. But why were Chester and Durham the only instances specified ? why was Wales, a more illustrious example, kept out of view ? Wales was an example which fined not the arguments of bis oppor.er.ts. It had never been taxed by parliament ti" it \ris inccrpcritcd, and conse- L 1 - quentiy £68 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. 11L quently was represented in that assembly. He was utiwilling, however, that the matter should be debated as a mere question of law* It ought rather to be debated on the fundamental prin ciples of the constitution. Whatever might be, the character of former ministers, rione of them had ever attempted to tob the colonists of those rights which as British subjects they ought ufidoubtfedly tb enjoy. He himself had been invited to adopt such a plari, but he had always been aware of its impropriety ; yet he Wished riot to befriend the Americans at the expence of truth or rectitude. He had always been Convinced, that from the nature of the connection between Britain and America, the former had over the latter a supreme legislative authority. When that ceased to be the Case, if they continued to be under the same government, America must be supreme in power, since, when two countries were connected without being incorporated, one must necessarily govern. The difference between external and internal taxes was So palpable, that he was surprised to hear1 any one call it in question. He Was no less surprised to hear any one ask, When the Americans had been emancipated ? Such a question might be fitly answered, by asking, When the Americans had been made slaves ? It argued much ignorance to assert, that America contributed nothing to the revenue of Bri tain. He scrupled not to affirm, that in consequence of ou* trade with America, the British revenue was increased to the amount of at least two millions annually. This revenue, so far from being despicable, was that which in reality had enabled us to carry on, without any great inconvenience, the mighty con test in which We were lately engaged. Was it just, then, to affirm that America paid nothing for protection ? or was it sound policy to hazard this important revenue, for the mis-^ chievous pride of making the Americans slaves ? He owned there were several things in the management of American affairs, which might in many instarices be amended. Prohibitions had been multiplied, where encouragements were more necessary ; and encouragernents, where prohibitions would have been more proper. It would no doubt be improper to riiake such altera tions as might infringe on existing treaties, yet, in his estima tion, the ministers of Britain, by their regulations respecting die CtiAP. III.] REIGN OF GEORGE HI. iS§ the trade of die colonies, had degraded themselves Into custom house officers for every foreign power with which we were con nected. It was by no means wonderful, that when Mr Gren ville, as minister, proposed to tax America, he was not con tradicted by parliament. The modesty of parliament in con tradicting ministers had long been noted. Such, indeed, was that modesty, that it might in time endanger the respect which the representative claimed from the collective body of the people. He reprobated the comments which had been made on the supposed strength of America. Were the cause good4 Britain, in his Opinion, would find in America a feeble oppo nent. But, as a great proportion of the people thought the cause Unjust, he was not certain how far they could be relied on in a Contest with the Americans. Supposing, however, suc cess to be certain, even success would be hazardous. It would no doubt be a triumph over the Americans, but it would at the same time be a triumph over the principles of freedom, and Would at least endanger, if it did not absolutely overturn, the British constitution. The Americans, he owned, had been un warrantably riotous and turbulent, but it might perhaps be proper, in judging of their conduct, to depart somewhat from the extremity of rigour. The injustice with which they had been treated, had driven them almost to madness. It could hardly have any other effect on a people jealous of their liber ty. It became the dignity of Britain to give the example of prudence and temper ; an example which he was confident America would not be slow to follow. In conclusion, he stated it as his opinion, that the stamp-act, as it was erroneous iri its principle, as it was impolitic and unjust, ought to be absolute ly, totally, and immediately repealed. The supreme authority of Britain over the Americans ought at the same time to be expressed in terms as explicit and powerful as possible ; for this authority he would allow to be unbounded in every thing, except in taking from them their money without their own con sent. In this cause Pitt exerted all his eloquence, but he exerted it in vain. The motion for the address was carried without v. division. During tld ' HISTORY OF THE [Chap. HI. ? During the debate, it Was affirmed by several of the members, that the petitions for the repeal of the stamp-act were encou- taged.by the ministry. Nor did the assertion appear to be al together without foundation. They had evidently resolved to repeal this act, which, they imagined, it must be difficult, if not dangerous, to enforce ; and they were willing to have it sup posed that they yielded to the voice of the people of Britain, rather than to the imperious remonstrances of the Americans.- . In such a situation, which must be owned to have been ex tremely -delicate, it is somewhat singular that they had not re course to the common expedient of dissolving the parliament. It hardly became the dignity of that assembly to annul measures which had been adopted with so much unanimity, and with so- much apparent vigour, without being able to assign any other cause than the disturbances in America, and the petitions of the disaffected in Britain. A new parliament might with more pro priety have censured the measures of their predecessors, and have acted as differing from them with regard to the principle, no less than the expediency of the stamp-act. It is certain, that a power ful party in parliament at this time evinced their opposition to the plans of the ministry; Many who joined them in voting for the repeal of the stamp-act, averred that they had adopted opi- irions so hostile to it, not in consequence of the arguments of the 'ministers, but in consequence of those of, Mr Pitt, who was 'their decided adversary. The ministers, perhaps, might be doubtful of their own, strength, and might be unwilling to dis solve the parliament, lest in that which succeeded they should not be able to secure a majority of any kind. Their enemies too, who were numerous, were careful to at tribute their desire of the repeal to motives of the least dignified nature. They affirmed, that whatever reasons might be assign ed, the true cause of their desire for the repeal lay in the argu ments of Pitt, which none of them had been able to refute. In other words,, the power of Pitt's eloquence had driven them into a measure to which they of themselves were not inclined. Pitt, indeed, must have been a formidable adversary to any ministry. His splendid abilities were universally admired, and die brilliancy of his administration had secured to him the confidence Chap. III.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 271 confidence of a numerous party among the people. It is not surprising, therefore, that this ministry, known by the name of the Rockingham Administration, should find him a dangerous foe. Many of them, no doubt, were men of much respectabili ty, but they had never been able to acquire the confidence of the nation. Their wavering and indecisive measures tended to aug ment the general distrust, and the greater part of the people soon began to consider them as totally inadequate to the success ful management of the national affairs. The notions entertained by administration, with regard to the Stamp-act, on this occasion, were not those of any considerable party in the nation. The people, with regard to this, as with regard to all similar questions, were divided into two great bodies. Of those, one maintained that the authority of Britain ought to be supported without violation. The stamp-act, in their judge ment, ought not to be repealed. They could only consent to such a modification of its regulations as might render it some what less obnoxious to the Americans ; and even this concession, they thought, ought to be granted, not to the rude remonstrances, but to the petitions of the colonists. A party, still more nume rous, were of opinion, that justice as well as expediency requi red the total repeal of the stamp-act, as they believed the British parliament, where the Americans could not in any sense be said to be represented, had no right to tax them. They advised, that this repeal, which should be total and unconditional, should be accompanied with an act, declaring the right of Britain to regu late the affairs of America in every thing, except internal taxa tion. Neither of these opinions was adopted by the ministry. They resolved to repeal the stamp-act, without assigning any reasons for their proceedings ; at the same time, they resolved to accompany their repeal with ari act, declaring the right of Britain to bind the Americans by laws in every possible case ; and consequently, though they abandoned the obnoxious law, they expressly retained the disputed right. ¦ To learn particularly the state of America, and the opinions of the colonists regarding the stamp-act, several witnesses were examined at the bar of the House of Commons. Among these was the celebrated Franklin, whose deposition excited particular attention, £72 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. HI. attention, as diat of a man of uncommon abilities, who was in-. timately acquainted with every part of the colonies. In hi* opinion, the stamp-act was very impolitic, being injurious to the interests of both countries. Besides, whatever might be its ten dency, the Americans, he thought, would not submit to it, un* less compelled by absolute force. The provincial assemblies, in his opinion, would not, either by menaces or flattery, be. brought to rescind their resolutions which they had published. But he ventured to affirm, a circumstance in which he was soon discovered to have deceived himself, that if the stamp-act were repealed, the Americans would not resent an act declaring the British right of taxation. In consequence of the resolution of the ministers, a bijl was soon introduced into the House of Commons, to repeal the stamp-act. As an amendment, it was moved, that the act should rather be revised and amended; but the motion was unsuccessful. The bills for repealing the stamp»act, and for declaring the rights of Britain oyer her colonies, were prepared with great care, having been discussed during no shorter a pe riod than six weeks, in a committee appointed for that pur pose. The bills, though thus carefully prepared, did not pass through parliament without formidable opposition. In the House of Commons, the minority consisted of one hundred and sixty- seven, while the majority did not amount to more than two hundred and seventy-five. In the House of Lords, it was op posed with equal violence. Lord Camden, while he favoured the total repeal of the stamps-act, reprobated the declaratory act in the severest terms. Using arguments very similar to those brought forward in the lower house, he ayerred, that taxation without representation was an absurdity in politics ; but the »rT * guments in the one case were not more successful than in the other. If the declaratory act was opposed with violence, the repeal ing act was opposed with still greater vigcir. When the bill was read for the second time, die debate was conducted with uncommon animosity ; and the majority, who voted in favour of the ministers, was too small to occasion to them much ex ultation. Chap. III.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 273 ultation. An opposition hardly less vigorous was manifested when the bill was read for the third time. On both occasions protests were entered on the journals of the House, drawn up with great force and ingenuity. The protest in the former case was signed by thirty-three peers, in the latter by twenty- eight. Along with these bills, several others were passed, having re* ference to the colonies and their concerns. Of these, one was for the purpose of indemnifying those who had suffered by the riots in America, and for giving validity to such writings as ia defiance of the act had been executed without stamps. Several acts were at the same time formed, for the regulation of the trade of America, and of the West Indies. The cyder-bill, too, which in some parts of the kingdom was so very odious, was brought under the review of parliament ; and in a short time, such parts of it as affected merely private persons were annihi lated. The debate concerning general warrants, which had already so much occupied the legislature, was again revived ; and, as it was introduced by the ministers themselves, its issue on this occasion was more favourable to the liberties of the people. It was resolved, that « a general warrant for seizing and appre hending any person or persons being illegal, except in cases pro vided for by the act of parliament, is, if executed on a member of the House of Commons, a breach of privilege." An attempt was made to procure a bill, to prohibit the issuing of general warrants for the seizure of papers, except in cases of treason, or of felony, without benefit of clergy ; but though this bill passed the Commons, it was rejected by the Lords. An attempt to procure a bill to prevent any person from being apprehended under a general warrant, was not more successful. The ministry seem, at this time, to have been desirous to rea der themselves popular, by passing such laws as were most likely to attract the public favour. Among others, they passed a law restraining the importation of foreign silks, a law which caused no small joy to the silk-weavers, who, on a former occasion, had displayed so tumultuous a disposition. Several regulations were at the same time adopted, to prevent or mitigate a scarcity Vol. I. M m which 27* HISTORY OF THE [Chap. III. which at this time was much dreaded. While these bills were passing through parliament, the ministry, in their executive ca pacity, entered into a commercial treaty with Russia ; obtained from France a liquidation of several bills, which had remained unsettled since the cession of Canada ; made several remon strances regarding the demolition of the harbour of Dunkirk, and adopted some measures for the ransom of Manilla. All the efforts of the ministry to obtain popularity, however, were ineffectual. Such, indeed, was the very higb. opinion adopted by the greater part of the nation of Pitt's political ta lents, that no administration which excluded him could be grateful to them. Though many of the ministers, therefore, were respected as men of probity, and of considerable capacity, they did not in their official characters enjoy the confidence of the people. They were by many considered as engines in the hand of one who in secret directed all the measures of govern ment. It availed little to assert, that they had openly annulled several of Bute's most obnoxious laws. This was averred to be only an artful scheme to conceal their secret connection with hiTh. This mode of arguing became the more specious, when it was observed, that by far the greater number of that noble man's friends and dependents were , allowed to retain those si tuations which they had enjoyed under his own administra tion. At the same time that the ministers enjoyed little of the con fidence of the people, they had obviously lost somewhat of the good-will of their sovereign. One principal cause which has been assigned for this is, their being somewhat dilatory in applying to parliament for a provision for the king's younger brother. La bouring under the double disadvantage of the want of popular favour, and the disgust of their sovereign, it became obvious that they could not long retain their situations. Under the im pression of this belief, the Duke of Grafton resigned his office of secretary of State, thinking it more honourable, perhaps, to abandon his situation in a way which might have some appear ance of being voluntary, than to be ultimately driven from it with the rest of his colleagues. in consequence of Grafton's resignation, the seals were offer ed Chap. III.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 275 ed to Lord Hardwicke ; and when he refused to accept them, they were given to the Duke of Richmond. Grafton declared, that he had not resigned through disgust at any particular member of the administration, but through a conviction of their. incapacity to manage the affairs of the nation. This was an employment which, in his opinion, ought to be entrusted in no other hands than those of Mr Pitt. Unless the direction of the national affairs were given to that man, he declared his aversion to occupy any situation, however high ; and were it given to him, there was no situation, however low, which he would not accept. This resignation formed the prelude to the entire dissolution of the ministry ; a measure which was ultimately effected, it has been supposed, chiefly by the intrigues of Lord Chancellor Nor- thington. The circumstance which led to this dismissal, was a debate which took place respecting the; affairs of Canada. A proclamation which had been issued in 1764, declared, that in all the acquisitions which Britain had made, the British laws alone were to be valid. The inhabitants of Canada, who in general were entire strangers to those laws, complained of this regulation, as a very serious grievance, a grievance, indeed; which the acknowledged excellence of the laws themselves could not obviate. The complaints of the people of Canada had already attracted the attention of the cabinet-council, and the documents regarding them had been put into the hands of the attorney and solicitor general, who had prepared a report upon the sub ject, including a plan for the civil government of Canada. When dris report was submitted to the council, the Lord Chancellor expressed his disapprobation of the whole ; declaring it as his opi nion, that no prudent steps could be taken in regulating the go vernment of Canada, till the council had before them explicit information of the existing laws of that colony. To have obtained the most superficial information on this sub ject, would have delayed the matter at least one year ; a delay which many members of the council thought unnecessary and prejudicial. Northington testified some resentment at having in some instances been treated with less respect than was due to him. The several members, in short, entertained opinions 60. M m 2 different 276 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. HI. different from each other, that they separated without having formed any resolution ; and so much was Northington dissatisfied, that not long after he declared his determination never to meet With them again. The council in a short time had several meetings tp discuss this subject, but, though it apparently was not of the first impor tance, they could not be brought tobe tolerably unanimous respect ing it. At one time, indeed, the business appeared to be final ly adjusted ; but not long after, the dissatisfaction of some of the principal members became more than ever apparent. They absented themselves from the council on frivolous pretences ; and at length Northington informed the king, that in his opi nion the ministers could not retain their places, and declared his intention of quitting that which he himself occupied. The king now resolved to dismiss those who thus menaced a resignation. It consequently became necessary to form a new ministry, and on this occasion Mr Pitt occurred as the most proper person to be consulted, and to be entrusted with power, could he be induced to accept any reasonable terms. On the 12th of July 1766, accordingly, General Conway, who did not choose to accompany his colleagues in their retreat from power, desired Pitt to propose the terms on which he would be willing to accept of an official situation. With the assistance of Con way, he immediately proceeded to nominate the members of the new administration. According to this scheme, Lord Temple Was to be placed at the head of the treasury ; but he had not been consulted informing the arrangements ; and when Pitt informed him of the place which was intended for him, he shewed him a list of those who were to fill subordinate stations, declaring at the same time, that it was not on any account to be altered. Lord Temple thought Pitt's declaration somewhat too ar rogant, and, when directed to him, somewhat ungenerous. He could not, he affirmed, accept with honour a place among the ministry, when he was allowed to name no portion of them ; and he thought himself entitled to a share of power at least equal to that of Mr Pitt himself. He was not unwilling, how ever, to make some concessions. Ife was willing to engage, that Mr Chap. III.] REIGN OF GEORGE tit. .11 Mr Grenville, his brother, should support the ministry with all his influence and abilities, without enjoying any place among- them. To this perhaps Pitt would not have objected ; ' but when, on the other hand, he proposed that Lord Lyttleton, and the Earl of Gower, should be appointed to situations a- mong the ministry, they were rejected in the most unqualified manner. Irritated by such conduct, Lord Temple immediately termi nated the conference, with the design of opposing Pitt's politi cal transactions. Thus deprived of Temple's concurrence, Pitt was left to form such a ministry as he might think most expe dient. In this, however, though now without controul, he experienced more difficulty than he expectedr Consciousness of his own exalted abilities had rendered his behaviour to al most every one haughty and unaccommodating ; and this disposi tion, in itself ungovernable, was perhaps rendered still more so by the bad state of health under which he had long laboured. Though his talents, therefore, were universally the objects of esteem, and even of admiration, there were not many whom he Could reckon among his personal friends, not many on whose at tachment he could rely, longer than they were bound to him by the enjoyment of places or pensions ; a bond of connection which he knew not to be the most powerful, 6ince it might easily be dissolved by any who could promise greater pensions, or more lucrative and honourable places. He appears to have been un willing to admit any colleague in the ministry, who might be disposed to Contradict him in any of his measures ; since, notwithstanding his great capacity, he was perhaps too averse to yield, even in matters of little moment, to the opinions of others. The new arrangement, however, after some hesitation, was Completed. Pitt himself, though he was to have the chief ma nagement of the national affairs, chose no higher an office than that of Lord Privy-seal, being unwilling, through his infirmities, to expose himself to great bustle. The Duke of Grafton was appointed First Lord of the treasury, and Charles Townshend, chancellor of the exchequer. Lord Shelburne was made secre tary of state for the southern department. The office of Lord Chamberlain 278 - HISTORY OF THE [Chap. III. Chamberlain was bestowed on Lord Camden, for whom Pitt had always expressed the highest regard. Lord Northington, be sides being gratified with a considerable pension, was made pre sident of the council. The Marquis of Granby was put at the head of the army, and Sir Edward Hawke was made first Lord of the Admiralty. When this arrangement was completed, the ministers were immediately dismissed, to make room for Pitt and his partisans. Their principal fault seems to have been want of unanimity and confidence among themselves; this failing, indeed, was assigned as^ the immediate cause of their dismissal. The nation, whose confi-. dence they had not enjoyed when in office, now began to blame the manner in which they had been driven from their situations- Rockingham, in particular, was respected by a great number as a sincere and patriotic minister, though his abilities were not per haps of the very first order. Pitt himself, who was now created a peer, by the title of Lord Chatham, escaped not without severe censure, the asperity of the people being in some measure pro portioned to their former adulation. He was ridiculed as being deceived by Bute, a person he had so openly and warmly as persed ; and he was blamed for submitting to over-ruling in fluence, after having declared that he resigned his office, because lie would not be responsible for measures which he was not per mitted to guide. His peerage, above all, was made the subject of unqualified animadversion. He who had formerly been dis tinguished by the appellation of the Great Commoner, and who had gloried in the title of the champion of the people, had now deigned to accept of these paltry distinctions which men had contrived to render the insignificant conspicuous. His quarrel with Temple, a nobleman second only to himself in popularity, was cited as a degrading instance of the astonishing change in Pitt's disposition. The periodical publications of those times teemed with invectives ; and even the city of London, where his influence had been almost unbounded, long refused to pre sent him an address of congratulation upon his accession to office. Though Chatham was thus restored to office, therefore, his triumph was greatly diminished by the mortifying circumstances which Chap. III.] REIGN OF GEORGE IH. 27S which attended it. He who had, during his whole life, enjoy ed so much popularity, now perceived that popularity to be very materially diminished. His rupture, too, with Lord Temple, gave him the most exquisite uneasiness. That nobleman had for a long period been his most intimate friend and most confi dential adviser ; and, independent of pohtical consideration's, it was not easy to fill die void. His administration was not, as before, likely to triumph over all opposition ; on the contrary, it was opposed by a party, respectable for their abilities, as well as their numbers ; and- the minister was obliged to use every ef fort to strengthen bis party before the meeting of parliament. His adversaries, indeed, were not firmly united among them selves ; for though they agreed in opposing the minister, they differed from each other in many essential points. Chatham resolved, therefore, to attempt to bring to his side a few of his jarring opponents. With this view, being at Bath in October 1766, where the Duke of Bedford happened likewise to be, he desired an in terview with that nobleman, and condescended to declare to him, that it would give him much pleasure to see the king's service supported by his approbation and interest ; and that Bedford might find the less difficulty in answering him, he stated the leading features which were to form the characteristics of his administration. He mentioned, that he designed to pre serve the peace inviolate, and to take such steps as might make foreign powers respect it ; that he would form no continental alliances, and would not consent to subsidize any foreign poten tate ; and that in every department of government the most rigid economy should be observed. The Duke of Bedford bestowed on these intended measures bis wannest approbation, and declared that they were such as he and his friends, whether in or out of office, would always conceive themselves as being bound to maintain. Relying upon a disposition which he thought so favourable to his views, Cha tham scrupled not to indulge a litde of that enmity towards the - Rockingham party, which, in spite of his disinterested protesta tions, seems to have had no small influence upon his conduct. It was supposed to be in consequence of his enmity to the Rockingham 280 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. Ill, Rockingham party, that Lord Edgecombe, whose attachment to it was well known, was dismissed from his office of treasurer to the household, an office which was conferred upon Mr Shelley, This removal was followed by a considerable number of resigna tions. Among others, the Duke of Portland, Lord Scarbo rough, Lord Besborough, and Lord Minson, quitted their re-, spective situations. Chatham was neither alarmed, nor perhaps displeased, at these resignations, as they would enable him to pro* vide for the numerous party which he trusted the influence of Bedr ford would bring over to him. His mortification must have been considerable, however, when, upon more particular application to the Duke and his friends, he found their expectations more sanguine than he was willing to gratify. He was therefore at liberty to bestow the vacant offices wherever he thought proper ; and it did not add to his popularity, when it was observed that several of Bute's friends were gratified with places. Lord Le Despencer, formerly Sir Francis Dashwood, who under Bute's administration had been chancellor of the exchequer, was made postmaster ; Charles Jenkinson, Bute's private secretary, was made a Lord of the Admiralty ; and the privy-seal of Scotland was restored to Mr Stuart M'Kenzie, Bute's brother. Chatham's disappointment with regard to attaching the Duke of Bedford to his party, and the continual reproaches thrown out against him for his supposed submission to Bute's influence, joined to the infirm state of his health, seem to have involved him in a deep gloom, and to have augmented his natural mo- roseness. He again retired to Bath, where he was so severely attacked by the gout, that his colleagues, supposing he would never again be able to fulfil the duties of his office, began al ready to form intrigues for the purpose of supplying him with a successor. The repeal of the stamp-act, it may easily be conceived, ex cited in every part of America the most lively sensations of joy. They could scarcely have expected to have obtained so signal a triumph at so easy a rate. The business of the colonies, which had been interrupted by the recent commotions, began to flow in its wonted channels. The courts of justice again met, and confidence was gradually restored. The disaffected party, how ever, Chap.III/) REIGN OF GEORGE III. 281 ever, though they enjoyed the triumph no less than their fellows, were anxious to prevent it from effecting a complete reconcilia tion between the colonies and Britain. They were careful to insinuate, that this concession proceeded rather from Britain's weakness than her affection ; that she would therefore take the first opportunity of crushing those who had dared to oppose her will. Nor was this, in their opinion, a matter of probable conjecture. The declaratory act, which accompanied the repeal of the stamp- act, rendered the matter almost certain ; for where could be the the policy of the British ministers, in expressly declaring their right of taxation, if they at no time meant to exercise it ? Their own privileges, therefore, and the measures of Britain, ought to be watched with redoubled vigilance, and every precaution ought to be adopted, which, in case of a future dispute, might enable them as much as possible to live independent of British manu factures. For this purpose, they ought to encourage the growth of flax, of hemp, and of cotton ; they ought to encourage the breed of sheep, that they might always have at command a sup ply of wool ; and they ought to encourage those branches of manufacture, which were more peculiarly necessary to comfort able existence. Thus the declaratory act, which the ministers had flattered themselves would obviate every future contest, by establish ing the disputed right, had a tendency directly opposite ; and Franklin seems to have been deceived, when he declared, at the bar of the House pf Commons, that, in his opinion, the Ameri cans would have no objection to acknowledge the right of taxa tion, were it not actually exercised. The truth seems to be, that the minds of the colonists, long directed towards this object, had proceeded, from the consideration of the odious stamp-act, to scrutinize the right of taxation itself. This might have vented itself in a few acute speculations, but the declaratory act tend ed to convince them, that the British meant it to be an active, not a speculative principle. They held it out to the people as the commencement of a series of encroachments ; and they scru pled not to insinuate, that such a series would be more easily checked at the commencement than at any other period. In the addresses which all the colonial assemblies on this oc- Vol. I. N n casion 282 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. Ill, casion voted to the king, they carefully avoided every expression which might be interpreted into an acknowledgement of their obligation to parliament. They were still more careful to avoid every thing that might be construed into an acknowledgement of the claimed right of taxation. They were anxious, too, to shun any acknowledgement of blame in their proceedings re garding the stamp-act. In his letter to the governor, the secre tary of state recommended, that compensation should be made to those who had been injured by the riots occasioned by the stamp-act. In the colony of Massachussets, where they had al ways been remarkable for their republican notions, and their op position to what they reckoned the tyrannical conduct of Britain, they received this recommendation with much reluctance ; nor indeed did they consent to put it into execution, till they re ceived information, that a sum voted for America by the British parliament in 1763 would not be paid till the recommendation met with compliance. After some time, the assembly of Massachussets agreed to the recommendation which had been made to them ; but they ac companied it with a resolution, which very strongly indicated their opinion of the conduct which they ought to follow with regard to Britain, and to the claim of external legislation. This resolution was no other than a clause of indemnity to those who had been engaged in the riots. They thus, without disguise, shewed the world, that though in this case they submitted to the requisitions of the British government, and consented to the in demnification of those who had been injured during the riots, they nevertheless considered those who had been engaged in them as having been guilty of no crime, as deserving indeed ra ther the protection and thanks, than the censure of their country. The colony of Massachussets was not singular in this part of her conduct. Rhode island, and New- York, were not more willing to comply with the regulations of the British parliament • nor did they ultimately comply with any greater apparent chear- fulness. Maryland, indeed, with greater alacrity, voted the compensation required ; but this was not an extreme effort of obedience, since, during the riots, only one person in the pro vince had materially suffered. It Chap. III.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 283 It was, .indeed, obvious to every unbiassed observer, that the repeal of the stamp-act, accompanied as it was by that which declared the right of the British parliament to bind them in all cases, had not greatly meliorated the dispositions of the Ameri cans. Instead of submitting with chearfulness to the laws after wards prescribed to them, they were rather more than formerly inclined to investigate them with a jealous eye, and to resist the most minute infringement of what they now began very gene rally to consider as their natural rights. This jealous dispo sition was particularly displayed in consequence of a law compara tively of insignificant importance. In an alteration which had been made of the American mutiny-act, the colonists were en joined to supply the soldiers with salt, vinegar, and beer, or cyder. In New- York, where the first attempt was made to obtain this allowance, riot surely of the greatest magnitude, the most re fractory disposition displayed itself. When the governor ap plied to the assembly to provide quarters, and die articles pre scribed by the act of parliament just mentioned, for a number of troops who were daily expected, they delayed taking the message into consideration, till the troops had actually arrived. And even when the customary address was made, in reply to the message, it carefully avoided ever mentioning the additional ar ticles. In this case, a second message was thought neces sary, but the reply to it was not more satisfactory. Messages and replies were repeated, till the assembly declared their deter mination not to -comply with the regulation prescribed to them. They affirmed, that though the matter required was not of great importance, the amended mutiny-act differed not in principle from the stamp-act, which the colonists had opposed on so good grounds, and with so much success. It was perhaps a light burden, but it was a burden imposed without the consent of those by whom it was to be sustained. It was an attempt of the British parliament, to take from the colonists their property without their own consent. This act, too, not less than the stamp-act, proved to be generally obnoxious ; a circumstance wlrich, besides the political principles just alledged, may have been owing to the conduct of the soldiers themselves, who, in seyeral instances, had shewn themselves very zealous to main- N n 2 tal& 284 ' HISTORY OF THE [Chap. III. tain and enforce the most odious regulations of the British go vernment. The apprehensions of scarcity already mentioned produced several measures, which afterwards gave occasion to consider able discussion. The alarms regarding the scarcity were reckon ed the more serious, that it prevailed on the Continent no less than in Britain itself ; and great dread was entertained that it would be augmented by the practices of forestallers, regraters, and monopolists of every description. The belief that such practices were already common, aggravated by the pressure of scarcity, which already hegan to be keenly felt by die lower ranks, excited disturbances in different parts of the country. The ministers were extremely willing, by every method in their power, to prevent the accumulation of pnblic misery, and they accordingly issued a proclamation against forestallers and regra ters. Even this measure, it was supposed, failed of the intend ed effect, and great quantities of grain still continued to be ex ported. A practice of such alarming consequences, required to be repressed by the strongest measures ; and the council adopt ed the expedient of laying an embargo on the vessels which were preparing to sail with grain. The urgency of the case seemed to justify the measure of calling together parliament at an early period. It according ly met on the 11th of November 1766, and the scarcity be came the object of1 its first attention. The debates on this occasion, however, were interesting, not so much on account of the measures wlrich they recommended as most proper to pbviate the danger of famine, as on account of the dissensions Occasioned by the orders in council. In his speech, die king informed them of the embargo which had been laid on vessels laden with grain, and recommended to them to take such other Steps as might be deemed most proper to diminish those dan gers with which the country was menaced, The address pro posed on this occasion introduced the consideration of the em bargo itself, and, as an amendment to the address, it was moved to bring in a bill for the indemnification of those who had pro posed and carried into effect the measure of the embargo. The address, however, was carried without the amendment. The Chap. III.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 285 The matter terminated not here. A bill was soon after in troduced by the ministers themselves, for the indemnification of such officers as had been employed in the execution of the or ders in council. On this occasion the conduct of the ministry was attacked with renewed violence. Their opponents insisted, that if an indemnification was necessary to those who had been concerned in the execution of the orders in council, it must be equally so for those who had advised those orders ; since, if the execution of the orders were unlawful, the orders themselves must be so. Chatham attempted to justify his own conduct, and that of his colleagues, by asserting that the measures were dictated by the necessity under which they were laid of taking some immediate measures for the safety of the people. The or ders, in his opinion, and he believed almost every person would coincide with him, were not only necessary, but prudent ; and though an indemnification might be necessary to those officers who had carried them into effect, none, in his judgement, was necessary to those by whom the advice had been given ; since, in his estimation, when the safety of the people was evidently in danger, the crown acquired a right of dispensing with the existing laws. This mode of arguing was confirmed, and indeed carried somewhat farther, by Lord Camden. In his opinion, the neces sity of the case rendered the exercise of the assumed power perfectly legal, though the orders would have been illegal had the necessity not existed. The executive power, in his opi nion, was, during the recess of parliament, entrusted with the right of adopting whatever -measures the safety of the people might render necessary. If this must be accounted tyranny, it could not be a tyranny of more than forty days. It, was, in short, a power so evidently beneficial, that Junius Brutus himself would not have hesitated in allowing it even to a Nero. The adversaries of the ministers, on the contrary, while they denied not the expediency of the particular orders in council, insisted that the crown had no suspending or dispensing power over the laws. By the nature of the constitution, the king himself, during the recess of parliament, was not less subject to the laws than any other person in his dominions ; which, if 286 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. III. the doctrine of a dispensing power were admitted, could not be the case. It was well known, that much of the misery which Britain had formerly experienced, originated in a doctrine now patronised by those who pretended to be advocates for the free dom and inviolability of the constitution. The preamble to the bill of rights mentions in express terms the mischiefs arising from the power arrogated by James II. of suspending the exe cution of the laws, when it fitted his own arbitrary purposes. The alledged power had not, indeed, in the present instance, been employed for purposes equally odious, as was common at that period, but the power itself was the same, and, if admitted to be vested in the crown, might be used at the discretion of the person to whom it was entrusted. It was a pernicious mode of arguing, according to the same person, to aver, that because the orders in council, in the pre sent instance, were acknowledged to be of a beneficial tendency, no indemnity was necessary to those who had advised them. An indemnity was necessary, because no dispensing power actually was vested in the crown ; it was necessary as an ac knowledgement that no such power existed. Such had been the sense of former parliaments, and of former ministers, when indemnities were proposed and received for acts in themselves allowed to have been proper and necessary. The expression of " forty days tyranny," used by Lord Cam den, had excited, and perhaps not improperly, great indigna tion among the opposite party. " Forty days tyranny !" said one of that party, " My Lords, tyranny has a harsh sound ; I detest the very word, because I hate the thing. But are these words to come from a Noble Lord, whose glory it might, and ought to have been, to have risen by steps that liberty threw in his way, and to have been honoured, as his country has honour ed him, not for trampling her under foot, but for holding up her head ? I have used my best endeavours to answer the argument which is the foundation of the distinction to which the forty days allude, by arguments founded in principles ; I will now give the Noble Lord one answer more, and it shall be argumentum ad liominem. That Noble Lord has, I believe, said $n other occasions^ and he said well, that the price of one hour's. Chap. III.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 23? hour's English liberty none could tell but an English jury; and juries under the guidance of a certain Noble Lord have estima ted it very high in the case of the meanest of the subjects, when oppressed only by the servants of the state. But forty days tyranny over the nation by the crown, — who can endure the thought ? My Lords, less than forty days, such as this country has felt, in some times, would, I believe, bring your Lordships to gether without a summons, frorn your sick-beds, riding even upon post-horses in hot weather, faster than our great patriots them selves to get a place or a pension, or both, and, for aright I know, make the subject of your consultations that appeal to Heaven which has been spoken of. Yet, establish a dispensing power, and you cannot be sure of either liberty or law for forty minutes. The noble and learned Lord speaks of meritorious criminality as strange, and it would be so. But meritorious illegality is not so strange ; or an action meritorious in itself, and happy in its effects, though against law. The merit consists in running the risk of the law for the public good, as in the instance alluded to fey the other noble and learned Lord, of the Roman general who fought against orders, and was rewarded for saving his country. On the other hand, if an act is authorised by law, there can be no such risk, or consequently any other merit than that of do ing one's duty. I agree with the Noble Lord who holds the seals of secretary of state, that he would be a poor minister in deed, who would not run such a risk when the safety of the state required it. I will say, that without being minister, us an inferior magistrate, or even as a private subject, I should not hesitate, upon good ground of the public safety, to stop, if I could, any ship from sailing out of port to the destruction of the state, although no embargo subsisted ; and in this case, if ministers had held to the justification of the particular act upon the circumstances, they had done well. But they have justified the act, by maintaining a power which I cannot acknowledge. I blame not the crown, nor the advisers of the crown, for dis pensing good, nor do I wish to hold out to the people a viola tion of the constitution ; but I will blame ministers for asserting a prerogative in the crown, which, instead of dispensing good, would dispense much evil ; and if they will hold out a power, unconstitutional 288 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. III. unconstitutional and destructive of the vitals of the constitution, they must excuse others from holding up the barrier against such a power, and defending the constitution. I think prerogative is a power, and it is a duty also to protect the people ; but I think a dispensing power is no part of the prerogative, and equally against the duty of the prerogative and the safety arid protection of the people : and I am astonished how a House of Lords could have patience to sit and hear so much of it. The dispensing and suspending power, and the raising of money without consent of parliament, were declared to be precisely alike, and standing upon the same ground ; they were born twins, they lived together, and together were buried in the same grave at the Revolution, past all power of resurrection. If a difference were made between raising money and the suspending or dis pensing power, the suspending or dispensing power must be considered as the most dangerous, as that which might do most universal mischief, and with the greatest speed, as it includes the whole. Rashly and wilfully to claim or exercise as prero gative a power clearly against law, is too great boldness for this country ; and the suspending or dispensing power, that edged tool which has cut so deep, is the last which any man in his wits would handle in England ; that rock which the English history has warned against with such awful beacons ; an attempt that lost one prince his crown and his head, and that at length expelled their family out of this land of liberty to the regions of tyranny, as the climate that suited their temper and genius ; a power, the exercise of which stands branded as the subversion of the constitution in the front of that truly great charter of your liberties, the bill of rights. A minister who is not afraid of that' power, is neither fit for the sovereign nor the subject." The ministers felt not the force of these arguments. They insisted, that as they had used the power in question only for a purpose wlrich on all hands was acknowledged to be be neficial, they had no occasion to claim or to accept an act of indemnity. The amendment, therefore, was rejected, yet no protest seems to have been made on the occasion. The beneficial nature of the orders in, council, indeed, were never disputed ; and. though the dispensing power was severely cenr sured Chap. IIL] REIGN OF GEORGE III. '289 sured by one party, the parliament soon shewed their approba tion of these particular orders by an address to the king, request ing him not only to continue the embargo, but to extend it to grain of almost every species. Chatham, it has been already ohserved, experienced no small difficulty in forming a cabinet-council in any respect agreeable tp himself 5 and when he had succeeded in filling up the various offices,, he had the mortification, to find that they were httle dis posed to qoalesce. This, indeed, was not surprising ; so dis cordant were die principles of those men whom he had endea voured to unite, so little confidence, had they in each other, and so little did they- enjoy the good opinion of the nation. Their wavering aind feeble state did not long remain undisplayed. Charles Tovynshend,, the chancellor of the exchequer, proposed that the land-tax shoiwld remain one year longer at the rate of four shillings,- in the pound, alledging that this concession would en able him to complete a scheme of finance of which he greatly boasted;. The proposal, as might have bean foreseen, was ex tremely disagreeable to the country-gentlemen, who in reality Were the persons chiefly concerned. They opposed the measure with piuch violence,. and insisted that the tax ought to remain at three shillings in the pound ; declaring, that theycoujd not easily conceive what consequence s.o very, important, the minister could draw from the additional shilling, which would produce a sum not exceeding five hundred thousand pounds. Townshend in deed, though he had every reason to expect opposition, seems not to have taken the usual precaution of bespeaking a sufficient number to support his motion. Some, of his friends, no doubt, went so far as to propose that the tax should be perpetuated at the rate of four shillings in the pound ; but this was loudly de cried as a breach of faith. Mr Grenville, who proposed as an amendment, that the tax should continue at three instead of four shillings in the pound, was supported by a consider able majority. Thus the chancellor of the exchequer found himself in the unusual and mortifying situation of being in a minority- on a question of finance,— ra circumstance surely which boded no great stability to the ministry of which he formed a part. Vol. I. O o The 290 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. IIL- The affairs of the East-India Company about the same time considerably engaged the attention of parliament, the several important transactions which had lately taken place in that re gion seeming to demand the interference of the legislature. They were ordered to lay before parliament the several treaties which they had formed with the native powers, their charters, the state of their revenues, their correspondence with their servants, and a statement of the expences which Britain had incurred on ac count of the Company. These documents gave rise to various motions, which were debated with great keenness and animosi ty. Among those different topics, it was not the least import ant, whether the Company had any right to the territory acqui red in India. In this case it was warmly urged, that the House of Commons had no right to decide, since this would be assu ming a judicatory, as well as a legislative authority. The ques tion might be decided in some one or other of the courts of law, the proper places for such questions. The chancellor of the exchequer, thinking the decision of the matter neither expedient nor altogether prudent, did not bring it to a vote among the Commons, declaring, that he was more willing to bring it to some kind of amicable adjustment. Several of the proprietors, who, though they maintained that, while their charter lasted, their right was clear, yet seemed doubtful of the validity of that right after their charter expired. They, therefore, were willing to accede to some terms- of accommodation, to prevent, if possible, the affair from coming to a violent issue. A plan for this proposed accommodation was accordingly soon- drawn up, and laid before the ministers ; but here again their want of unanimity betrayed them into embarrassed and wavering measures. After some discussion, and more hesitation, the mi nistry declared, that they could take no step in a matter of such consequence, till it had previously been sanctioned by the advice of parliament. A petition accordingly was presented to parliament on the 20th of May, containing two several proposals, if not for a final -agreement, yet for such an arrangement as might be permitted to remain valid for three years. A bill was in consequence in troduced into parliament, sanctioning an agreement, to continue, however, Chap. III.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 291 however, only for die term of two years from the first of Fe bruary 1^67. By this bill it was stipulated, that the Company should pay the British government the sum of four hundred thousand pounds annually, and to indemnify the nation, should it incur any loss in consequence of certain commercial regula tions, which it was consented they should on these conditions in. troduce. The great body of the proprietors of India stock, conceiving that uncommon pecuniary advantages must be the immediate consequence of the great success of the Company in making territorial acquisitions, insisted that the dividends ought to be greatly augmented, alledging that the Dutch East-India Com pany, who could not vie with them either in opulence or power, made much larger dividends. This seemed to be the opinion of a general court, which was held to deliberate concerning the matter. In their opinion, the dividends might very properly be augmented, since, even in that case, the Company would be able to liquidate all the debts which it had contracted. The augmentation of the dividends of the Company appear ed to the ministers, not without reason, a measure of the most dangerous tendency. Its similarity to the projects of the South- Sea Company, was too striking to escape the attention of any person of Impartial judgement. To prevent a scheme which might terminate in the ruin of thousands, after having enriched a few of the more designing and villainous, the government thought it proper to exert its influence. The directors were desired by letter, therefore, to take no measures for the aug mentation of their dividends, till the matter could be discussed in parliament. Deeming this, it is probable, an unwarranted encroachment on the freedom of their determinations, the proprie tors, without regarding the letter, resolved that twelve and 3 half per cent, should be the rate of the ensuing dividend. The ministers, urged bytheir opinion of the danger of such a procedure, and provoked, it is probable, by the contempt of their authority, introduced into parliament two bills, the one for regulating the qualifications of voters in trading companies ; the other for depriving the East-India Company of an unlimited power in the augmentation of their dividends. Not satisfied * O 0 2 with 292 HISTORY OF THE TChap, «L with laying down regulations for theia in future, the latter bill had a retrospective aspect. It rescinded the resolution Which the Company had already made for the regulation of their divi dends, and prohibited them from makmg at any time a dividend of more than ten per cent. The Company did not view with indifference what -they re- garded as an attack upon their undoubted rights, and petitioned the parliament against bills which they thought so iniquitous. Se veral of the ministers themselves were of a similar opinion ; and the matter was debated with uncommon keenness. Those who -supported the bills, however, prevailed. And notwithstanding the Company offered not to extend their dividends beyond the limits mentioned in the restraining bill during the cofitmuation of their agreement with government, the petition was entirely dis regarded. After these bills had passed the Commons, they ex perienced an opposition still more formidable in the House of Lords. At length they passed, though by a very small majori ty ; and a forceful protest of sixteen articles was entered upon the journals, and signed by nineteen distinguished members of the House. The refusal of the legislature of New- York to comply with the provisions of the amended mutiny-act, excited in Britain no small share of indignation. Even by those who were unfriendly to the scheme of American taxation, it was regarded as a mark pf signal ingratitude, in a country which had recently expe rienced so remarkable an instance of British forbearance. It ought to have been recollected, that this very forbearance was by many of the Americans alledged to have proceeded, not from the candour or justice of Britain, but from necessity ; and that, instead of inspiring them with gratitude, it rather tended to ex asperate their contumacy. They who, during the whole debates Concerning the colonies, had been clamorous for the mainte nance of British dignity, and the punishment of American pre sumption, demanded on this occasion, that the legislature of New-York should be made the object of singular vengeance. That party, however, whose opinions were more moderate, were unwilling to consent to any measures which might revive the late disturbances among the colonists. They perhaps, too, saw the. Chap. III.] ' REIGN OF GEORGE III. *93 the danger of exasperating beyond measure those who had so late ly evinced a disposition to maintain their Own independence. The ministers adopted a plan which, while it was not deficient in vi gour and decision, had at the same time sufficient rnoderation and dignity. A law was issued, prohibiting the assembly of New- York from passing or assenting to any legislative act, for any purpose whatever, till they chose to comply with the terms of the mutiny-act. This law in a short time produced the intend ed effect, and the assembly of New-York, without violent -re monstrance or opposition, returned to their duty. The ministers who repealed the stamp-act had fondly attributed ¦their procedure to the moderation and forbearance of Britain ; but by many among the British themselves, and by almost every Ame rican, it was attributed rather to necessity than to any other cause. The repeal of the act, at the same time, occasioned some embar rassment in the finances, as it deprived the ministers of a resource which they flattered themselves would be not a little productive. The declaratory act had, in their opinion, retained them the right of taxing the Americans at some future period ; and they woujd no doubt have had immediate recourse to that measure, had diey believed that the project would not be warmly resentea -by the colonists* A scheme, however, which first occurred to Townshend, ot at least was first openly proposed by him, appeared to obviate many of the objections to which the stamp-act was liable. Even the most violent enemies to the stamp-act, or the general right •of the British parliament to impose external taxes upon the Americans, had acknowledged its right to impose taxes for the regulation of commerce. If precedent could justify any right, this right might be justified. Laws and regulations had fre quently been made for the restriction or encouragement of Ame rican trade, and diese laws had never been opposed, seldom indeed had excited a murmur. Even so late as in the sixth year ¦ of George II. duties had been imposed in the American ports, on the importation of foreign ram, sugar, and molasses, from the West Indies. With so many precedents, and with a right not hitherto questioned, Townshend thought that it might still he possible to raise a revenue among the colonists, without the danger ££>* HISTORY OF THE [Chap. III. danger of offending them. For this purpose he introduced a bill into parliament, imposing certain duties on glass, tea, paper, and painters colours, when imported into the colonies from Bri tain,' the duties to be applicable to the same purposes which had been specified in the stamp-act. Besides several restraints upon smuggling, it discontinued the drawback which had formerly been allowed on the exportation of China ware to America. All these duties were put under the management of commission ers residing in the colonies. These acts experienced scarcely any opposition in parliament. They were regarded as laws for the regulation of commerce ; and the right of Britain to impose such laws, had been frequently recognised during the late dis putes concerning the Americans. But among the colonists, they were viewed in a different light, and they gave rise to debates still more serious than those occasioned by the stamp-act itself. During this session, parliament granted an additional allow ance to half-pay lieutenants in the navy ; granted to each of the king's brothers, the Dukes of York, Gloucester, and Cumber land, an allowance of eight thousand pounds yearly, and a mar riage-portion to the Princess. Caroline Matilda, the king's sis ter, who had been espoused to the King of Denmark. After a session of uncommon length, on the 2d July 1767, the parlia ment was prorogued. The ministry, which had long been in a tottering condition, became about this time still more feeble, by the defection of se veral of its most important members. General Conway was the first to declare his resolution of resigning. He expressed his anxiety to rejoin his friends, whom he could not oppose without uneasiness. That his resignation, however, might not appear to be precipitate, or owing to any occasional disgust, he agreed to retain his situation till a successor could be provided. The example of Conway was soon followed by Lord Northington ; but he assigned a different reason for his conduct, declaring, that the infirm state of his health rendered it impossible for him to execute in a proper manner the duties of his office. In this emergency, the king applied to Lord Chatham for his advice and assistance in the formation of a new ministry ; but diat statesman, at one period of his life so indefatigable, was now Chap. Hi.] REIGN OF GEORGE Iff. 29* now so worn out and harassed with disease, that he informed his sovereign in a verbal message, that be was unable to take any situation among the ministry, tbat he was even incapable of aiding the king by particular advice. He mentioned, however, in general terms, that administration ought to seek new vigour, by coalescing, if possible, either with the Rockingham or Gren ville party. The Duke of Newcasde, on the contrary, to whom these ch> eumstances soon became known, was more desirous of uniting these two parties, for the purpose of obtaining an administration entirely new, than of strengthening the administration as it then existed. He was more anxious, therefore, to unite the two parties, rather than to permit any of them to coalesce with the ministers. The Duke of Grafton, in the mean time, by the king's orders-, had desired the Marquis of Rockingham to inform him, on what terms he would be willing to combine his talents and his influ ence with those of the ministers. Rockingham immediately af firmed, that he could not consent to lend his exertions to govern ment, while any of the existing ministers retained theis situations; not because he had personal objections to anyof them, but because of their total inefficiency as a collective body ; and, st any rate, whatever were his own opinion, he was unwilling to enter into any political engagements, without the advice and concurrence of those friends with whom, in such circumstances, he wished t.i be combined. The union, however, between the Grenville, or, as it was sometimes called, the Bedford and Rockingham parties, could not be effected without greater difficulty than Newcasde had perhaps foreseen. They entertained opinions entirely different with re gard to the affairs of America, and each was afraid, that in case of coalition, they might be placed in a situation inferior to the other. After some persuasion, however, these parties agreed mutually to forget several cf their peculiar opinions, and to unite i.i their political exertions. They accordingly met at Newcssde-House on the 20th of July ; and after some consulta tion, it was resolved, that the Marquis of Rockingham was the most proper person to be placed at the head of the administra tion. The Marquis, in consequence of this opinion, mentioned, that 296 HISTORY OF THE [CHae. III. that in case he were placed in the proposed situation, he wished. that General Conway should be appointed secretary of state. To this the Duke of Bedford had insuperable objections; and as at a second meeting both parties adhered to their former reso lution, every hope of coalition seemed to be hopeless, and the conferences were terminated. The ministry, however, were not benefited by this unaccom modating disposition, for though Bedford and Rockingham could not agree in any terms which might enable them to act together as ministers, they were equally obstinate ia their resolution, not to accept separately any place in the administration. The mi nisters, therefore, were obliged for some time to remain in their situations, without the assistance of either pf the parties which they had wished to conciliate. In these transactions, Chatham, as he had himself affirmed, was unable to interfere. During his imbecillity, the council were in some measure without a guide. It contained hardly any in dividual whose powers were sufficiently prominent to entitle him to conduct the rest. Many of them, indeed, had respeeti able talents, but every one thought himself, no less than his coir leagues, entitled to be heard with deference. They adopted, consequently, such councils as were either inconsistent, or desul tory and wavering. In such a situation, when they were per-r haps more anxious to maintain individual influence than to obtain the confidence of the people as an administration, it is not sur prising that Townsfiend, the chancellor of the exchequer, should have adopted the design of forming a new administration, of which he himself was consequently to be chief conductor. This was not the rash project of a vain pretender to political science. His abilities were universally allowed to be of the most brilliant kind, his eloquence was splendid, his wit refined, his judgement acute ; he was thus peculiarly adapted to be the leader of a popular assembly. He had already filled several ele vated situations, and in all had distinguished himself no less by his attentive performance, than by his exact knowledge of his duty. He had been Lord of trade, Lord of admiralty, secre tary at war, paymaster of the forces, and chancellor of the ex chequer ; and such was the versatility of his genius, that in every office Chap. III.] REIGN OF GEORGE IIL 297 office he seemed to be employed in the very business peculiarly adapted to him. This versatility, indeed, was sometimes ob jected to him as his greatest failing. He was sometimes sup posed to be too incapable of adhering closely to any particular plan of conduct, however excellent, to entitle him to hold the first part in the national councils. As he advanced in years, however, this versatility would no doubt diminish. Experience would add maturity to his judgement, and his own good sense would point out the indispensable propriety of adhering to one steady and uniform line of conduct. But, whatever may have been his qualifications, he seems undoubtedly to have formed the design of placing himself at the head of the council. He had already begun his arrangements for that purpose. His bro ther, Lord Townshend, had, through his influence, been ap pointed Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland. Mr Yorke, son of Lord Hardwicke, at that time not long deceased, was to have been: appointed chancellor. Other parts of his arrangement had been perhaps planned, when, on the 4th of September 1767, his sud den death, occasioned by a putrid fever, terminated that career of ministerial ambition, on which he seemed to enter with so much eagerness. The death ,of Townshend, which happened at the early age of forty-two, again interrupted the arrangement of a new admini stration, and rendered his colleagues still less able than formerly to retain their situations. The vacant office of chancellor of the exchequer was offered to Lord North, who, for some reasons which have not been particularly transmitted, refused it, and it was filled by Lord Mansfield, till a person could be found who might be judged fit permanently to retain it. Lord Barrington, to whom it was afterwards offered, declared, that his only reason for not accepting it was, that he wished an office of such importance to be filled by Lord North, whose abi lities, especially in parliamentary matters, so much exceeded his own. Nevertheless, if upon a second application North should refuse it, he should reckon himself bound to obey the voice of his sovereign, and to accept the proffered situation. After another vain attempt to induce the Duke of Bedford to fering over his party to the side of the ministry, Lord North Vol. I. P p was 29S HISTORY OF THE [Chap. III. was persuaded to accept the place of chancellor of the exchequer. North, though only thirty-six years of age, was already respect ed as a man of no mean capacity. He had always attached him self to the party of Lord Chatham, and had frequently distin guished himself among them, both when they opposed the mi nisters, and when they were ministers themselves. Several other changes took place ; and this arrangement, which, however, was only partly new, was distinguished by the name of the Duke of Grafton's administration ; for though Chatham still retained his pffice, he took no share in the measures of government. He was, indeed, seldom consulted, the feeble state of his health to tally disqualifying him for every active exertion. Lord North had been paymaster of the forces, and was succeeded in that of fice by Mr Thomas Townshend. To Lord Northington, and General Conway, succeeded Lord Gower, as president of the council, and Lord Weymouth, as secretary of state ; Lord Hills borough was made secretary of state for America ; Lord Sand wich was appointed joint postmaster-general, and Mr Jenkinson a Lord of the admiralty. These changes were effected about the end of 1767, and the commencement of the follpwing year. The Earl of Chatham, oppressed by ill health, and chagrined by that secret influence to which he averred that every branch of government was subjected, had retired to Burton Pynsent, his seat in Somersetshire, where he passed his time, at a distance from the bustles of the court. He was now almost entirely ne glected by every one ; even the people, his former ardent ad mirers, had abated much of their enthusiasm in his favour, when he accepted a peerage, and submitted to act among a ministry supposed to be under the influence of Lord Bute. Under such circumstances, Chatham resolved to resign ; and be ing either unable or unwilling to appear at court, he sent the privy-seal to the king, by the hands of Lord Camden, in October 1768. The seal was immediately given to the Earl of Bristol. The Earl of Shelburne, the secretary for the southern depart ment, resigned about the same period. He was succeeded by the Earl of Weymouth, who, in his turn, was succeeded by the Earl of Rochford. Though the parliament met towards the end of 1767, and continued Chap. UL] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 299 continued sitting during the greater part of these changes, they took, no notice of them. The king, indeed, in his speech, in formed them, that they were called together only on the more urgent affairs of the nation ; that at the approaching dissolu tion, the public business might not sustain any hurt from the necessary delay. The prevalent dearth which still continued to oppress the nation, first attracted their attention. Pe titions on this subject had been sent from different parts of the kingdom, pressing it upon their notice. In such a case, however, the legislature can seldom with great propriety interfere. They, on this occasion, took no other measure than confirming the acts of the former session, prohibiting the ex portation and encouraging the importation of grain. The act restraining the dividends of the East-India Company to ten per cent, was renewed, though not without great opposition from the Company and their advocates. They affirmed, that it infring ed their rights, not only as a chartered company, but as British subjects. The bill, however, passed into a law, though it was violently opposed in the House of Lords, where eleven peers signed a protest^ against it. Sir George Savile, during this session, proposed a bill for " quieting the possessions of the subject,'' and for amending and rendering more effectual an act passed in the twenty-first year of James I. for the general quiet of the subject against all pre tences of concealment. This bill was occasioned by a transaction generally believed to have taken place through the influence of Lord Bute, A grant by William III, had conveyed to the Portland family, the honour of Penrith, in the county of Cumberland, with the appurtenances; and in consequence of this grant, the family had, during seventy years, been in possession of the forest of Ingle- wood, and the soccage of the castle of Carlisle ; the latter va lued at about a thousand pounds annually. Sir James Lowther, son-in-law to the Earl of Bute, supposing that these p'remisses were not conveyed by the original grant, attempted to procure, by a petition to the treasury, a lease of the king's interest in them for three lives, on such terms as might be deemed expe dient. The surveyor- general, to whom the petition was refer-, P p '-' red 300 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. III. red, was of opinion, that the Duke of Portland, the representa tive of the family, could not, in consequence of the original grant, claim the premisses in question ; and recommended that a lease should be granted, in consequence of the petition, at a re served rent of fifty pounds annually for the soccage of Carlisle* thirteen shillings and fourpence for the forest, and a third of die rent of such lands and hereditaments as Sir James Lowther should recover. It was not, in the mean while, thought neces sary to give any official notice of the transaction to the Duke of Portland, who was thus to be deprived of so considerable a por tion of what he conceived to be his right. Such a transaction, however, could not be concealed ; and the Duke no sooner re ceived such intelligence as convinced him of its truth, than he- took the necessary steps to prevent it, and requested the board of treasury to permit him to be heard in the case by council. A request so reasonable could hardly be refused, The secretary of the treasury assured the Duke, that the surveyor-general would be instructed to revise his report upon Lowther's memo rial, and that the affair would not be finally determined, till it ha* been fully investigated by the treasury-board. Confiding in these assurances, the Duke directed his agents to make such researches into the different documents as might en able them to establish his right to the disputed property. Their investigations led them to request the inspection of several pa pers in the surveyor's office ; but this, notwithstanding the late assurances of a candid procedure, was refused. Portland, offended no doubt that his agents should be treat ed in a manner which he thought so unjust, again petitioned the treasury-board, praying that he might be allowed, if he chose, to take copies of all such papers in the surveyor's of fice as suited his purpose. The board granted his request, but they at the same time assured him, that they granted it not as a right, but because they were desirous of treating him with civility. The civility of the board, however, seems not to have been agreeable to the surveyor. When he was request ed 'to permit the search, he affirmed that the papers in his office were not public records ; that they were kept chiefly in behalf of the king ; and that, in his opinion, to permit these to- Chap. IH] REIGN OF GEORGE III. SOI to search them, who avowedly presumed to oppose a claimed right of the sovereign, might be attended with pernicious con sequences. He added, that he thought the shortest way of de termining the question, was to try the right of the crown ; and this Sir James Lowther had offered to do at his own expence, provided he were allowed the lease which he requested. in consequence of this representation, notwithstanding their previous assurance to Portland that the cause would not be deci ded without a full investigation, the lease was granted to Low ther ; and then information was sent to the Duke, that the mat ter was concluded. This precipitate proceeding was by many believed, not without some appearance of reason, to have ori ginated- in the prejudices of party, Portland being at that time a powerful opponent to the ministers. In the debates con cerning the matter, therefore, the spirit of party had no less influence than that of justice or equity. Portland, and those who favoured his cause, affirmed that William's grant really contained the premisses of wlrich Sir James Lowther had request ed and obtained a lease ; and that, even supposing them not to be particularly specified, the length of possession constituted a prescriptive right which, with regard to private property, ought not to be disputed. The same persons urged the danger of resumptions by the crown, and affirmed, that the ministers were endeavouring to revive the detested maxim, nullum tem pus occurrit regi, — a circumstance which procured for Savile's bill the title of the Nullum Tempus bill. The advocates for the crown, on the other hand, contended that the grant did not necessarily convey any thing, but what was particularly specified in it. King William might have a right to grant in fee-simple estates, to the prejudice of his suc cessors; yet grants of such importance ought to be very care fully investigated, and not to be admitted as valid on mere general terms. The length of undisturbed possession, instead of con stituting a right of prescription, only argued the lenity of the crown, which had so long refrained from the assertion of its rights ; and the Duke of Portland ought to be grateful that no question was made concerning the arrears, which must amount to at least seventy thousand pounds. Whatever S02 HISTORY OF THE, &c. [Chap. III. Whatever might be the force of the arguments on either side, the disposition of the court to oblige Sir James Lowther was too palpable to be denied. The matter was not such as to jus tify the crown for appearing in a court of law against a subject. The length of possession, if it did not confer a right of prescrip tion, certainly entitled the Duke of Portland to the refusal of a lease upon reasonable terms. If the evident partiality to Lowther be excepted, Portland seems not to have had much reason for his complaints of the king's servants, with regard to the manner in which they managed the business entrusted to them. The sur veyor-general appears, indeed, to have been somewhat disposed to retard the Duke's inquiries ; but the other ministers conduct ed themselves in a manner more candid and more conciliating. It has been alledged by some, that the whole was' a contrivance of the ministers, in order to secure an ascendancy in that part of the country at the election of members to the ensuing par liament. But 'though this had been the intention of the lease, lie to whom it was granted had not sufficient time to overturn the influence of the Duke of Portland, the former proprietor. The bill which Sir George Savile brought into parliament on this occasion, generally distinguished by the name of the Nul lum Tempus bill, was maintained, as well as opposed, with great keenness. At length, however, it was rejected ; but though two hundred and forty-eight voted on the occasion, the majority a. gainst it amounted only to twenty. No business of importance was transacted during the session. On the 10th of March 1768, it was terminated, and on the l%th of the same month, the parliament was dissolved. HISTORY HISTORY OF THE REIGN OF GEORGE THE THIRD. CHAPTER IV. TDUROPE, at this time almost entirely free from the turbu lence of war, was not the scene of many transactions in any degree remarkable. That of most importance was the ex pulsion of the Jesuits from several of those states where their influence had been greatest. The peculiarities of that singular order are too well known to require any comment. Their acti vity and unanimity as a collective body, their strict subordina tion, their great attention to the interests of learning, particu larly to the education of youth, and the very, elevated attain ments of many individuals among them, have been the objects of universal admiration ; while their ambition, their superstition, and the ascendancy which they assumed over weak minds, an ascendancy which they invariably used for promoting the inte rests of their order, have been the objects of no less universal detestation. Their close union among themselves, and their steady adherence to the interests of the order, rather than to that of individuals, rendered them dangerous to the state in which they were tolerated, since, whatever design they formed, they could carry it on with no less secrecy than dispatch. Among the ignorant their influence was unbounded, and in almost every country where they were to be found, the ignorant were by far the most numerous class. The 304 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. IV. The danger of tolerating such an order had not escaped se veral of the European states. They had accordingly been ex pelled from a few of them ; yet superstition and ignorance ge nerally opened the way to their return. Now, however, the period was arrived when their expulsion from the greater part of Europe was to be complete and final. It was in France where the idea of their expulsion was first conceived, and where it was first put into execution. De Choiseul, at that time the French minister, professed very little regard to the established religion, and he had accordingly no feelings to counterbalance the politi cal animosity which he entertained against them. Under his influence, the order in 1 764 was suppressed in France. The in dividuals were suffered to remain in the kingc*cm, provided they paid an unlimited obedience to all its civil and religious institu tions. The influence of the French court, and consequently that of De Choiseul, in Spain, at this time was unlimited ; and though the Spaniards were the most bigotted of all Roman Catholics, and ardently attached to the Jesuits, its most superstitious order, De Choiseul had the influence to procure their expulsion even from that country. While they were lulled in that security which their long and uninterrupted ease and prosperity had inspired, a plan was formed for their total dissolution. In Madrid, where they were most numerous and most formidable, their annihila tion was without disturbance effected in one night. Their six colleges were at midnight surrounded by large bodies of armed men. The gates were forced open, and the bells were secured, to prevent an alarm from being given to the citizens. At every gate a sentinel was placed. The inhabitants were then awaked. They were desired to prepare for their departure, and to collect such things as they were to be allowed to carry along with them. Every thing was secured with the royal seal, and the wretched fathers were informed that they were as soon as possible to be transported. Their immediate removal from the metropolis was necessary, lest the populace should endeavour to rescue by force those whom they had been accustomed to revere. Coaches, waggons, and every kind, of carriage, were provided. Into these the fathers were put, and they instantly proceeded towards Car- thagena. Chap. IV.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 305 thagena. The inhabitants of Madrid were not a little surprised next morning to learn that an affair of such magnitude had been conducted with so little noise or tumult. This transaction, which took place on the 31st of March, was followed, on the 3d of April, by a similar proceeding with regard to the Jesuits' College in Barcelona. Nor were diese the only places distinguished by such proceedings. Wherever an establishment of Jesuits was to be found, similar measures were a- doptcd, with similar success. So well, indeed, had the scheme been concerted, that it was completely executed before the in telligence could travel from one place to another. Ships wer« ready for them in different ports, to convey them to the eccle siastical state ; and every precaution was used to prevent any of them from escaping into the Spanish colonies, A proclamation was now issued, by which the Jesuits were formally expelled, and their property confiscated. Each individual was allowed a small pension, on the express condition that he should reside in a place assigned him. The offence of one was declared sufficient to deprive the whole body of their pensions. To correspond with them was high treason, and they themselves were interdicted from writing on any subject. These conditions, surely not the most lenient, were extend ed to the Spanish foreign possessions. The Spanish government thus gained possession of a very extensive property, with greater ease than perhaps they themselves had conceived possible. The secrecy and dispatch, indeed, with which the Jesuits were ex pelled from Spain, excited the attention of all Europe, and men harassed their imaginations with conceiving causes for this un foreseen event. The Jesuits were believed to be capable of the most infamous designs, and to have formed projects the most dangerous to the state. An insurrection, which, at the distance of a year, had disturbed the peace of Madrid, was supposed to have proceeded from their intrigues ; and the ministers whom the court had been obliged to dismiss on that occasion, were not backward to encourage the notion. It can hardly be doubted, that among the Jesuits, as indeed among every numerous so ck ty, individuals might be found of a disposition turbulent and ilcsigning. But It is far from being certain, that the whole Vol. I. Q q society 306 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. IV. society could be justly charged with designs inimical to the in terests either of society at large, or of the particular states where they had their residence. The sufferings, therefore, to which they were at this time exposed, cannot fail to claim our pity. Had even the whole body, taken collectively, been guilty of die charges brought against them, many of the individuals must have been innocent, and the sufferings of such were surely the object of just commiseration. Nor were these sufferings only imaginary. They were torn from their homes, from every ob ject to which they had formed attachments. They were to be forced upon other countries, where public enmity would proba bly attack them, and where private friendship must be forgotten. They were torn from those comforts and indulgences which their several establishments had afforded, to be exposed to the casualties of poverty and want. Little adapted to any other pursuits, but those to which they had been accustomed, they were thrown upon society to provide for themselves, by the exertion of some talents which they might have procured with more liberal views. Add to all this, that many of them were aged, and that, from their sedentary habits, they were ill qualified for the pursuits of an active, life ; and we can hardly fail to confess, that they were the objects of commiseration, as much as of suspicion. The Pope himself, who might have been supposed to be their protector, proved rather an adversary. When they came be fore Civita Vecchia; where it was intended to land them, he refused them his permission ; and they were compelled to re main exposed to all the hazards of the sea, till orders could ar rive from Spain concerning the place of their destination. An attempt was made to procure permission for them to land in Corsica, but it was at first refused. After some time, how ever, it was granted, and they were landed, to the amount of two thousand three hundred, at the ports of Calvi, Algiola, and Ajaccio. The expulsion of the Jesuits from Spain, caused their ex pulsion from several of the other states of Europe. Ferdinand VI. the King of Naples, the son of the Spanish monarch, followed the example of his father, and expelled the Jesuits from his territories. And in 1773 the order was -suppressed by the Chap. IV.; REIGN OF GEORGE m. 507 the pope, Clement XTV. who attained his dignity only in con sequence of acceding to that express condition. Europe was thus freed from the danger to which it might be exposed by the political machinations of the Jesuits ; but it has been much doubted whether rriigion, or civil society in general, was much benefited by the dissolution of this order. Instead of being inimical to established governments, they were their zeal ous friends, rejecting all innovation as dangerous to their insti tution. A change might involve them in ruin, but could hard ly ameliorate their situation. The Popish religion itself suffered considerably by the abolition of this order. Immersed as thev were in the most abject superstition, they maintained the dictate: of the religion which they professed with invincible pertinacity. The Deists of the Continent, at that time numerous, had long thought the superstition of the Jesuits a fit object of ridicule, and through the Jesuits their attacks reached the Roman-Catho lic faith in general. When this powerful order was abolished, the Catholic faith lost its most able supporters, and the abettors of infidelity had gained a triumph, in which they did not fail to glory. Viewed in this light, it was not perhaps prudent in France and Spain to abolish an order which constituted the firm est support of its religious establishment, vrithout having ever been proved to be an enemy to its civil government. The state of France at this time was not the most flourishing. She hid suffered much in the late war with Britain, and the measures of her ministers were not such as to restore her prosperity. Every branch of the government was feeble and inefficient. The king paid more attention to his pleasures, which were of the most degrading kind, than to the affairs of govern ment; and Choiseul, at tbat time minister, was more intent on schemes of conquest tlian on such measures as might ensure in ternal prosperity. The parliaments, assemblies which had long lost almost every shadow of authority, taking advantage of the embarrassments of the government, obstructed in every possible way the affairs of the nation. Infidelity with regard to religion, and dissarsfaction with regard to the government, were almost universally prevalent, and the foundation was probably already laid for those disturbances which have since convulsed Europe. Qq2 In 308 HISTORY OF THE , [Chap. IV. In this feeble state, Choiseul exhibited the spirit of aggression by which he was actuated, by seizing the Pope's dominions in Avignon and the Venaissin, without attempting to assign any other reason for this proceeding, than that the Pope, being still more feeble than France itself, was unable to resent the injury. Corsica, too, offered a tempting object to the ambition of the French minister. It had long been subject to the Genoese, and had experienced from them such tyrannical treatment as had often induced them to revolt. The attempts of the Corsicans to obtain freedom had been attended with various success ; but in 1755, Pascal Paoli, a man of considerable talents, resolved to revive the courage of his countrymen. Such, indeed, were his exertions, that the Genoese, perceiving the error of their former harsh conduct, endeavoured to conciliate the Corsicans by more amicable measures. They accordingly, in 1761, published a manifesto, declaring their design of treating the discontented islanders with greater moderation. This declaration was now too late. The Corsicans, rightly judging that the pretended clemency of the Genoese was the consequence rather of neces sity than choice, resolved to assert their own independency ; they accordingly formed a solemn 'resolution to refuse every agreement with their former masters, till that independency should be formally acknowledged ; and they called upon the other nations of Europe to aid them in their struggle in the cause of freedom. This appeal to the nations of Europe produced not the expect ed consequences. It was heard by all with the most provoking indifference ; even the British themselves, the boasted patrons of liberty, not only offered no aid to the oppressed Corsicans, but for bade their subjects from taking any part in the quarrel. Had the Corsicans had only the Genoese to contend with, the dispute would not have been of long continuance ; but when the republicans per ceived that they would not be able much longer to keep in sub jection their former subjects, they adopted the design of offering the island in sale to the French. Their troops had for some time occupied the principal forts in the island, for the purpose of aid ing the Genoese, and they found no great difficulty in seizing the whole for their own use. Britain and Sardinia made some re monstrances, Chap. IV.J REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 309 monstrances, but their objections were soon overcome. The Corsicans themselves entered into a combination for the defence of their liberties, but in a contest with France they could not hope to be ultimately successful. After such exertions as did honour to his intrepidity, Paoli was compelled to abandon the island whose freedom he had so long defended. He retired first to Pisa, and soon after to London, where a pension obviated the pecuniary embarrassments in which he began to be involved. Russia was at this time at war with the Turks, but the trans actions were too distant to affect the tranquillity of Britain. The Russian Empress shewed, that in Poland her power was uncontrouled. She, about this time, indeed, laid the foun dation of those measures which afterwards led to the partition of that unhappy country. Britain, however, beheld all these transactions with indifference ; her own interests were not imme diately concerned, and she perceived not in the transactions, as they then passed, the seeds of future revolutions. The colonies cf Britain, meanwhile, exhibited an aspect which more forcibly engaged her attention. Townshend's plan for taxing several commodities in the American ports, when imported from Britain, had passed through parliament with little opposition. There were few, indeed, who doubted the right of Britain to impose taxes of that species. Several of the more ju dicious among the Americans, even Franklin himself, had ad mitted this right, and averred that the exercise of it would not meet with opposition. But the minds of the Americans, now keenly engaged in the contemplation of their rights, were ready to take offence even at the shadow of oppression. Their suc cess in opposing the stamp-act had inspired them with courage, and they resolved to submit to nothing which might ultimately tend to the destruction of their freedom. The intelligence of this tax threw a sudden gloom over the joy occasioned by the repeal of the stamp-act. The Americans, however, remained not in listless apathy. Numerous publica tions were every day sent abroad, censuring, in the coarsest and most unqualified terms, the tyranny of Britain. America, it was affirmed, was doomed to experience every rigour of 6p- pression ; and the failure of one scheme had led to another more dangerous, 310 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. IV. dangerous, because more insidious. Such assertions, little re garded by the British government, had an universal currency a- mong the Americans ; and as they favoured their cause, they met with implicit credit. The tyranny of Britain was the subject of every conversation, and a desire to resist it was generated in al most every heart. The colony of Massachussets, as on every former occasion, was the first to reprobate the conduct of Britain, and they found little difficulty in adjusting their measures. The meet ing in congress, of the different deputies from the colonies, which had taken place during the dispute about the stamp-act,' had shewn them the advantage of being able to consult for the general good ; and the regulations then established made it easy for any particular colony to disseminate its principles through all the others. The colonists of Massachussets, - at all times warm advocates for independency, were the more eager to dis play their resentment on this occasion, that they abhorred their governor. Sir Francis Bernard, who had for some time been governor of this colony, was warmly attached to the British mi nistry, and he had perhaps shewn his attachment somewhat too indiscreetly. In enforcing the orders of the British government, it was alledged, that he had exceeded his power, and that he had treated the colony with unwarranted arrogance and contempt ; he thus added personal resentment to the political animosities which were then so prevalent. He had refused to confirm the election of certain persons, whom he thought unfit to serve in the assembly, and, though the charter of the colony authorised this measure, the time at which he chose to exert it was not the most prudent. Information respecting the new taxes no sooner reached Bos ton, than the inhabitants met in the town house, and entered into resolutions, to desist as rnuch as possible from the importa tion of the manufactures of Britain, and to encourage those of America. When Bernard summoned the colonial assembly to meet, instead of taking under their consideration the business which he wished to propose to them, they immediately turned their attention to the late measures of Britain. Before this un pleasant subject was finished, eighteen days had elapsed, and at the Chap. IV.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 811 the end of that period, a letter was transmitted to M. de Berdt, the agent for the colony in Britain, instructing him to oppose, in every legal mode, the laws which had given so much offence. The instructions of the Colonists to their agent were accom panied with a petition to the king, and letters to several of the more elevated servants of the British government. The peti tion and letters, though they were expressed with some degree of modesty, sufficiently indicated the resolution of the colonists to maintain with every possible exertion what they conceived to be their rights. The assembly of Massachussets, to convince the world that they wished not to act in opposition to the other colonies, or rather assured that the same spirit pervaded every part of America, addressed a circular letter to the assemblies of the different colonies, exhorting them to a vigorous opposition to the designs of Britain, and requesting *heir advice with regard to the measures most proper to be pursued. The moderation of the sentiments contained in this letter, tended powerfully to interest in their cause even the more prudent and cautious. It spoke not the language of rebellion, or even of inconsiderate opposition. It stated in plain terms their wish to maintain what they conceived to be their indisputable right ; and invited their countrymen, in terms rather argumentative than inflammatory, to join them in this meritorious, though hazardous undertaking. It ' shewed that they wished not blindly to follow their own opinions, but tb receive instruction and advice from all the as semblies, who were certainly equally with themselves interested in the issue. Such a letter from a popular assembly had the most powerful effect, and five of the assemblies, namely, those of Virginia, New Jersey, Connecticut, Georgia, and Maryland, desired their speakers to transmit their entire acquiescence in the opinions of the assembly of Massachussets. The dispute meanwhile between the, people of Massachtis- sets and their governor, became every day more rancorous. The conduct of Sir Francis Bernard, in refusing to confirm the no mination of several members to the society who were obnox ious to him, met with the warmest approbation of the British ministry, and a letter was sent him, expressive of that approba* , tion, 312 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. IV. tion, as well as reprobating in severe terms the conduct of the colonial assembly. With a disposition to triumph, which is extremely natural, though not altogether free from weak ness, Bernard communicated his letter to the assembly, al ready sufficiently his enemies ; but though he permitted it to be read by the clerk, he refused to suffer it to be recorded upon the journals. This, in the opinion of the assembly, was to add one insult to another, and, made them the more anxious to ob tain a copy, not only of this letter, but of those which Bernard had transmitted to the British ministers. Those letters, they believed, would have the ultimate tendency to enrage the people of the colony at Bernard himself, and to make them more eager in the support of the general cause. Actuated by these motives, they demanded copies of the let ter which he had caused to be read to them, and of those to wlrich it was an answer. With this demand Bernard refused to comply. The demand was repeated, but in a more particular way. Several passages of the letter which had been read to them were quoted from recollection ; and the more widely to spread the dissatisfaction, the message was printed. Bernard now ea sily perceived that it would be necessary for him to give to the public a copy of the whole letter, rather than to permit detached passages of it to be published, and those passages, too, recollect ed by men whom he knew to be his enemies. He accordingly sent the letter with an angry message, to be entered on the re cords of the assembly. They no sooner had the letter in their possession, than they wrote to Lord Shelburne, complaining of it in severe terms, blaming the conduct of their governor, as totally unjustifiable upon any principles of freedom, and as inconsistent with his true authority. The discontented party in MassachuBsets, not satisfied with these proceedings, bold as they were, continued to vilify the conduct of Bernard bv every possible method. In the Boston Gazette was published a letter in which the governor was blamed, . in the most unqualified terms, for the representations which he had made respecting the colony to the British ministry. It was affirmed that he had thus procured a censure to the colonial legis- ] Ation which it had by no means merited. The governor was not Chap. IV.] REIGN OF GEORGE in. SIS not slow to resent this injury, which in his opinion bordered so nearly on rebellion. He accordingly communicated the libel to the council and assembly, and demanded their advice. The council immediately voted an address, expressive of their ab horrence of the principles and motives which led to such a pub lication ; but the assembly were not so complaisant. Though it must have been universally known to whom the whole alluded, they affirmed, that as no person was named in the obnoxious publication, it could not be reckoned a libel, and consequently could not affect the honour, either of the King of Britain, or of the governor his representative. They thought, indeed, that a letter which named no one, could have little influence upon the governments, either of Britain or America ; and they declared their opinion, that the matter ought to be dismissed as below their attention. Such conduct could hardly conciliate a governor who conceiv ed himself to be so much insulted. He next day proceeded to the assembly, where he expatiated with some asperity on the various parts of their conduct, and particularly on that dis contented disposition which they had so unequivocally exem plified. This conduct, in his opinion, they had rendered more atrocious, by publishing not only their own transactions, but conjectural quotations from a letter which they had only once heard read. He offered several arguments to justify his own character, and to defend it from the aspersions thrown out against it. He afterwards prorogued the assembly, appointing the 1 3 th of April for the time of its meeting. The letter which the assembly of Massachussets had sent to the legislatures of the other colonies, could hardly fail to be highly offensive to the British government. It was reckoned as an attempt to procure an unlawful combination to oppose the regulations of government, and consequently as deserving the severest censure, as tending to prolong those obnoxious mea sures which had so long estranged the colonies from Bri tain. The secretary of state for America, in consequence, sent to Sir Francis Bernard a letter, expressing in warm terms the opinion of the British ministry on this subject ; and requir ing positively that the resolutions which gave rise to the circu lar letter should be expunged from the record. That the as- Vol. I. R r semblv SU HISTORY OF THE [Chap. IV. sembly might have an opportunity of retracting their resolu tions without a palpable absurdity, or apparent mean conde scension, the British minister expressed his belief that the re solution had been obtained -by surprise, contrary to the more prudent opinions of the greater part of the assembly. At" the same time Bernard was desired, if the assembly remained po sitive, to dissolve the meeting, and to transmit to Britain a copy of their proceedings. Of this letter Bernard sent a copy to the assembly, omitting, however, that part which was of a menacing nature. The assem bly, nevertheless, informed that the whole had not been commu nicated to them, demanded a complete copy, before they would agree to form any resolution regarding it. Urged in this man ner, Sir Francis complied, and in addition, assured them of his intention of fulfilling his instructions, should they re fuse to rescind the obnoxious resolutions. To this the assembly made no reply. A second message from the governor requested ¦a communication on the subject, affirming that delay would be construed into obstinacy. The assembly wished to consult their constituents, an indulgence which was denied them ; and at length, when every art of evasion failed, they confirmed all their former resolutions, and refused to make any apology for them. That no doubt might remain among die British ministry re specting the assembly of Massachussets, they transmitted a let ter to Lord Hillsborough, containing a confirmation of the ob noxious resolutions ; and, to convince him that this was not the clandestine act of a few individuals, they transmitted to him the number of those who voted for the confirmation, and of those who voted against it, the former amounting to ninety-two,- the latter only to seventeen. -The governor, in pursuance of his orders, in consequence of what he called the contumacy of the, assembly, immediately dissolved it. This dissolution took place on the 1st of July 1768. The oppressive intentions of Britain were now by many of the colonists believed to be undoubted, and every regulation. which proceeded from that quarter, was viewed with suspicion. Those of a discontented or turbulent disposition, thought this a fit opportunity for exerting themselves with impunity. They had Chap. IV.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 315 had nothing to fear from the inhabitants in general, and it was too obvious, that they had very little to fear from the colo nial legislatures. Many acts of violence, therefore, were com mitted in different quarters, and British regulations, in them selves not unreasonable, were obstructed in their operation, as if they had been incompatible with the interests of the country. Among the laws at this timej obnoxious to the Americans, for reasons certainly less powerful than those urged in op position to the taxes, were those which had been imposed with a view to prevent the prevalent smuggling. The board of customs established at Boston, had made several regulations, well calculated to promote the ends of their institution. But the board itself, no less than its regulations, was generally ab horred ; and force alone extorted from the inhabitants a re luctant obedience. At this juncture,, a sloop belonging to one of the principal merchants of Boston, named John Hancock, arrived in the harbour, and as it was laden with wine, a tide- waiter was put on board, to prevent the cargo from being land ed without the proper permission from the custom-house. The commander of the vessel at first endeavoured to corrupt the honesty of the officer ; but finding every effort to be fruitless, he had recourse to a more effectual' method. He confined the officer in the cabin, landed his cargo, ' and proceeded to take in a lading of oil. The collector of the customs, offended at this daring con tempt of his authority, seized the- vessel, and conveyed it under the guns of the Romney sloop of war, then lying at an chor in the harbour. The populace, exasperated in their turn, used the collector and comptroller with the greatest insolence ; and compelled them, as well as the commissioners, to take shelter on board the Romney. This flight the mob considered as a kind of triumph. They seized the collector's boat, and, carrying it in mock procession, burned it before the door of Hancock's house. The commissioners, and different officers of the cus toms, applied to the governor for protection, but he referred them to the legislature ; and the legislature, when a similar ap plication was made to them, refused to give either aid dr advice. When they left the Romney, therefore, they. Mere eompelled to R r 2 seek 316 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. IV. seek for shelter In Casde-William, a small fort situated upon an island at the mouth of the harbour. The vessel was seized on the 9th of June, and on the 14th, a town's-meeting was called, to consult on the measures most proper for bringing about a pacification. On this occasion,' however, the greater part of the inhabitants shewed that they considered Hancock's cause as their own. Instead of adopting pacific measures, they presented to the governor a strong re monstrance against the seizure of the vessel, and demanded that it should be restored, and that the Romney should be made to leave the harbour. , The legislature itself shewed no disposition to check this tur bulence of the inhabitant^. On the contrary, they seemed to be more inclined to encourage it, than to give any aid to the officers of the customs. The influence of the governor might be said to be at an end, since his recommendations, and even his orders, were generally disregarded. The British ministry, in consequence of the representations made to them upon this subject, thought it necessary to send an additional number of forces for the support of the civil authority in Boston. It was not long before intelligence of this design reached the colonies, and the rage of the inhabitants of Boston was exas perated to a still higher pitch than formerly. A town-meeting was held on the 12th of September, and a petition was address ed to the governor, requesting him to call together the assem bly. To this his Only reply was, That he had dissolved the late assembly by the king's orders, and could not summon an other without instructions. Being thus left without a legislature, or any council by which their affairs could be conducted in then- alarming situation, they resolved to summon a convention, and to entrust it, at least for some time, with the management of the affairs of the colony. At a meeting, accordingly, which was held on the ensuing day, four select men were chosen to represent Boston at the proposed convention ; and one of them was Hancock, the mer chant whose vessel had been the immediate cause of the distur bance. These select men were instructed to correspond with tbe'select men of other districts, and if possible, to procure a meeting Chap. IV.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. SJT meeting of the convention on the 22d of the same mpnth. Nor did the town-meeting stop here. They recommended to such of the inhabitants of Boston as had not arms, immediately to provide them, assigning as the motive the rumour of an approach- ' ing rupture with France. And, to indicate that they had not yet lost sight of the religious character of their ancestors, they recommended to their ministers to appoint a day for prayer and fasting. The convention met at the time specified, and representatives appeared from all the ninety-six towns in the colony,- with the exception of Hatfield, which remonstrated against the measure as illegal. Their first measure, when met, was to apply to the governor by petition, formally disclaiming any right of assuming to themselves a share in the government of the colony. They had met only to give advice concerning the most proper method of preserving tranquillity at a time which demanded the united. wisdom of every faithful subject. They requested that an as sembly should be called, which would relieve them from a task which they were unwilling to undertake, and which would be adequate to every purpose of legal administration. Three members were appointed to carry this petition to the governor, but he refused to receive them as a committee of a meeting calling itself a convention. He even refused to sign the paper on which he signified this resolution. On the follow ing day, however, he transmitted a letter to the convention, ex pressive of his opinion, that they had been assembled by some of the more designing among them, without having a due con sideration of the consequences of their proceedings ; and he ad monished them to separate, and to return to their various places of abode, without attempting to transact business, which would infallibly subject them to the penalties of disdbedience. In an swer to this letter, they sent to the governor another message by five members, but, as on the former occasion, he refused to re ceive them. The convention did not probably expect that the governor would so resolutely oppose them, but they did not on that ac count separate. Their proceedings, however, were in no re- ¦ipcct violent. They appointed a committee of nine persons to take 318 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. IV. take into their consideration the objects for which they had been called together, and to make such a report on the subject as they might judge expedient. In .a few days the report was made. An address to the king was in consequpnce drawn up, and trans mitted to London in a letter to the colonial agent. When these measures were accomplished, the convention on the 29th of September dissolved itself. In New-York the people were still less resolute than in Mas sachussets. The suspension of their legislature seems to have occasioned a greater depression of their courage,than might have been expected. They complied with the terms of the mutiny- act, and their legislature was restored. In many of the colonies, indeed, tranquillity appeared to be re-established ; but the flame which had been originally kindled in Massachussets was not suffered to expire. The troops, no doubt, which arrived from Britain, and marched into Boston on the very day when the convention was dissolved, obliged the people to be more circumspect in their actions ; but nothing could restrain that freedom of political in quiry which was awakened in every part of America. The cir cular letter which the assembly of Massachussets had distributed among the different colonies, had produced an effect which could not be obliterated ; and the conduct which Britain at this time adopted was by no means of a conciliating tendency. * While these disturbances pervaded America, Britain itself was far from being in a tranquil situation. The dissolution of parliament, which had been foreseen, gave rise to all those in trigues which are the common attendants of elections, and the arts of corruption were practised under very slender disguises. Large sums were offered in many of the public papers for seats in the great national council. Even before the dissolution of parliament, the magistrates of the city of Oxford demanded from their representatives, Sir Thomas Stapieton and the Honourable Mr Lee, a great sum in consideration of their being re elect ed. These ' members, laid the affair before parliament itself, and the magistrates were summoned to appear. It was disco vered upon examination, that the sum demanded was not for private gratification, but to defray some expences incurred by the corporation. The magistrates therefore, after being obliged to Chap. IV.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 519 to receive on their knees a reprimand from the speaker, were dismissed. It was not, however, this avowed venality which rendered the election of die parliament about to meet more than commonly remarkable. It was distinguished by an event, which, though) not apparendy of the first magnitude, was rendered important by the attention paid to it. John Wilkes, to avoid the punish ment destined for his former practices, had retired to France. He at first made the pretence, that he had been appointed to be ambassador to the Mahometan court, but the quiet which he enjoyed under this pretence, suited neither his temper nor his aims ; and by acts not altogether corresponding to the high spirit of a patriot, he endeavoured to reconcile himself to the British administration. With this view, he actually visited London in May 1766 ; but finding all his overtures neglected, he again re tired to Paris. His representations, thus rejected by one minis try, were renewed when Lord Chatham was placed at the head of the administration ; but even then they were equally vain. Many who thought that, while they supported this man, they were supporting the constitution, not only despised him as an individual, but abhorred many parts of his conduct. Under circumstances so disadvantageous to him, it may be deemed surprising that he should again venture to visit Britain. Yet such was his effrontery, that he not only appeared in Lon don, but offered himself a candidate to represent the city in parliament. In this, perhaps, he did not presume to hope for success ; but his appearance could not fail to produce some agi tation, and that was what he chiefly desired. His address to the citv on this occasion was replete with the popular topics of his attachment to liberty, and the sacrifices he had made to it ; the opposition which, at so great a risk, he had made to the mi nisterial doctrine of general warrants, and his title on that ac count to represent a body so remarkable for their attachment to liberty. While he thus endeavoured to rouse the patriotic passions of those whom he wished to represent, he was not ignorant of his danger in appearing, while his sentence of outlawry remained in force ; and to obviate this as much as possible, he assured the solicitors 320 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. IV. solicitors of the treasury in writing, that on the first opportuni ty he would appear in the Court of King's Bench, to stand his trial. All his efforts, however, and all his art, had not the de sired effect ; and though he was favoured by many of die lower orders, he was not chosen to represent the city of London. He was on this occasion disappointed, but appears not to be greatly disconcerted, as he .immediately declared himself a candidate for the county of Middlesex. In this county, he was more befriended than in the city of London. " The electors, in deed, were of that class by whom his cause had been more par ticularly favoured, and he was returned their member by a very large majority. The rabble, at this time, expressed their exul tation and their resentment, in that tumultuous way by which they are in general characterised. The cry of " Wilkes and Liberty" was heard in every quarter. Those who refused to join in it were treated with the utmost insolence ; and the win dows of Lord Bute's house, as well as of the mansion-house,' were broken. The parliament, meanwhile, had met, and appointed Sir John Cust their speaker ; and, after the laws respecting grain were continued in force, their attention was immediately attracted by the affair of Wilkes. A motion was made to inquire why the crown-lawyers had not taken the proper measures to execute the laws against the outlawed Wilkes. According to his pro mise, Wilkes had already appeared in the King's Bench, 3hd in a speech of considerable length, had complained of the usage which he had experienced. He entered not, however, into the discussion of the points of law, leaving that to his council. The attorney- general, at the same time, moved that Wilkes should be committed ; but cause was shewn against it, and a writ of error prayed. The judges, however, agreed to neither of the motions. They considered Wilkes as not being properly before the court, and on that account, they refused either to commit him, or to admit him to trial. The crown-officers tiien directed him to be seized as an outlaw, and as no precedent could be pleaded for the practice, they refused to admit him to bail. He was accordingly appointed to be committed to prison ; but die populace resisted the execution of the sentence. They took Chap. IV.]' REIGN OF GEORGE III. S21 took the horses from the carriage in which he was proceeding to the place of his confinement, and drew him in triumph through the city to a public-house. With some difficulty he restrained them from any daring outrage ; and having effected his escap^ from them about eleven, he again delivered himself into the hands of the officers of justice. Learning his situation, a considerable number of the populace next day assembled in the vicinity of the prison of the King's Bench, made a bonfire of some railing attached to it, and in the evening compelled the inhabitants of the borough to illuminate. This crowd was about midnight dispersed by a detachment from the guards. Many people, however, continued daily to as semble in the neighbourhood of the prison in which Wilkes was confined, and committed sucb outrages as were alarming to the friends of social order. The opening of parliament, however, w:s the sera to wlrich the populace looked forward with anxious expectation, it being expected that then, in consequence of his privilege as a member the House of Commons, Wilkes would be liberated from his con finement, in order to take his seat. A great crowd assembled to view this liberation, and finding it delayed longer than they wished, their conduct became very tumultuous. They demand ed the prisoner with violent vociferation ; and when the justices attempted to disperse them by reading the riot-act, they were attacked with bricks, stones, and sucb other weapons as chance furnished to the fury of die rabble. Such was the disturbance now excited, and such the ungovernable disposition* of the as sailants, that it was judged necessary to call in a military force to the support of the civil authority. Even when the troops arrived, the people thought proper not to disperse ; on the contrary, they assaulted those who had been brought out to quell them. Impatient of such treatment, the soldiers were ordered,to fire, and at the first discharge five or six were killed, and fifteen wounded. The case of a young man named Allen was generally commiserated. It was supposed by many that he was an innocent spectator of the tumult, and that the soldiers had singled him ont by mistake for some other per son. Notwithstanding this, they followed him to some place Vol. I. S s where 322 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. IV. where he had betaken himself for shelter, and shot him dead while he implored their mercy. The rage of the populace was now inflamed to the highest pitch, but the death of so many intimidated the remainder, and diey thought fit to separate. The conduct of the magistrates, and even of government itself on this occasion, was violently censured, and Bute, the great object of popular reproach, was publicly brand ed as the source of all these enormities. It may be supposed to be somewhat difficult to conceive how he could have any part in the death of those concerned in the riot, but the ingenuity of the mob soon found something like a reason. The detachment which had acted upon the occasion was from the Scottish regi ment of guards, and it was openly affirmed that he had purpose ly employed a band of his own countrymen, to insult and mas sacre a people whom by his measures he had long oppressed. The coroner's inquest on this occasion seemed to share the passions of the people. Against the soldier who shot Allen they brought in a verdict of wilful murder, implicating in the guilt, accessories, another private soldier, and Alexander Murray the commanding officer. He who had committed the deed, whose name was Donald Maclane, was carried to prison-; and it was not without difficulty that he could be conveyed thither without falling a sacrifice to the fury of the people. The king, however, that he might support the dignity of the- executive government, gave no encouragement to the prosecution of the supposed of fenders. On the contrary, he blamed the licentiousness of the populace, and gave his thanks to the officer who by his exertions had contributed so much to its suppression. The magistrate himself who had authorised the troops to fire was indicted for murder. But all these persons were, upon their trial, acquitted, in consequence, according to one party, of the justice of their cause, — according to the other, , of the partiality of administra-. tion. Hardly a day passed, meanwhile, in die metropolis, in which the enraged multitude did not commit some act of violence. Harley, who was then mayor, had already been exposed to po pular odium, by being employed to burn the North-Briton while he was sheriff. The mansion-house, accordingly, was so fre quently Chap. IV.] REIGN OF GEORGE III: 323 quently attacked, that a permanent guard became necessary for its protection. Inflammatory papers were posted up in the most public places, and the populace seemed only to want a leader of abilities to conduct them to the most atrocious enormities. When the case of Wilkes came to be tried before the Court of King's Bench, the outlawry agairist him was reversed, but the former verdict of the Court against him was Confirmed ; and in a few days afterwards he was condemned to be imprisoned for two years, to pay two fines of five hundred pounds each, and to find two securities, each under the penalty of five hundred pounds, for his good behaviour for seven years. About this period Mr Cooke, one of the representatives for Middlesex, died, and two candidates immediately offered them selves to fill up the vacancy. Of these candidates one was Sir William Beauchamp ; but his influence was small when op posed to that of Serjeant Glynn, who had been the defender of Wilkes in a legal capacity, and consequently was very popular among the electors. A ' riot was commenced by some chair men belonging to Beauchamp's party, in the progress of which a man lost his life. The chairmen were apprehended. They were tried at the Old Bailey, and found guilty of murder. They were not, however, executed in consequence of this sentence, having first been respited, and afterwards pardoned. This ex cited no small discontent among the populace. Beauchamp be longed to the ministerial party, and it was believed by many, that he had procured a pardon for these men, in open defiance of law and justice. The new parliament met on the 8th of November 1768, and their attention was almost immediately directed to the affair of Wilkes. The business, indeed, was first brought forwards by the friends of Wilkes themselves. Sir Joseph Mawbey presented to the House a petition, recapitulating all the proceedings which had been carried on against Wilkes since 1763, and claiming a redress for the grievances which were enumerated. A day was appointed for the discussion of the business ; and several persons were summoned, whose testimony was deemed essential in forming a proper judgement of the case. On the 23d of January, when the business came to be argued, it Was S s 2 debated, 324 HISTORY OT- THE [Chap. IV. debated, whether a member who hadbeep convicted of publish ing a libel was entitled to privilege, and the majority were found to be pf opinion that he was not. Qn the 27th the pe tition was taken into consideration. Wilkes, who was carried to the house in custody, insisted that he could not legally ap pear there, without having ^aken the oaths ; but this objection was declared to be friyojous. The consideration of the petition was resumed on different days ; and on one of these occasions, Wilkes procured the con sent of the House, to expunge from their description of the Essay on Woman the epithet blasphemous. The petition stated, that Lord Mansfield had altered the record of Wilkes's indictment on the day before the trial, and this was even proved ; but the practice was found to be justified by numerous precedents, and the legality pf if was confirmed by the concurring opinions of all the judges. The petition contained several other particulars; but the whole, after a full examination, was declared to be fri volous. A letter, written by Lord Weymouth to the magistrates of Surrey, in consequence of the disturbances occasioned by their election of members, recommending to them severe measures for the preservation of the public peace, fell into the hands of Wilkes, who immediately published it, with comments of the most inflamjnatory nature, branding the fray which had taken place between the populace and . the detachment, of the guards as a horrid massacre. In the House of Lords, Weymouth, com plained of a breach of privilege. The inflammatory publication was proved to be that of Wilkes, by the printer who had receiv ed it from him. But indeed there was no occasion for evidence ; Wilkes openly avowed the publication, and affirmed that his conduct merited the thanks, rather than the censure of his country. This crime was thought to justify his expulsion, and a motion for that, purpose was, carried, after a king debate. On the 3d of February, accordingly, Wilkes was formally expelled by the House of Commons. The conduct offtbe ministry regarding Wilkes has, upon very plausiWe grounds, been censured, as imprudent. By more artful or rnore- vigorous management he, might either have been totally crushed, Chap. IV.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 325 crushed, or his influence might have been greatly diminished. The sentence of his outlawry remained in foil force at his return to Britain. • He might, consequently, have been immediately seized and retained in custody, and he might thus have been prevented during the election from exerting any personal influence. If, on the contrary, they wished to adopt a more lenient mode of conduct^ they, ought, perhaps, to have granted him a full and unqualified pardon. He would then have had no longer a right to claim the admiration of the people as the martyr of liberty. When he ceased to be persecuted, he would probably have ceased to be respected. Instead of adopting either of these plans, how ever, they first permitted him to appear as a candidate for a seat in parliament, and even to be elected for Middlesex; and then, when his popular influence was, if possible, augment ed, they seized his person, and subjected him tp a rigorous persecution. In the whole conduct of Wilkes, there was per haps more audacity than patriotism, yet the measures which he pursue*! were not without their beneficial consequences. They caused the discussion of several constitutional questions, and several of the rights of the people were fixed with greater preci sion than on any former occasion. The electors of Middlesex warmly resented the conduct of parliament, in expelling their favourite ; and, so far from being intimidated by it, they adopted the bold resolution of re-electing him. At a meeting which they held on the 14th of February, they censured the conduct of government with much warmth. Alderman Sawbridge affirmed, if ministers were permitted to decide who ought not to be elected to sit in parliament, they would soon go the length of deciding who ought to be elected, and freedom of choice would be effectually annihilated. Such a disposition could not fail of being agreeable to Wilkes, and he was not slow to take the advantage of it. He presented himself again as a candidate, and on the 16th of February he was re elected, with hardly one dissenting voice. It was not to be expected that government would pass over this proceeding in silence, as they construed it into an insult upon their authority ; and they seemed to be resolved to try whe ther the electors of the county of Middlesex, or they themselves, could 326 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. W. Could be most obstinate. On the day following the elec tion, it was moved by Lord Strange, « That Mr Wilkes, ha ving been expelled, was incapable of serving in that parlia ment." He adduced as a precedent, the case of Robert Wal pole, who having been chosen for Lynn, after he had been ex pelled, was declared incapable of becoming a member. This precedent, it was alledged by the friends of Wilkes, was by no means similar to the case then under their considera tion. Walpole, at the time of his election, was prisoner in the Tower for those very crimes for which he had been expelled. Besides, a rival candidate had appeared, and the matter had been decided upon the petition of that candidate, not upon the mere return of the writ. If members once expelled for crimes of any kind, real or imaginary, could never be re-elected, this was to put into the hands of ministers a very dangerous power. Crimes of one kind or other were easily alledged ; when al ledged by the ministry, they seldom failed to be proved to the satisfaction of a majority of the parliament ; and it was not im possible that a minister might make use of this convenient pre text, which afforded him an opportunity of getting rid of an ob noxious member, not only for a short time, but for ever. it was vain to expect such arguments to prevail against the ministry in almost any point, and still more in a point in which they supposed their influence to be deeply interested. The ma jority in their favour, accordingly, was considerable. But such proceedings tended not to diminish the popularity of Wilkes, they on the contrary augmented it in no small degree. His mag nanimity in daring to oppose the arbitrary designs of the minis try was extolled, and what they termed the persecution which he endured, became the object of great commiseration. At a meeting held at Mile-end, on the 2Sd of February, resolutions were formed to support him against all the enmity of govern ment. It was hardly possible for the friends of quiet to prevent or to oppose those tumultuous proceedings. A meeting was call ed at a tavern in London, for the purpose of presenting a loyal address to the king ; but such a number of the friends of Wilkes flocked thither, that the whole purpose of the assembly was turned into ridicule. That the design of the meeting, however, might Chap. IV,] REIGN OF GEORGE m. 327 might not be altogether frustrated, an address was prepared, and was left at a public place, to receive the signatures of such as favoured it. When a sufficient number of names appeared to be attached to it, an attempt was made to deliver it to the king, with all suitable ceremony ; but here, too, they encountered no small difficulty. When those deputed for this purpose were preparing to advance, they found themselves preceded by a hearse, decorated with paintings, representing the death cf Allen, and the mar der which had taken place during the election at Brentford. Many of the coaches, and those in them, were treated by the populace in the most insulting manner, and were obliged either to abstain from their purpose of proceeding to St James's, or to advance thither by stealth, and in obscure streets. A few, however, in spite of every effort of the crowd, persisted in their design ; the hearse, at the same time, not only continu ing to precede them, but endeavouring to get before them into the court-yard of the palace. This attempt was prevented by the guard, and several of its riotous attendants were secured by the troops then on duty. The election of a member for Middlesex again took place on the 16th of March, when Mr Dingley offered himself in opposi tion to Wilkes, but experienced such severe treatment from the populace, that he withdrew before the nomination, his friends being of opinion, that if he remained, his life might be endan gered. Though Dingley protested against the proceedings, Wilkes was declared to be duly elected, but, on the following day, the election was by parliament voted to be null and void. Notwithstanding the fixed purpose of parliament to oppose his election, Wilkes did not hesitate once more to declare himself a candidate ; and it was supposed that scarcely any one would be hardy enough to oppose him. On this occasion Colonel Lut- trell, already a member of parliament, vacated his seat, for the purpose of offering himself a candidate for the county of Mid dlesex. This undertaking was imagined to be so extremely rash, that several policies are said to have been opened upon his life. The meeting, as had been expected, was very tumultuous ; and an additional number of- constables, appointed for that pur pose, could with difficulty restrain the crowd from the most out rageous 328 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. IV. rageous conduct. Every road to the place of election was oc cupied by a furious mob, who compelled the passengers indis criminately to shout « Wilkes and Liberty," and to receive some particular badge of him upon a conspicuous part of their dress Or equipage. The majority iri favour of Wilkes was not less than eight hundred and forty-severi; arid he was returned duly elected. The legality of his election was again con tested in parliament ; and after a debate df two days, it was re solved that the election of Wilkes was void, and that, conse quently, Luttfell was duly elected for Middlesex. Against this measure the electors of Middlesex presented a petition;, but after full consideration, the former resolution of parliament was con firmed. During the agitation produced by the appearance of Wilkes; and his election to be a member of parliament, the attention of that assembly was occupied in no small degree by the affairs of America. A petition was received from Massachussets, but, as the assembly of that colony had already been dissolved, it was considered only as the petition of private individuals. The House of Lords addressed the king, praying him to direct the governors of the different provinces; to transmit the names of those who had been most active in the late disturbances, that rrieasures might be taken for bringing them to trial in Britain. On this occasion the great questions regarding American taxa tion; and the recent proceedings of the" Americans, were debated with much keenness. Pownall, who had been governor of Massa chussets, defended the conduct of that colony in every thing they had done. He denied that the legislature of Massachus sets could have prevented the ridts ; and he affirmed, that the meeting of a convention, after the dissolution of the assembly, ¦vyas not only warranted by their charter, but was legal and com mendable. All his efforts, however, could not prevent the ad dress from being presented. * The design expressed in the address, of bringing to Britain for their trial, persons' who had offended in America, escaped not without severe animadversiSn. It was founded upon an ob solete statute of Henry VIII. and was reprobated by many as one of the most arbitrary measures of a king rioted for tyranny. Others, however, Chap. TV.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 329 however, who had inquired into the matter more minutely, de nied that the statute was in itself reprehensible, but they argued that it was not at all applicable to the case of the Americans, It was meant to secure to the subjects of England then residing at Bologne, and other parts of the opposite coast, the benefit of trial by jury. It was enacted before Britain had any colony, and by consequence, that must be a forced interpretation, which should extend it to the Americans. On the contrary, to bring an American to Britain, in order to be tried, was in effect to deprive him of the privilege of trial by jury, and to subject him to such inconvenience, oppression, and disgrace, as were altogether in tolerable. It was indeed affirmed by the ministerial party, that the expression in the address was meant rather as a threat to shew the Americans what might be done in this case, than as a principle which was actually to be put in practice. But many doubted whether it was prudent to provoke, by idle threats, a people already extremely irritated, and who were become jealous of every thing which wore the aspect of oppression. A representation from New- York, on the 14th of March, de nying the right of Britain to tax them, again called the atten tion of parliament to that subject, which had been so often dis cussed. The same arguments were revived, which had been formerly used on both sides, and with similar success. The ministers, afraid, perhaps, that their own dignity, and that of the nation, might be injured by concession, appeared bent on the fatal measure of enforcing the obnoxious laws. Few, in deed, doubted the right of Britain to impose upon the Ameri cans what were called internal taxes, but many doubted the ex pediency of such a measure, at a time when the Americans seemed so resolute to oppose it. Governor Pownall, towards the end of the session, intro duced a motion for the repeal of the revenue-acts affecting North America. It was deemed too late in the session to in troduce a debate upon a subject of such importance, and it was perhaps the less necessary, that the ministers seem already to have adopted those resolutions which they were determined to enforce. When Corsica was transferred to France, the tameness and Vol. I. T t silence 330 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. IV. silence of the ministers upon that occasion were loudly blamed by their parliamentary, opponents. An attempt was made to aWaken that jealousy of France, by which the British councils had long been actuated. France, it was affirmed, was already too formidable. Every accession of territory must make her more so ; and the acquisition of Corsica, in the opinion of many, endangered the balance of power, that favourite doc trine of European politicians.. The ministers at this time, how ever, were not desirous of a war with France. They were, perhaps, apprehensive that the American colonies might find them sufficient employment. In their judgement, therefore, Cor sica, an island not remarkable for the richness of its produce, and unfurnished with one good harbour, was not an acquisition of such importance as to justify any menacing or hostile measure. In their opinion, we ought rather to permit France to enjoy in quiet this insignificant spot, which, as it must be expensive, would without doubt be hurtful. The king, by a 'message to parliament on the 28th of Febru ary, informed them, that the revenue of the civil list had been so deficient, as to compel him to contract debts, amounting to up wards of five 'hundred thousand pounds, to the discharge of which their aid would be necessary. When papers to account for the deficiency were requested by the House, the ministers refused not to comply with the demand. They represented, however, that the king's business required, an immediate settle ment, and the production of the papers would unavoidably occa sion a considerable delay. After a debate of three days, it was agreed that the debt should be discharged. An agreement deemed sufficiently advantageous for the na tion, was about the same time concluded with the East-India Company. By this agreement, which was to last for five years, the Company bound themselves to export a certain quantity of British goods, and to pay to the nation four hundred thousand pounds annually. Within the same period they might, if they chose, augment their dividends to twelve and a half per cent. but the augmentation was not to exceed one per cent, within the period of any one year. If a diminution at any time became absolutely necessary, a proportional deduction might be made from Chap. IV.] REIGN OF GEORGE Hi. 331 from the annual sum payable to government. Should it become necessary to reduce the dividends as low as six per cent, the sum payable to government was not to be exacted. On the other hand, if any funds remained in the hands of the Company, after the payment of certain specified debts, it was to be lent to go vernment, at the low rate of two per cent. No other business of public importance was transacted du ring the session. The king, in his speech from the throne, at its conclusion, particularly remarked the necessity of preserving public peace and -order. To support the authority of the laws, was, in his opinion, the best security of the people, as well as the best support of the authority of the magistrate. He declared, that on his part no effort should be wanting to preserve that tran quility which society demanded ; and he thought it incumbent on all who enjoyed any portion of authority, to adopt similar sen timents. The British constitution he had always made the rule of his conduct, and he thought it incumbent upon him to use all the powers bestowed by that constitution, to preserve it free from violation. The expressions of the king, regarding the danger to which the peace of the public was opposed, were not without founda tion ; nor were the discontent and consequent disturbances con fined to America. In "Britain itself, the violence of party was excessive, and the invectives which continually passed between those of different opinions, were in their acrimony almost un exampled. Hardly at any time had the opposition to the exist ing government been more unqualified, or more rancorous ; and the measures of the ministry were attacked, and defended, With uncommon animosity. A letter was received by the speaker of the House of Commons, censuring in severe terms what it af firmed to be dangerous innovations on the liberties of the peo ple, and expressing without disguise the tendency which such conduct might have to produce another revolution. The father of Allen, the unfortunate youth who had lost his life in the late riots, became a very convenient tool in the hands of the disaf fected. He was induced to present a petition to the king, pray ing for justice against the murderers of his son. The right of petitioning, indeed, was at this time often resorted to, less per- T t 2 haps 332 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. IV. haps with the hope of obtaining a redress of grievances, than with the design of publishing to the world, in a respectable form, the opinions of individuals respecting the conduct of government. In this way, the conduct of the king, and of his ministers, from the period of his accession, was censured in the most acrimo nious terms. In these transactions, the city of London, and the county of Middlesex, took the most conspicuous part, and the ex ample of dissatisfaction which they displayed was quickly followed in every part of the kingdom. Almost all these petitions recom mended a dissolution of parliament, as necessary for establishing public prosperity, and public confidence. While petitions of this kind, which must have been mortifying to the king and his mi nisters, were daily received, the small number of addresses of a contrary nature which were presented, must have rather aug mented than diminished the mortification. The press, too, as is usual in such circumstances, teemed with publications of the most virulent description. It was at this time that the noted letters distinguished by fhe**sigpajture of Junius appeared, letters which censured the measurps of the mi nistry, and the ministers themselves, in the most unqualified terms. The author had the uncommon art of keeping his real name a secret, a circumstance which enabled him to speak more openly than might otherwise have been possible. But the mys tery in which he involved himself, was not the only circum stance which attracted the notice of the world. On all occasions, he seemed to be master of his subject. Even the secrets of the cabinet appeared to lie open to him. What he knew, he scrupled not to tell, and to tell it in the most provoking manner. With no small knowledge of the principles of the British constitution, his style had all that beauty which energy of thought, clearness of conception, strength of reasoning, and undaunted boldness of expression, can bestow ; but he neither displayed, nor perhaps wished to display, much delicacy. His design was to over whelm by the force of argument, not to sooth by the sports of fancy. He could not fail to be a favourite with many of the people, since he expressed, in language of the most-brilliant kind, the opinions and the feelings at that time so prevalent in the nation. ' Encouraged Chap. IV.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 333 Encouraged by the impunity which he had so long enjoyed, the sarcasms of Junius became continually more bitter, and at length he scrupled not to attack the king himself. His govern ment, his conduct, and even his person, escaped not without censure. He commented on the dissatisfaction of the people, and menaced rebellion and revolution. This letter, which im mediately attracted the notice of administration, caused the printer to be arrested, and subjected to the penalties of law ; but the author still remained concealed, and his reputation, so far from being diminished, was rather augmented by die transaction. The city of London, seizing every opportunity of counteract ing the views of government, resolved again to nominate Beck ford Lord Mayor. This nomination was feebly opposed by those who favoured the views of the ministry. They pretended that some laws formed during the reigns of Henry VI. and Henry VIII. prohibited the election of any person to be mayor twice within seven years. This objection was easily over-ruled, as it was found that many precedents sanctioned the proposed election. Beckford himself proposed a more formidable ob stacle, by declining to accept the proffered honour ; but the re monstrances of the livery at length overcame his objections. In one of those petitions which the city of London had late ly delivered to the king, Lord Holland had been mentioned in a way by no means agreeable to his feelings, and he now took the opportunity of writing to the late mayor, requesting infor mation concerning the author of the offensive insinuations. The livery no sooner received intelligence of this, than they resolv ed to convince him, that the paragraph in question conveyed not so much the opinion of an individual as of their whole -bo dy. They now passed resolutions which applied the insinuations directly to Lord Holland ; and they instructed their represen tatives in parliament to take the proper measures to impeach Holland for the crimes which they imputed to him. While Britain was thus harassed by internal commotions, and distressed by the growing dissentions with her colonies, Ire land was far from being the scene, of tranquility. The legis lature of that country made unremitting efforts to procure a par ticipation 354 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. IV. ricipation of the benefits of the British constitution, and their efforts met with almost uninterrupted opposition. The House of Commons, in 176+, again attempted to procure the right of originating money-bills. A motion made by Mr Pery for ex punging from the journals the note of the Lord-deputy, dated on the 29th November 1614, recognizing the full operation of Poll ing's law, was perhaps somewhat unexpectedly agreed to ; but a litde reflection having convinced the speaker of the important consequence of such a motion, successfully exerted his influence in annulling the whole business. The affair was covered over with the awkward pretext of being an error of the clerk. To give greater efficiency to the executive government in Ire land, it was resolved, that instead of committing the care of administration to Lords Justices, the Lord Lieutenant should be obliged to reside at the seat of government. This measure was very agreeable to the greater part of the Irish, who had reason to complain that the kingdom seldom enjoyed the presence of its first magistrate. It was at the same time equally obnoxious to those who found the absence of the Lord Lieutenant a fa vourable circumstance in the prosecution of their favourite de signs. That class of the inhabitants, who, from their undertaking to procure such members for the House of Commons as would adopt the measures most agreeable to their employers, were generally called undertakers, were extremely obnoxious to the greater part of the nation ; and as a proper step to counter act their influence, it was proposed to procure an essential al teration in the constitution of parliament. The Irish parliament at that time was in a great measure permanent. Instead of be ing regularly dissolved at a fixed period, its dissolution never took place but at the death of the king, or by a special exertion of the royal authority. This permanency rendered the mem bers of the senate by much too independent of those whom they represented, and gave too much advantage to those who found their interest in selecting a submissive legislature. It was proposed, therefore, to alter this permanency ; to pro cure a law for the dissolution of die Irish parliament, like that of Chap. IV.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 335 of Great Britain, at certain regular periods, and thus to render its members more accountable to their constituents. Many efforts were therefore made to limit the duration of the Irish parliament to seven years ; and though the Undertakers must have perceived that by such a law their power must be much diminished, they dared not openly oppose so popular a measure. They had recourse, in this conjuncture, to the more dangerous arts of intrigue and secret management. By all their intrigues, however, the voice of the people could not be entire ly overcome. In 1761, the Irish House of Commons agreed to the heads of a bill limiting the duration of parliament ; but the British ministry refused to give it their sanction. The mortification of the people on this occasion was equal to the triumph of the Undertakers. Many scrupled not to affirm, that the members of the Irish parliament themselves had never wished that the proposed bill should be passed into a law ; that they had proposed it merely to delude the people, well knowing that in Britain it would be rejected. This assertion was perhaps unfounded, at least the members of the Irish House of Com mons were anxious to have it thought so. They entered upon their journals a resolution, in which they publicly denied the motives which had been ascribed to them. In 1765, the state of the Irish parliament again attracted the attention of the people. A petition for a change in the repre sentative system was drawn up by the sheriff and commons of Dublin. To this petition the mayor and aldermen refused their countenance ; but this refusal tended only to make the Commons more resolute. They publicly expressed their disapprobation of this conduct, and instructed their representatives to exert all their influence to limit the duration of the Irish parliament. A bill for diat purpose was accordingly passed in February 1766$ but, as on a former occasion, the British government refused them assent. The people of Ireland in general, and the inhabitants of Dub lin in particular, warmly resented this refusal. A considerable number of them, sanctioned by the approbation of die sheriff, presented an address to their representatives, directing them n«t to consent to a money-bill whose operation extended beyond six months, 336 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. IV. months, till the duration of parliament was limited to seven years. The administration which in 1766 acted under the auspices of Lord Chatham, was more favourable to the views of the people of Ireland. Lord Mansfield and the chancellor of the exchequer, Charles Townshend, were particularly desirous of forwarding the proposed change in the Irish legislature ; and with this view the brother of the latter was appointed to be Lord Lieutenant. When it was known that ministry no longer were averse to the change in the Irish parliament, the mayor of Dublin ceased to op pose the measure. Wtfh the sheriff and commons be concurred in a resolution, that, from a limitation of the duration of the Irish parliament, much benefit roust accrue to the people. A bill for that purpose was immediately introduced, and passed without opposition. In Britain it received the sanction of the crown. This law, which limited the duration of parliament to eight years, was received by the Irish with the most lively demonstra tions of joy, and was regarded as the triumph of good sense and freedom over that domineering spirit by which the conduct of Britain towards Ireland had long been distinguished. There were not wanting many to whom neither the constant residence of the Lord Lieutenant,- nor the limited duration of the legislature, was agreeable. These endeavoured to propagate the discontent which they themselves felt, and found no great difficulty in the undertaking. The laws for those purposes, though at first highly popular, no sooner ceased to be novelties, than they lost much of their power of pleasing, and a considerable -arty scon appeared no less eager than formerly to oppose all the measures of goverrnent. This party powerfully exerted itself, in 1769, -when some alterations were proposed in the Irish military establishment. These alterations, though not of the utmost importance, were not effected without much difficulty, and an exertion of all the ir. fluence of the Lord Lieutenant. But a money-bill, introduced towards the end of the year, produced an opposition still more formidable. This bill had originated in the privy-council ; a mede of procedure which the practice of many years had sanc- roned. It had been sent to Britain, and, after receiving the ap probation Ciup. IV.] REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 387 probation of the British ministry, had been returned to the Irish I louse of Commons, for their discussion. It occasioned the most violent debates, and at the second reading, was rejected. The Irish Commons objected not to the bill itwlf ; and so far were they from refusing to raise such sums as the, public uervice re quired, that i hey voluntarily granted much larger supplies, and for a longer time than had been demanded. Their solo objec tion to the bill, an objection which they failed not to state, wa», that it originated not with themselves. The British House of Commons had long enjoyed the exclu sive privilege of originating money-bills. Ab the surest pledge of their freedom and independence, they had watched it with peculiar jealousy, and the Irish were desirous of participating in this boasted privilege of British subjects. The Lord Lieu tenant, however, saw the affair in a different light. Custom, which had secured the privilege to the British, had denied it to tho Irish ; and the attempt to acquire it, he considered as an un lawful effort to diminish the prerogative. Even the liberal sup plies by wlrich they had attempted to qualify the rejection of the bill did not appease him. In a speech to both Houses, he severe ly censured their proceedings, protested against the claim of the Commons that all money-bills should originate with them ; and requested that his protest should be read by the clerk of the House of Lords, and be entered upon the journals of the House of Commons. Both Houses of Parliament, from their previous knowledge of the resentment entertained against them by the Lord Lieutenant, wore in some measure prepared to meet his anger, and to take the proper steps for the preservation of their own dignity. By a motion made in the House of Lords, an at tempt was made to prevent the protest from being entered upon the journals, but this failed of success. When the Commons returned, to their own house! nevertheless, they prevented their clerk from entering the speech of theLord Lieutenant upon their records. Tho measure which had offended him, they de clared to be one in which they were determined to persist ; and they thought it improper to permit a speech tu bo entered upon their journals, in which a protest against that measure was im plied. Vol. T. U u. The 33S HISTORY OF THE [Chap. IV. The Lord Lieutenant no sooner had taken this step,, than be *'| prorogued the parliament, at a period, it was asserted, when the public could very ill dispense with its services. The grant ing of the public supplies,, indeed, had been all the business o£ importance which they had transacted ; but the mode in which they granted those supplies having been disagreeable to the Lieu tenant, was the immediate cause of their prorogation. Discon tents were prevalent on every hand, and some speedy measures seemed to be requisite to preserve the public tranquillity. The British parliament met on the 9th of January 1770. The public mind was at this time in a state of unusual fermentation. The discontents which prevailed in the colonies, and which be came daily more alarming, were almost equalled by those which pervaded Britain itself. An opinion was very prevalent, that in the affair of the Middlesex election, the rights of electors in general had been grossly violated. Neither was this an opinion entertained in private, and inculcated by stealth. It was ex pressed with as much energy as decency would permit, in nume rous petitions addressed to the throne, and without any kind of , reserve orpalliation,by those more numerous political publications which daily issued from the press. The resolutions against the importation of British manufactures, adopted by the greater part of the Americans, had in no inconsiderable degree injured the British trade, and had consequently created in Britain a real dis tress. While these various causes agitated the minds, of the people, the meeting of parliament was expected with much anxie ty ; and it was hoped, that the usual speech from the throne would in some degree illustrate the designs which the ministers were resolved to follow in their perilous situation. At such a con juncture, it was a subject of no small mortification to some, and of no small ridicule to others, that the royal speech commenced j with an unlucky allusion to a distemper said to have been pre valent among the horned cattle, and. which, it was apprehended, might exasperate the other evils by which the nation was as sailed. In this case, indeed, it was some consolation, that the king had taken the advice of his privy-council, and that he wished for additional advice from his parliament. The great debt occasioned by the late war, made it necessary to avoid as much Chap. IV.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. much as possible a renewal of hostilities ; and he had been anxious to avoid any rupture with the powers upon the Con tinent, and to prevent their quarrels from having any effect upon those parts of Europe in wlrich he was particularly inte rested. He expressed his regret, that among the Americans a general discontent at the measures of this country continued to prevail ; and he lamented the distress which Britain felt m consequence of the non-imporcation resolutions of the A- mericans. As the most proper remedy" for the difficulties in which the nation was involved at home and abroad, he re commended unanimity among themselves, such an unanimity as became the dignity of the British nation, and the wisdom of a British parliament. Qn the motion for the address, Lord Chatham, who was so far recovered from his disease as to attend in parliament, took, as was usual, a conspicuous part in the debate. His age and his infirmities, he observed, might have excused him from again appearing in the national council ; but such was the alarming state of the national affairs, that even the imminent hazard to which he exposed his health could not prevent him from attend ing. The care of the administration to prevent the spreading of the contagion among the horned cattle, met his warmest appro bation. It was indeed an exertion of arbitrary power, but he himself had countenanced the exertion of a similar power, when he thought that the danger of starving to which the nation was exposed required it. But this was the only measure of the mi nistry to which he could give unqualified credit. To extend his retrospect even as far as to the peace itself, that was an im politic measure, and concluded in no less impolitic a manner. We had on that occasion left ourselves without an ally, while France, by strengthening, her connection with Spain, and culti vating her alliances with the other powers of Europe, was daily becoming more formidable. The consequence had been, that ever since the commencement of the peace, we had been expo sed to the daily hazard of war ; and if hostilities were in reality to commence," we would find ourselves engaged with enemies whose strength had been confirmed as much as our own had been enfeebled. Yet these circumstances, however melancholy, U u 2 might S40 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. IV. might easily be forgotten, when the attention was turned to the affairs of Britain as connected with her colonies. The measures which the ministry had employed, either through impolicy, or in the wantonness of arbitrary power, had irritated the minds of several millions of British subjects, in such a way as he was a- fraid might be irremediable. Perhaps some of the measures of the Americans might be culpable, but of this there was not suf ficiently decisive evidence. The. Americans had purchased their freedom with many hardships, and he was glad to find that they put some value upon what had cost them so dear. Even our disputes with America, though ominous in themselves, were not to be compared with the spirit of discontent which existed among the British at home. - At no time had the unanimity re commended by the king been more necessary, yet at no time had its re-establishment been more unlikely. If the voice of the people deserved at all to be listened to, the prevalent discontents demanded immediate inquiry. Nor would it become the House pf Lords to alledge that ¦ they were little interested in these dis contents. The privileges of all, and even of the Lords them selves, rested upon the security of the law and the constitution. Were the rights of the people once destroyed, that of the nobles must infallibly follow; or, if they retained any distinctions, they must be purely insignificant. The idea of establishing slavery, or any thing resembling slavery, among any class of people, or in any part of the British dominions, was surely to be depreca ted by every friend to his country. Slavery, when established in any corner, could easily spread her contagion over the whole. It was not in the colonies alone that freedom was endangered. At home many daring innovations had been made upon the rights of the subjects, and he had little doubt that much of the preva lent discontent originated in the proceedings against Wilkes. He therefore proposed an amendment to the address, importing that " the House would with all convenient speed take into conside ration the causes of the prevailing discontent, and particularly the proceedings of the House of Commons touching the incapa city of John Wilkes, thereby refusing (by a resolution of one branch of the legislature only) to the subject his common right, and Chap. IV.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 3*1 and depriving the electors of Middlesex of their free choice of a representative." This amendment was opposed by Lord Mansfield. He had never delivered his opinion regarding the Middlesex e- lection, nor did lie reckon it incumbent upon him to do so now ; yet whatever that opinion might be, he could not help censuring the amendment, not only as imprudent, but as fraught with the most pernicious consequences. He denied not the distracted state of the nation ; but of this whoever might incur the blame, he was happy that he was able to exculpate himself. He was, besides, of opinion, that the motion then under consideration had cot the smallest tendency to heal the public disorders. He thought tbat general declarations of law ought to be carefully avoided by either house of parliament ; and when acting in his judicial capacity, he always thought such declarations unworthy of the slightest attention. Such had been his opinion respecting general warrants ; and where he acted as judge, such warrants would be regarded as illegal, in spite of the strongest de claration of either house of parliament. Yet, it was proper to dis tinguish between a general declaration of law, and a decision upon a particular case, regularly and lawfully submitted to the House. In questions relating to elections, and the qualifications of mem bers particularly, each house was certainly the sole judge in its own case. With regard to the rights of members to sit in the House of Commons, there was certainly no other judge than the House of Commons itself. There was in this case no Court to which an appeal could be made, or by which the sentence could be reversed. He meant not to inquire into the merits of the election of Wilkes, because he thought that the House rf Lords had no right to inquire into the subject. The proposed amendment, at the same time, would augment, rather than di minish, die dissensions which distracted the nation, as it was, in his opinion, contrary to law, and an infringement of the rights of the House of Commons, since he believed there was no in stance of the Lords interfering in the proceedings of the Com mons, or presuming to dictate what ought to be their conduct respecting their own members. If the Commons had acted wrong, were die Lords to amend the matter by acting still worse, I 3-1.2 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. IV. worse, or by adopting a measure which must probably embroil the king widi one or other of the Houses ? Even were parlia ment dissolved, which he thought would be one obvious con sequence of the amendment, he conceived the succeeding House of Commons would be to blame, did they not imme diately take under their consideration the flagrant attack which had been made upon their privileges. For all these reasons, therefore, he would oppose the amendment. In; his reply, Lord Chatham observed, that in every import ant case, common sense was a much safer guide than subtle refinement, which almost constantly misled the ingenuous. He denied having at any time entered upon the merits of the Middlesex election ; but he would assert, that the constitution pf the country had in fact been openly invaded, and the at tempt to justify this invasion upon principle, inspired him only with horror. He was unwilling to acknowledge in any part of the legislature a certain undefined power, whkh was to be treated with reverence, but never disputed. Such a doctrine was too nearly allied to that of passive obedience. This doctrine, with respect to our kings, had long been exploded, and. he should be sorry to see it revived in any other branch of government. None more than he himself reverenced the, just power of the Commons, but he was unwilling that they should assume a power which belonged not to them, as that was die surest me thod of overturning their true influence. In the case alluded to, the Commons had violated the constitution. They pretend ed only to have declared the law, but they had in reality made a law, and had constituted themselves both legislators and judges. It had been asserted, that in many cases the decision of parlia ment was itself law, and admitted of no appeal. But this was a doctrine which he detested. « What, then," said he, " are all the generous efforts of our ancestors, are all those glorious conten tions, by which they meant to secure to themselves, and transmit to their posterity, a known law, a certain rule of living, reduced to this conclusion, that instead of the arbitrary power of a king; we must submit to the arbitrary power of a House of Com mons ? If this be true, what benefit do we derive from the ex change. Tyranny is detestable in every shape, but in none so formidable Chap. IV.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. S43 formidable as when it is assumed and exercised by a number of tyrants. - But this is not the fact, this is not the constitution. We have a law of parliament, we have a Code in which every honest man may find it. We have Magna Charta, we have the statute-book, and the bill of rights. The people, when they choose their representatives, never mean to- convey to them the power of invading the rights, or trampling on the liberties, of those whom they represent. What security would they have for their rights, if once they admitted that a court of judicature might determine questions, not by any known positive law, but by some vague indeterminate arbitrary rule ?" Proceeding in his harangue, he affirmed that precedents were not in themselves law, or could have any authority unless they were founded in reason, taken from times when moderation was practised, not opposite to any existing law, not resisted either by die legislature or the people, and agreeable to the spirit of the constitution. It was the spirit of the British constitution, that no man was obliged to submit to any laws but such as were sanctioned by the whole legislature. The proceedings of the House of Commons regarding the Middlesex election, in his estimation, were destitute of every quality which could render them legal. They were neither founded in reason, nor support ed by precedent. They were Contradictory to the great charter, and the bill of rights. Scarcely any could be so hardy as to de ny, that in this light they violated the constitution ; yet it had been affirmed without a blush, that for such violations there was no remedy. The remedy, he hoped, might be found in the wisdom and constitutional authority of the House of Lords. They ought to imitate the example of their noble progenitors, who had made so many glorious efforts for the establishment of liberty ; and they ought to reflect, that no House of Lords had ever had before them a question of greater, or even of equal importance. He knew that much alarm had been excited in the nation, by painting in strong colours the consequence of a dif-1 ference between the two houses of parliament. Such a dif ference would be disagreeable, and might be hazardous. But the voice of the people was certainly against the Commons ; and when 344 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. IV. when political contention became necessary, he would be al ways desirous of having the voice of the people on his side. " I am not now," continued the intrepid orator, " pleading the cause of an individual, but of every freeholder in England. In what manner this House may constitutionally interpose in their defence, and what kind of redress their case will require and admit, is not the preisent subject of consideration. The amendment, if agreed to, will naturally lead" us to such an in quiry. That inquiry may point out the necessity of an act of the legislature, or it may lead to a conference with the other House. It is possible that the inquiry may lead us to advise his Majesty to dissolve the parliament ; nor have I any doubt of our right to give that advice if we should think it necessary. His Majesty will then determine whether he will yield to the united petitions of the people of England, or maintain the House of Commons in the exercise of a legislative power which heretofore abolished the House of Lords, and overturned the monarchy. I willingly acquit the present House of Commons of having actually formed so detestable a design, but they can not themselves foresee to what excesses they may be carried hereafter ; and for my own part, I should bs sorry to trust to their future moderation. Unlimited power is apt to corrupt the mind ; and this I know, that where the law ends, tyranny begins." Chatham's enthusiasm seemed to kindle that of Lord Cam den, who next spoke. He declared in strong terms the embar rassment which he had for some time felt, when he perceived measures to be adopted in the cabinet which he could not ap prove, and found it vain to contradict ; but he could not now refrain from expressing in public the opinion which he had long entertained. His sentiments regarding the incapacitating vote of the House of Commons coincided entirely with those of Lord Chatham ; arifl he declared, that in a judicial capacity, he should never be brought to give a judgement agreeable to that vote. The conduct of the ministers, in many cases so arbi trary and oppressive, had alienated the minds of the people from his Majesty's government, and he was afraid had in no small degree cooled their affection to his person. It was dangerous to trifle Chap. IV.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 345 trifle with the alarming discontent which prevailed ; it was pos sible to drive the people to the desperate measure of being their own avengers. Though a minister himself, his speech, in in direct terms indeed, accused the ministry of a premeditated de sign of destroying the liberty of the country. The arguments of these orators made little impression. The amendment proposed by Chatham met with a decided negative. The address was not carried in the House of Commons with out strong opposition, Mr Dowdeswell having moved as an amendment, " That the House would take into consideration the causes of the unhappy discontents wlrich prevailed in every part of his Majesty's dominions." The subject was debated with great acrimony. The disease among the horned cattle, which had been placed in so conspicuous a point of view, af forded matter of endless ridicule to many of the members. But the opponents of ministry did not confine themselves to ridicule, their invectives were directed against almost every part of the conduct of administration. The impolicy of insi nuating in the king's speech, that Britain was averse to war, chiefly because she was not able to bear the burden of it, was ¦ pointed out; Discontent, it was said, prevailed in every part of the king's dominions, in an unprecedented degree. In Bri tain the rights of election had been violated, and the people were in consequence highly discontented with their own repre sentatives. A similar discontent prevailed in Ireland, on ac count of its parliament having been prorogued, for no other rea son than that it had attempted to assert the rights of the Com mons with regard to taxation. The Americans were in a state approaching to rebellion, on account of a tax, calculat ed not so much to augment the revenue, as to assert the su preme power of Britain over her colonies. And to aggravate all these misfortunes, a war with France was much to be dread ed, at a time when the ministers affirmed, that Britain was un able to sustain the burden of any serious contest. The ministry defended themselves, by affirming that the dis content was not so general as had been alledged. Petitions complaining of the procedure of the parliament regarding elec tions, had indeed been received from several quarters, but the Vox.. III. X x members 346 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. IV. members in opposition had made many efforts to procure sig natures to those petitions. In conclusion, it was asserted, that the resolutions of the Commons could not be altered but by an act of the legislature. The amendment here, as in the House of Lords, was ultimately rejected. On the 10th of January, when the address came to be read a second time, another debate on the subject took place. Sir William Meredith alledged, that to thank the king for his ap probation of the conduct of the House of Commons, was tacit ly to approve of the conduct of that House with regard to the Middlesex election, an approval which in his opinion it by no means merited. It Was affirmed by Sir George Savile in ex press terms, that the House had betrayed the rights of the people. This assertion was resented by the ministerial party, as a gross violation of order ; and General Conway remarked, that such expressions might warrant the sending of him who used them to the Tower. Burke, who now began to make a figure in parliament, defended Savile. He even challenged the ministry to punish him, if he had, been guilty of any improprie ty. He painted in strong colours the abhorrence in which they were held ;.and, with a strength of language peculiar to himself," demanded of the speaker, whether the chair did not tremble under him ? Savile, encouraged by the boldness of his asso ciates, repeated the expressions which had given offence, as if he had dared the ministry to attempt his punishment. Mr Fox, of whom no prior speech appears to be on record, though he was probably attached to the popular cause, adopted at this time more moderate conduct. He reprobated the violent and indecent language which hadw been used, as tending rather to annihilate, than to encourage the freedom of discussion, which they claimed as their privilege. In his opinion, the ex pressions in the address did not necessarily allude to any parti cular measure) They indicated only a general approbation, and were such as were always used, though the king could not be supposed always to approve in every respect of the conduct of parliament. , Burke sarcastically replied, that the matter of chief consequence was not what the House meant by those expres sions, but in what acceptation they would be taken by the people, and Chap. IV.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 347 and how their conduct would be estimated. It was some con solation for him, nevertheless, to learn that the address actually meant nothing. The' ministers, as usual, were successful ; the House did not even divide. It may well be supposed, that the speech of Lord Camden, in the debate upon the address, would prepare the way for his dis missal from his office. This event, indeed, was anticipated by the minority, and was regarded by them as no small triumph. Not only were they prepared to receive Camden among them, as a coadjutor of the greatest respectability, but they resolved as much as possible to embarrass government in procuring him a successor. , After the debate upon the address was terminated, he moved, that the House should be summoned on the day fol- lowingi as he had somewhat to propose of great national import ance ; but Lord Pomfret, on the contrary, moved, that they should be adjourned for a whole week. The opponents of mi nistry did not on this occasion disguise their feelings, or the ideas they entertained of the purpose for which they were to be so. long adjourned. It was alledged, that, to settle the disordered state of the administration was die chief purpose ; particularly, that it was in contemplation to dismiss that virtuous personage who had so unexpectedly opposed their measures, aad to fill his place with one who would be more complaisant in consenting to every scheme of his colleagues. The great seal, it was affirmed, must now go a-begging ; but few, it was hoped, would be so destitute of British magnanimity, as to receive it on the terms which those who then had it to bestow, appeared to be inclined to impose. Camden, as had been foreseen, was deprived of his office. The great seal was offered to Mr Yorke, who' had already occu pied the place of attorney-general with much reputation. The high situation now in his power, was not to a man oi" his dispo sition the most enticing. The national affairs were involved in the darkest gloom. The greater part of the nation had declared their aversion to the ministry, and abhorrence of their measures. The national difficulties required a ministry which possessed the national confidence ; and in such hazardous circumstances, he was unwilling to accept an office which would place him in so X x 2 conspicuous 348 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. IV. conspicuous a situation. The personal remonstrances of the king, however, overcame his scruples. To elevate him to the necessary rank, he was to be created a peer, by the title of Ba ron Mordenof Morden, in Cambridgeshire; but his sudden death, which took place on the 20th of January, prevented him either from enjoying the honours of nobility, or from entering upon his arduous office. His death was generally regretted, as his talents and integrity seemed to entitle him'to the situation which had been offered him, and he might have been no unworthy suc cessor of the person whose place he was to occupy. The death of this person, whom the ministry had found some difficulty in persuading to accept the proffered dignity, involved them in new embarrassments, and they could hardly determine on whom the vacant office ought to be bestbwed, or rather, they found it not easy to persuade any one to accept the place, whose reputation seemed in any degree to entitle him to it. The great seal was, after the death of Yorke, first offered to Sir Eardly Wilmot, who refused it. Afterwards, it was offered to Lord Mansfield, who likewise refused it. Seldom, perhaps, had there been occasion to press the great seal in vain upon so ma ny persons. When all these applications failed, it was put into commission, "and Lord Mansfield was appointed speaker of -the House of Lords, till a chancellor should be fonud. Camden was not the only person of whose aid the ministry were at this time deprived. His removal occasioned the resig nation of several other persons in office. The Marquis of Gran by, in particular, resigned all his places, except the command of his regiment of cavalry. The Duke of Beaufort resigned his office as master of horse to the queen. The Duke of Manches ter, and the, Earl of Coventry, Lords of the bed-chamber, reti red, and were followed by thd Earl of Huntingdon, groom of the stole, James Grenville, vice^treasurer of Ireland, and Dun ning, the solicitor-general. Of these offices, few indeed were of high importance ; but the resignatipns sufficiently indicated, that Camden was not the only person among the ministry who was discontented with their proceedings. At the commencement of this session of parliament, the op position displayed a strength, a unity and consistency, which they Chap. IV.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 349 they had hot for some time exemplified, and their efforts were more popular than on almost any former occasion. This was owing din some degree to the great popularity of the cause of Wilkes, which, in one sense or other, they all espoused. But it was pwing in perhaps a greater degree to the acquisition of Lord Chatham. That able, and for the most part popular statesman, had somewhat impaiffed his popularity, by having con sented to coalesce with, a ministry, supposed to ibe under the secret influence of Lord Bute. He had resigned his office with apparent indignation, even though the primary cause was want of health. His health was now restored. He had returned to his duty in parliament ; but instead of ranging himself -on the side of the ministerial party, he- had joined those whom the populace reverenced as the defenders of liberty. Chatham was always the brightest ornament of whatever party he chose to support, and his influence on this occasion, in uniting, as well as strengthening the opposition, was conspicuous. He had, besides, been reconciled to Lord Temple, and consequently was ably supported, not only by that statesman, but by Mr GrenyiHe and his friends, with whom Temple had always been a favourite. During the recess, strenuous efforts had been made to reconcile to each other the jarring parties which were' inimi cal to the ministry, and with such success, that when parliament met, Chatham found himself supported not only by those just mentioned, but by the Rockingham party, which included many men of eminent abilities. When to this powerful opposition was joined the tottering and disjointed state of the cabinet it self, its fluctuating measures, and the declared difference of opinipn which existed among its members, it can hardly be sup posed to have enjoyed much of the national confidence. The House of Lords, as has been already observed, had been adjourned for several days ; and during the same time the House of Commons had been prevented, by the indisposition of its speaker, from transacting any public business. When parlia ment again met, the Marquis of Rockingham proposed that they should take under their consideration the state of the na tion. The universal discontent of the people, he said, called for such an Inquiry ; a discontent, according to him, which originated 350 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. IV. originated hot in temporary and casual circumstances, but which had commenced with the reign of the king, and had been daily gaining new strength ; a discontent which must necessarily re sult from that mode of administration which had been openly and avowedly maintained. The maxim had been adopted, that the royal prerogative was sufficient to give energy to go vernment, into whatever hand# it, was committed; a maxim which had influenced the conduct of eVery ministry since the accession. During that whole period, the greater part of the mi nisterial measureshadbeenodiousto the people, and, in his opinion, had been deservedly odious. He endeavoured to j ustify his asser tions, by a review of the principal transactions of the reign, dwell ing more particularly on those which had recently exasperated the people. He commented with much severity on the payment of the arrears of the civil list, without proper inquiry having been made into their cause. Nor did he suffer the grant of Inglewood fo rest to pass without animadversion. This grant he ascribed, not to a desire of ministers to secure to their friends an interest in the election of members to parliament, but to a desire of car rying to excess the exertion of the kingly prerogative. The affair, too, had been carried on with such precipitation, as to prevent the Duke of Portland from exerting himself in his own cause. The measures of the ministers, with regard to the dis tant parts of the empire, had been no less characterized by violence and folly. In Ireland the parliament had been pro rogued, and would probably be dissolved, for an honest attempt to secure to the Commons the right of granting their own money. The affairs of that nation were thus thrown into con fusion, merely that arbitrary power might be supported. The measures of administration respecting America had always been conducted without any consistent plan, apparently, indeed, without any plan at all, and they still continued to be so. In Britain the ministers breathed nothing but the most rigorous venge ance against the rebellious race; while in America, the several governors were instructed to hold out to the people the hopes of lenient measures, and an amicable adjustment of the existing diffe rences. France had been allowed, without remonstrance, to strengthen herself by the acquisition of Corsica. But above all, the Ciiap.IV.] RlttGN OF GEORGK HI. 3.51 tho late conduct of parliament itself called for inquiry. By that conduct the constitution had been wounded in one of its most vital parts. All these circumstance's justified his motion for in quiry ; and he trusted that the inquiry, when instituted, would not be confined to the immediate onuses of a few recent trans actions, but would extend to their remote origin, that if po»- sible, the disabled constitution might receive a radical cure, that not only past errors might be corrected, but future grievances might be prevented. Tho several particulars of Rockingham's speech wore answer ed at some length hy the Duke of Grafton. He meant not, he said, to oppose tho motion ; but while he thus declared his will ingness to promote inquiry, he could not assent to several of tht) assertions which ho had just heard. Tho resumption of Inglawood forest from the Duke of Portland had boon conducted with every possible attention to justice, and had tho Duko him self been a minitter, tho affair could not have been otherwise managed. Tho arrears ol the civil list had not yet been account ed fori but this was owing rather to the multitude and intricacy of the accounts, than to any design of wirh-holding thorn. Oti the contrary, every exertion was inakin;;, ami would continuu to bu made, to prepare thorn for public inspection. The minis try had no occasion to shrink from inquiry regarding foreign transactions, as the more minute mich inquiry might be, thir more ii'roproachahl) would their conduct appear. Tho peace had not been such as the nation expected, nor perhaps such as it had a right to expect; but it Mould bo inailnesii on that ac count again to involve Britain in .1 continental war, particularly for the purpose ol preventing Franco from making an acquisition of very little real value. What Britain had already suffered in consequence of her foreign traii'iaetioiii, on^ht to teach her not rashly to interfere where her own iitU'ivat was nut particularly concerned. Lord Chatham now declared his intention to have seconded tho motion of tho Marquis of Rockingham, lud he not thought lit to allow the Duko of Gral'tun to answer those charges which had been made against- him in his olfie'ul capacity. Having hoard that ntvwer, ho thought himself at liberty' to proceed. The 352 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. IV. The constitution, he affirmed, had been violated, and it was vain to recommend unity either to the parliament or people till that violation was remedied. The people could not be expected to refrain from murmuring, till they were conyinced.that their complaints were respected. Were the ministry to display a dis position to attend to the reasonable complaints of the people, ha himself would be the first to recommend peace and harmony ; but unless such a disposition were displayed, he declared that he could never wish to see the people again united. To restore public tranquillity was an easy matter. Nothing farther was re quisite than to repair the breach in the constitution. In that case the people would of themselves become tranquil. If the breach were not repaired, he wished for everlasting discord. " If," said he,^" the king's servants will not permit a constitu tional question to be decided according to the forms, and on diet principles of the constitution, it must then be decided in some other manner ; and rather than it should be given up, rather than the nation should surrender its birth-right to a despotic mi nister, I hope, old as I am, to see the question brought to issue, and fairly tried between the people and the government." The arguments were futile, in his opinion, by which the ministers endeavoured to justify their tameness, when France made the acquisition of Corsica. The progress to power of an ambitious neighbour should always be narrowly watched ; and the policy was weak which proposed to wait for a positive attack as a jus tification of hostilities. The weaker states ought to be support ed against the more powerful, and the growing, strength of France ought to be checked with jealous care. But he was a- fraid that by the British danger was too often despised, till it could no longer be avoided. The promise, he thought, was improper which the Lord Lieutenant had made, of maintaining a certain number of troops in Ireland. Such promises sometimes led to fatal consequences. In his own recollection, Minorca was lost for want of four battalions, which the ministers, through some false delicacy, were unwilling to remove from Ireland. Besides, it was an encroachment upon the royal prerogative by those very persons who were in other cases so eager to extend k: With regard to the arrears of die civil list, the ministers, he thought, Chap. IV.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 353 thought displayed little candour. Several plausible reasons had been given why the accounts had not been produced ; but no good reason had been afforded to hope that they ever would be produced. The waste of the public money, though a circum stance at all times anxiously to be avoided, was not in this instance so blameable as the purposes in which it had been em ployed. The wealth of Asia had made riches so common as to be of little value ; and he much dreaded, that with Asiatic wealth and luxury we had imported Asiatic principles of govern ment. The gold of Asia had enabled many to find their way into parliament, who knew little of the interests of Britain, and who valued them still less. " The truth of my allegations," he continued, " is within the knowledge of the House ; the cor ruption of the people is the original cause of the discontents of the people themselves, of the enterprise of the crown, and the notorious decay of the internal vigour of the constitution." He could not help thinking that such a circumstance rendered a re form in parliament extremely necessary. The boroughs, as on some former occasions, he characterised as the rotten part of the constitution. A sudden amputation might indeed be dangerous, but they ought to be gradually annihilated. The county and city representatives, by far the most respectable and independent part of parliament, ought to be augmented, and Scotland ought not to be denied the advantage of so beneficial a change. For the various reasons which he had mentioned in the course of his speech, he warmly concurred in the motion of the Marquis of Rockingham, and he hoped that a day at no great distance would be appointed for the discussion which it was intended to intro duce. «My infirmities," he added with peculiar energy, " must indeed fall heavy upon me, if I do not then attend my duty. When I consider my age, and unhappy state of health, I feel how little I am personally interested in the event of any political question; but Hook forward to others, and am determined, as far as my poor ability extends, to convey to those who come after me, the blessing which I cannot long hope to enjoy." The 2d of February was appointed to be the day on which the discussion of the important subject was to take place ; but be fore that day the Duke of Grafton had resigned his situation as the first Lord of the Treasury, and was succeeded by Lord Vol. III. Y y North. 354 HISTORY OF THE [Chap, IV. North. In consequence of the resignation of the Duke of Graf ton, other resignations took place, and the proper measures were taken to fill up the vacancies which they occasioned. Sir John Cust resigned his office of Speaker of the House of Commons, rather, through infirmity of health than any apparent disappro bation of the prevalent measures ; he was succeeded by Sir Fletcher Norton. The Earl of Bristol, who had been Lord Prir vy-seal, became groom of the stole, and was succeeded by Lord Halifax ; Charles Fox was appointed a Lord of the Admiralty ; and at a period somewhat later, Thurlow was made solicitor- general, in the. place of Dunning. These changes took place in the months of January, February, and March. In the House of Commons every effort was made to overturn that resolution Which had declared Wilkes to be incapable of sitting in parliament. On the 25th of January 1770, it was moved by Mr Dowdeswell, " That in judging of elections, the House ought to be. regulated by the law of the land, and the known and established law and custom of parliament, which made a part thereof." It was not concealed, that this was meant as the commencement of several resolutions, tending to remedy the injury supposed to have been sustained by the electors of Middlesex. The motion itself couldt hardly be opposed upon any legal pretext ; yet, had ministers yielded to it, they must either have acceded to all the consequences to which it led, or must have subjected themselves to the charge of inconsistency by opposing those consequences. Neither could a motion so very moderate, and so very just, be opposed,1 without incurring the blame of espousing principles altogether arbitrary, and in consistent with free government. Lord North found no better expedient to extricate ministers from the embarrassment in which they were placed, than by moving as an amendment, " That the judgement of the House on the Middlesex election is con formable to law, and the usage of parliament." And this amend ment, after a long debate, was adopted. Determined, however, not to shrink from the contest on ac count of disappointment in his first effort, Dowdeswell moved another resolution, indicating, « That by the law of the land, and the law and usage of parliament, no person eligible of com mon right can be incapacitated by a resolution of the House, but - *>y Chap. IV.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. S5S by an act of parliament only." This motion, however, hke the former, was rejected. In the House of Lords, on the 2d of February, the Marquia of Rockingham's motion for an inquiry into the state of the na tion came under reyiew. The motion itself was expressed in words little different from those which Dowdeswell had used in the House of Commons on a similar occasion. Lord Sandwich opposed the motion in a speech of much length, in which he had collected all that the ministerial party had been able to dis play in their own favour. He manifested his surprise that the question had ever been deemed proper for the discussion o£ the House of Lords, as the great object of dispute related en tirely to the privileges of the House of Commons, a subject which they had no right to discuss. The Earl of Middlesex and Lord Bacon had both' of them been expelled, yet this ex pulsion had excited no alarm in the nation, and had not been thought to merit the interference of the other branches of the le gislature. An alarm was commonly said to exist in the na tion on account of the proceedings in the case of Wilkes ; but this supposed alarm was in his opinion rather imaginary than real. He had inquired with some care into the alledged dis content, and he was convinced that it was by no means so uni versal as had been affirmed. It had been asserted, that a majority of the people of England petitioned for a redress of grievances ; but this was an assertion easily refuted. Petitions for a redress of grievances had been presented by only thirteen counties, con stituting somewhat less than one-third of the forty counties which England contained. He had reason to believe, likewise, that many who signed the petitions were not in possession of freeholds. Many had been induced to sign them mere ly through the prospect of some immediate benefit, however small. Manv had been intimidated to do what otherwise they would not have done. Nor was this a surmise merely, as might be inferred from the many menacing letters which had appeared in the public papers, against those who refu sed to sanction such petitions with their names. Taking all these circumstances into consideration, if could not be supposed that the whole population of me thirteen counties had subscrib- Yy2 ed S56 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. IV. «d the petitions. He did not think it too" much to say, that the number who had subscribed, amounted not to more than the twentieth, part of the population of England. In such a case, he. thought the alarm of general discontent to be very ill found ed. It was only, in his opinion, " the feeble echo cf despon dent ambition." It became the House of Lords to act as the real guardians of the nation, and to be steady in their support of the liberties of the people ; but when no real danger pressed, to be too forward was certainly unwise and impolitic. If the supposed intrusion of Colonel Luttrell had aggrieved the House of Commons, it belonged not to the Lords to bring them redress, they had that in their own power. This speech of Lord Sandwich was answered by Lord Cha tham. The cases of Lord Bacon and of the Earl of Middlesex, which had been cited to justify the expulsion of Wilkes, were in his opinion inapplicable to that purpose. In neither of these cases had any franchise been invaded, or any freeholder de prived of his right. The arguments respecting the number of those who had signed petitions for redress of grievances, were specious, but might be opposed by others not less probable. Many who had a keen feeling of the impropriety of the conduct of parliament, were unable, through the want of some person of influence, to convey their complaints to the throne. Besides, it was well known that government, and every one depending on government, had made powerful efforts to suppress all such petitions. Under such influence, it was surprising that thirteen counties out of forty had displayed so much public spirit, as to remonstrate against such proceedings, as tended to rob them of their most valuable privileges. The conduct of the House of Commons in this particular case he had often blamed, and would again blame it. The adoption of Luttrell as a member, and the rejection of Wilkes, was an open violation of the rights of election, a violation of the British constitution, and a sacri fice, not only of the privilege of freehold, but of their own honour. The statute-book had been stripped of its most bril liant ornaments, to decorate the wings of faction and lawless domination, consecrating themselves under the name of prero gative. Some individuals had been able to overturn those laws. which Chap. IV.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. S57 which the stern virtue of their ancestors had secured to the na tion ; the virtue of these iron barons to whonvBritain owed the blessing of its constitution ; to whom the silken barons of mo dern times owed their honours, and their seats as legislators ; to whom both Houses of Parliament owed their very existence. But it was not of these particular measures alone that the people had a right to complain. They formed part of a system to alter the constitution, which had distinguished every period pf the present reign. He would not assert that this system had originated with his Majesty, but it had undoubtedly originated in his Majesty's councils. The wishes of the king's ministers, when conveyed to the Commons, met with an implicit compli ance ; a proof almost incontrovertible, that in that department of parliament they maintained a corrupt influence. In the pre sent instance, it became the House of Lords to interfere as the guardians of the national rights. It became them to interpose between the licentiousness of the people on the one hand, and the unlawful depredations of ministers on the other. By the constitution, they were designed as the barrier between the ex tremes of liberty and prerogative ; and no rime more imperious ly than the present had called for their interposition. These discussions had little other effect than to shew the dis cordant opinions of the different parties. A motion was carried at midnight, for terminating the committee, by calling the speaker to the chair. This to ministers was a triumph, and they were determined not to lose the fruif s of their victory. The Earl of Marchmont, therefore, was not prevented by the lateness of the hour from moving, " That any resolution of the Lords, directly or indirectly impeaching a judgement of the House of Commons, in a matter where their jurisdiction is competent, final, and conclusive, would be a violation of the constitutional right of. the Commons, tending to make a breach between the; two Houses of Parliament, and leading to general confusion." Lord Mansfield supported this motion at some length ; and Lord Egmont declared, that many of the petitions delivered by the people were treasonable ; and, consequently, instead of be ing respectfully treated, ought to be resented. Chatham imme diately .replied;, that if this was really the opinion of the minis- ¦ ¦ . ters, 358 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. IV. ters, the petitioners could not be sufficiently grateful that they were allowed to retain their heads one day longer ; but in his opinion, the petitions were not only constitutional, but laudable, and the right of the people to present them undeniable. It could not be doubted, that the House of Lords had a juris diction, and that it became them to exercise their right of inter fering, when the liberties of the people were invaded, or the Commons had rashly adopted some resolution, infringing upon the principles of the constitution. And he thought, that in both points of view their interference was necessary in the present instance. As the force of argument seemed to have little in fluence upon their Lordships, he conjured them, by the noble struggles of their ancestors in behalf of liberty, not to permit such transactions to take place with indifference. Even the late hour at which the-motion was made, indicated a wish to hurry on, as it Were by surprise, a resolution which could not be justi fied. If the ministers were resolved to persevere in such a mo tion, let it at least be preceded by an adjournment of two days. « If the constitution^" he added with uncommon energy, " must be wounded, let it not receive its mortal stab at this dark and midnight hour." Lord Camden, who now ranked himself among the minority, was, during the course of this debate, personally attacked by Lord Sandwich, who accused him of duplicity in the whole of the transactions respecting Wilkes. He now complained of them as illegal and oppressive ; but while a minister, he had never made any remonstrances against them, he had never proceeded farther than to refuse to give any opinion concerning them* Camden, in his own justification, affirmed, that long before Wilkes had been expelled, and before the Commons had passed the vote of incapacity, he had remonstrated against these mea sures to the Duke of Grafton, arid had declared, that in his opi nion, the measures which the Commons at that time pursued were not only imprudent, but illegal. This was an opinion which, so far from keeping secret, he had often repeated. The Duke of Grafton immediately asserted, that Lord Camden had once, rather indirectly than directly, insinuated the impolicy of expel ling Wilkes ; but that he did not recollect ever to have heard him Chap. IV-] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 359 him give his opinion respecting the vote of incapacity. So far was Lord Camden, indeed, from expressing his ideas upon diat subject, that when at any time it was introduced ihto the council, he either remained silent, or withdrew. , ,The Duke of Grafton's assertions were further confirmed by Lord Weymouth, who affirmed, that, he recollected one particu-_ lar occasion, when Lord Camden, on the bare mention of expul sion and incapacity, had declined giving any opinion in the privy- council. Camden was not prevented by these assertions from affirming, that he had often declared his mind regarding, the inexpediency of the measures referred to. His opinions, how ever, had been uniformly rejected, and he consequently chose to * withdraw himself from a cabinet whose measures he could not approve, and where his single voice was of little importance. These assertions were in some degree corroborated by Lord Cha tham, who informed the House, that Lord Camden had often in his company declared his opinion on these topics, and had supported it by powerful arguments. This conversation, which could have little other effect than to exasperate indi viduals at each other, was terminated by the interposition of the House. On both sides of the question, strong protests were signed by many of the Lords, and were likewise published. The minority in parliament were unwilling to yield to the ministers, without very strenuous efforts, an affair so popu lar as that of Wilkes. Almost daily motions were made in the House of Commons for a considerable period, having some reference to the Middlesex election. During the debates which ensued upon these motions, it was asserted, in consequence of the conversation between Lord Sandwich and Lord Camden in the House of Lords, that the Commons themselves, had not deter mined the business in their deliberative capacity ; that the mat ter had been at. first settled in the cabinet council ; and that the approbation of parliament had been obtained by undue influence. This, the minority affirmed, was to obey a mandate of the mi nistry, not to debate upon a public measure. A bill was like wise introduced for the purpose of regulating the consequepces of expulsion from the House of Commons ; but after several debates 360 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. IV. debates had taken place upon the subject, it was withdrawn by the person who had originally proposed it. During these transactions in parliament, the1 city of London, which has so much influence on the political opinions of the nation, supported the minority in parliament with all its power. A petition, which. had been presented to the king on the preceding year, had remained without an answer, and a memorial, signed by six livery men, was laid, before the com mon-council, complaining of this neglect, and requesting the meeting of a common-hall, to take the requisite measures for the security of their ancient rights and franchises. In the com mon-council this.subject was discussed with great animosity. The greater part of the aldermert opposed - the design of the meeting ; but it was supported by the Lord Mayor and the she riffs. The inferior order of the members, at the same time, were almost unanimous in supporting the opinions of those by whom the meeting had been called ; and consequently it was agreed by a considerable majority, that a remonstrance should be present ed to the king, respecting his neglect of their former petition. In his address to the common-hall, which was attended by a- bout three thousand members of different ranks, the mayor, who was a great favourite with the popular party, adopted that style which was most likely to make an impression on the great er number of his hearers. He descanted on the injury which every elector had sustained by the violation of the freedom of electors. He forgot not the well-known topic of the rotten boroughs ; Le declaimed on the number of placemen and pen sioners, a subject not less popular; and he insinuated a wish for a more equal representation of the people. This speech could not fail to please the greater part of the meeting. A remonstrance was 'immediately produced, corre sponding to the opinions expressed by the mayor, that it might be signed by such as chose to give it their approbation. This remonstrance stated, that those who presented it blamed not only the proceedings of the present administration, but of every administration since the commencement of the present reign. A secret influence, in their opinion, prevailed, which, without preventing any bad measure, had frustrated every good measure of Chap. IV.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 361 of every ministry. The remonstrance indeed was expressed with peculiar acrimony, and with all that violence which has often cha racterized the remonstrances of so powerful a body, when dis contented with the conduct of government. Alluding to the alledged violation of the privileges of electors, it affirmed, that parliament had deprived the people of their most sacred rights ; that it had "done a deed more ruinous in, its consequences than the levying of ship-money by Charles I. or the dispensing power assumed by James II. : A deed which must vitiate all dip future proceedings of this parliament ; for the acts of the legislature itself can be no more valid without a legal House of Commons, than without a legal prince on the throne. Repre sentatives of the people," they continued, " are essential to the making of laws, and there is a time when it is morally demon strable that men cease to be representatives. That time is now arrived. The House of Commons do not represent the people. We owe to your Majesty an obedience, under the restriction of the laws, for the calling and duration of parliaments ; and your Majesty owes to us, that our representation, free from the force of arms or corruption, should be preserved to us in them." They had the hardihood to add, *' Had the parliament under James the Second been as submissive to his commands, as it is this day to the dictates of a minister, instead of clamours for its meeting, the nation would have rung, as now, with outcries for its dissolution. The forms of the constitution, like those of religion, were not established for the form's sake, but for the substance. And we call God and men to witness, that as we do not owe our liberty to those nice and subtle distinctions which places, and pensions, and lucrative employments, have invented, so neither will we be cheated of it by them ; but as it was gained by the stern virtue of our ancestors, by the virtue of their descendants it shall be preserved." The whole conclu ded with a prayer for the dissolution of parliament, and a per petual removal of the king's evil counsellors. The remonstrance, no doubt sufficiently haughty, was re ceived by the greater part of the meeting with enthusiastic ap plause ; and still more to indicate their sense of their own im- Vol. I. Z 2 portance, 362 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. IV. portance, it was ordered to be delivered to the king on the throne. This paper, when it was to be presented, was not varnished with the usual title of a Petition, it was entitled an Address, Remonstrance, and Petition. The multiplicity of appellations which it thus assumed, rendered it somewhat difficult to the officers of the court to determine in what manner it ought to be received ; but the king, with commendable magnanimity, ended their doubts, by consenting to receive it in the way which was demanded. The Lord Mayor accordingly was admitted with his train, consisting of common-council men, livery-men, and city-officers, amounting to more than two hundred. The paper, whatever title it merited, was to be read by the common sergeant ; but after he had commenced, he, through a certain delicacy towards the august personage before whom he stood, was unable to proceed. The common clerk immediately sup plied his place, and partaking perhaps of the popular enthusiasm, he accomplished his undertaking with great facility. It may easily be conceived that the king's feelings on this occasion must have been highly disagreeable ; yet in his answer he gave vent' to nothing that might indicate any unseemly irritation. It ex pressed his sense of their conduct with becoming dignity. « I shall always," said his Majesty, " be ready to receive the re quests, and listen to the complaints of my subjects ; but it gives me great concern to find that any of them should have been so far misled as to offer me an address and remonstrance, the contents of which I cannot but consider as disrespectful to me, injurious to my parliament, and irreconcileable to the principles of the constitution. I have ever made the law of the land the rule of my conduct, esteeming it my chief glory to reign over a free people. With this view I have always been careful, as well to execute faithfully the trust reposed in me, as to avoid even the appearance of invading any of those powers which the consti tution has placed in other hands. It is only by persevering in such a conduct that I am either to discharge my own duty, or secure to my subjects the free enjoyment of those rights which my family were called to defend ; and while I act upon these principles, I have a right to expect, and am confident I shall continue Chap, rv.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. continue to receive, the steady and affectionate support of my people." The ministerial party in parliament thought it became them - to interfere with regard to the remonstrance presented to the . king by the city of London. On the 15th of April, accordingly, a motion was made to address the king for a copy of the remon strance, and his answer. The city-members without hesitation acknowledged the share they had taken in the business, and a- verred, that they could without apprehensions abide by the consequences. The address was resisted by, a considerable num ber, who contended that it was entirely inexpedient. It was urged on the other hand, that the dignity of parliament demand ed an interference. The acknowledged right of the people to petition, it was affirmed, did not sanction any thing that ap proached to treason, or any other high offence. To present such petitions was certainly a crime, and properly came under the cognizance of parliament. As the motion not only was a- greeable to the ministers, but had proceeded from them, , it was carried. When the remonstrance and answer to it were laid before parliament, they, gave rise to considerable altercation. It was moved by Sir Thomas Clavering, that to deny the legality of( the present parliament, or in any way to assert their acts to be invalid, had a tendency, to annihilate the allegiance of the sub ject by withdrawing him from obedience to the laws. This mo tion, it may easily be supposed, was Successful. An address to the king on the' occasion was next proposed, and, at a con ference with the Lords, was finally adjusted. The declared disapprobation of ^parli ament of the conduct of the city of London, did not prevent Westminster from adopt ing its example, and it was' soon after followed by the county of Middlesex. They both presented petitions, or rather remon strances* entirely similar to that which London had presented- The period during which Wilkes had been condemned to be confined, expired on the 12th of April. He soon found the requi site securities ; and his fines having been paid from a sum raised by public subscription, on the 18th he was set at. liberty, The first use he made of his liberty, was to publish an address to the Z % 2 electors 364 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. IV. electors of Middlesex, accusing the king's ministers of perse cution and injustice, and averring his resolution to adhere to the cause which he had espoused, in spite of every menace and every suffering. The bill originating with Mr Herbert was now expired, and Lord Chatham On the 1st of May brought in one for re versing the adjudication of the House of Commons in the case of John Wilkes. In support of the proposed bill, he asserted that Luttrell, who sat in parliament, had only two hundred and ninety- six names in his favour, while Wilkes, who was rejected, had eleven hundred and forty-three. In such a case, to declare the former to be duly elected, was in his opinion an unprecedented exertion of state-arithmetic. It was an abuse of liberty, and a vio lation of law. It annihilated the freedom of election, and reduced the boasted birthright of Britons to a mere word. He was un willing to implicate the king, but he was afraid these arbitrary proceedings originated " too near the palace." This bold ex pression excited,the indignation of the ministers and their friends, who loudly exclaimed that Chatham was violating every rule of decency and order. Chatham, however, would not retract what he had said. No man could more respect and revere the king, not only in his private character, but in his political capacity ; yet he thought it incumbent on him to redress the grievances of the nation, and, as one important step to that end, to dissolve the House of Commons. The bill was opposed by Lord Mansfield. Many persons, he said, had been expelled from the House of Commons without any interference of the Lords having been thought necessary. The disparity of the numbers „ voting for Luttrell and Wilkes, was an argument of no consequence ; Wilkes, in a legal, point of view, was considered as nobody, and consequently Luttrell had no opponent. When disputes concerning election arose, it was not usual to apply to the electors themselves, or even the people at large, but to the House of Commons, whose autho rity in this case was supreme. When the freeholder has by his vote pointed out the person by whom he wishes to be re presented, he has exercised his full right ; the House of Com mons had the Sole power of deciding whether the person thus offered Chap. IV.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 365 offered to them as a member has any right to sit. The bill;' be sides, if , suffered to pass, would have the most pernicious ef fects upon the national disposition. The people, already dis contented, would be roused into the most furious agitation, were one branch of ! the legislature to declare open hostilities against the other. He almost trembled to imagine} what might be the consequences. The speech delivered by Mansfield was, in the opinion of Lord Camden, fraught with doctrines the most unconstitutional, and the most dangerous. It 'had been affirmed that Wilkes was inca pable of becoming a member of parliament, but that very incapa city originated in an arbitrary and unwarranted resolution of the House of Commons, and was one of the greatest grievances of which Wilkes had to complain. The proceedings of parliament in that case were altogether unjustifiable, nor had they ever been justified to the satisfaction of any unbiassed judgement. It had been determined by those who in secret directed the movements of the political machine; that Wilkes should not be admitted a member of parliament ; and the servility of parlia ment was such as to induce them to corroborate any resolution of any minister, whatever might be its tendency. Lord Mans* field, he said, had displayed much ingenuity in referring to a multitude of cases ; but a question of such magnitude was not to be decided as a particular dispute between Luttrell and Wilkes. It was no longer Wilkes opposed to Luttrell, it was the electors of Britain opposed to the arbitrary and tyrannical conduct of the House of Commons. The people evinced that they considered the cause as their own ; and he hesitated not to avow, that the louder their cry, the more should he be, pleased. If the people were not fo interfere in a case like the present, when were they to interfere ? The British constitution had not received a more severe wound even duririg the reign of Charles I. when the nation was for twelve years governed without a parliament. Tne people would [persevere, he hoped, in their efforts to obtain a free representation. Session after session the matter should be repeated ; and if the present parliament should be so obstinate in its' servility and its errors as to refuse all redress, the subject should be renewed in the next; arid the people should be careful to 366 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. IV. te elect such representatives only as would respect their se rious and reasonable admonitions. The bill was rejected. In consequence of the request of Lord Chatham, the House had been summoned on the 4th, when he proposed to make a motion of much national importance. When they met, he moved a resolution upon the king's answer to the petition and remonstrance of the city. In this resolution it was affirmed, that the advice by which the king had acted in this instance, was of . the most dangerous tendency, as it had induced him to check with reprimand the clearest rights of the subject ; and the afflicted citizens had heard from the throne itself, that the con tents of their humble address and perition were considered as being disrespectful to the king, injurious to his parliament, and irreconcileable to the principles of the constitution. The harsh ness of this answer, in Chatham's opinion, was unexampled. It could not proceed from the king's own disposition, or his judgement. It could not, he thought, have proceeded even from the ministers themselves, acting as a collective body. His opinion of their abilities, indeed, was not the most elevated ; vet he supposed, that had the whole, or even the greater part of them been consulted, some one must have perceived the absur dity of this measure. The conduct of the city of London, in his estimation, merited the warmest applause of the nation, ra ther than the reproaches of their sovereign. On the same foun dation, the freeholders of Middlesex were to be commended. Luttrell could not with justice be called their representative. He had been thrust into parliament, by ministers who little valued either the laws or constitution of their country. The ministers did not give themselves much trouble in com bating this motion. Lord Pomfret remarked, that it was a fa vourable subject for the display of popular eloquence, and pro bably for that reason had occupied too much of their time, which ought to have been dedicated to other purposes. Such motions were not made surely with any prospect of success. Six weeks had hardly elapsed, since that House had solemnly declared their opinion on the subject ; and it was somewhat un reasonable to expect so sudden an alteration, as an adoption of die proposed resolution would indicate. The ministers were probably Chap. IV.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 367 probably not without their reasons for their reserve on this occasion. Their opponents did not expect that Chatham's motion would succeed ; but they wished to provoke the minis ters to say something in their own defence, which might still farther inflame the discontents so prevalent in the city. If this was their purpose, it entirely failed. The ministers, unmo ved, permitted them to vent their abuse : even personalities were neglected. The motion, therefore, was rejected, and the minority were disappointed in the purpose for which they had proposed it. In his opposition to the ministers, Chatham was indefatigable. On the 14th of the same month, he moved for an address to dissolve the parliament. The object of this motion was not probably any sanguine hope which could be entertained of ob taining the avowed end, it might rather be to expose the minis try to the hazard of saying something in the heat of debate, which might render them still more odious to the citizens of London. In this, however, the minority were again disappoint ed. The ministry, not ignorant of their intention, effectually counteracted whatever consequence might arise from a popular audience, by forbidding any person from being admitted to the House, on the day when the motion was to be made, except members of the House of Commons, and the sons of peers. The ministers were thus enabled to disregard the arguments which they were resolved should be fruitless, and could give vent to whatever sentiments they chose, without being exposed to popular odium. Chatham and his friends, perceiving, per haps, that one great end of their motion was thus rendered abortive, might indulge themselves in less acrimony, than in another situation they would have thought necessary. The motion was rejected 5 but the debates, whatever was their nature, have not been preserved. The increasing influence of the crown, which at this time was a favourite topic with the opponents of ministry, gave rise to many motions in both Houses of Parliament, with a view as much as possible to check the alledged encroachments. Dowdes well, who, in the House of Commons, was one of the leaders of opposition, proposed a bill to disqualify certain officers of the S68 HISTORY OF THE the excise and customs, from voting at elections. In support of this proposed bill, it was alledged, that the number of revenue- officers was already very great, and was daily increasing ; that it was easy for government to obtain undue influence over men so much at their disposal ; and tbat in the election of members to parliament, this influence might become dangerous. To this it was objected, that the chief officers of the excise and customs were already prohibited from having seats in parliament ; that all persons connected, not only widi these departments, but with the post-office, were prohibited, under the severest penal ties, from exerting whatever influence they might possess in the election of representatives. When the revenue-officers already were subjected to so many restrictions, it appeared to be unne cessary to alter the provisions upon the subject ; and to deprive so many people of their franchises, was a measure of so over bearing a nature, as not to be attempted except under the most imperious circumstances of necessity. Dowdeswell's motion was rejected. Anodier law of a popular nature, however, was more fortu nate. Many attempts had been made to curtail the well-known privileges of members of parliament with regard to freedom from arrest ; privileges by which not only their own persons were protected, but their effects, and even the persons of their domes tics. Such Immunities, which in a certain period of the national progress had perhaps been requisite, had long been felt as an uncommon grievance in the courts of law. The claims of pri vilege were multiplied without end, and such claims always gave rise to much delay in the progress of justice, if it did not often altogether prevent it. In both houses of parliament, bills for the limitation of privileges so inimical to equity had been fre quently proposed, but they had been as often rejected. They were generally considered as an attempt of those who introduced them, to gain popularity by a sacrifice which to the proposer was not considerable. At this time a bill, limiting these privi leges, had passed the House of Commons, where- on Former oc casions it had been most frequently rejected. When it was in troduced into the House of Lords, it still experienced consider able opposition. Lord Sandwich and Lord Marchmont in par ticular Ciuf. IV.J REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 86» ticular inveighed against it in severe terms. They were answer ed by Lord Mansfield, -who, in a speech of considerable length, placed in a striking point of view arguments, which are now self- evident, and which by the unprejudised always were accounted to be so. He shewed in a clear light the small value of the sup posed privilege, its essential injustice, and, from his experience at a judge, he strongly asserted its destructive consequences. Mansfield's own motives in supporting the bill had been at tacked with the usual acrimony. It had been affirmed that he likewise was running the race of popularity. From this im putation he defended himself with so much dignity, that his words deserve to be recorded. « If," said he, " the Noble Lord means by popularity the applause bestowed by after ages on good and virtuous actions, I have long been struggling in that race, to what purpose all-trying time can alone determine ; -but if he means that mushroom-popularity which is raised with out merit, and lost without a crime, he is much mistaken. I defy the Noble Lord to point out a single action in my life, where the popularity of the times had the smallest influence on my determination. I thank God I have a more permanent and steady rule for my conduct, the dictates of my own breast. Those who have foregone that pleasing adviser, and given up their minds to the slavery of every popular impulse, I sincere ly pity. I pity them still more, if vanity leads them to mistake the shouts cf a mob for the trumpet of fame. Experience might inform them, that many who have been saluted with the huzzas of a crowd one day, have received their execrations the next ; and many, who, by the popularity of their times, have been held up as spotless patriots, have nevertheless appeared on the historian's page, when truth has triumphed over delusion, the assassins of liberty. Why, then, -can the Noble Lord think I am ambitious of present popularity, that echo of folly, and shadow of renown ? True liberty," he continued, " in my opi- nion, can only exist when justice is equally administered to all, to the king and to the beggar. Where is the justice, then, or where is the law, that protects a member of parliament, more than any other man, from the punishment due to his crimes ? The laws of this country allow of no place, nor any employ- Vox.. I. S A ment, 376 HISTORY OF THE-- [Chap. 1^5 ment, to be a sanctuary for crimes ; and where I have the honour to sit. as judge, neither royal favour, nor popular applause, .shall ever protect the guilty." ' I " The House of Commons had been long regarded as the sole judges of the qualifications- of those who claimed the right of election. Disputes respecting thisright had long been -submit-. ted to a committee, consisting generally of such members as' Were most remarkable for their knowledge of the constitution and laws. At length, ''however, it became customary to hear Complaints of this kind, "by counsel, at the bar of the House, arid these complaints were often so numerous as to impede the more serious business of parliament. It was, besides, sometimes suppo sed, that1 the decision of the House in general, where -the judges- were not subjected even to a promise of impartiality, was greatly influenced by party-passions, and sometimes even by personal resentment. The dispute concerning Wilkes had brought the rights of electors much into the notice of the House, and George Grenville conceiving that regulations might be made 'more favourable tothe liberty of the subject in such cases, regulations by which thecomplainihg: parties would more likely have im partial decisions, he introduced a bill for that"- purpbse.. By this bill, which was brought forward on the 21st of March, it was proposed, that forty-nine members should be- chosen by ballot.' From -these thirteen were" to be selected by the sitting member and the petitioner, who had each of them the power to" name another person to make one ;of the- committee. The com mittee thus chosen Were to be empowered to send for persons1/ papers, and records ; and they were bound by ari oath to impar tiality in their decisions. ¦¦' ¦ This bill, as had been foreseen, met with violent' opposition. Every clause of it was keenly debated, and many were essential ly altered. The greater part of the ministry, and even Fox himself, proposed its total rejection; but in spite of all oppo sition, it passed into a law. In the House of Lords it passed with little opposition. i '.; The minority inparliament'werenot unwilling to adopt anymea- sures by which they might either augment their own populari ty, or diminish that of the ministry ; and the deficiencies in the ' " • revenue OfiAP.IV;] REIGN" OF GEORGE III. 371 revenue of the civiHist^ Which had been made good without any accounts having been produced, were reckoned a favourable topic for this purpose. On the 28th of February, Grenville made a motion for an account of the expences of the civil list for one year, ending oil the 5th of the preceding January. In order to account for the scruples of the minority on this occasion, it was stated, that the late king had left to his successor no less a sum dian one hundred and seventy thousand pounds ; and that this sum, even with the addition of five hundred and thirteen thou sand pounds from parliamentary aid, had not enabled the king, with his usual allowance, to maintain his establishment. In 1768, particularly, the expenditure from the civil list had great ly increased ; and as a new parliament was at that time sum moned, it might be suspected, that the money was used for im proper and unconstitutional purposes. By the ministry it was replied, that this motion,, founded on such arguments, was in expedient and inconvenient, if not indecent ; and with little dif ficulty they procured its rejection. The same subject was resumed by Mr Dowdeswell on the 2d of April, in a committee on the state of the nation. He proposed to lay before the king, in a special address, the great excess of expenditure, to request him to retrench, his expences, and with that view to enforce upon his servants such a practice ef economy as might be consistent with the dignity of the crown. This motion, like the former, was opposed as being disrespect ful and indecent, and the opposition was equally successful. An unavailing attempt was made to renew the motion; and a motion for a list of pensions, made by Sir Edward A stiey, was disdainfully rejected. In the House of Lords, too, the deficiencies in the Civil list became the subject of debateT Lord Chatham made a motion for an inquiry into this matter ; and he seized the opportunity of defending himself against the charge, not unfrequently made, of having granted pensions with an unsparing 'hand. In justifi cation of himself, he produced a list of such as he had granted ; and as Lord Camden was among the number of those whom be had thought worthy of being rewarded in that manner, he took the opportunity of bestowing much praise upon that noble- SA?- man. Sit HISTORY OF TBE [Chaf. Tt. man. The same integrity which had procured him national; honours and rewards, had again reduced him to the rank of * poor and private man. His dismissal from office had been ow ing entirely to his voting in favour of the right of election in the people. These expressions were supposed to be so improper* tbat they were taken down apparently with the view of making them the subject of some violent proceedings against the person who had used them -, but they were never afterwards brought into view. Lord Chatham, however, was not more successful than his party in the House of Commons had been. His motion was rejected. The resolutions against the importation of British manufac tures adopted by the Americans, had greatly distressed many of Ae people, and they were anxious to call the attention of par* liament to this interesting subject. The ministers themselves were probably of opinion that the matter required their most serious consideration ; but they either foresaw not the danger to which their conduct led, or thought it a degradation of their dignity to adopt those maxims of conduct which the petitions of the people suggested. The merchants of London,, trading to America, presented a petition to- parliament, recapitulating the distressing effects which had resulted to the trading part of the nation, in consequence of the imposition of American taxes ; and requesting such relief as the wisdom of the legisla ture might judge expedient. Lord North objected to the truth ef several circumstances mentioned in the petition ; but he shewed himself not to be unwilling upon the whole to accede to the desire of the petitioners. This he displayed by introducing a bill for the repeal of all the duties imposed in America, ex cept those upon tea. Governor Pownall, who had always shewn himself a strenuous advocate for the Americans, proposed as an amendment, that all the duties should be repealed. The mo tion and the proposed amendment were debated at great length. Grenville justified his own measures in the imposition of the stamp-duties, by averring that he had every reason to think they would be paid. As this idea, however, had been found to be erroneous, he justified his successors in office for the total repeal, accompanied as it was by the declaratory act ; but for the mea sures Chap. IV.] REIGN OF GEORGE IH. 37S lures of the present ministry he could have no such indulgence. They persisted in enforcing a duty obnoxious to the Americans, and which in reality, though it were possible to enforce it, must be almost entirely unproductive. In his opinion, the mi nistry acted without any settled plan; and while such was the ease, it was equally vain to support either the motion or the amendment. The amendment was countenanced by several dis tinguished members, white Lord Barrington opposed both the motion and the amendment. His opinion was, that the pro posed abolition would not restore tranquillity to the Americans % and that consequently the authority of the British parliament and people should be maintained by force. The bill was passed according to the form in which the minister had at first intro duced it. An attempt afterwards made for a repeal of the duty upon tea failed, but a motion to obtain certain papers relating to America was more successful ; and they were no sooner laid before the House, thati Governor Pownall moved for an address, praying for an examination into the several powers granted to the pro vincial governors and Commanders in chief of the forces in the colonies. His design was to regulate the commissions Of those officers, so as to prevent diem from any interference with each other, or any open contradiction to the law and constitution. During his speech, Pownall mentioned Sir Francis Bernard ill terms conveying, a severe censure, while he commented,, perhaps' at needless length, on the loyal disposition of the Americans. The debate on this occasion was violent, arid continued the greater part of two days ; but fhe motion was rejected. On the 19th of May the parliament was prorogued. HISTORT HISTORY OF -THE .REIGN OF GEORGE THE THIRD. . -CHAPTER V. npHE British ministers had now some reason to think; that their measures with regard to America would lead to con sequences more serious than had at first been apprehended. The jealousy of the Americans regarding their liberty was rous ed, and every innovation proposed by the; British government was regarded as part of a premeditated plan to overturn all their privileges. The revival of the act of Henry VIII. for trying in Britain persons guilty of treasein abroad, was considered as be ing peculiarly oppressive. The colony of Massachussets, indeed, against whom this was intended more, particularly to operate, Was kept in subordination by the military force which had been stationed in' Bostons. But the other colonies clearly perceived, that their interest required 'them to resist a measure which threatened the total overthrow of their remaining liberty ; and they unanimously displayed their intention of resisting, in every possible way, a law in its own nature so unjustifiable. J -The assembly of Massachussets, which had been called by the king's- order, met on the 31st May 1769 ; but their behaviour differed little from that of their predecessors, who had been dis missed for their unaccommodating disposition. They informed the governor by a message, that while ships of war remained in the harbour, and while the town of Boston was occupied by troops Cfupv VSb; REIGN ©F GEORGE- III. tft troops, brought thither with the avowed-design of repressing the _turnultuafy disposition of the inhabitants, they could not Con duct their 'debates with the requisite freedom. This message' was hobreceived with much respect. The governor '"informed? them, in a laconic manner, that he was riot authorised to remove either the troops or the ships. ' ' The assembly consequently was compelled to proceed to busi ness, under the inspection of an armed force. Yet, even iri such a situation, it was impossible tb curb that spirit of liberty arid' independence which noW pervaded America. When the as sembly elected a council, they excluded with the utmost care,> every person who Was even suspected to favour the rneasures'of Britain. : Those, on the contrary, were selected, who were most noted for -their opposition to the -British government ; and these men, by their advice, perhaps tended to rouse still higher that flame which they had reason to think their conduct was, calcu lated to produce in America. Having taken this step, which the governor, might easily perceive, was intended to! counteract his designs, they addressed him, affirming, that the presence of a military force in the vicinity of the scene of their deliberations, was entirely inconsistent with the government of a free people. It Was evident, they affirmed; that the people, in. general were averse to the laws which it was proposed to* enforce ; and an aversion so general Afforded a : presumption that ther laws were unjusti They stopt not here: they charged their governor with' misconduct, and transmitted a petition to Britain for his removal; and they declared their right of being tried withm the colony for treason, as well as for every other crime. - Suclri conduct could uot be agreeable to the governor, who had: Tso much distinguished himself, hy steady support of the measures of the British government. He prorogued the general- court, and in a short lime returned to Britain, where ¦ he was' brought; to his trial for his; conduct while governor. His trial, however,' Was merely a formality. His conduct had been too agifeeable :' to the- ministers to incur their censure ; he was ac- •• eordingfly acquitted. .\ ., , The colony of Massachussets had always acted; a conspicuous part' in opposing the designs, of the British ministry ; but the other *7$ HISTORT OF TH5 [Oiap. v; other colonies, by concurring in the same resolutions, evinced a similar disposition, and thus encouraged her to perseverance. The declaration of the assembly of Massachussets on this occa sion was speedily imitated by several of the other colonies. They concurred in asserting, that even in cases of treason they had a right to be tried in America ; an assertion made in some instan ces with so little reserve, that the colonial assemblies were dis solved. Some fatality seems to have attended all the measures of th* ministers regarding America, and of these who supported their cause in the colonies. This, which.was meant as a severe step^ and was intended to intimidate the colonists, had an effect di rectly opposite. The discontented members of the legislature were dispersed into various, parts of the country. They carried their discontent along with them. They were revered as suf fering in the cause of liberty, and their notions were dissemina.- ted with more diligence, and probably with more success, than if they had been permitted to remain in the principal town of ihe colony. As the most effectual mode of distressing the British, the A- mericans eagerly adopted resolutions not to import any of then; manufactures. Combinations for this purpose were formed in every trading town, and committees were appointed to examine the cargoes of such ships as arrived from Britain. Those who infringed the resolutions were branded as the enemies of their country, and their names were published, to hold them out as the objects of general execration. In such a case, few had the courage to transgress the resolutions which had been so gene rally adopted, and were upheld with so much rigour. Few ar ticles of British manufacture could find their way into the Ame rican market. This occasioned much discontent in Britain, and in reality created that distress which the Americans had in view. The British merchants, alarmed at the temporary derange ment which their commerce experienced, petitioned government for a Tepeal pf those obnoxious laws which had created the dis content among the Americans. With the prayer of this peti-> tion Lord North, at that time at the head of administration, partly complied. His conduct on this occasion has by many been Chap. V.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 37? been severely censured, as partaking too much of that fluctua ting and inconsistent conduct which had hitherto distinguished all the proceedings of the British government towards America. If it was meant by strong measures to force the Americans into an unlimited submission, this, partial mitigation was surely im proper. It tended to elevate that notion, already sufficiently high, which the Americans had of their own importance ; and confirmed them in their opinion, that by refusing to admit the manufactures of Britain, they could at any time terrify her into any conditions which they might think proper. The Americans per haps would not long have persevered in their resolutions against importation. It would have subjected them to inconveniences to which they Would not long have submitted. This mode o£ distressing the British, would ultimately have distressed them selves in a still greater degree ; and consequently this way of opposing the acts of the British government must have proved abortive, If, on the contrary, the ministry were desirous of conciliating the exasperated Americans by gentle treatment, they ought to have -repealed all the obnoxious laws, and to have re mained satisfied with the tacit allowance of the right of taxa tion;, without pretending to put it in practice : whereas, by re pealing part of the revenue-laws, they convinced the colonists, that their non-importation resolutions had produced the de sired effect ; and by continuing the duty upon tea, they pro voked them by subjecting them to an odious law, which had had no' other tendency than to irritate them, without producing any adequate advantage to government. It had been thought necessary, as is already mentioned, to re strain the violence of the unruly inhabitants of Boston by the presence of a iriilitary force. Four regiments were accordingly quartered among them, and they were compelled to adopt a more peaceful demeanour. When it was supposed that the irri tation of the inhabitants had somewhat subsided, two of the regiments were removed. The disposition of the inhabitants again became unruly in proportion as their danger was dimi nished, and the troops were exposed to almost daily insults. Every method was adopted to irritate the populace against them, Vol. I. 3 B , . and 878 HISTORY OF THF [Chap; W and paragraphs continually appeared in the public papers, in which they were attacked with no small share of scurrility. It could not be expected that the soldiers would long submit without resentment to such treatment. Tumults became fre quent, from which both parties generally departed with aug mented rage and resentment. Mutual recriminations were vent ed, each party accusing the other of the most unwarrantable designs. The troops alledged that the inhabitants of Boston had formed the project of driving them from the town by force, and of having engaged many of the inhabitants of the country to assist them in their undertaking. The townsmen, on the other hand, affirmed that the troops were studiously haughty and overbearing in their conduct, in hopes that they might provoke them to such conduct as would give countenance to a de- Sign of exposing the inhabitants to be massacred and plundered. It is probable that both these assertions were without founda tion ; but the blame thus mutually imputed, prevented their angry, passions from subsiding, and prepared them for proceed ing to extremities when an opportunity should offer. Hardly any day passed during which no quarrel occurred be tween the troops and the inhabitants of Boston. At length one took place which led to more serious consequences. The rope-makers having associated for the purpose of supporting each other, either in the prosecution of mischief, or avenging an injury, on the 2d of March 1770, a quarrel took place be tween them and a small party of soldiers. The most injurious ¦and provoking language was reciprocally interchanged, till at length they became so furious as* to challenge each other to a general combat. In such riotous conduct, it is always difficult to say which party is chiefly to blame, each generally relating the transaction in the way most favourable for themselves. The most com monly received account of this tumult seems to be as follows. In the evening a dispute took place between two soldiers and some of the lower orders of the inhabitants. All whom acci dent or design brought that way, joined in supporting their townsmen, till the crowd became considerable. Still farther to augment their numbers, they broke into two churches, and rang the Chap. V.I REIGN OF GEORGE III. S79 the alarm-bells, the usual signals for fire ; while they vociferated every where in the streets an invitation to their townsmen to join in defending themselves. Such measures . could not fail to collect a great crowd. Captain Preston, the officer that day on duty, imagining that, agreeably to the usual signal, a fire had been discovered in some part of the town, was surprised to learn that there was no fire, and that the whole proceeded from the tumultuous disposition of the inhabitants. Being informed that the crowd advanced towards the custom house, he hastened thither at the head of thirteen men, appre hensive; lest thqy should attempt to seize the chest which con tained the king's money. The crowd were somewhat intimi dated by the appearance of an armed force* andrthey for some time contented themselves with a plentiful discharge of the most opprobrious epithets. They were not long ^satisfied with this mode of expressing their resentment. They had recourse to snow, with which the ground was then covered, and to stones ; by throwing of which they endeavoured to provoke the soldiers to something which could not be warranted by their duty. The officer who commanded the detachment, endeavoured by every argument in his power to convince the populace, that the sol diers had no intention of firing. upon them ; but the crowd gave little attention to his assertions. Even while he was thus em ployed, one of the soldiers received, a violent blow with a stick, and being greatly irritated by such usage, he instantly .fired. , , ¦ .Preston, wh° was far from wishing to authorise such violent proceedings in the men under his command, turned round to reprimand the person who had fired without orders. At this moment he himself received a blow on the arm with a club, and a voice was heard to give the, word " fire," though it was im possible, to ascertain whence irhad proceeded. , The word was not given by Preston himself ; on the contrary, he frequent-, ly ordered the 'men not to fire ; but the soldiers, not a' little provoked by the treatment which they had experienced, and ir ritated by the recollection of former indignities, chose rather to pbey the voice which delivered orders so agreeable to their feelings. They accordingly fired, but in an irregular manner. 3B2 ' ten 380 HISTORY OF THE [Chap.V. Ten muskets appear to have been discharged, and by these four persons were killed, and six or seven wounded. The crowd, when they saw several of their number fall, were intimidated, and at first fled with precipitation ; but they soon returned to remove the dead and wounded persons. The soldiers, expecting another and more formidable attack, were preparing to fire in their own defence, and were prevent ed from executing their purpose only by Preston, who struck up the muzzles of their muskets. The crowd passing through various parts of the town, beating a drum, and calling " to arms," endeavoured to rouse the inhabitants to take vengeance for their fallen townsmen. Several officers of the troops, when met in an unprotected situation, were treated with much indig nity. But the lieutenant-governor and Colonel Carr having at length interfered, and the soldiers being ordered to retire to their barracks, the populace soon after dispersed. On the following day, which was the 6th of March, the inhabitants of Boston held a meeting at the town-hall, to take under their consideration the late melancholy transaction. In their deliberations, or rather in their invectives on this occasion, they discovered great animosity, and finally resolved to send a committee of fifteen with a message to the Lord-Lieutenant, de siring him to remove the troops from Boston, as the only way of diminishing that deep discontent which pervaded every quar ter. It was immediately replied, that without the concurrence pf the commander-in-chief, then at New- York, the officers at Boston had not authority to remove the troops. A promise, however, was made, that they should be kept in such situations as should afford them no opportunity of insulting the inhabi tants. This answer, which probably was sincere on the part pf those who made it, was deemed unsatisfactory, and a com mittee, consisting of seven persons, was appointed to give this information to the lieutenant-governor. Mr Hutchinson, who then acted in that capacity, applied to the council for their ad vice ; and they immediately informed him that their opinion en tirely coincided with that of the inhabitants of Boston. It being evident that all ranks of people concurred in the opi nion that it was necessary to remove the troops from the town, the Chap. V.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 381 the commanding-officer thought fit to promise that this removal would be speedily effected. They accordingly retired 'to Fort William, leaving the ordinary duty of the town to be perform ed by the militia; This was in reality a new triumph, not only to the inhabitants of Boston, but to all the Americans. The » military were supposed to partake of the indecision of the mi nisters, and the colonists were taught to entertain very flattering ideas of the importance of their own exertions. The removal of the troops, from Boston had gratified the pride of the inhabitants, but had not rendered them either less haugh ty, or less desirous of revenge for the outrage which they sup posed themselves to have sustained. When the persons who had fallen in the riot were buried, recourse was had to every contrivance which might exasperate the minds of the people, might render the perpetrators of the deed as odious as possible, and perpetuate the feud which it had a tendency to excite. When the funeral-procession passed through die town, the shops were shut, as if the occasion had been most solemn ; and flags and other devices were displayed, all tending to inflame that fury which already burnt With sufficient ardour. Nor did they omit any measure for obtaining legal punishment on the alledged offenders. Captain Preston, and all the soldiers of the detach ment which had acted under him, were formally accused of murder ; but by voluntarily surrendering themselves as prisoners, they shewed that they wished not to elude an inquiry into their conduct. Had they been immediately brought to their trial, they might probably have fallen sacrifices to the popular rage, inde pendent of the justice or injustice of their cause. Fortunately for them, their trial was deferred for several months. In the mean time, information reached the colonies of the repeal of the most obnoxious taxes. The minds of the people were some what softened from their former asperity, and it was reasonable to expect greater regard to justice in the trial of Preston and his men. Notwithstanding these favourable circumstances, great exertion is said to have been made to procure evidence sufficient to criminate the persons accused. The trial, which lasted six days, was conducted with much violence, and gave room S82 . HISTORY OF THE [Chap. V. room for the display of no small share of talents in those- by whom it was principally managed. The efforts of their accusers, however, went no farther than to, cause two of the soldiers to be found guilty of manslaughter. The rest, and among them Preston himself, were acquitted with honour. On the 23d of May, the general-court of Massachussets met. The removal, of the troops from Boston had not diminished the riotous disposition of the inhabitants ;. and the lieutenant-gover nor, thinking that the debates of the legislature could not pro-* ceed with becoming freedom and decency in . the midst of an enraged multitude, adjourned them to meet at the town of * Cambridge. This step highly provoked them : they easily per ceived its motive ; but as they rather wished to encourage the 1 people in their rebellious practices, than to restore tranquillity, they refused to discuss any subject, however small its import ance, till they should be brought back to Boston. The inflexible obstinacy of the legislature of Massachussets may perhaps bethought the more surprising, ¦when. we consider the difficulties under which they laboured. The resolutions against the importation of British manufactures had subjected several parts of America, and particularly Boston and its vicinity, to great inconveniency and embarrassment. These were rendered still more discouraging by the contrast afforded by those places where the non-importation resolutions had not been adopted. Among these was Portsmouth, the chief city of New-Hamp shire. Newport, in Rhode islarid, had abandoned the association ; and New-York, "it was supposed, was soon to follow the ex ample. At this juncture, those who remained stedfast to their principles of refusing to import, were relieved from a great part of their embarrassment, by the repeal of all the taxes except those on tea. The Americans no longer thought it necessary to abstain from the use of British -manufactures. Orders for great ¦quantities were immediately transmitted ; but with characteristic pertinacity, it was resolved, that the importation of tea, the .only article for which a tax was to be paid, should be. entirely prohibited ;. thus clearly evincing, that their concessions were not to exceed those of the British government. While these proceedings agitated the Americans, the citizens of Chap. V.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. m of London continued to display, by their remonstrances, their disapprobation of the measures of government. The king's an swer to their former remonstrance, as has already been remark ed, had given great offence ; and on the 23d of May 1770, be fore the prorogation of parliament, a meeting of the common- council was held, for the purpose of preparing another. Beckford, the s mayor, supported this measure with all his influence ; and it1 was voted by a great majority, that a second remonstrance should be presented. This remonstrance, which expressed the deep concern of the city at the awful cen sure lately passed upon it from the throne, was carried to court by the mayor, and a large train of attendants. It fail ed not to recapitulate the complaints which had formerly been mentioned, and terminated with a prayer to heaven, " that his Majesty might reign, as kings only can reign, in and by the hearts of a loyal, dutiful, and free people." The king justified his conduct on the former occasion, by affirming, that if he had acted in a different manner, he should have considered himself as having failed in his duty to himself, as well as to the public. Beckford requested permission to reply ; and when that was granted, he begged leave humbly to declare, in behalf of his fellow-citizens, how much even the apprehension of his Majes ty's displeasure would at all times impress their minds with the deepest concern and anxiety. He entreated, that they might not be suffered to depart from the royal presence, without some prospect of redress, however faint. The mayor and his followers were permitted to depart without an answer. On the 22d of May, a princess was born. , On this occasion, which brought many loyal addresses from different parts of the kingdom, the city of. London had another opportunity of ap proaching the throne with such an address as they must be convinced would be disagreeable to the king. Wilkes, who had lately been created an alderman, had a great share in the debate which took place at this meeting of the common-council. After- having voted their approbation of the' conduct of the mayor, when he presented the late remonstrance, they proceeded to con sider the motion for an address of congratulation. Wilkes, on this occasion, expressed himself with no small in temperance. 384 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. V. temperance. In his opinion, the time was not a time for com pliments. The citizens of London had been affronted; their petitions had been despised ; their remonstrance had been in sulted. While these indignities were offered to the city, the servile friends of administration were gratified with accumulated favours and honours. Governor Bernard had been created a baronet, and had received a pension, merely because he had shewn himself to be a tyrant, and had concurred with the mi nisters in oppressing the Americans. At such a conjuncture, the address ought to be modest and reserved. It ought to be confined to what must afford matter of true joy to the Bridsh nation, the increase of the line of Brunswick. — The sentiments of Wilkes were entirely conformable to those of the greater part of the council, and an address was framed nearly in the mode which had been suggested. The populace were not less forward to evince their aversion to those who were, attached to; the court, than the common- council to the court itself. The mayor and several of the alder men were appointed to present the address. When they arrived at Temple-Bar, the mayor and three aldermen were permitted to pass, when Alderman Harley; who was obnoxious to the po pular party, was surprised to see the gate suddenly shut against him..1 This, however, was only the commencement of the in tended insult. They pulled him from. his carriage, attacked him with stones and filth, and had he not instantly fled, his life must have been endangered. He afterwards proceeded towards St lames's in a hired- coach, but the mob followed, and perse cuted him the whole way. The rest of the procession was al lowed to pass without molestation. When the mayor arrived at the palace, the Lord Chamberlain informed him, that the king, in order to prevent the repetition of former insults, was desirous that no reply might be made to him. The mayor requested that this message should be deliver ed in writing, but his request was rejected. After some debate about formalities; the address was presented, and answered in the usual manner. A few days afterwards; the city of London presented an ad dress to Lord Chatham, in which they thanked him for his zeal in Chap. V7j REIGN OF GEORGE 'tit. S85 in making an effort to bring back the parliament to its original purity, by introducing a more full and equitable representation, and shortening its duration. To this address Chatharii replied, that he now, as on former occasions, applauded the citizens of London for the firmness With which they defended their rights. Some parts of the address, however, gave him the merit of opi nions which he did not altogether deserve. He was not of opi nion that three years was the proper duration of parliament.- He had indeed recommended a more full and equal representa tion of the people ; but he had expressed this as the conception of a private person, which ought to be particularly examined by the national legislature. On the 21st of June, died Beckford the mayor, whose abili* ' ties arid influence had so powerfully supported the city of Lon don in its measures, arid had rendered' him a formidable adver sary to the ministers. He was succeeded in 'the mayoralty by Alderman Trecothick, who had espoused the notions of the same party, arid consequently supported, as much afs in his power, the measures of his' predecessor. The minority on a former occasion had loudly declairried agairist the -partiality- of ministers to Continental alliances ; but of late they had adopted a new system of politics. Britain, they now affirmed, was left without an ally, while France was daily increasing her power and her influence, arid had entered into the famirycompact, of which the sole '^purpose was td humble a nation which had unexpectedly 9hewn itself her superior in strength and resources. The allied powers of France and Spain only waited for an occasion of infringing that peace which they had been compelled to Conclude on dishonourable terms. The indolent voluptuousness of Louis XV. indeed, restrained the restless, ambition of Choiseul ; but that enterprising minister was daily forming schemes, which he waited only for a favour able opportunity to execute. Britain, on "the other hand, they asserted, remained in listless apathy. Instead of endeavouring to form such an alliance upon the continent as might balance the growing power of France; she was eager only to irritate her subjects at home, by incroachments upon their rights, and her Vol. I. 3 C colonies HISTORY OF THE [Chap. V. colonies abroad, by the imposition of vexatious and useless taxes. > !,, While the minority indulged themselves in such invectives, their assertions were somewhat countenanced by the conduct of the. Spaniards In a remote quarter of the world, and in a very insignificant , territory. This was no other than an attempt to expel the British from the islands known by the name of Falk land's Islands, where they, were attempting to form a settlement. The whole islands could not probably have been sold for the price of a single ship of the line ; yet, for an object so insignifi cant, two powerful nations were ready to involve themselves, and perhaps the greater part of the civilized world, in the horrors of war. The Falkland islands, distinguished by the French by the. name of the Malouines, had long been regarded as of very little , importance, and are now again sunk into that oblivion from which it is not easy to perceive why they at all emerged. Si- baldrde,Weert, a Dutch navigator, who saw them in 1600, gave. them a name, calling them Sibald's Islands, though they are supposed to have been discovered in 1592, by Captain Davis, who accompanied Cavendish., They are likewise affirmed to, have received from Sir Richard Hawkins, in 1594, the name of, Hawkins' Maiden Land, in honour of Queen Elizabeth. They were visited by Dampier in 1684, and by Funnell in 1703 ; but both these navigators described them in very forbidding colours ; ¦ and a person named Strong, who visited them in 1689, is sup posed to have given them that appellation which they still retain. The accounts, given by such persons as had seen these islands, prevented any one from believing them to be of much conse- quence, till the historian pf Anson's voyage pointed them out as an eligible place for a settlement, chiefly with a view to en- .., .'able the British more easily to carry on their depredations against the Spaniards in the South Sea. The opinion of Anson himself agreed so well, with that of, the historian of his voyage, that in 1748 he exerted his influence, tp procure a squadron to be fitted out for a more complete exa mination pf Pepy's and Falkland's islands, and for the discovery of Chap. V.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 3S-7 of unknown lands in the South Sea. This project, however, failed, chiefly through the influence of the Spanish ambassador, who was directed by his court to remonstrate against it. Falk land's islands consequently for some time longer remained unap propriated. It was not upon the British alone that the account of Falkland's islands, published in Anson's voyage, had made a deep impres sion. The French, whose attention had long been -turned to the acquisition of colonies, and the improvement of their com merce, and who were willing to procure some settlement which might indemnify them for the loss of Canada, began to consider them as objects deserving die national attention. In 1763, Bou gainville, a celebrated French navigator, was fitted out for the purpose of discovering unknown lands, and principally to effect a settlement in those islands, which the French continued to dis tinguish- by the name of the Malouines. In the following year, accordingly, he took possession of them in the name of the French monarch ; but the Spaniards, who could not view the transaction with indifference, remonstrated against it. These remonstrances were effectual. Not only was ' the settlement abandoned, but Bougainville himself was sent, along with an expedition from Spain, to assist in forming a Spa nish settiement in those islands. The attempts, first of the French, and afterwards of the Spaniards, revived in Britain that idea of dieir importance which Anson's voyage had first inspired, and in 1764 Captain Byron was dispatchetrwith orders to examine them more narrowly, and to take possession of them in the name of the British govern ment. He performed his commission in the beginning of 1 765, and on his return to Britain published such an account of the islands, as still farther stimulated the hope that they might be come a valuable settlement. The principal island, according to him, was upwards of six hundred miles in circumference. It had a secure harbour, capable of containing a great number of vessels. It had abundance of good water ; and though wood was scarce, the soil seemed proper for rearing whatever quan tity might be necessary. Vegetables and wild fowl were plen- S C 2 tifu!, 388 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. V, tiful, and it was probable that iron/'and perhaps other metals, might be found. Captain Macbride, who was immediately sent out to station a garrison upon the islandsj complained that he found not By ron's description to be completely correct. lie placed the gar* rison in a small block-house, which he erected at the principal harbour, named Port Egmont ; but of the land itself he made a very unfavourable report. The soil was ill qualified for any kind of culture. Almost perpetual storms desolated the islands during the greater part of the year, and during those storms communication with the shore was scarcely practicable. Pen guins, indeed, and sea-lions were plentiful, but neither of them Were animals of much yalue ; and it appeared to be impossible, either by cultivation or by any other means, to provide for the subsistence of a colony. The Spaniards, who had fixed themselves at a place which they called Fort Splidad, were little satisfied with this, attempt of the British to settle in their vicinity. For some time' they took no notice of it, b,ut in November 1769., a Spanish vesr sel which had saried from Fort Solidad, was seen hovering at no great distance from Port Egmont. Captain Hunt of the Tamar, who then commanded at the latter port, sent a message to the Commander of the Spanish vessel, desiring him to depart from the coast, as the island belonged to the British government. The Spanish officer either thought himself unable to contend With the British force, pr had not orders to proceed to extremi ties, as he retired without using either force, or shewing re sentment. In a few days, howeyer, the same vessel returned, having on board a^Spanish officer, with letters from Don Philip Ruiz Peunta, the governor of Fort Solidad. In these letters the Spanish governor pretended to be ignorant that any British settlement had been fofmed in those islands.. He spoke of the presence of a British force upon the coast as being altogether accidental, and mentioned with surprise the interruption of the Spanish vessel during her voyage. Hunt, in his answer, no longer .left the Spanish governor any reason to pretend ignorance either of the claims of the British natipn, or of the actual formation of a British settlement. The island, Chap. V.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 389 island, he affirmed, belonged to the British, as well by:original discovery* as by actual settlement ; and he warned the Spaniards to leave -them within six months, under the pain of being con sidered as lawless intruders. The Spanish governor, in reply, protested against the proceed ings of the British officer, affected to speak of Hunt's conduct as being unauthorised by the British nation, and that, consequently, he as an individual, must be f essponsible for such ill consequences as might possibly result from his behaviour. ,Several messages and protests passed between the officers, but neither the Spaniards nor the British thought proper to give vent to their resentment in actual hostilities. The Spaniards were resolved in the mean time not to leave this matter in such a state of uncertainty, and they secretly resolved to bring a greater force for the purpose of expelling the British from the island. In February, accordingly, two frigates arrived at Port Egmont, having on board a considerable nurnber of troops. Don "Fernando de Rubalcava, the commander of those vessels, wrote fb Captain Hunt, expressing much surprise at finding a British settlement upon a territory .which belonged to the King of Spain. He reproached the .British, as having in this instance violated the terms of the late peace ; but that he might not be accused of violence or precipitation in his proceed ings, he deferred taking any measures for their expulsion till he should lay the matter before the King of Spain, and should re ceive advice of the manner in which he was to proceed. . After having made this declaration, the Spanish officer con ducted himself with great moderation ; and as he pretended that want of water had been his chief inducement for entering Port Egmont, Hunt assisted him in procuring a supply of that ar ticle. Perceiving, at the same time, that whatever friendly pre tensions the Spaniards might make,#hey were contriving the destruction of the British, Hunt thought it proper to return to Britain for more ample, instructions, leaving Captain Maltby, with the Favourite and Swift, each of diem sloops of sixteen guns, as commander-in-chief in his absence. The British force in this quarter, already so much inferior to that of th0 Spaniards, was still; fertfter diminished by the loss of the 390 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. V. the Swift in the Strait of Magellan. On the 4th of June a Spa nish frigate entered Port Egmont, whose crew pretended that fifty-three days had elapsed since they left Buenos Ayres, and thatjtheir. stock of water was exhausted. This affirmation, at first doubtful, was soon discovered to be false, by the arrival, three days afterwards, of the remainder of the squadron ; when it •appeared that their voyage from Buenos Ayres had lasted only twenty-six days, and that they brought an armed force to drive the British from their new settlement. The Spanish force on this occasion was surely ill proportioned to the British, by whom it was to be opposed. The British had only four pieces of cannon, and these hardly in a serviceable state, mounted on a small block-housp. The Spaniards had up wards of sixteen hundred men, and a hundred and thirty-four pieces of cannon belonging to the ships, besides a train of ar tillery. Captain Farmer, who commanded on shore, ordered the .crew of the Swift, of whom the greater part had been saved, to land, and assist in the defence of the place, and Maltby, in the Favourite, resolved to approach nearer the land. At this in stant he received a message from the Spanish commander, threatening to fire upon him if he presumed to weigh anchor. Regardless of this menace, and of the superior force of the Spaniards, Maltby stood out to sea. The Spaniards fired three shots at him, but all of them without effect ; and when the British officer sent to inquire the cause of their hostile be haviour, he was assured that the shots were meant only as sig nals. The Spanish squadron had now received the refreshments which they required, and Captain Maltby, by a message, expres sed a wish that they would immediately depart. It was impose sible longer to conceal ftieir hostile designs under the appear ance of friendship. John Ignacio Madariaga, the Spanish com mander, declared his intentions of driving the British from the island ; and as, from the great superiority of his force, all resistance must be hopeless, he advised them to surrender with out delay. No reply being returned to this message, on the ensuing day Chap. V.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 391 day he sent a second to the same purpose, and allowed only fifteen minutes to return a positive answer. Maltby", in his re ply, asserted the right of the British to remain in the island ; he declared his resolution to maintain the honour of the British flag ; and protested against the conduct of the Spaniards in compelling him by a superior force to abandon a possession which clearly belonged to the British nation. The Spanish officer declined- entering into any discussion of the right, as a matter which it belonged not to him to decide ; but as he had been sent to expel the British, he would execute that part of his commission, leaving the justice or injustice of the procedure to be determined by the courts in Europe. At the same time, he requested the British to send an officer, who might satisfy them of the great superiority of his force, and by inducing them to abandon all thought of resistance, might pre vent the unnecessary effusion of blood. Without giving any heed to this advice, Maltby landed fifty of his men, to assist in the defence of the place. He, at the same time, sent on shore two six-pounders, ten swivels, with ammu nition and small arms. Perceiving that the British were un willing to surrender, the Spanish landed part of their forces. The British had fired only a few shots, when, finding all resist ance to be fruitless, they desired to capitulate. The terms im posed upon them were, that they should immediately surrender, and that they should evacuate the island. The British, how ever, were not permitted to depart, tilhtwenty days after they surrendered ; a measure which enabled the Spaniards first to carry the news of this transaction to Europe, and to, tell the story in their own way. Captain Hunt, who had left Falkland's island, for the purpose of informing his countrymen of die hostile conduct of the Spaniards, arrived in Britain on the 3d of June. * He immediately trans mitted information to the ministry, that the island on which the British had formed their settlement, had been claimed by the Spanish governor of Solidad. The British were unwilling to consider this as the act of the Spanish nation, they attributed it to the ignorance or presumption of the governor ; and Hunt's information consequently met With little attention. Even when Mr 392 HISTORY OF THE [Chap.V. Mr Harris, the British resident at Madrid, in August, informed the ministers, that an expedition had actually sailed from Buenos Ayres against Port Egmont, no great degree of Interest Was ex cited. The success of the expedition, it was pretended, must- be extremely problematical., The affair, however, was soon afterwards freed from all uncertainty, by the open avowal of the whole transaction by the Spanish ambassador in London/ and by the arrival of Maltby, who brought home with him the expelled forces. The conduct of the Spaniards had been sufficiently insolent, and sufficiently unwarrantable, to have justified the ministers, had they declared immediate war ; but it was deemed improper to involve the nation in hostilities, provided satisfaction could be obtained by negotiation ; and it might reasonably be doubted, whether the settlement itself was an object of such importance, as to, warrant the expenditure of that blood and treasure which a war must necessarily occasion. While the ministers attempted, hy negotiation, to procure a favourable issue to the matter, they thought it proper to prepare for efficacious exertion, should force become necessary. When1 the Spanish ambassador first communicated the information con cerning the conduct of his countrymen, several guard-ships were put into commission ; and when Maltby arrived, bounties were offered for seamen, in order to procure a formidable naval force. A war with Spain has generally in Britain been a popular- war. The supposed weakness of the enemy, and the richness of the booty to be acquired, have in most cases acted as strong' incentives to hostilities. On this occasion, however, they who ' opposed the measures of administration, had the art to prevent the seamen from enrolling themselves with their usual alacrity. They were taught to believe, that in the distribution of the prize- . money acquired at the Havannah; they had not been treated with strict justice. Instead, therefore, of offering themselves for the service of their country with their usual eagerness, they avoided it by every method in their power. This conduct of the seamen induced the ministers to have recourse to the resources usual in such cases, and they issued, warrants for impressing into the service such a body of mariners as Chap. V.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 399 as might be requisite. This step did not render the war more popular. Those in opposition to government, made use of' it to irritate not the seamen only, but the nation at large, against a ministry which had recourse to such odious practices to provide men for the navy. The sailors, on this occasion, adopting the prevalent custom, presented an address to the king, complain ing, in strong terms, of the hardships of impressing, and pro ving its illegality, by quotations from several acts of parlia ment. The city of London espoused the part of the sea men with their usual ardour. When the lords of the admi ralty applied to the lord mayor tp sanction the press-warrants widi his authority, he refused, alledging that the request ought to have proceeded from the privy-council. The mayor was af terwards induced to give his sanction to these warrants, but the execution of them met with much interruption. The lower ranks were almost. universally inimical to the measures; many of the magistrates were of the same disposition, and Wilkes, who, us has been remarked, was now an alderman, actually liberated a man who had been impressed in the city. Those who were disposed to embarrass the measures of the existing administration, were eager to seize any opportunity for that purpose which occurred, or could be invented. On the 30th of August, the members of two political clubs met, to de liberate on the propriety of instructing the members for West minster to impeach Lord North. The leaders of the popular party, on this occasion, shewed themselves to be of different opinions, though they agreed in the violence of their opposition to government. The great subject of debate was, whether the members should be instructed to impeach Lord North, or whe ther a remonstrance should be presented. The former opinion was maintained. by Wilkes, the latter by Alderman Sawbridge. On the first day of meeting, the.opinion of Wilkes prevailed ; but -when, on the following day, they met for the purpose of discussing the proposal, it was resolved, that instead of instruc tions for an impeachment, a remonstrance should be presented. The arguments used by both parties, on this occasion, were equally violent, and equally indecent. It may be mentioned, as a curious specimen, that Wilkes opposed the remonstrance, Vol. I. 3D "because 394 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. V. " because it would only serve to make a paper-kite for the' Prince of Wales." While Sawbridge opposed the impeach ment, " because Lord North, by his influence over the bishops and Scotch peers in the Upper, and over the placemen in the Lower House, would be infallibly acquitted, and the public precluded from every further complaint." The remonstrance it self was not only violent, but in many cases absurd. It re quired, for instance, " That his Majesty would for ever remove from his presence and councils, all his ministers and secretaries of State, particularly Lord Mansfield, and not admit a Scotch man into the administration." ¦ When parliament met on the 13th of November 1770, the king, in bis speech usual on such occasions, informed themf that the Spaniards had taken possession of an island, which the British claimed by the right of discovery, and in which they had actually formed a settlement. He laid before them the mode of procedure which in this conjuncture had been adopted by govern ment, and requested their advice regarding the measures most proper to be'pursued in future. In this speech, the obnoxious conduct of the -Spaniards was attributed rather to the perverse disposition of Buccarelli, the governor of Buenos Ayres, than to the Spanish monarch, or his ministers. This was censured by several of the members of parliament as a partial statement, since it seemed to be certain that the expedition directed by Buccarelli was sanctioned by his sovereign. Lord North, with out controverting the truth of, thiss assertion, alledged in behalf of the ministers, that the island in question did not appear to possess so much intrinsic worth, as to render a war on its ac count a wise or politic scheme. In such a case, it was proper to suppose the act to be that of the governor, till the Spanish king, after due consideration, should, by a public declaration, either confess or deny that the undertaking had been countenanced by the Spanish government. The minority in parliament perceiving, it is probable, that the ministers were somewhat unwilling to commence a war a- gainst Spain, used every effort to render the conduct of that nation as odious to the British as possible, and to brand die mi nisters with the imputation of pusillanimity and meanness. It was Chap. V.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 3£g was argued, that the conduct of the Spanish government had long had a hostile tendency, and that the affronts which had been offered at Port Egmont, only formed part of a train of in sults, which ought long before to have discovered to the British their inimical designs, and to have roused them to take, the -proper revenge. It was urged, that every where upon the coasts of the Spanish dominions, .particularly of the Spanish dominions in America, British vessels had been subjected to the rudest treat ment, had been searched, or rather plundered, without reserve ;. and that several thousands of- our seamen had been seized, and consigned to slavery. In order that these matters might be-more particularly investigated, it was moved in both Houses of Par liament, on the 22d of November, that an address should be presented to the king, praying, " That all papers received by the ministry, between the 12th of September 1769 and the 12th of September 1770, touching hostilities commenced, or designed to be commenced by the crown of Spain, or any of its officers, should be laid before parliament." This address was opposed by the ministers. The negotia tion for an -accommodation of all differences with Spain, was^ they affirmed, already far advanced, with the prospect of a fa vourable termination. The production of the papers demanded would create new embarrassments, and might finally involve the nation in war, when peace was so much more desireable, and when it might be maintained without any sacrifice either of ad vantage or dignity. The ministers, it was asserted, had hither to, in this business, conducted themselves with sufficient vigi lance and precaution ; and whatever might be the issue of the negotiation, a firm reliance might be entertained, that the ho nour of Britain would be carefully guarded against every viola tion. ' Lord Chatham on this occasion, as on many other occasions, was the most formidable adversary to the ministers. In his opi nion, to suppose the King of Spain to be ignorant of the go vernor of Buenos Ayres, was a fiction, unbecoming in a nego tiation between two enlightened nations. Supposing die seizure of i the settlement at Port Egmont to be the act of the Spanish government, "which, in his judgement, could hardly be doubt s' D 2 ed, 396 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. V. ed, the conduct of ministers was certainly in the highest degree mean and weak. It formed a remarkable contrast with that of _ a former administration, when Torttiga was seized by the French. The British ministers, at that time, deigned not to negotiate. They made a demand for instant restitution, not only of the island, but of all that belonged to the British who inhabited it. Even the meanness of negotiation would not, he conceived, ultimately serve the purposes which the ministers hoped to derive from it. War with Spain, might thus be for a little eluded, but war was, he conceived, inevitable, and that too at a time not far distant. War was, no doubt, if possible, to he avoided, but war was preferable to dishonourable peace, such a peace as must be the result of a sneaking negotiation. , But the nation, owing to the negligence of the ministers, was in reality unprepared for war. The navy in particular, the chief strength of Britain, was totally unprepared for any serious exertion. The ministers, indeed, boasted that they had equip ped forty ships of the line, and put them into commission; but instead of forty thousand seaman, which would be necessary to man such a fleet, they had not been able to raise more than, eight thousand in two months. The Spaniards, on the contra ry, had such a fleet ready for sea^ as we could not venture to oppose with any reasonable hope of success. Lord Chatham did not, however, transfer to the ministers the whole blame of the deficiency of seamen. It proceeded, he thought, chiefly from the opposition which had been made 'to the execution of the impress-warrants. Chatham's ideas on this subject were so very different from those of the party whose opinions in other respects he in general upheld, that they may be best conveyed in his own words. In the course of his harangue, he made use of the follpwmg expressions : " The subject on which I am speaking, seems to call upon me, and I -willingly take this occasion, to declare my opinion upon the question, on which much wicked pains have been employed to disturb the minds of the people, and to distress government. My opinion may not hie very popular, neither am I running the race of popularity ; I am myself clearly convinced, and I be lieve every man, who knows . any thing of the English navy, will Chap. V.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 897 will acknowledge, that without impressing it, it is impossible to equip a respectable fleet within the time in which such arma-- ments are usually wanted. If this fact be admitted, and if the necessity of arming on a sudden emergency should appear in controvertible, what shall -we think of those men, who, in a moment of danger, would stop the great defence of their coun try ? Upon whatever principle they may act, the act itself is more than faction ; it is labouring to cut off the right-hand of the- community. I wholly condemn their conduct, and ' am ready to support any motion that may be made for bringing those aldermen who have endeavoured to stop the execution of the Admiralty warrants before the bar of this House. My lords, I do not rest my opinion merely on necessity. I am sa tisfied that the power • of impressing is founded on uninterrupted usage. It is the consuetudo regni, and part of the common-law prerogative of the crown " This motion for the production of papers was unsuccessful in both Houses of Parliament ; but though great part of the papers demanded had been refused, such a quantity was produced as afforded the nation considerable information concerning the sei zure of Falkland's islands, the transaction which had- given rise to an apprehension of a rupture between the two nations. The measures at the same time were displayed, by which the minis ters endeavoured to avoid that rupture, or to preserve the honour of Britain. Even before Captain Hunt arrived in Britain with information respecting the designs of the Spaniards, Lord Weymouth had received a letter from Mr Harris, the British res dent at Madrid, communicating some intelligence of the intended expedition. In a short time afterwards, Prince Mazerano informed the Bri tish ministry, that an expedition against Port Egmont had been planned, and probably had already been executed, by the gover nor of Buenos Ayres. Mazerano avowed that he was ordered by his court to make this communication, in order to prevent it being received from a different quarter, and tb prevent the dis astrous consequences which such an undertaking, if not proper ly explained, might have a tendency to induce. It was, perhaps, somewhat singular in the Spaniards to hope that 898 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. V. that they should avoid the consequences of an aggression of this kind, by being the first to confess that they had undertaken it ; and Mazerano was informed, that if the proposed expulsion of the British from Port Egmont had already taken place, the con sequences which were deprecated could hardly fail to ensue. The British officer at diat settlement had. been instructed to or der the ships and the forces of all other nations to avoid those shores ; and if his orders of this kind were not listened to, all he was authorised to do was, to admit such as insisted upon it to make a joint settlement, till the matter could be decided in the courts of Europe which were principally concerned. Weymouth immediately requested to know, whether the Spanish ambassador were authorised to disavow, in the name of his court, the undertaking of the governor of Buenos Ayres. The ambassador confessed that he had received no such instruc tions ; and Weymouth, with the concurrence of the other mi nisters, demanded not only an express disavowal of the expedi tion against Port Egmont, but a restoration of the settlement in the same state in which it existed before the expedition. At the same time, Mr Harris was instructed to make the same de mands from the ministers at Madrid, and to assure diem, that on this compliance it depended, whether or not the Spaniards should be involved in a war with Britain. On the 25th of September, Harris communicated to Grimaldi, the Spanish minister, the demands of the British administration, and he received such an answer, as shewed that Grimaldi was unwilling, either explicitly to disavow the conduct of Bucca relli, or to acknowledge that his undertaking had been sanction ed by the express authority of the Spanish Court. His answers, indeed, were couched in such general terms as indicated an aversion to descend to particulars. The British, he contended, might have foreseen the expedition, or some expedition of a similar kind, since they had long been informed that the Spaniards were unwilling that they should form a settiement upon the disputed island. He at the same time expressed no small concern for the transaction, and averred, that lie had dis patched a vessel to prevent it, but unfortunately it had been too late to answer his design. While he testified his concern for the Chap. V.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 39H the transaction, he could not, he said, blame the conduct of Buccarelli, as he had done nothing which was not authorised by the" laws of America. Spain he represented as being averse to war ; but he said nothing of the concessions she was willing to make for the preservation of peace. Perceiving that this general mode* of answering tended rather to prolong than to terminate the negotiation, Harris presented in writing the demands which he was instructed to make. The Spanish minister, having laid them before the king, again an swered in general terms, that Spain was no less desirous than Britain of peace, but he could consent to no concessions by which the honour of the Spanish monarch might be tar nished. Harris again insisted upon an unconditional com pliance with the demands of the British ministers, as the only method by which war could be avoided ; and Grimaldi, proba bly finding it somewhat embarrassing to treat with an agent so tenacious of his purpose, shortly after informed him, that it was only at London that the affair could be properly decided. He added, that Mazerano was instructed to lay before the Bri tish ministers the ideas of the Spanish Court on this subject, in the hope that they might meet with their approbation. Mazerano was in effect instructed to make an offer of condi tional accommodation to the British ministry. On the 1 1th of October, accordingly, he proposed a convention, by which Spain was to disavow any particular orders given to Buccarelli, while it was to be affirmed that the American governor had acted in strict conformity not only to his oath, but to his general instructions, and consequently could not be supposed liable to any personal blame. The king of Spain agreed to restore Falk land's Islands, but with an express reservation of his own rights. At the same time he' required that the threat which Captain Hunt had used against the Spanish force at those islands, should be explicitly disavowed. This proposed convention was rightly judged by the ministers as a haughty attempt of the Spaniards to obtain concessions to which they had no reasonable pretensions. In reply, Lord Weymouth represented, that when the king of Britain allowed the Spanish monarch to avow himself ignorant of the conduct of his governor, and in this manner to restore the two kingdoms to »*00 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. V. to the same situation in which they had been before the trans actions at Falkland's Islands, it was no inconsiderable stretch of Toyal condescension. The negotiation, therefore, was not meant to concert terms of mutual concession '; it was meant only to concert the mode most agreeable to Spain, to carry into effect the necessary disavowal of the conduct of her officers, and the no less necessary restitution of the island which had been seized. The Spanish governor at Buenos Ayres, whether sanctioned by his superiors or not, had certainly affronted the British nation. A reparation was consequently indispensable. A moderate reparation alone had been demanded, but to render it conditional, was in reality to destroy it, and to place the offended nation in the situation of those who treated upon equal terms. The court of Spain could hardly expect that their proposition could.be acceptable to the British, or that it would meet with their approbation ; yet to the answer of Weymouth, Mazerano replied, that his power extended no farther than to conclude the matter by such a convention as he had proposed, and that if what he proposed were refused, he must apply to Spain for further instructions. Without waiting till Mazerano should make any communication to his government, Weymouth again instructed Harris to obtain a direct and decisive answer from the Spanish ministry. Harris, in consequence of his instructions, waited on Grimal di, but, notwithstanding repeated applications, he received no answer which could be deemed satisfactory : Grimaldi, either unwilling that the affair should be negotiated at Madrid, or more probably desirous of protracting the business, informed him that Mazerano at London had received new powers to renew the negotiation. Grimaldi, In his conferences with Harris, had succeeded in convincing him that the Spanish Court was serious in its nego tiation. He was even induced to believe that little difficulty re mained but the disavowal of Captain Hunt's menace. The powers now entrusted to Mazerano, however, seemed rather calculated; to prolong the dispute than to terminate it. Of so little importance, indeed, or rather so frivolous, were the offers deemed which he was empowered to make, that the ministers, desirous: as they were of Chap. V.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 401 of peace, began to conceive themselves as becoming gradually the dupes of the Spaniards, and to consider war as the wish, rather than the aversion, of those whom they viewed, as the ag gressors. Under this impression, orders were transmitted to Har ris to quit Madrid,- but, to preserve some appearance of deco rum, by taking the usual leave ; and the subjects of Britain in the various parts of Spain, were warned to provide for their own safety in the way which they might judge, most expedient. Spain at this time appears not to have been without her reasons for avoiding an immediate rupture with Britain, or, what might easily have been effected, an entire reconciliation. De Choiseul, the French minister, had long projected hostilities against Bri tain, in hopes of retrieving some of those possessions which had been wrested from ' France during the late war ; and had he been able to effect his hostile purposes, Spain would not have hesitated to join him in the prosecution of the war. It was un certain, however, whether De Choiseul would be able to prevail upon Lewis XV. whose disposition was not the most warlike, to commence war with Britain ; and without the support of France, Spain could not with prudence expose herself to the hazards of war. A temporizing system of conduct,, therefore, became necessary ; and such was the mode of conduct which the Spanish ministers adopted. Besides the indolent and voluptuous disposition of the French monarch, there were other Gauses which rendered it difficult for De Choiseul to persuade him to enter into war. France was involved in great pecuniary embarrassments ; the people were oppressed by the most enormous taxes; and what was of still greater consequence to the court, they every where testified the most violent dissatisfaction. With difficulty could Lewis pro cure those sums which were necessary for his pleasures, and that difficulty would no doubt be augmented in a very great degree^ were war commenced. Madame ; du Barry, besides, the king'? favourite mistress, who regulated, by consequence, the political measures of the French court, favoured that party which was averse to war, and hostile to De Choiseul. So effectually, in deed, did she exert her influence, that De Choiseul was dismiss ed from his office. Voi,. I, 3 E Spain 402: HISTORY OF THE [Chap. V. Spain could no longer expect the co-operation of France, and she consequently became anxious to avoid a quarrel with Britain ;' she accordingly renewed the negotiation with greater since rity. Mazerano informed the British ministers, that new condi tions of accommodation were to be proposed ; and Harris was again sent to Madrid in his diplomatic capacity. After a short discussion, it was resolved, in January 1771, that Falkland's islands chouid be restored to Britain in the same condition as when the garrison was expelled, reserving to the king of Spain whatever right he might have to the sovereignty of the territory. At the same time, he openly disavowed the violent conduct of Buccarelli. It may be proper to mention, that, in consequence of this convention, the island, in September 1771, was surren dered to the British. It had now become obvious, however, that the settlement deserved not the trouble or expence of main tenance, since it was neither valuable in itself, nor assisted in the attainment of ahy valuable purpose ; and two years had not expired before it was evacuated. It has sometimes been affirm ed, that this evacuation took place in consequence of a se cret agreement with the Spaniards, before they consented to re store the island ; but for this supposition there appears to be ' little foundation. The British were anxious to shew, that they retained the property, while they abandoned the possession. They left their flag flying, and fixed up sheets of lead in con- spicubus places with iriscriptions, declaring, that not only the storehouses and other buildings, but the whole island, were the property of the British nation, During these various transactions, several changes took place among the ministry. The seals' which had been resigned by Lord Weymouth were bestowed on Lord Rochford. Sir Ed ward Hawke was succeeded in his place of first lord of the ad miralty by the Earl of Sandwich. The Earl of Halifax was made secretary of state for the northern department, and the Earl of Suffolk lord privy-seal. Baron Apsley, formerly Mr Bathurst, obtained the place of lord chancellor, while Sir Wil liam de Grey, obtained that of chief justice of the common pleas. Thurlow was created attorney-general, arid Wedder^. burne solicitor- general, The ministers, who at this time pro bably Chap. Vi] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 403 bably conceived themselves to have received some addition to their influence, were still farther strengthened by the accession to their party of several of the adherents of Grenville, lately deceased, who had distinguished himself as an opponent to ad ministration. . • , ¦—.¦ A dispute; which about this period took place between die House of Lords and the House of Commons, though it led to no serious consequences, gave rise to a considerable, degree of animosity between the different members of the legislature. A motion was made by the Duke of Manchester, on the 10th. of September 1770, for an address for accelerating the prepay rations for. war, and for putting Gibraltar and the West Indian possessions in a respectable state of defence. The fprtress of Gibraltar, in particular, he affirmed, was in a very insecure state ; and as he continued to declaim at some length on that subject, and to censure the carelessness of ministers in suffering a fort of such importance to escape their attention, or at least to experience so little of their care, he was interrupted by one, who urged a motion to clear the house. Manchester, it was argued, was entering upon a delicate and difficult subject, a subject of, which he had given no previous notice, and conse quently one on which the ministers might not be prepared to give him a satisfactory answer. He was exposing the real or pretended weakness of the nation, and it consequently became improper to permit any one to hear, his declamation, who was not a member of that House. The motion was resisted by Lord Chatham and the Duke of, Richmond; but the cry of " Clear the house" resounding from all sides, it was carried without further discussion. Chatham and his friends, resenting the violence with which the motion had beeri hurried on, went out, and proceeding to the House of Commons, amused them selves with listening to the debates. Hitherto the peers had irritated only the minority of their own body, but the mischief was soon to become more extensive. Hardly had the motion for clearing the house been carried, when several of the Commons, attending with a bill, were ordered to depart. They insisted that the performance of dieir duty forced them to remain ; but they insisted in vain. They found 3E2 it 404 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. V. it necessary to retire till their message was delivered. They Were then admitted with their bill, which was no sooner re ceived than they were" once more forced to withdraw. Conceiving themselves to have been wronged by the indignity thus offered to them, they no sooner returned to the House of Commons, than they gave vent to the warmth of' their feelings, and found the greater part 6*f the members sufficiently ready to enter into their resentment. Chatham and his companions were still listening tb the debates, and the Commons, with more heat than discretion, immediately ordered them to quit the house. The Commons afterwards made several fruitless efforts to pro cure a discussion of the business, and, if possible, an accom modation. During the remainder of the session, the two houses of the legislature continued at open variance. The Com mons, indeed, did not rigorously adhere to their resolution of excluding strangers, but in this they were not imitated by the Lords. It was, on the contrary, carefully enforced, that no strangers should be admitted, except such Commoners as came to present bills ; and even these, when they had performed their duty, were compelled to depart. Parliament met on the 22d of January 1771, after the recess, arid soon after, the successful termination of the negotiation re specting Falkland's Islands was mentioned by the ministers ; but though it was mentioned by them with some exultation, it was censured by the opposition with the utmost asperity. The na tion, they insisted, had, by this transaction, been made the ob ject of contempt to its enemies. It had, in reality, been baffled in a dispute with one of the most Insignificant of the powers of Europe. When the papers illustrative of the transaction were laid before Parliament, they were canvassed with more minute ness than perhaps they deserved. After several violent debates, however, addresses of approbation were carried in both Houses. An attempt was made to censure the ministers for neglecting to demand an explanation of the oath of office imposed upon the governors in America, which the Spaniards adduced in justifi cation of the conduct of Buccarelli ; but the attempt, as might have beeri expected, was unsuccessful. The liberty of the press, which for some time had been car ried Chap. V.] REIGN OF GEORGE III, 405 ried to no small degree of licentiousness, excited the attention of the ministers, artd they resolved to punish several individuals, whose unguarded conduct had exposed them, to their vengeance. Several printers had ventured to republish some of the letters of Junius, which at that time attracted so much notice, and which were so particularly odious to the ministers. A printer named Wood- fall was brought to his Vial for publishing one of the. most ob noxious of these letters in the Public Advertiser ; and another person, named Almon, was tried for publishing the same letter in a monthly miscellany, called the London Museum. The latter was found « guilty of publishing," the former " of print ing and publishing only." The counsel for Almon moved for a new trial,, affirming that it had not been proved that he had indulged any criminal inten tion, or even that he had known of the sale of the offensive publication in his shop. It was shewn by affidavits, that the compilation known by the name of the London Museum was not the property of Almon, but of a person named Miller ; that it had been sent to the shop of the former without his knowledge ; and that, as soon as he had made the discovery, he had prohibited the further sale of it. These, and several other reasons, were urged in behalf of Almon ; but after the matter had been fully considered, the court refused him a new trial. Woodfall's counsel, too, used every effort to extricate him from his embarrassing situation. They moved to stay the en tering up of judgement upon the verdict, while the attorney- general moved for entering a verdict according to the legal im7 port of the finding- of the jury. When the motion of the attor ney-general was discussed, Lord Mansfield delivered his opinion upon the subject to the jury in the following words : « To con sider whether all the inuendos, and all the applications to matter and persons, made by the information, were' in dieir judgement the true meaning of the paper ? If they thought otherwise, to acquit the defendant -, but if they agreed to the information, and believed the evidence as to the publication, they should find him guilty. Whether the paper was in law a libel, was a ques tion of law upon the face of the record ; for after conviction, a defendant 406 HISTORY OF THE * [Chap. V, defendant might move in arrest of judgement, if the paper was not a libel ; the epithets in the information were formal inferen ces of law from printing and publishing ; no proof of express Jnalice was ever required, and it is in most cases impossible to be given. Where an act, in itself indifferent, if done with par ticular intent, becomes criminal, there the intent must be proved and found ; but where the act is itself unlawful, as in this case, the proof of justification lies on the defendant, and, in failure thereof, the law implies a criminal intent." In this opinion the court agreed. They consented, however, that Woodfall should have a new trial, not because they thought he had been wronged in the former, but from the use which in the former verdict had been made of the word only, which involved a considerable share of ambiguity. ' During these trials, arid on several other occasions, Lord Mansfield delivered opinions destructive, it was supposed, of the powers of a jury. Those opinions powerfully excited die attention of the public, and caused warm debates among all ranks, but especially among the more eminent lawyers, and at length in Parliament itself. Those whq were hostile to the ministers failed not on this occasion to accuse them of the most dangerous designs, not only against the liberty of the press, but against the highly valued privilege of a trial by jury. When the judges and crown-lawyers assumed to themselves the right of deciding what was a libel and what was not, they assumed a power of the most dangerous kind ; and many scrupled not to insinuate, that whatever was displeasing to the existing go vernment might tlienceforth be construed into a libel, a con struction in which it was declared a j ury had no right to inter fere. Lord Chatham, on the 28th of November 1770, took an op portunity of pressing the affair upon the attention of the House of Lords, by digressing from the matter immediately under their, consideration, to make some remarks upon the modem manner of directing j uries from the bench. Mansfield easily perceiving that his conduct was the object at which Chatham aimed, scrupled not to avow the practice, and to bring forward reasons for its justification. He openly declared his opinion, « That Chap. V.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. . 407 *« That a libel, or not a libel,, was a matter of law to be decided by the bench 5 and the question to be left to the jury was only the fact of printing and publishing." Chatham and Carnden expressed their abhorrence of such, doctrine, but their emotions were disregarded. When Mansfield openly avowed his opinion respecting libels, he afforded his adversaries an advantage of which they no doubfi were desirous, • and of which they did not long fail tq make use. On the 6th of December, accordingly, Sergeant Glynn moved for a committee to inquire into the administration of criminal justice, and the proceedings of the judges in Westminster Hall, particularly in cases" relating to the liberty of the press, and the constitutional power and duty of juries. This motion, though ultimately unsuccessful, occasioned a debate of great asperity j notwithstanding which, many of the principal speakers display ed very eminent abilities, as well as a minute knowledge bf the law. Many attempts were made to degrade the character of Mansfield ¦ himself, as the great abettor of arbitrary principles. In this, however, the, members of opposition were not unani mous. Burke and Wedderburne, though " they supported Glynn's motion, with-held not from Mansfield that praise to which they thought him entitled, not only on account of his abilities, which none denied, but on account of the integrity with which his abilities had been exerted, Mansfield's conduct being thus openly and violently censured, it became incumbent on him to defend himself; but this he did, not by again exposing himself to the virulent attacks of his enemies in parliament, but by a procedure which was more compendious, and which he judged to be more fit for his pur pose. Without explaining his reason, he moved, on the 7th of December, for a call of the House. The minority now flattered themselves that he was about to make a formal defence, but were much disappointed when, on the 11th, he delivered to the clerk of the house, for their information, though widiout per- » mitting it to be entered upon the journals, a copy of the opinion of the Court of King's Bench in Woodfall's case. Camden was very unwilling that the matter should rest in this situation ; and, on die following day, he attempted to revive the 408 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. V. the question, by piroposing to Mansfield six interrogatories ; but these the chief justice cautiously refused to answer. Other at tempts of a similar kind were made, but all without success. Mansfield maintained a silence which his friends called digni fied, and his enemies called obstinate. At a period considerably more remote, an effort was made to introduce into the House of Commons a bill to ascertain the powers of juries in the case of libels ; but this effort of oppo sition likewise failed. While a large party among the people loudly complained that their representatives iri parliament were so much corrupted as to be totally regardless of the national interests, some of those who had the power of electing those representatives, afforded an ex ample sufficiently convincing, that corruption was not confined to the ministers, or even within the walls of parliament. Hugh Roberts, the returning officer of New Shoreham, returned a Candidate who had Only thirty-seven votes, while another candi- , date for the same seat appeared to have eighty-seven. A peti tion was immediately lodged against this procedure, which was indeed apparently the most unjust ; and Roberts made such a defence as, without entirely exculpating himself, displayed in a clear light the corrupt practices of the electors of Shoreham. The greater part of these electors had formed themselves into an association, chusing for themselves the somewhat singular appellation of the Christian Club. Under pretence of religion, a disguise which has too frequently been assumed to cover the blackest depravity, they carried on, with less chance of detection, their nefarious practices. This association, the members of which were bound to secrecy by oaths, bonds with large penal ties annexed, and, in short, by every contrivance which vice has found useful to confirm the union of its adherents, had for its secret, and indeed its sole purpose, the sale, not of the votes of individuals, but of the whole borough, a sale which they could easily effect, as their number was much greater than that of the pther freemen, who had formed no connection with them. Still more effectually to prevent detection, their negotiations for sale were conducted by a select committee, who, after they had fix ed the bargain with the highest bidder, and had received the stipulated Chap. V.j REIGN OF GEORGE III. 409 stipulated price, directed the other members of the association how to vote, without, however, giving any suffrage, on account, as they pretended, of some delicate &cruples of conscience.. The death of Sir Stephen Cornish, the member for Shoreham, having occasioned a vacancy, five candidates offered themselves. A committee appointed by the association immediately began their operations. Two of the candidates were very liberal in their offers.; General Smith offered three thousand pound*, and to build six hundred tons of shipping at Shoreham : Mr Rum- bold offered thirty-five pounds to each freeholder. Mr Rum- bold's offer was accepted ; but he instructed his agent, when paying the money, to give thirty-five pounds only to such free men as were members of the association. Roberts, the return ing officer, . who had formerly belonged to the pious fraternity; but who had separated from them on account of some difference, resolved, on, this occasion, to make use of his knowledge to ruin them, partly, perhaps,, to revenge his former quarrel, and partly because he was disappointed in receiving any emolument from the sale of the borough. His interest, on this occasion, happening not strongly to oppose bis integrity, after obtaining the opinion of counsel,, he supposed the members of the asso ciation to be disqualified from voting, arid he made his return, not according to the number of names, but according to this calculation. . ¦ , The act which had been procured by Grenville for determin ing disputed elections not being applicable to the present case, the whole matter came before the House. Roberts, the return ing officer, being called to the bar, defended his conduct by various arguments; particularly he alledged, that though the greater part of the electors at Shoreham had taken the oaths against bribery and corruption, the very nature of that associa tion,, of which he had formerly been a member, evinced that these oaths, in this case at least,, were altogether nugatory. In consequence of this defence, it was allowed that his conduct was founded' upon proper principles, but that he could not, . even by his own defence, be completely exculpatedi, He was, however, discharged, after having received a reprimand from the Speaker. Voi, L S F It 410 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. V. It was more difficult to determine in what manner the elec tors of Shoreham ought to be treated. By some it was proposed, that the borough should be entirely disfranchised ; by others, that the guilty individuals alone should be subjected to the pu nishments provided by law. Qf these measures, the former was thought to be too severe, as well as to furnish a dangerous precedent ; while the latter must terminate in the escape of the guilty from punishment, from the difficulty, or rather the im possibility, of ascertaining the guilt by .legal evidence. The legislature, in this instance, chose a middle . course, though their measures were not adopted till after considerable alterca tion. A bill was passed, by which eighty-one of the free holders of Shoreham, distinguished by name, were disfranchised, and declared incapable of voting at any election of members, of parliament; while the right of electing members for that borough was extended to 'all the freeholders in the Rape of Bramber, in the county of Sussex ; a punishment surely not too severe for, the offence,." The attention pf parliament, during this session, was occu pied by a matter pf still greater national interest than die detec tion of this remarkable scene of corruption and venality. The existing law, and the known privilege of. parliament, expressly prohibited the publication of any thing which might pass there during the. debates, without its own special authority ; yet the printers of several public papers scrupled not to lay before the public, in detail, whatever was transacted worth recording in either House. Nothing cpuld be more agreeable to the people than such details' ; but to expect them to be impartial was evi dently vain,. They who made the reports, as well as they who ¦were to read them, were under the influence of party ; and it was hardly possible that the details should not receive some tinc ture from the. principles of him by whom they were made. Even had the reporter been strictly honest, which perhaps was not always the case, it was unreasonable to hope that his repre sentation of the debates should be strictly impartial. Almost every man, particularly every man much conversant in political discussion, has adopted the notions of some party with a greater er less degree of fondness. These notions imperceptibly infuse themselves Chap. V.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 41 J themselves into his narrative, and, even without his knowledge, give' a tinge to every political production. Those who, at this time, reported the parliamentary proceedings, could hardly have been void of partiality, and consequently misrepresentation, had they attempted it ; and it is more than probable that the attempt ~was riot always iriade. These reports of the proceedings in parliament had often given offence to the ministers, and to particular members, Whose speeches had been misrepresented ; but to restrain them. was~ a matter of no small difficulty. The persons aggrieved might indeed have recourse to the courts of law, but this was always tedious, sometimes dangerous, and in its issue too un certain to suit the purposes of those who were inclined to pro secute. Recourse, too, might be had to the privilege of par liament, and offenders in this respect might be called to the bar of the House ; and this practice, though always unpopular, and consequently unsafe, was more frequently used than the other. Printers', indeed, were frequently summoned before parliament, and were subjected to such. punishments as their faults seemed to demand, till an altercation with the city of London put a stop, if not to the fight,, at least to, the practice, except in cases of the grossest nature. The subject, at this time, was introduced by Mr Onsibw, who, on the 9th of February 1771, complained in the House of Commons of two printers, named Thomson and Wheble, for having misrepresented the speeches of several members, and made unjust reflections upon them. After the passages com plained of had been read by the clerk, it was moved, that the printers should be brought to • punishment for infringing the standing order. In justification of the motion, it was remarked, that this practice, though contrary to law, as well as to the pri vilege of parliament, had increased in an alarming degree: The members were every day represented as delivering sentiments which they had never uttered, and which were even inconsistent with their real opinions. , They were thus misrepresented and degraded, not to their constituents only, but to the world at large. During the most violent times, this practice had never arrived at such an alarming height. Even during the adminis- 3 F 2 tration 'N 41? HISTORY OF THE [Cha*. V. tratiori of Wajpple, and the unrelenting opposition which he experienced, no debates were published, except during the in tervals between sessions, and then they were conducted in a manner so decent as to preclude every pernicious effect. Now, however, the practice was carried on in such a way as to ren der it necessary either to call the "offenders to a severe account, or to reverse the standing order, and thus annihilate a regula tion which was daily transgressed with impunity. , This motion was not permitted to pass without animadversion. If such reporters of parliamentary debates as favoured the oppo* sition were partial in their representations, the ministerial papers, it was urged, cpuld not claim a much greater share of candour. The ministers and their adherents ought themselves first to ex emplify that sincerity and love of truth for which they fnanifest- ed so great a zeal. If every representative of the people con ducted himself in a manner consistent with his duty, he ought not either to be ashamed or unwilling, that not only his con stituents, but the whole nation, should know his behaviour. There seemed to be no good reason why parliament should re-; semble a secret committee. The represented, according to the principles of the constitution, had a right to know the senti ments and the behaviour of their representatives on all public pccasions. Individuals might, no doubt be on certain occasions misrepresented ; but they might at all times have recourse to the courts of law, where they might rely on receiving redress proportioned to the nature of the offence. This mode of ob taining justice, while it appeared sufficiently secure, was cer tainly less odious, and perhaps less oppressive, than the full exertion of parliamentary privilege, which would condemn to silence and to punishment the sincere and candid reporter, no less than the distributer of calumny and falsehood. These arguments were specious, ,but,. as the motion was made by the ministerial party, they failed of producing any effect. The printers were ordered to attend at the bar of the House. From the first moment at which this affair was agitated, the city of London appears to have judged it a favourable opportu nity of counteracting ' the power of the ministerial party, to which Chap. V.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 4 IS •i. which their enmity continued to be inveterate. The ministers, indeed, could not be said to be invading ancient rights and pri-- vileges, for the reporters had hitherto been indulged-, in manifest opposition to the known privileges of parliament ; but the detail of parliamentary proceedings was so agreeable to the people, and the practice of detailing them, when conducted in a manner which the law could easily enforce, seemed to be attended with so few real inconveniencies, that the proceedings of the minis ters against the printers were, by the popular party, easily con strued into a species of persecution. The city of London, therefore, in opposing the ministerial party, were in this case convinced, that their conduct would have the powerful sanction of popularity. The printers, perhaps apprized of the support which they might expect, were not solicitous to obey the order of parlia ment for attending at the bar of the House. The order, in deed, was several times adjourned ; and when at last the printers were commanded to appear, it was discovered that the last order of adjournment had not been served. This excuse was adm'tted 5 even a second was received, though with less complacency ; and the printers appearing still to be refractory, the sergeant at arms was commanded to take them into custody. This order was op posed with great violence, but unsuccessfully, and even by a very small party. The delay of the ministers in executing the orders for which they had received the sanction of parliament, placed them in a situation more disadvantageous than perhaps they at first ima gined. It displayed a kind of irresolution, which gave the city courage to oppose them, and it afforded time to contrive a plan of opposition. The effects of both were soon apparent.- Th^ sergeant at arms often called at the houses of the printers to execute the orders which he had received, and invariably receivi- ed for answer, that the persons whom he wanted were not at home ; and these answers were sometimes attended with some degree of personal inockery approaching to insult, and unequi vocally indicating a contempt of his authority! When the sergeant reported to the House the reception which he had experienced, a motion was made by Mr Onslow for an 414 HISTORY OF THE [CHap. V. -an address to the king to issue a proclamation, offering a reward to any who should apprehend the; delinquents. The proclama tion was accordingly issued ; but even this afforded the city an opportunity of displaying their little regard for the authority by which it had been procured. The delinquents were soon arrest ed, probably through their own connivance, to procure some one the proffered reward. Wheble was carried before Wilkes, who instantly discharged him, and even took recognizance for prosecuting the person by whom he had been apprehended. In justification of his cpnduct, Wilkes wrote to the Earl of Hali fax, alledging, that as the proclamation charged Wheble with no crime, .to arrest him was to-violate not only the chartered rights of the city, but the acknowledged rights of every British subject. Thomson, the other printer, was carried before Alderman Oliver, and was by him discharged in the same man ner, and for similar reasons. When the aldermen discharged the prisoners, they gave to the persons who had arrested them certificates, testifying, that they had brought before them the persons indicated by the pro clamation. These persons afterwards applied for the reward ; but the collusion was so obvious, both respecting the arrest and discharge of the delinquents, that the treasury-bench thought themselves justified in refusing payment. Provoked, probably, at this apparent contempt of their au thority, and probably resolved to shew, that though they had been somewhat dilatory in the prosecution of Wheble and Thomson, they were nevertheless determined to maintain their privileges, the House, on the 12th of March, in consequence of a, motion by, Mr Onslow, ordered six other printers to appear at their bar. On the second day following, four of them, whose courage perhaps was not great, or whose dependence on support was not such as to render them confident, appeare'd at the bar of the House. Of one the case was adjourned for future consideration ; three- were reprimanded and discharged; Woodfall, one of the six, who was still confined to Newgate by order of the Lords, could not attend ; and the sixth, whose name was Miller, resolutely refused to obey the summons, and the sergeant at arms was ordered to take him into custody. The Chap. V.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 415 The spirit of contumacy displayed by Miller was still superior to that exhibited by Wheble and Thomson, and he seems not to have been without encouragement to perseverance. The mes senger at arms, in consequence of his orders, proceeded to arrest him ; but Miller refused 'to submit. Violence was then used, when a constable, said to have been provided for the purpose, seized the messenger, ahd carried him to Guildhall, to answer for his conduct. The celebrated Wilkes, who happened to be the sitting magistrate, had finished the business of the day, and refused to take the matter at that time under his cognizance. The messenger, inconsequence of thisreiusal, was conducted to the mansion-house ; hut Brass Crosby, the mayor, alledged, that through indisposition he was unable to admit them ; and though it was then only three o'clock, the messenger under cus tody of the constable was compelled to remain in waiting till six. At that hour the parties were admitted, where they' found the mayor attended by Wilkes and Oliver. Miller complained of the assault. The mayor demanded information regarding Miller's offence, and the authority by which, he had been assaulted. The messenger said, that he acted under the authority of the Speaker of the House of Commons, and produced his.warrant. His as sertion was further confirmed by the appearance of Clementson, the deputy sergeant at arins, for whom the messenger had sent. , Clementson affirmed that he had come by the express orders of the Speaker; and in his name he solemnly demanded, not only the messenger, but the delinquent Miller. He was imme diately told, that it was highly Improper, if riot unjust, to arrest a citizen by a person who was not a constable, nor even a peace- officer ; and that to make a caption without the authority, and even without the knowledge of the mayor, was a gross violation of the city-charters. His demand therefore, he was informed, could not be granted, and Miller was immediately discharged. But it was not the design of the mayor and his associates to stop here. Miller was desired to prove the assault. This he could easily- db,; since the messenger '-had Openly taken him' by the arm to cafry him before the.House of Commons. The mesr senger, through the instigation of Clementson, refused to give bail, or, to answer at all to the complaint. The mayor soon convinced, 416 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. V. convinced them, that such a refusal was vain. A warrant to commit the messenger to the Compter was signed, and the offi cers were proceeding to put it into, execution, when bail was: reluctantly given. "\ The narrative of these proceedings, which was immediately made to the House by the deputy sergeant at arms, excited, it may easily be conceived, the greatest indignation. The lord-* mayor and alderman Oliver, as members of the House, were immediately ordered to attend in their places, and Wilkes to ap pear at the bar. The two former complied with the order with out hesitation ; and when the mayor was called upon to defend, his conduct, he replied with coolness, that his oath even as: an alderman bound him to defend the charters of the city. These charters he produced, and requested tb be heard by counsel. This request, apparently so reasonable, after some debate, Was refused. It was ordered indeed afterwards, that he might be beard by counsel on all points which did not; controvert the privileges of the House ; but as this very affair,, in the , opinion of the majority, controverted these privileges, this coneession.in reality denied him his request, while it granted him nothing which was not the right of every member. Still farther to evince their displeasure at tb© conduct of the city-magistrates, the House ordered the. mayor's clerk to attend with the book of minutes, and the recognizance for the appear ance of the messenger was by their order crazed. Crosby refused with indignation the indulgence of counsel, leaenting, the limitation with which it was granted. Indeed, it is not easy to conceive how he could, under .such linritatioMS-j have used counsel, ha the matter debated. His health at the same time being somewhat precarious, some delays were occa sioned before he was heard in his own defence. After the evi> denee had been heard,, it was resolved, after a long and. vfcural debate,.-" That ta release a person taken by virtue of the Speak er's warrant;; to apprehend the messenger of the House for exe- curing his warrant, and. to. hold the 'messenger. to bail for such pretended assault, were all breaches of privilege." Notwithstanding it was one in the morning: before the resolu tion in Crosby's .case was finally adopted, such was the keenness of Chap. V.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 417 of the House to prosecute the business, that instead of adjourn ing till next day, as might reasonably have been expected, they resolved to proceed against Oliver. His cause, however, de tained them not long. When he was called upon for his de fence, he answered with undaunted boldness, diat " he owned and gloried in the fact laid to his charge ; he knew, that what ever punishment was intended, nothing he could say^ would avert it ; as for himself, he was perfecdy unconcerned ; and as he expected litde from their justice, he defied their power." Sentiments of such boldness, expressed with so little reserve, were not likely to procure for Oliver a favourable decision. On the contrary, a motion was immediately made for committing him to the tower. This motion extorted from Colonel Barre a speech replete with indignation ; which was no sooner ended, than he, accompanied by nearly thirty members, quitted the house. It was afterwards moved as an amendment hi favour of Oliver, to place him under the charge of the sergeant at arms ; but he obstinately refused .to make any concession, or to soften the sentiments which he had already expressed j and the majo rity of the House, thinking it ill became them to be less positive than a high-spirited individual, persisted in their resolution of committing him to the tower. The mayor, on the 27th, again attended the House. The populace, in the mean time, informed of the manner in which their magistrates were used, crowded from every quarter, and conducted themselves in a very tumultuous manner. Lord North and Mr Fox were both severely insulted ; and greater tumults might have been committed, had not the crowd been appeased by some of the more popular members. The mem bers of opposition, seeing every thing carried in triumph against them, were at a loss how to express dieir indignation. Many of them refused to appear in the House ; and two of them, Sir George Saville and Burke, left it before die debate, exclaiming, that " they considered the refusal to hear the lord mayor by counsel as a prohibition of justice." Though Crosby was no less obnoxious than Oliver to the mi nisterial party, his ill health induced them to offer him the in dulgence of remaining in the custody of the sergeant at arms, Vol. I. S G instead m HISTORY OF THE [Chap. V, instead of being committed to the tower ; but Crosby indignant-. ly refused the indulgence. His health, the reason which they assigned for granting it, he said was somewhat amended. He wished not to receive any favours from the House; and he thought that it would ill became him to remain in the custody of the sergeant at arms, when his friend and fellow-magistrate was a prisoner in the tower. He continued to be of opinion that his conduct had been right ; and, on a similar occasion, he woulu still act in a similar manner. After a debate of much length, the mayor was ordered to be committed to the tower. When the mayor left the house, the populace expressed their regard for him in their own rude manner, by taking the horses from his carriage, and drawing it into the city. At Temple- Bar they' shut the gates, and desired the deputy-sergeant, who was in the carriage alpng with him, immediately to quit it. They would probably have compelled him to obey them, had not th^ mayor himself assured them that they who accompanied him were his particular friends, and were escorting- him home. Appeased by this assertion, the crowd waited upon him to the mansion-house, andathen dispersed ; and the mayor seized this opportunity of going privately to, the tower. When the populace became acquainted with the situation of their chief magistrate, their rage was extreme ; but as it was impossible for them to relieve him, they contented themselves with burning the effigies of several exalted personages, who were obnoxious to them, and who consequently received the chief share of the blame of the late transactions. Nor were commiseration for the fate of the mayor, and approbation' of his Conduct, confined to the lower classes ; every rank in the city expressed their approbation of the behaviour of their magistrates. At a common council held for that purpose, public thanks in writing were voted to the mayor and the two aldermen, for their spirited defence of the city-rights. While there remained any prospect of their conduct being successfully defended before parliament, four aldermen and eight commoners, as a commit tee, were appointed to assist in their defence, and to employ such counsel as might be thought most eligible, with the power ef drawing upon the chamber of London for the expence. When, Chap. Vi] REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 4,19 When the successful defence of the magistrates was no longer practicable, as the only tribute of gratitude in their power, they ordered their table to be furnished at the expence of the city, while they remained in the tower. In order, if possible, to procure liberty to the magistrates, writs of Habeas Corpus were sued orit on the 5th of April. In consequence of these writs, the prisoners were separately car ried before Lord Mansfield and De Gray, now lord chief justice ; but after their cases were fully heard, the judges declared them selves unauthorised to interfere. The prisoners were conse quently obliged to return to the tower. Attempts to liberate them were afterwards made, by carrying them before the courts of common pleas and exchequer ; but these likewise failed. Both courts declared themselves unable to reverse a decree of the House of Commons. The' prisoners, therefore, were ob liged to remain in the tower till the 8th of May, when the pro rogation of parliament legally terminated their confinement. The liberation of the city-magistrates from confinement in sucb a cause, was celebrated by the citizens with every demon stration of joy. By order of the common council, they were attended by a procession of the officers of the city, decorated with their robes. A vast crowd of the populace testified their joy in their own rude and tumultuous manner, and in the even ing the city was illuminated. The only one of the delinquents who on this occasion escaped with impunity, was Wilkes, whose former broils with the mi*- nisters had probably taught him precaution ; for though he was no less forward than the others to maintain the privileges of the city, he shewed himself more able to avoid the vengeance of government. When ordered to appear at the bar of the House, he refused to appear unless he were summoned to his place as member for Middlesex, the seat which he claimed. The order was renewed, but it met with a similar reception. The House of Commons was eyidendy somewhat embarrassed. Those who favoured the cause espoused by Wilkes were the first to exclaim, that the dignity of parliament was hurt ; that no individual ought to be allowed to treat it with contempt ; and that Wilkes ought not to pass unpunished, when his colleagues in office were 3 G 2 suffering 420 . HISTORY OF THE [Chap. V. suffering for their offence. The ministry, however, had already had a quarrel with Wilkes, and they probably were not desirous of a second-. They even studiously ' avoided all discussion on the subject ; and the more effectually to rid themselves of it, they ordered Wilkes to attend on the 8th of April,, while they were careful to adjourn the House till the 9th. As Wilkes had no right to their lenity, this informed him and fhe nation, that they were somewhat afraid to provoke him by a more rigorous proceeding. * The attack upon the dignity of parliament by the magistrates of London was so keenly felt, and so powerfully resented, that a committee, for the express purpose of maintaining and preserving that dignity, was appointed. This commit tee continued its deliberations about a month, and very san guine expectations were entertained regarding the result. The friends of administration were exulting in the hopes of' some plan which would baffle all opposition ; while the citizens of London and their adherents were devising schemes for counter acting what was so much to be dreaded. At length, as the result of their month's consultations, they simply advised, that Miller should again, be taken into custody by the sergeant at arms, as if «he city of London would not again have taken the same steps to prevent him from being made a prisoner. The members of the opposition, relieved at once from their dread of some mighty measure, viewed this advice in a very ridiculous light ; and Burke made a motion of thanks, in a style so severely ironical, that Lord North himself was the first to move an ad journment. Miller escaped without even any farther attempt to punish him ; and since that time, the proceedings of both Houses of Parliament have been regularly detailed without mo lestation. The city of London, at this time, eagerly seized every op portunity "/ ,j The Duke of Cumberland, brother to the king, in 1771, had- privately -married Mrs Horton, the daughter of Lord Irnham, and widow of Christopher Hbrtbn, of Horton Hall, in the coun ty of Derby. As soon as' the parties publicly acknowledged their marriage, the King testified his displeasure by forbidding them to appear at court. This mark of his resentment, however, made so little impression upon the other members of the royal family, that the Duke of Gloucester, another of the king's bro thers, who in 1766 had married the Countess of Waldgrave, chose this particular time publicly to announce his marriage. These matches appeared to the king to be so imprudent, and for several reasons so irritated him, that he thought it^necessary to lay the matter before parliament. On the 20th of February, accordingly, in a message to parliament, he reminded them that the right of approving of all marriages in the royal . family belonged to the reigning king ; and recommended to them se riously to consider whether it might not be proper to render the laws on this subject still more explicit, the more effectually to Vol. III. 3 1 prevent 434 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. V; prevent the descendants of George II. from marrying without the consent of the king, his heirs and successors. In compliance with the king's message, a bill was introduced into-the House of Lords, enacting that none of the royal family should marry without the king's consent, while they were under twenty-five years of age. After they exceeded that age, if the king refused his approbation, they might lay the, matter before: the privy-council, naming the person whom they were desires of espousing. If neither House of Parliament, within a year after this information, should petition the king against the marriage, it might then be legally solemnized. At the same time, the bill enacted, that whoever should assist any of the royal family to marry without complying with the provisions of the actj or even should know of their intention of marrying without giving information regarding it, should incur the penalties of a premu nire. This bill passed both Houses of Parliament, though not without violent opposition, and after many acrimonious debates. In the House of Lords, two several protests were entered against it, one signed by six, the other by fourteen peers. On the 10th of June, when the session terminated, the king expressed' his entire approbation of the manner in which the public business had been conducted. He thanked parliament -for the additional security which they had provided for the ho nour and welfare of his family ; and he again recommended -the cultivation of public tranquillity and mutual confidence. The king had now' acquired a more powerful controul over the members of the royal family with regard to marriage ; but this was not sufficient to prevent misfortunes of a different kind. On the 8th of February the king's mother, the princess-dowager of Wales, died ; a loss which was the more severe, that the king not only honoured and esteemed her; but loved her with a lively ¦affection. Her death, too, was somewhat sudden. She died in her fifty-fourth year, and consequently could not be worn out by the gradual decays of age. At a period somewhat pre vious, the king's sister, who had been married to the king of .Denmark, Was violently seized by a faction under the influence of the queeri-dowager of that kingdom, and several articles of -.accusation were held out against- her. Whether these. -articles ' were Chap. V.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 435 were proved or not, it is not necessary in this place to inquire. Her enemies in Denmark, however, thought them sufficient for their purpose. The unfortunate queen was for some time con fined in the castle of CronsbUrgh. From this confinement she was released through the interposition of Britain. She was then removed to Stade in Hanover, and afterwards to the castle of Zell, where the British monarch provided for her a suitable esta blishment. But her misfortunes had made upon her mind an indelible impression, and gradually impaired her health. In May 1774 she died by a very premature death, being no more .than twenty-four years of age. 3 I 2 HISTORY HISTORY OF THK REIGN OF GEORGE THE THIRD. CHAPTER VI. rl^HE British possessions in India, meanwhile, were the scene of transactions of no small importance. Lord Clive, who had been appointed governor-general, found it necessary to turn his most early and ardent attention to the conduct of the various officers and servants of the East India Company. Many of these had repaired to India for the express purpose of amas sing a fortune more rapidly than was possible in Britain, and of returning to enjoy it in their native country. Widi such views, and so far removed as they were from those to whom they were accountable, numberless enormities were daily committed. The interests of the Company were perhaps little understood by many of their servants ; and even where they were not misapprehended, they were generally regarded as matters only of secondary importance. Where the interests of individuals interfered, the good of the Company was gene rally overlooked. To repress these enormities, Clive made every effort 5 and his conduct, by a consequence almost unavoidable, excited a general disgust among those over whom his authority wps exerted. Unable to defend their own conduct, which was so palpably reprehensible, they had recourse to recrimination, not unusual in such cases, and retorted upon their governor the imputation Chap. VI.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 437 imputation of those crimes, from the guilt of which they. found it so difficult to defend themselves. His schemes for the reformation of abuse, it was asserted, had been prudently de ferred till he had amassed for himself a princely fortune. Had the same regulations which he now imposed upon others been at all times enforced upon himself, such a fortune could not easily have been collected. Nor was it merited, in their opi nion, by any services which he had » performed. He had, no doubt, in a great measure negotiated the late peace ; but those events which had enabled him to obtain terms so advantageous, had not only been planned, but executed, before he had the su preme direction of Indian affairs. The transactions were almost finished before he could interfere, and he had enjoyed the sin gular good fortune of concluding, with no danger and little difficulty to himself, transactions so advantageous to the Corn-* pany. The abuses prevalent among the Company's servants in India were almost as various as their different occupations;- but one of the first which called for Clive's interference, was the mode of letting the farms in that territory lately acquired. Too eager, perhaps, to procure high rent, the farms in the territory obtain ed in 1762 from Mir Cossim were let by auction to the best bidders, or, in other words, to the highest bidders ; and, ta render the leases of as little value as possible, they were con fined to the short space of three years. Even upon these unfa vourable terms, the old farmers offered such rents as, in their Opinion, they eould afford to pay without entirely ruining themselves ; but their offers were greatly surpassed by those of adventurers, needy and desperate, as well as ignorant, who hoped by plunder, if not by industry, to indemnify themselves for the rent which they were to pay. A very short experience, however, convinced them, that even plunder would not enable them to indemnify themselves ; and many of them, even at the end of the first year, were glad to obtain a discharge from their leases; by relinquishing a consi derable portion of their property. Thus, instead of procuring a higher rent, great part of the land was left entirely without tenants ; -438 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. VI. tenants ; and consequently, not only no rent was received, but ¦the land remained without cultivation. This failure, both of rent and of produce, caused a strict in quiry to be made into the mode iri which leases had -been grant ed ; and it was soon , discovered, that in this department, no less than in others, the grossest abuses prevailed. It appeared, indeed, upon investigation, that not so much as one half of the lands had been let, and that the greater part of the more va luable leases were, though under different names, actually in die possession of theCompany's officers. Even "the lands not occu pied by the officers as tenants, were nevertheless under the ma nagement of the Company's servants. These servants, under the denomination of collectors, while they oppressed the inhabitants of the country, were found almost universally to render very unfair accounts of their intromissions. The old farmers, who had been driven from their lands by. the rapacity of the adventurers, and among the- rest by the Company's officers themselves, and who consequently were de sirous of obtaining revenge, offered to lay open the frauds of the collectors, provided they were allowed to . share in the plunder which might thus be obtained. In consequence of the measures adopted on this occasion, much of the land was left unoccupied, and the governor was more anxious tb procure good tenants, than such as would promise great rents. These measures, though they offended many of the inferior officers, by compelling them to abandon farms which they had obtained in a clandestine manner, considerably augmented the Company's revenue. But though they thus promoted the prosperity of the Company, they at the same time created them many enemies. Every officer who was turned out of his farm became discontent ed ; and the greater part of them, not satisfied with venting their discpntent in India, took every opportunity of transmitting their complaints to their friends ' in Britain. Almost every one com plained thafe he in particular had been wronged ; while he blamed; without reserve, the conduct of those who had been most instrumental in promoting' the reformation in India. To the reports transmitted by those who continued to reside in India, were added the still more dangerous insinuations of those Chap. VI.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 439 those who returned td Britain. By many, of. these.it was as serted.,, that those who had been the most active in ruining the, fortunes of others by their boasted reforms, were themselves accumulating immense wealth ; and they inferred, that the af fairs of the Company would be in, a much more flourishing con dition, were they to receive a just account of all the revenue which really belonged to them. . These reports at length obtained so much credit among the proprietors of India stock, that the directors thought it neces sary to declare an increased dividend. Even the directors thought themselves justified in this measure, by the expected increase of their revenue ; but this increase, could not be imme diately realized. To expect, indeed, a very speedy increase of re venue from an augmentation of territory merely, was surely vain. The British were totally ignorant of the Hands which they had acquired, o They knew little of the disposition' of its inhabitants, and still less of their resources or modes pf; culti vation, and consequently, thejr profits from the culture of the land merely must for some time be uncertain. Besides, had the profit been even certain and considerable, it was not with out several checks. ' The increase of territory required, a pro portional increase of troops ; and the Mogul, as superior sove reign of the domain, claimed a certain portion of tribute. The Company, too, were under an engagement to pay to the British government a sum for the continuation of their privileges ; and these combined circumstances were such as rendered it im possible for them to pay the increased dividend, without 'adding to that derangement which in reality already existed in their finances. Under such circumstances, the directors were perpetually call ing for an augmented revenue from their servants in India, while their servants were continually defending their own conduct, and endeavouring to prove that the, expectations of the directors were too sanguine, and had been adopted with too much pre cipitation. The inquiries and investigations, however, which .took place in consequence of these disputes, laid open many proceedings which could hardly be defended with any degree of plausibility ; and as the Company's officers, had clearly acted wrpng 410 HISTORY- OF THE [CrtAP. VL wrong in many cases, it was inferred, that if they chose,- they might in this case, with due exertion, satisfy the demands of the Company. As one method of increasing 4:he profits of the Company, it was thought proper to order a much greater quantity of, Indian goods than had usually been imported, in hopes that they might be advantageously sold. But no small difficulty was experienced in obtaining the quantity demanded. The Indian manufacturers are generally extremely poor, and are consequently unable to pre pare any great quantity, of goods for the market, unless they re ceive from the merchant to whom they are to furnish them, certain sums of money for their immediate subsistence. From these merchants, who thus furnish ready money to the opera* tive manufacturers, the Company's servants were accustomed: to ¦» purchase such goods as were wanted, but, on the present occa sion, they were unable to procure the quantity demanded. The merchants could not advance to the manufacturers the great additional sums which were necessary. In such circum stances, the Company's officers thought it proper to put them.- selves in the place of the merchants, and to advance to the ma nufacturers the sums which they demanded. It is a well known, and appears to be a well founded maxim, that government can never profitably interfere with trade ; and in this instance the truth of the maxim was exemplified. In their dealings with the Company, the manufacturers committed numberless frauds. They even scrupled not, on some occasions, after they had received money from the Company, to deliver their goods when finished to other merchants. - To prevent such frauds, many overseers were invested with very extensive powers, and these powers were almost uniformly abused. Hardships and oppressions were daily multiplied, without pro- ducing the desired effect of augmenting the quantity of good?. This system of conduct, indeed, was discovered tobe so oppressive, and at the same time so unprofitable, that the Company found it necessary to return to their former practice of purchasing from the merchants. The augmented demands for merchandize, made by the Com pany, which was paid for in silver, coin, or bullion, and the increasing Chap. VL] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 441 increasing trade with China, which was carried on with the same material, had gradually produced a scarcity of silver in Bengal, which at length had become alarming. So mu'ch em barrassment was felt from the want of a circulating medium, that it was thought necessary to issue a gold coinage. This coinage, so far from answering the intended purpose, rather impeded commerce, than gave it any assistance. The natives, exclusive* ly accustomed to a silver "circulation,, received the gold with re luctance, and sometimes absolutely refused it. In China, like-' wise, it could not be vended but at considerable loss. Not withstanding every exertion to the contrary, it was often much ¦ adulterated, and thus became odious to every class of the com munity. Under these disadvantages, it fluctuated in its value, generally with a tendency to fall ; and in the same proportion the remaining silver rose. This fluctuation and uncertainty gave rise to numerous speculators, and to a species of traffic of the most ruinous description. Instead, therefore,, of- affording that assistance to- commerce which the Company intended, its only effect*'was, by increasing the value of silver, to make it more scarce, and thus, instead of Increasing, to diminish the circulating medium. The daily experience which was afforded of the evils attend ing the interference of the Company's servants as 'merchants, did not deter them from making continual attempts of that nature. Anxious only to promote individual aggrandizement, they little valued the interest of the country where they resided, or even of the Company by which they were employed. They sought every opportunity of interfering with trade, and generally mark ed their interference with every aet ef monopoly and oppression. Under pretence that the natives were guilty of great insolence and injustice in their transactions, an association of the Com- pa»y'»s officers, with the sanction of Clive, resolved to bestow upon themselves a monopoly of the trade in salt,, tobacco, and betel-nut. Of these articles the two last, no less than the first, owing to the habits of Indians, are ranked among the necessai- lies of life. The demand; therefore, must be great, and a monopoly of the supply must be productive of immense pro* fits. Vol. I. 9K ' In 442 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. VI. ' In favour of this commercial combination it was argued, that their great capital would enable them to sell at a much smaller profit than was exacted by the native merchants^, that the sup ply to the inhabitants would be more regular and abundant ; and that selling a great quantity at a srriall profit, would not only enrich the adventurers themselves, but afford a more ample re venue to government. The monopoly of a rich company, they averred, would have less temptation than even private adven turers, to sell a small quantity with a large profit ; on the con trary, they would have every inducement to sell a large quantity with a small profit., But all these arguments, however specious in theory, were found to be erroneous in practice. The privi lege of monopoly, which they*had assumed, held out allurements which they had not virtue to resist. It was soon discovered that a commercial association, no less than private monopolists, have an invincible disposition to enrich themselves, by the creation of arti ficial scarcities, and by , every method which has a tendency to procure the greatest possible gain from the smallest possible quan tity of merchandize sold. The monopolised articles^accordingly, rose in a short time to most extravagant prices ; a circumstance owing partly to the great profits which were exacted; and partly to the enormous duties imposed, in order to induce the Com pany to connive at their assumed privilege. The duty on betel-nut was fifteen per cent, that on tobacco was twenty-five per cent. and that on salt at first thirty-five, and afterwards fifty per cent. These various duties produced an annual revenue to the Com pany of a hundred and sixty thousand pounds. - The directors were no sooner informed of this monopoly, than they transmitted peremptory orders for its discontinuance, ex pressing, much displeasure that so nefarious a traffic should be conducted under their authority. They did not condemn the duties, as they brought , a considerable addition to the Com pany's revenue ; but they severely condemned the monopoly, which, as it so suddenly enriched those engaged in . it, could hardly be • supposed not to be oppressive to the inhabitants. They, were not unwilling that the inhabitants should be oppress ed for the advantage of. the Company ; but, somewhat to their credit, they were unwilling' that the oppression should be ex tended Chap., VI.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 443 tended so far as to enrich the Company's servants. Clive, who had himself been connected with the commercial association, no sooner was informed of the Company's resolutions, than he withdrew the stock which he himself had employed in the trade, and endeavoured as much as possible to prevent the Europeans from continuing their connections with the traffic. But the Europeans had already experienced its lu crative tendency, and it was not easy, or rather was not possible, to prevent them from using every effort to continue the monopor ly. For this they could no longer alledge the sanction of the Company ; but as they were in reality the governors^ and as the care of collecting the Company's duties fell to their share, they were still able to carry on their operations in such a way as to be not a little profitable to themselves, and still more oppressive to the wretched inhabitants. * In January 1767 Clive returned to Britain, his health being so much impaired as to render hia longer residence in India dangerous. His immediate^successor was Mr Verelst, who continued not long in power. Hardly had Clive left India, when a new enemy, to the British began to appear in that quarter. Hyder Ally, who distinguished himself so much as an enemy to the invaders of Indian inde pendence, was the son of Fatty Naick, an Indian officer of considerable Jank,- and of great bravery. Fatty fell in a battle between Rassoul Khan, nabob of Sirpi, and Cuttulich Khan, Subah of the Deccan. Hyder succeeded to his father's military ardour, and to more than his father's talents. He first distin guished, himself when he was no-more than twenty-five years of age, in the army of Carrasoree Nanderauze, brother-in-law to the King of Mysore. His own courage and skill were eminent ly conspicuous ; and though the force which he commanded did not amount to a hundred men,' yet, as they were disciplined under his own immediate care, they performed very brilliant actions. Such was the notice he attracted, that in a short time he found himself at the head of five hundred Sepoys,, two hundred horse, and a small train of artillery, armed like Europeans, and like the former, trained under his own care, in all the arts of Euro pean warfare. 3 K 2 • ' With 44* HISTORY OF THE [Chap. VI. With abilities so far above the ordinary level, Hyder was no fettered by any of those scruples by which they might be re strained, and, by consequence, every thing was made subser vient to his unbounded ambition. No sort of intrigue or strata gem, or even treason, was shunned, which could advance his aspiring projects, till at length, in 1768, he found himself in a situation to depose his sovereign, and to take upon himself die government of Mysore. His success in this difficult, though iniquitous undertaking, was not likely to diminish his ambition, or to render his con duct more scrupulous. He attacked, with hesitation, such of his neighbours as vyere too weak to resist his power, and in this way considerably augmented die dominions which he had wrest ed from his sovereign. During his struggles for power, Hyder fdund the British his most formidable adversaries. They viewed with jealousy his growing force, and they were anxious to pro tect from his insults, and from his usurped dominion, those small states which were unable to defend themselves. Afraid to attack the British with his own unsupported strength, he had recourse to his usual stratagems ; and after some nego tiation, he prevailed on the Nizam of Deccan to violate his al liance with the British, and to join him in a war against those whom he was pleased to denominate the common enemy. War was accordingly declared, but the British, who had foreseen that circumstance, were prepared for it. On the 26th of February, a considerable body of forces, under the command of Colonel Smith, attacked the allied Indians at Errour, near Tri- nomaly ; and though the numbers were very disproportionate, and though Hyder conducted himself with uncommon vigour and sagacity, he was vanquished. The Nizam of Deccan, who had joined Hyder rather through apprehension of his power, and dread of his resentment, than through attachment to his person or cause, no sooner saw him vanquished by the British, than he abandoned the alliance which he had framed with reluctance, and returned to his former con nection with the British, ceding to them, as a compensation for his defection, the dewanee of the Balagat Carnafic, including the territory of the prince for whornhe had just been fighting, Hyder Chap. VL] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 44.3 Hyder, thus defeated by his powerful enemyj and abandoned by his ally, was far from abandoning himself to despair J He presumed no longer, indeed, to oppose the enemy in the open field, but retiring into an inaccessible part of the country, he determined to protract the war till some turn of fortune might enable him to renew his active operations with greater prospect of suecess. Mangalore, one of the principal forts in Hyder's dominions, was on the 25th of February successfully attacked by a small squadron from Bombay. Several vessels were seized, of which nine were of considerable size. But the British, wishing to re tain the place in their • own hands, left in it a small garrison, which was afterwards taken. N Colonel Smith, meanwhile, who had pursued Hyder, found it impossible to overtake him, or to bring him to an engagement in a country of difficult access. He took, indeed, several fortresses, which made not a very formi-: dable resistance. -But Hyder soon evinced that he well knew how to make the best use of the precipitate and" incautious pro ceedings of his enemies. By a plan of operations which the British ought to have foreseen from an enemy of known cunning and dexterity, Hyder placed himself between Smith's forces' and the Carnatic, which he ravaged in whatever way he thought proper. From harrassing Hyder's territories, the British, were now called to defend their ally, and to repel the danger which threatened even the Company's domains. They abandoned their conquests with more speed than they had acquired them, and once more proceeded in quest of their active enemy. In vain, however, Smith used every stratagem to bring Hyder to a ge-J neral engagement. He knew that numbers alone were of little consequence when opposed to European skill and bravery. He knew the fatal consequences which must attend a general de feat ; and he knew, that by a desultory mode of warfare, he could harrass the British more than by attempting to oppose them in the field. After some time, however, an incident took place, which he thought might justify an alteration of his meai sures. Colonel Wood, at the head of a detachment of the Bri tish troops, was repulsed from Mulwaggle, a fortress which he had 446 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. VI. had attacked, and Hyder resolved, if possible, to intercept him in his retreat. With this view, Hyder advanced at the head of fourteen thousand cavalry, twelve thousand matchlocks, and six batta lions of Sepoys ; while W0O^'s whole force amounted not to three thousand men, of whom only four hundred and sixty were Europeans, and the remainder Seppys. Although Wood had even been desirous of avoiding the contest, he would have found it hardly possible ; but notwithstanding the great inferio- rity of his numbers, he rather provoked the engagement. The battle was as obstinate as might have been expected, from the great superiority of numbers, and the , known courage of the leader on one side, and the.no less superiority in skill and valour of the troops on the other. Victory long fluctuated in uncertainty, both parties in their turn being driven from the field. After the battle had lasted six hours, the British re mained ultimately successful, though not without a loss which, when compared with their whole number, could not be called small. Somewhat more than three hundred were killed, among whom were several officers. Two pieces of cannon fell into the hands of the enemy, and some officers were made prisoner^. The loss of Hyder's army was very great, though the amount eould not be easily ascertained. Though Hyder's army was thus defeated, his courage was not subdued, nor his purpose changed of harrassing the British by every method in his power. Leaving the army by which . he had just been overcome, and which he did not wish to encoun ter again, he proceeded with great celerity to the vicinity of Ma dras. Not did Hyder, on, this occasion, depend entirely on his own exertions. He negotiated an alliance with a prince of the Mahrattas, the most warlike of the Indian tribes, in hopes that he might be thereby enabled to withstand his powerful adver saries, The presidency of Madras was not a little alarmed at his approach. His exploits, indeed, were not in almost any in stance of a decisive kind, for he avoided all such with in dustry; but in the detail, they were utterly destructive pf the Company's interests, as well as the stability of their power ; and his connection with the Mahrattas would render him still more formidable Chap. VL] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 447 formidable. Unwilling, therefore, to expose themselves to the consequences of Hyder's exertions, they offered to negotiate for a peace. To Hyder this offer must be supposed to have been acceptable. It was no doubt a sure indication that his foes thought him for midable ; but he, no less than they, had many reasons to wish for peace. An usurper, at a distance from his dominions, is al ways in danger of insurrection and revolt ; he was anxious,' therefore, to return to secure those dominions which he had so, lately acquired. He saw that it was in his power to harass his enemies by continual skirmishes, and by1 his desultory mode of warfare ; but he likewise saw that he could hardly hope to make any serious or lasting impression upon them. In a decisive en gagement he was almost certain to be vanquished, and he could scarcely expect to make an impression upon any fortress. Without hesitation, therefore, he consented to enter into a treaty, though at the same time he evinced his political capacity by refusing to accede to a truce of fifty days, well" knowing that such a truce would enable his enemies to assemble their scatter ed forces, and to act against him with greater advantage. Af ter a short negotiation, as both parties were eager for peace, the treaty was concluded. All the forts which had been captured on either side were to be restored. No remuneration was to be demanded by any party for the expences of the war. A free trade between the parties was established ; and even so far did they go, that they entered into an alliance offensive and defen sive. After this contest, though the British were not vanquished, yet such were the dexterity and perseverance of Hyder, he gained terms which he could hardly have expected after a series of vic tories. Against such an adversary, the British carried on the war with singular disadvantages. In all his movements, he was too rapid to be overtaken ; and his constant aim was to protract the war by avoiding a decisive engagement. The movements of the British army, besides, at all times too slow for so active an antagonist, were much retarded by several officers attached to it, under the denomination of field-deputiesi These officers, created by some preposterous care of the Company for prevent- 448 HISTORY OF THE - [Chap. V* ing their troops from being removed too far from their own im mediate influence, had a decisive voice with regard to the mo tions -of the army. At the same time they were deeply con cerned in jts contracts ; and it is not easy to suppose that they did not sometimes regulate the movements of the maeh rather according to their own personal interests, than the real interests of the service. To lengthen- the war was to aug- ¦ment and continue their own immediate gains, and it is difficult to conceive that any of the Company's deputies, in such a case, would scruple to protract the contest, however injurious it might prove to the Company itself. The appointment of field-deputies was hurtful to the Com*. pany's service in another point of view. The military officers, finding themselves continually liable to the controul of persons little acquainted with the duties of a soldier, Were disgusted. Many of diem resigned their commissions ; not a few went over to the enemy, where they received ample encouragement ; and they who remained, displayed all that, remissness and' inactivity which usually attend such as are under the controul of persons whom they despise. To the other difficulties of carrying on the war, was added the great expence which it occasioned. This expence,. indeed, was so great, that Madras, the territory chiefly concerned, was unable to defray It, and drew for relief upon the council at Calcutta. Bengal at this time laboured under that scarcity of currency which has been already mentioned ; the remittances were made in gold coin, and the depreciation which it underwent increased the embarpassr ment already sufficiently alarming. Such at length was the Scar city of currency and of silver in Madras, that it was impossible to- send the necessary quantity to China, for the purchase of merr chandize.. In India itself, the scarcity of money, joined to the hazarjjs of war, prevented the manufacturers from following their, usual occupations, at least with their usual ardour. ; and from alL these sources united, the distress- of this part of the Company's possessions became very serious, and gradually com*. municated itself to the rest. The danger of the Company's territories did not excite a stronger sensation in India than in Britain itself. The British had Chap. VL] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 449 had been taught to consider their Indian possessions as a never- failing source of power, as well as of wealth ; and the recent ter ritorial acquisitions had been represented as an overflowing fountain of both. It was no small mortification, therefore, to find that these possessions, instead of .being profitable, were'in reality expensive, and were held by a very precarious tenure. This gloomy prospect was darkened 'by the distance of the country, which rendered it impossible to obtain frequent notice concern ing the state of-.the Company's affairs. 'Such was the despondency excited in the nation by these different cause vthat within a few days India Stock experieiieied - a depression: of sixty percent. Every one was anxious to get rid of a;spec'ies of property, which fluctuated so frequently in its value ;,and en the;preseritoccasion few were willing, to purchase it even at that reduced- price. To investigate, the causes pf this unfortunate 'State of 'the Com pany's affairs, and, -to rectify them if possible', C£r-t4int commis sioners were sent; to India, under the de'npnrihatipiv'of super- , visors, with f til} power to inquire 'into ,'every department of the Company's service, and unrestrained coatroul oyer the Com pany's servants. These, commissioners were -three In number, Mr Vansittart, Mr Scrafton, and Colonel Ford.; the twp former qualified to inspect the civil, the .bitter the military departments. They were appointed on the 14th of June 17<5,8,"and great hopes were entertained from theif exertions. They did not sajl till the 22d of August. Hardly were the^ supervisors appointed, an appointment which did not take place without' violent debates among the directors, * when they fonnd themselves immersed in new difficulties, by be ing involved in an altercation with the ministers. The court of directors had applied to government for permission to equip for their own service jn the Indian seas, two ships of the line and several frigates. This petition, at first made by the directors alone, was soon sanctioned by a general court of the proprietors of India stock ; but it met not with a ready compliance from the ministers. On the contrary, they found fault with the ap pointment of the supervisors,. pointed out some circumstances in their commissions wlrich they deemed illegal, and concluded by Vol. I. - 31 demanding 450 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. VI. demanding that a servant of the crown should be permitted to take a principaLshare in the management of their affairs. , The directors, equally unwilling to forego the advantages which they hoped tp derive from the possession ef a maritime ¦ force in India, and to permit an officer of the crown to superin tend their transactions, entered into a keen contest on the subject with the secretary of state. Ithad at the same time beendemanded, that the Admiral of the Company's fleet, who, was to be appoint ed by government, should have unlimited power to regulate all maritime affairs,— a demand which thedirectors thought tooex-, prbitant. After rriuch discussion, both parties relinquished somewhat pf their original pretensions. The supervisors- were permitted to sail : the idea was abandoned of" appointing, a ser vant of the crown to superintend the affairs of the Company; and Sir John Lindsay, the Admiral nominated by government, sailed for the Gulph of Persia, with full powers tp make peace and iwar in Persia only. The benefits expected to flow from the interference of the supervisors were never to be realised. The ship iri which they , sailed was lost, though no certain account seems to have been received either of the time or place of the accident. Whatever was the reason, no other persons were at that time commission ed to succeed them. The war in which the British had been engaged with Hvder, in which they had gained little honour, and perhaps less profit, was scarce terminated, when India was invaded by the still more dreadful evils of famine. Rice, the species of grain on whieh the Indians chiefly, depend for sustenance, requires for its suc cessful culture a great proportion of moisture, and at this time a season uncommbrily dry caused the crop almost entirely to' fail. The British immediately foresaw the consequence of this circumstance, and many of them began to form schemes for turn ing it to their own advantage. The directors, indeed, published- edicts'; prohibiting their seryants from interfering in the inland trade ; but where exorbitant gain was in view, the .prohibitions of the directors and the dictates of conscience were equally dis. regarded. Before the natiyes, less sharp-sighted in such mat ters, began, to suspect their design, the British eagerly purchased grain" Chap. VI.] "*- REIGN OF GEORGE ill. 451 grain wherever it was to be found; the scarcity, which perhaps was unavoidable, was thus -accelerated. The burning of several granaries belonging- to native merchants aggravated the- evil, and the British possessing almost the whole grain in the country,' had it in their power to make their own prices ; they failed not to make them sufficiently enormous, demanding, when they sold, nearly ten times, the sum for which they had puri chased. Had the British demanded in this case a profit only moderately exorbitant, their trade upon the whole, by checking the tob profuse use of grain, might have been beneficial to the country ; but by demanding a price which alrriost no one could give, they 'reduced all, especially the lower ranks, to the greatest distress, and induced the nabobs, by largesses somewhat too profuse, to ac celerate the consumption of the grain in their possession. Even the grain engrossed by the British at length was exhausted, or at least was raised to such a price as to be utterly beyond the reach of Ordinary purchasers. The inhabitants of the country, seeing the produce' of their fields quite consumed, cf&wded to the cities only to witness scenes still more shocking. Multitudes ' daily .died' in the streets through mere hunger ; and though, in Calcutta, the Company instantly employed a hundred men to re move the dead bodies into the Ganges, this labour was inade quate to free the city from the numerous carcases. The heat, which was uncommonly intense, raising from these carcases putrid exhalations, increased the mortality; beasts and birds of prey flocking from all quarters, added to the. horror of the scene ; and though rice could no longer be procured, the inhabitants could not have recourse to other, kinds of provisions, because not only the fish in the river fed upon the carcases of, the dead, but even the hogs and poultry in the streets ;• and for that reason, every one turned from therh with disgust. Mutton, in short, was, almost the only food which could be used ; and in such a situa tion, the distress of the greater number can hardly be conceived. Amidst these distresses, mariy' of the Company's servants amassed immense wealth, while the affairs of the Company it self' continued to be in the most backward. condition. Their re- venu%was more than ever inadequate to the discharge of the expences of their government, and they attempted to improve it, 3 L2 noS 1& HISTORY OF THE [Chap. VI. not so much by checking the malversation of their own servants, and by encduraging the arts of industry, as by curtailing,- in a manner not the most honourable, the annual sum. which by v treaty they w.ere bound to -pay to several of the Indian princes. v In Britain, the transactions and events' in India were be held with no small degree of anxeity and consternation. The i territories of the Company were now extended much beyond what had been foreseen when they first began to trade fo India. • The territory itself, though under the management of the Com pany, was deemed by many an essential part of the British em pire. Not only was its trade necessary to British prosperity, the . whole system of its finances and government was ulti mately so connected with those of Britain, that any' considerable shock in the one, was supposed necessarily to bring along with it- a considerable sensation to the other. The mischiefs arising from the malversation of the Company's servants, were such astlie Compajiy could riot repress; on the contrary, they Were daily in creasing. This, which arose partly from their distance from the country to be governed, was Owing in a still greater degree to the nature of their government itself. -The directors, called-frorh. occupations which necessarily confined their views, were appoint ed to exercise the rights of sovereignty ; but so far were they from being allowed time for acquiring any knowledge of the art of ruling; an art not to be attained surely without application, they were scarcely permitted to remain in office so long as to be informed of the execution of their first prd'ers. Not unfre quently ignorant of the nature of the country and people which they were to govern, their orders were sometimes utterly in consistent with, it, and were consequently disobeyed ; and this practice of disobedience once overlooked, was soon extended to cases where the same necessity could not be alledged'. These mischiefs were in some measure unavoidable, even had all- the directors been anxious to promote the good of the regions oVer which their authority extended ; but many of these directors - but he had persevered in the labours of reformation, and j this perseverance had not only hurt his private fortune, but had given rise to those aspersions of his character which were now so plentifully lavished; He shewed' that the charges respecting the monopolies 'of cotton, diamonds, salt, beetel-riat, and tobacco, were groundless. And so faf frbrn receiving presents from- Mir Jaffisr, as had been alledged, he had converted a legacy of seventy thousand pounds, together* with forty thousand mory; which he had persuaded diff< nabob to- grant, to- a fund for> the relief and Support ofinvalid officers, soldiers, and their widows. The distraction of the Company V affairs in Indiat, according to Clive, originated in die misconduct of their inferior servants; and must continue so long as they had the same incitements to malversation. Their conduct wad such as 'degraded the British 3M? nam* 460 HISTORY OF< THE [Chap. VI. name in India, iwithout' being productive of any profit to Bri tain, or even to the Company;. " Let us for a moment consi der," said Clive, ", the education of a youth destined for India. The advantages arising from the Company's service are now ge nerally- known, and every man is- desirous to get his son appoint*- ed a writer to Bengal, Which is usually at! the age of sixteen* His parents and relations represent to him the^ certainties of ma king a fortune,- inflaming his ambition by reference to peers and commoners who ihave amassed great treasures in short periods. Thus affel their principles early corrupted ; and as they generally go in considerable numbers, they mutually inflame their expec tations to;sneh a degree, in the course of the voyage, that before their arrival, the period of" their, return is fixed. Let us now view one of these writers arrived in Bengal, and not worth a groats As soon as he -lands, a banyan, possessed perhaps of one hundred thousand pounds, "desires hejnay have, the honour of serving'this young gentleman at four shillings, and -sixpence per month. . The Company has provided chambers for him, but they are not good enough ;; the banyan finds better. The young man,i in walking about the : town, observes that, other writers, arrived only a year before, him, live in splendid apartments, or have houses of .their own ;. ride upon fine prancing Arabian horses, 'arid irt palanquins and chaises ;; that they, keep seraglios, maker entertainments, and treat with; champaigne -and claret, When he reports his observations, .the banyan assures him he may soon arrive at the same good fortune,, furnishes him with money, and acquires over him absolute power. - The advantages of the banyan advance with the rank of his master; who; in ac quiring one fortune, generally: spends three. But; this is not the worst ; he is in a-statei'of dependence on the banyan, who commits acts, of violence and eppressionund.er the pretended sanction rand authority of, the Company's servant. Arid hence arises the; clamour against the English gentlemen In India."-*- Clive concluded by affirming, that np method seemed: more proper for the. correction, of the abuses prevalent in India, than a steady perseverance; in the plans which he himself had adopt. ed-- ¦ ¦¦ -•-¦' ''"'¦' h ' :i,i':.irJ- :-;.-.: , . It ^appears,- 'indeedj-noit to have been easy to attach any serious ' rv..; . t\ degree Cha*. VI.]. REIGN OF GEORGE III. 461 degree of blame toClive's conduct during his last government ; but his enemies, relinquishing that subject, had recourse to his conduct in his former government in 1157 r when Surajah Dow lah was deposed. When thethird report of the select committee was presented, General Burgoyne moved some propositions, which, though they were of a general nature, yet evidently" • pointed to Clive's conduct. In these propositions it was affirm- » ed, that all acquisitions made under the influence of a military force,-' or. in consequence of a treaty with a foreign power, of right belonged to the state ; that to appropriate to private use acquisitions made by such meajis, was illegal ; and, finally, that by such' means great sums of 'money had been obtained from the Indian princes. The tendency of these resolutions was easily perceived; they accordingly experienced much opposition, but ..< they were ultimately passed. It was not Burgoyne's intention to permit the matter to ter minate in the enunciation of a few general propositions. On die 3d of May", accordingly, he more directly made his attack upon Clive. The deposing of Surajah Dowlah, and the conse quent elevation of Mir Jaffier, were in his estimation the. true source of all the mischiefs experienced in India. That revolu tion had been effected chiefly, or rather entirely, by treachery ; and Omichund, the confidential servant of Dowlah, and a prin cipal, agent in the nefarious transaction, had been deceived by a false treaty, in order tp retain from him the payment wlrich had been stipulated for his perfidy to his master. Admiral Watson's name had been affixed to this treaty without his consent, even without his knowledge. The whole, in short, had been a con tinued scene of deceitful policy, or perhaps more properly of villainy. Burgoyne therefore thought himself justified in mov ing, that " Robert Lord Clive, about the time of deposing Su rajah Dowlah, nabob of Bengal, and establishing Mir Jaffier on > the Musnud, did, thrtough the influence of powers with which he : was entrusted, obtain, under various authorities, sums a- mounting to two, hundred and thirty-four thousand pounds, and in so doing, ¦ abused those powers, to the evil example of the servants of the public." -^During the debate to which this motion gave rise, Clive de fended 462 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. VI. fended his conduct at great length. He shewed that his behaviour had at that time met the full approbation of those who were best qualified to judge of it, and most interested in forming a correct opinion. This he-endeavoured to prove, by producing die nabob's letters to himself as president of the select committee;, the com mittee's' letter to die directors, and the letter of approbation transmitted to him by the directors themselves. The late con duct of the directors he severely censured. When they met, it was for the purpose of iudulging in luxurious gratification,- while they committed' the management of their affairs to persons e- quaRy ignorant apd unprincipled. . The conduct of the commit tee of inquiry he likewise thought* highly blameable. Instead of; taking large and comprehensive views of the Company's' con cerns,, they confined their attention to the actions of individuals, and particularly scrutinized his own behaviour with a minute ness which indicated something like a determined purpose of find ing fault. To receive presents, during the period of his first government, was not generally deemed illegal; and though he coulci not deny having received a great dea), he- could, if he had chosen, have received a great deal more. His conduct had rex sened the Company's affairs from ruin. It was such as it had not been usual to censure in India, and had always been directed by views of sound policy. Omichund had indeed been deceived, but Omiclmnd was a villain, false in the first place to his master, and threatening, in the second place, to prove equally false tb the British. To deceive such a person was not, in his opinion,. a fault of unpardonable magnitude. The court of directors had on this occasion bestowed on him the most flattering encomiums^ and had presented him with a richly decorated sword as a mark of their approbation. Lord Chatham, a statesman to whose opi nion surely the highest deference was due, had approved his conduct,' and he believed Was ready td appear at the bar of the House, to express what opinion he still entertained of it. After having thus; exerted himself for the good of the Company, dfed of his country, bethought it strange to find his conduct arraign ed before that House, as if he had been grossly criminal >. he thought it strange, that these very parts of his conduct which lwd formerly been so highly applauded,, should now be so vloi lently Chap. VI.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. «BS lently condemned. « I cannot say," he continued, "that I eidiesr sit or rest easy, when I find that all i have in the world is con fiscated, and no one will take my security for a shilling. These are dreadful apprehensions to .remain under, and I camnotlook upon myself but as a bankrupt ; I have not any thing left that i can call my own, except my paternal fortune of five hundred pounds per annum, and wlrich has been in the family for ages. But upon this I am content to live, and perhaps I shaU find more real content and happiness than in the trembling affluence of an unsettled fortune. But if it should he the casej I have a conscious innocence that tells me imy conduct is irreproachable. Frangai, nonfiectes. They may take from me what I have, .they may, as they think, make me poor ; but I will be happy. I mean not this as my defence. My defence maybe made at the bar; but before I sit down, I address one request to the House,' that when they come iQ; .decide upon my honour, they will not for get their own." , > Clive had no sooner concluded his speech, than he left the house ; and after some altercation, the original motion of cen sure was negatived, and a resolution was passed, merely assert ing the fact that Lord Clive had received the sum of L. '234,000, adding that he had rendered great and meritorious services to his country. The ministers themselves seem not to have been agreed concerning the merits' of Clivete conduct. He was ably defended by Wedderburne, the solicitor-general, while the at torney-general, Thurlow, joined with the minority in voting for censure. The inquiry, into Chve's behaviour proceeded no farther, and this stop to the investigation has generally been deemed a sufficient exculpation. But though he, himself had boasted that he should be happy, were he even deprived of afl except his paternal estate, he found happiness to be beyond his reach, notwithstanding he was allowed the quiet possession of his Immense fortune. Whatever were the cause, whether dis appointed ambition, or a conscience in reality too delicate for those scenes in which he had been a principal actor, an un ceasing^ disquiet invaded his mind, and terminated at length in a partial derangement of his intellectual faculties. The pa roxysms became continually more violent, till, on the 22d of November 464 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. VI. November 1774, they terminated his existence. Some scruple not fo affirm, that by violent means he put an end tp his own life.. . . • . - - «.» The 'attention of parliament was, during this session, excited by the state of the island of St Vincent:in the West Indies-® a subject, it must be confessed, of infinitely less importance than the empire which the British were now beginning to form in the East, but yet sufficient to attract much of the public notice., St Vincent's, . an Island not more than twenty-four miles in length, and- twelve miles in breadth, though discovered by Co lumbus himself, had long been, neglected by the Spaniards, partly because, in. proportion to its size, its inhabitants, were very numerous ; partly because it produced not gold or silver, the precious materials rfor which alone the Spaniards of those days thought fit to lay waste any country. The original inhabitants, like all the primitive natives of' America, were of a reddish colour, and hence, by some writers,, were called the red Carribs ^ by others, from a different idea of the same colour, the yellow Carribs. This race, though they were totally uncultivated, are generally described as -possessing mild manners and a gentle disposition ; as living in amity with each other, and seldom displaying much animosity against any other tribe with which they became acquainted. Towards the end of the seventeenth century, a slave-ship from Guinea was wrecked upon the coast of this island, and the negroes; whom the ship's company could no longer~keep in subjection, were suffered to establish themselves with but little resentment from the inoffensive natives. These negroes and their descendants, from the Comparative darkness of. their complexion, have been distinguished sby the name of black Carribs. , More hardy, more bold, more enterprising, and more crafty than die true Carribs, they soon obtained that superiority to which their numbers at first did not entitle them ; and they rapidly multiplied, till even in numbers, and much more in power, they surpassed the original. inhabitants pf the island. This superiority, which put in their power the more fertile parts of the country, was not obtained without violent struggles with die .native inhabitants. Tnese struggles inspired the French Chap. VI.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 465 French inhabitants of Martinico with considerable hopesr of being able to make themselves masters Of the whole island ; and accordingly, in 1719, they landed a body of troops, ex pecting to establish themselves with ease, by assisting the weaker against the more powerful party. The red Carribs appear to have suspected the aid which was thus offered to them, and the French, obliged to contend with the black Car ribs unsupported, sustained much greater loss than they had originally expected. Despairing of being able to establish themselves by force, they had recourse to negotiation, and by the appearance of the most abject submission to the rude inha bitants, and that conciliating behaviour which the French have always displayed among savage tribes, they at length succeeded in forming a settlement consisting of eight hundred Europeans, and three thousand slaves. To accomplish this purpose, they hesitated not to submit to-many circumstances which several other nations would have reckoned degrading. A story is par ticularly narrated by Raynal, which puts this in a very striking point of view, which, though Raynal's authenticity be not of the first character, may here been repeated. " The black Carribs^ he informs us, conquerors and masters of all the leeward coast, required of the Europeans, that they should again buy the lands diey had already purchased. A Frenchman attempted to shew the deed of conveyance from a red Carrib. I know not, says a a black Carrib, what thy paper says, but read what is written on my arrow. There you may see in characters which do not lie, that if you do not give me what I demand, I will go arid burn your house to-night." Whatever may be the truth of this story, it is certain that the French submitted to much humiliating treatment, in order to re concile to their settlement in die island the ferocious black Car ribs. With this view likewise they endeavoured to instil into them, just as much of the Romish religion as shofild make them abhor all of a different persuasion. By these and similar measures, the French had already ac quired a great ascendency in the island, when the British, who have long been noted for their avidity of West Indian posses sions, began to consider this island as of considerable import- Vol. I. 3 N ance. 466 HISTORY OF THE« [Chap. VI. ance. For some time, they wanted either the power of re ducing it to subjection, or a pretext for attemptinig it. TRey so far succeeded, however, that by the Meaty of Aix- la-Chspelhf, St Vincent's, with several other islands, were to be considered ' as neutral. The Carribs were to be considered as the true pro prietors, while die Europeans who had already established therhselves there, were allowed to retain what they possessed. This agreement was rather perhaps of a temporary nature, than agreeable to the real views of either party ; and it soon appeared unprofitable to both. The French and English were astonished that they had granted to the Carribs, or as they termed them sa vages, any kind of right to their natural possessions, and they a- greed to make a partition, not of St Vincent's only, but of several neighbouring islands, more consonant to what weTe conceived to be the political interests of France and Britain. Accordingly, in the treaty concluded in 1762, these powers resolved that the islands of Dominica, St Vincents, and Tobago, should be the property of Britain, and that St Lucia should be the property of France, without considering whether the Carribs had the, natural and real right to any part of these islands. In 17Q4, the British, in consequence of the treaty just men tioned, took possession of the island of St Vincent's. Many of the French inhabitants immediately left it, choosing to live under their own government in other places ; and so far had the^ French, by their dextrous management, ingratiated themselves with the Carribs, that many even of them solicited leave to de part with their old neighbours, and to settle in the French island, St Lucia. The French, howeverj judging that the Carribs , might be more useful to them in St Vincent's than in St Lucia, refused their request. The Ftench had ceded the island to die British, as they themselves possessed it, without mentioning the Carribs, and it had naturally been inferred, that they were to remain in possession of the whole island* It Was soon discovered, how ever, that the Carribs possessed a groat portion of the most va luable part of it ; and as they had not been expressly men tioned- in the treaty, it was conceived that this portion, as Well as the rest) Was the property of the British. The Bri. tish Chap. VI:] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 467 tish ministers, however, either through consideration that the Carribs had no ambassador at the negociation of the treaty by which their territory was supposed to be transferred, or per haps suspecting that the Carribs might be unwilling to part with their lands, or might be able to oppose a somewhat formidable Objection to their violent seisure, delayed for some time a regular survey of that part pf the island which they possessed. The Carribs at first lived under the British, as they had been accustomed to live under the French, in an inoffensive manner ; but either being informed of the intended survey of their pro perty, or perhaps prompted by the insinuations of the French, they began do evince some symptoms of discontent, and then they are said to have clairned more land than could be of use tothem; at least they claimed more land than the British thought it was -.proper to allow them. Wben three years had been occupied in the survey of , this small island, it was reportedby the person employed, that the ori ginal Carribs amounted to a very small number; and that the -whole Carribs did not amount ''to above two thousand, eve.n ifir , eluding tfieir iwomen and children ; that the black Carribs and red Carribs lived remote from each other; .that the former pos sessed the most fertile part of the island, which they ,did not cultivate ; and that, in the opinion of the surveyor, they.occupied a great deal more than they were entitled to possess. They der pended, indeed, upon hunting and -fishing, for the. .chief part of their subsistence ; but. why' should they depend on employments- which required such ample territories in proportion to the, num ber oif inhabitants ? It was dangerous, besides, that -savages, even though they were the lawful proprietors of the soil, should remain neighbours to the planters, who.could employ their lands, in a much more profitable manner. As the red Carribs, nevertheless, were not objects of terror, it would be improper to permit them tobe. exterminated by the blacksCarribs ; not only as it was forbidden by humanity, but as it was giving more, real. strength to theblack Carribs, their natural enemies. On the contrary, both as a matter of policy and humanity, the red Carribs ought to he sup ported ; but that, at all events, it was expedient to consider how 3 N 2 both 468 HISTORY OF THE^ [Chap. VI. both races could be disposed of, so as *®.4le*ye theislarid in the quiet possession of the planters- This representation appeared so reasonable to the British govern ment, that commissioners were again appointed to survey several of the most valuable parts of the island, claimed by the black Carribs. To palliate this proceeding, which was certainly undertaken with out the consent of the Carribs, the proprietors of the soil, the commissioners had instructions as liberal as could be suppo sed in such a transaction. The Carribs were not to be removed from any part of the ^territory till their chiefs not only were in formed of the transaction,' but were made to understand it. Very particular injunctions were given fo consult the dispositions of the Carribs, and to make arrangements of such a kind as might be agreeable to their habits and manner of life. The com missioners were to receive no fees, violence was to be avoided, and the strictest good faith to be observed in their transactions. The Carribs, however, were not to be allowed to fix the price of their own lands. This was dictated in a summary manner by the British government. Where the land had been cleared, four Johannes, amounting to seven pounds four shillings Sterling, were to be paid to the Carribs ; where the land had not been cleared,, no remuneration appears to have been proposed, the British probably thinking that the clearing1 of such lands was a sufficient price. The commissioners no sooner received their instructions, than they immediately proceeded tb act in obedience to them ; and, probably without consulting the Carribs, but certainly without obtaining their concurrence, they began to survey their lands, and to make a road into their territory. The Carribs, much provoked, and apparently not altogether without reason, shewed themselves ready to oppose by violence an invasion of their pro* perty to which they had riot consented. They assembled accord ingly, to die number of two hundred, in order to oppose the surveyors ; and as the latter were protected by a detachment of only forty men, they easily surrounded them ; but they had re course to no other kind of hostilities than that of preventing them from receiving supplies of provisions and water; a negative mode of warfare, which indicates little of that ferocity, which has ge nerally Chap. VL] REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 469 nerally been supposed to form a prominent feature of the cha racter of the Carribs. The governor at this time was absent ; but Mr Alexander, the president of the council, who supplied his place, assembled a hundred troops, and sent them to the release of the surveyors and their guard. Whatever might be their inclination to active .hostilities, their injunctions to the contrary were so positive, and the Carribs had hitherto behaved in so moderate a manner, that they chose to have recourse to treaty rather than to violence. They accordingly proposed to desist from the construction of the road till farther orders could be received from the British go vernment, and at the' same time to desist from the proposed sur vey of the territory- The Carribs immediately declared them selves satisfied with these terms, and without hesitation liberated the detachment which they had surrounded. These proceedings, however, laid the foundation of animosi ties whjch- continued to operate on both sides. The Carribs were convinced that the planters had not abandoned their inten tion of seizing such parts of the island as might please them when they should find it more convenient ; and the planters perhaps were not a little desirous, that the Carribs should pro ceed to such acts of violence as might give some countenance to active hostilities, for without such hostilities it was now evident that the Carribs could not be prevailed upon to abandon their territories. The Carribs, on the other hand, believing that their neigh bours still cherished the design of driving them from their pos sessions at a more convenient time, could not help expressing their resentment by several acts of aggression, though apparent ly much less violent than might have been expected from their alledged character. New barracks had been erected for troops at a place called Mercerika. The troops to be lodged there the Carribs conceived to be intended to act against them, and they accordingly demolished the house which the soldiers were to occupy. At the same time, they, as might have been expect ed, broke up that part of die projected road which had been fi nished, and destroyed the huts erected for those who had been engaged in the work. They are said likewise to have committed several 470 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. VI. .several ravages upon, the plantations in ttha vicinity; "but of .these the accounts were probably exaggerated. Though the Carribs had rib small iireaSori to resent the intend ed partition of their lands, tliey might hot perhaps have persist ed «o pertinaciously in their enmity to the British planters, had they not been encouraged by the French, Who had long been in possession of the island, and Who had as usual been very .suc cessful in ingratiating themselves with the natives. The French .island of St Lucia, at no great distance} afforded' them an Op-^ 'portunity .of maintaining a correspondence with the Carribs ; and Fr.enCh emissaries, it was believed, wefe' continually em ployed in persuading them to revolt from the British j or >at -least to disturb their peaceable possession of- the island. In order ,to this, they assured them that the British were heretics, a terrible word to such as had Imbibed a smattering of the Catholic reli gion. But an insinuation still more formidable was, that the British believed the Carribs tobe descendants of araceof slaves, the .property trf , a British merchant ; and that as soon as diey icauld he subdued,. they were to be sold as slaves to the: planters an the different British islands. Under such impressions;' we ought to be surprised that the Carribs'had not recourse to mea sures more atrocious than any which have been imputed to diem. . A war, with France imeariwhile was expected to be inevitable, and the planters were convinced that they were totally unable to oppose the- Carribs, supported. as they, certainly would be by the .-French in the vicinity. The disputes which had already taken place, augmented those fears, not altogether perhaps without foundation ; and the desire of possessing the territories t»f the Carribs, which was far from beingxdiminished, imparted probably an inclination to augment their terrors, that they might .thus be furnished with- a pretence for their intended ag. gression. Instigated partly peihaps by their real fears, and probably not a little by their desire of obtaining possession of the island which they so much coveted, they eagerly, represented, in every dis patch to government, their precarious situation with respect even to their personal safety, and with greatearnestness request ed Chap. VL] REIG** OF GEORGE HI. 47'T ed an additional armed force for their protection. Amid all their featis, however, for their' personal safety, they could not conceal their eager desire for invading the so much coveted ter ritories of the Carribs ) and Mr Alexander, already mentioned, expresses, in one of his dispatches, someth'mg like a wish to be permitted to proceed to extremities ; and in plain terms ex presses his disappointment " at being obliged sp soon to aban don « that fine cream part of the island." He consoles him^ self, however, by supposing that his return to it would not be . long delayed, and would be effectual for the great purpose of the planters. ' The yiolent projects of the president of the council, however, were not supported by those whose power in the island was su perior, at least they were not so openly avowed. With a view to overawe the Carribs, the lieutenant governor embodied the militia, but at the same time, to evince his pacific disposition, he published several proclamations of the most moderate nature, directed tp the Carribs, and designed to prevent the effects of their resentment. He seems not, however, to have been altoge ther free from the prejudices of the planters, as, in a report to the colonial assembly, ' he represented the utter impossibility of re taining possession, at least with any degree pf advantage, of any part of die island, while the remainder was possessed by the fe rocious Carribs, who were already disaffected, who submitted to, no laws but their own, whp admitted a,mong them no civilized inhabitants, or none in the interests of Britain, and who, in every untoward circumstance, would be ready to join every ene my, and more particularly the French, to whom their attach ment was well known. At the samp time he could not with hold his information, that in his opinion they might be easily overcome ; as if the ease of conquest ought to have been any just argument to instigate the British government to have re course to violence. The number of fighting men did not ex ceed a thousand ; yet though they were headed by several chiefs of no inconsiderable abilities, one regiment, added to the militia, and other forces already in the island, and the whole supported hy that part of the British Navy which was in the neighbour hood, particularly if some allowance were made for presents and other 472 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. VI. ' other incidental charges, this thousand men and all their chiefs, however intelligent, might, without a great, deal of bloodshed, be reduced to a proper submission to government. The planters nright then live unmolested ; and, what to an economical go vernment was of some consequence, the sale of the lands thus to be acquired would overbalance the sums to be expended in their acquisition. These representations had not the influence upon the British government which perhaps was expected. The Earl of -Hills borough, in a, letter to the lieutenant-governor, Fitzmaunce, gave his approbation to measures of defence, in case the Carribs should carry on offensive hostilities. If such hostilities, indeed, were continued till they indicated some degree of danger, he was authorised to apply to Genera} Gage at New York, for additional troops ; but this application was to be accompanied with a full and explicit representation of the state of the island, and npt only his reason for requesting an armed force, but his particular rea sons for demanding a certain number of men. The Carribs, meanwhile, probably not unacquainted with the views of the planters, instigated by passions incident to an uncivi lized state of society, and perhaps influenced by the French, whom they seem to have considered as their friends, instead of becoming more submissive, daily became more insolent and po sitive in the assertion of their independence. * An embassy which they sent to Count d'Henri, the governor of Martinico, proposed to him, if they could furnish them with a small assist ance, to exterminate the whole of the British inhabitants. The governor of Martinico without hesitation-rejected this proposi tion ; and the- Carribs, discouraged by their failure in this point, as well as intimidated by the raising of the militia of the island, remained more quiet than might have been expected. Thp Carribs, notwithstanding this repulse, continued their correspondence with the French ; and a new governor being sent to Martinico, he appears, as well as the gbvernor of St Lu cia, to have encouraged their illicit correspondence, and to have inflamed their enmity against Britain^ So far, indeed, are they said to have carried their resentment, that when^they could not succeed in seducing the slaves from, the different plantations, they Chap. Vl.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 478 they made no scruple of stealing them ; and those who could not be persuaded to be transferred to French masters, are said not unfrequently to have been put to death. TheSe outrages, though immediately distressing, were not per haps altogether displeasing to the colonists, as they furnished them with circumstances at least plausible, for demanding a greater military force 'than had been allowed them. The confieCtion of the ' Carribs and of the French was continually placed be fore government in the most alarming point of view. It was represented, and probably the representation was not incor rect, that the planters had purchased their plantations under the guarantee of the crown, that they should be secured in peace able possession of their property. The truth of this represen tation was confirmed by a report of the commissioners of the "¦ sale of lands to the Board of Trade ; and, in consequence of this representation, the Board, in their report • to government, concurred in the opinion, that a military force ought to be esta blished in the island. The British government, with a moderation which ought to be praised, because, in similar circumstances, it is seldom imi tated, still displayed an aversion to violent measures, and trans mitted to the governor, Melville, orders to treat with the chiefs of the Carribs for a surrender of some portion of theif possesi. sions in an amicable' manner, and for a stipulated remunera tion. A deputation of the Carribs, accordingly, waited upon him auGrenada, and endeavoured to convince him that they enter tained no aversion to the British, and that they had no improper attachment to the French. The report made of this conference by Melville induced the British ministers again to instruct their commissioners in St Vincent's to confer with the Carribs, and to obtain from them, if possible, a purchase of part of their lands. An interview, in consequence of these instructions, took place at Morne Garow, and an offer was made to the Car ribs of what was judged a very liberal price, for about 4000 acres of land which they claimed as their property, but did not occupy. The frequent and earnest application of the British government tp the Carribs taught them. to. augment the value of Vol. I. 3 O their 474 HISTORY OF THE [Chap, VI. their lands, and their encouragement from the French conti nually told them to resist the offers of the British. One of the Carribs,_who on this occasion had much influence, had been educated: among the French in Martinico, and had lately return ed to St Vincent's, chiefly, ithas been suspected, for the pur pose of swaying the councils of the Carribs in the way most agreeable to the French. Under such circumstances, it is not surprising thftt'i|iie Carribs refused to transfer any part of their property to the-British upon any account. It is perhaps still less wonderful, that when they were required to take the oath, of allegiance to the British monarch, they refused it with disdain. They owed no allegiance or subjection, they affirmed, to the British or to th^'French ; for, though weaker, they were by natural right as, friuch independent as either. They at the same time avowed .diat their attachment to the French was greater than to the British ; and they are said to have affirmed, that the former had promised them aid, provided they would oppose the measures of the latter. The assertions of the chiefs of the Carribs, thus expressed, are said to have been confirmed by an , intercepted letter of the governor of St Lucia, in which -they were addressed- as ari in dependent people, and flattered in such a way as made them entertain high notions of their own importance. It is not sur prising, therefore, that the commissioners should recommend those violent measures which they knew to be so agreeable," to the planters. They could not indeed show, that they had any right to drive the Carribs from that part of the island which -they possessed, but they had several arguments about the expe diency of the measure. It was impossible, in their opinion, that so small an island could remain tranquil, while it was di vided between a savage and civilized' people ;. while the for mer seemed to have particular prejudices against the British na tion, and appeared willing to embrace the earliest opportu nity of exterminating the planters, fr was not now the mere value of the lands which was to be considered, it was the ho nour of. Britain. The British nation had engaged in a contest with a smalt tribe of barbarians, and it became them not to display/the imbecility of yielding ; and they thought that the best Chap. VL] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 475 best possible way of securing the island was, to persevere in making the road, and to introduce 'a white population among the Carribsi In order to induee the British ministry to adopt violent mea sures against the Car-ribs, the letter which had been intercepted was sent to Britain, lt was insinuated that moderate measures -had been rejected, and that force was now the. only resource.. It had been proved that the Carribs had a correspondence with the French of a hostile nature, and such a correspondence, it Was affirmed, conveyed to the British a right to make, in their Own defence, and in prevention of every threatened injury, all possible exertions. The council and assembly, at the same time, did not fail to inform government, by a special memorial, that the White inhabitants were under the greatest apprehensions with re gard to living in the same island with people who had openly con fessed their friendship for the French, who, if they proceeded to war, would forget not only^humanity, but justice ; and who at ¦any time could provide a force superior to what the British in that part could oppose to them. The British government, they thought, was under an obligation, at least in equity, to protect them. The planters had exposed themselves to the hazards of an insalubrious 'climate; had hazarded every part of their for tune in the adventure ; and had been assured that government would consider them as being under its protection. The natives were uncommonly insolent, arid, with the assistance of the French, seemed capable of causing the possession of the island to be extremely precarious. The planters had, as they affirmed, tried every gentle mode of securing themselves in the quiet pos session of their property ; but their forbearance had, by the inso lent Carribs, been construed into pusillanimity, and had conse quently increased, rather than diminished, their arrogant pre- ' tensions. ¦' , It was now sufficiently evident, indeed, that the Carribs would not consent to dispose of any part of their territory in the way of sale, and that, as they avowedly favoured the inter ests of the French, they must be dangerous neighbours- to the British planters. It became in that case evident, that either the Carribs must be brought under subjection, or the island must 3 0 2 -be 476 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. VI. be considered gs being tacitly irt the power of the French. De spairing, therefore, of being able to obtain from the Carribs, by pacific measures, the terms which were desired, an armed force was ordered to proceed- to St Vincent's, andthe commanders; of ships on the leeward station were directed to prevent all in tercourse between St Vincent's and the French islands Martinico and St Lucia. , The British, mean while, were unwilling to proceed to vio lent measures ; and in the dispatches which were sent to the island, they expressed a hope that the hostile preparations which had been ordered would so far intimidate the Carribs, as to preclude the necessity of actual hostilities; and the governor- was charged to endeavour to conciliate their favour, by allotting, them such a portion of territory as might be. judged necessary for them. It was added, nevertheless, that if the removal of the Carribs from the island appeared absolutely necessary Jo the interests of the British, they should be. conveyed to some un frequented part of the shores of Africa, and should be supplied with such topis and. necessaries as might be necessary to their future subsistence. The armament sent to the island on this occasion, though not very considerable, was yet sufficient tb accomplish its purpose. It consisted of a 'few regiments from New York, Dominica, and several other places ; but the force, though not great, when supported by the fleet ' in that part of the world, which pre vented the Carribs from receiving, from the French that assist ance which had been expected, was sufficient, in a short time, to reduce them to subjection. They were therefore soon compelled to submit to such terms as the British chose to dic tate, and these terms were "perhaps less severe than many of the planters would have wished to impose upon. them. The Carribs owned their subjection to the British government, and agreed to take the necessary oaths of allegiance. ' A portion of land was allotted to them, which was to be considered as' their property, and of Which the secure possession was guaranteed to them upon the faith of the nation. This territory, however, was to be open to the British when in search of their fugitive slaves, and roads were to be permitted to be made through it Chap. VI.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 477 in every direction. In their contests with each-other, thev were to be permitted to use their own laws or customs ; but in their ¦disputes with the British, • their differences were to be deter mined by the laws of Britain. The number of British who fell in, this insignificant contest was about one hundred and fifty. .A somewhat larger number fell the victims of the climate ; and at the conclusion of the treaty, four hundred, and twenty- eight were sick and wounded. This business was finished before it could be examined ia .parliament, yet the minority failed not to attack, with their usual acrimony, die conduct' of the ministers on this, occasion. When the army-estimates were presented on the 9th of Decem ber 1 772, Mr Thomas Townshend mgved , for an examination into the -management of the troops in the West Indies. Allud ing particularly to St Vincent's, he affirmed, that the troops in .that island were unprovided with tents, or any yother kind of camp-equipage, and that, in a cluuate so insalubrious, the men were compelled to sleep in the woods, without any other shelter than that which nature afforded. This was intended to excite compriseisation for the British soldiers, and Alderman Trecothick endeavoured to inspire some pity for the poor na tives. He wished to know the cause of carrying on hostilities against the' Carribs, who, in his opinion, had given no just cause of- offence, and consequently were not the proper ph- jects of resentment, and were too inconsiderable to be trie ob jects of terror. The British, he thought, were emulating the Spaniards, who had oppressed and massacred the Americans, to acquire the possession of lands of which they had never been able to make the proper 'use. Lord George Germanic and Colonel Barre spoke with indignation of the folly of sacrificing the lives of British soldiers in so frivolous a cause, and de precated that wanton trifling with the lives of men, in which they thought the ministers too ready to indulge. Without being intimidated to meet the. inquiry. Lord North expressed his eagerness to have it commenced, and informed the House that they should receive all such documents as were necessary in the discussion.. The documents were, accordingly produced, and it seems to have been proved that the troops had not 478 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. VL not been neglected; -whatever may have been the justice of the behaviour towards the Carribs. In February following, the question again came before die House, when it was moved by Townshend, That Generals Wooten and Trepaud, who commanded the troops employed -in St Vincent's, should be examined. Wooten's evidence was of litde consequence, but Trepaud read the extract of a letter, dated the 17th of December, which tended to criminate die- British ministers. " The mortality among us," says the writer of t this letter, « is very great, owing to heavy and continual rains which we have at this season. The poor Carribs have been ill used. They act with great caution, and the woods are so thick, that they knock our men down with the greatest secu rity to themselves, as it is impossible we can see them. We have only been able to penetrate four miles into the country. God knows how this pretty expedition will end ; all we hope is, that the promoters and contrivers of it. will be broughtsto a speedy and severe account." - This melancholy letter was opposed by government by an as sertion, that so far from having received any complaints, the ministers had not received intelligence of any kind since some time previous' to the date of the letter in question ; and that, consequently, little stress ought to be placed upon a quotation from a letter said to -have been received at that date. The question next came to be considered, of the general cha racter of the Carribs, and of the treatment which they really merited- from the British nation, and, on this occasion, the tes- temony. delivered was of a very contradictory nature. Gover nor Gore, and Lieutenant Fletcher, commended them in terms almost unqualified ; but they both had left the island previous to the commencement of the dispute which had occasioned the inquiry, and consequently their evidence was regarded as of in ferior importance. Captain Farquhar, at the same time, who had for some time acted as Governor Melville's deputy^ decla red, -that the- Carribs never displayed, so far as was known to him, any instances of ill behaviour; that, on the contrary,' their disposition was peaceful, and their inclination was to cultivate the arts; of commerce, rather than of war. One named Chap. VI.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 479 named Captain Ross, on the other hand, who had recently visit ed the island, declared that the Carribs were thieves, and utter ly unworthy of confidence ; and the speaker of the assembly, whose name was Mr Sharpe, affirmed, that they were a faith less people, and that, if they were suffered to continue in .the island, the British could not for a moment depend upon pos sessing it in security. The properties and lives of their neigh bours were equally disregarded by them. Robberies were fre quent, and murders not uncommon ; and it was proved that their correspondence with the French was undeniable. Though it cannot be doubted that the Carribs had maintain ed a correspondence with the French, prejudicial to the inte rests of the British planters, it is difficult to conceive how their character, as detailed by the different witnesses, could be per fectly correct. It ought to be recollected, however, that the opinion of one party of the witnesses seems to have been form ed before the dispute between the Carribs and the British plant ers had tended to any dangerous crisis, and that the latter had been framed after the British ministers had indicated some in tention of securing to themselves the most valuable parts of the island, by whomsoever they might be possessed. In characters so opposite, it may readily be believed that some exaggeration. was used, and perhaps was used on both sides ; but, as the mi nisters were inclined to decry the Carribs, or rather, perhaps, to support the planters, it may easily be conjectured which party, on this occasion, met with the greater share of credit. It was in vain that Mr Towshend declaimed on die hardships to which the Carribs were exposed, and how unwarrantable it was either to deprive them of their possessions in St Vincent's, or, by transporting them to the coast of Africa, to expose thein to perish through want, or through the jealousy and resentment of some neighbouring tribes. Upon this subject, indeed, he made two motions ; the first, That the expedition to St Vincent's had been undertaken withput such provocation as could authorise such exertion ; an expedition which was instigated by a few men who were nearly interested in its immediate success van expedition, besides, which, if it were carried on with the desired exertions, must end in the total extirpation of the Black Car ribs, 480 HISTORY OF THE Chap. VL ribs, who, whatever had been their fault, had riot surely given cause for any punishment of so grievous a nature. His second motion was, That supposirig the expedition to be consistent with the justest policy, it had been undertaken at an improper season, at a season when the health of the troops employed was exposed to a greater risk than could be justified by the nature of the ser vice in which they were employed. - These motions occasioned a debate of much greater length than interest. Colonel' Barre, without producing any lasting effect upon the majority of the House, distinguished himself by a ludi crous comparison between Alexander of Macedon, and Alex ander the president of the council of St Vincent's, a spot of the world of which that Conqueror had never heard. His sati-i rical powers were, perhaps, still more forcibly displayed, in comparing the conduct of the British towards the Carribs, to that of an old Indiari towards a volunteer, who, during the late war in America, 'had accompanied a party of light infantry, and of Indians, in some trifling expedition. The party happened to be surrounded by a superior number of the enemy, and the vo lunteer, expecting no such hazards in his warlike career, dis played very unequivocal symptoms of fear. The old Indian, his- acquaintance, whose frequent intercourse with danger, had made it lose its terror, demanded what could be the occasion of so much visible Consternation. The volunteer declared that his only dread was, that he should be scalped by the barbarians who encompassed them. " With regard to that," replied the friendly Indian, " be under no apprehension, for I shall take particular Care to scalp you myself." , In debates of; this, kind, < however, wit has seldom been suc cessful/ The ^arguments of Hans Stanley, Lord Barrington, and Lord North, were much more powerful. Both the motions were negatived by great majorities. Another motion, request ing an address, to inform the House by whose advice the expe dition was undertaken, was not more successful. Thus ended a business which had excited more attention, surely, than its significancy required. The events, indeed, are of trivial im portance, and would not have been dictated at such length, had it Chap. VL] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 481 it not been to shew how the politics of great nations arfe some times distorted by very trifling circumstances. " •> -¦.-•<¦.- The session of parliament was now drawing to a conclusion. 'But before it concluded, a petition was introduced, praying for an increase of pay to the captains of the navy. This petition, though it was opposed by Lord North and Mr Fox, was successful, and the captains were granted two shillings daily in addition to their former allowance. A new bill about the same time was introduced, for the relief of the Protestant dissenters. After an animated debate, it passed in the House of Commons, but was rejected by the Lords, after a debate no less animated. The speech which Lord Chatham is said to have made on the occasion of a motion by Sir William Meredith, regarding •the subscription of the 39 articles, at the time of matriculation in the universities, in reply to DrDrummond, archbishop of York, -seems to rest on somewhat doubtful authority. Dr Drum- mond is said to have remarked, that the dissenting ministers were « men of close ambition." To this Lord Chatham re plied, that to make' such assertions, was to judge uncharitably j whoever brought such a charge against them, in his opinion, was. guilty of defamation. After a pause, he is said to have proceed ed in the following manner. " The dissenting ministers are said to be men of close ambition. They are so, my Lords, and their ambition is tokeep close to thecollege of fishermen, not of car dinals ; and to the doctrine of inspired apostles, not to the de crees of interested and aspiring bishops. They contend for a spiritual creed, and spiritual worship ; we had a Calvinistic creed, a Popish liturgy, and an Arminian clergy.'' It has already been remarked, that the authority upon which this speech rests, is unsupported by any collateral evidence. On the 1st of July, when the session of parliament ended, the speech of the king referred to nothing of much importance, except the war between the Russians and Mahometans ; as if the affairs' of America were not of infinitely more consequence to Britaiii. *< The continuance of the war," he said, « between Russia-and the Porte, with both of whom J am. closely connected in friend- ahip, although under no engagement to either, gives me great Vol. 1. 3 P concern. 4«2 RE5T0RY OF THE , [Chap. VI. concern. But from the pacific disposition of the' odier powers, I have reason to hope that these troubles will extend no farther, I shall persevere in my earnest endeavours to preserve the general tranquillity of Europe ; at the same trine it shall be the constant object of my care, to be sufficiently provided against any event which may affect die honour, safety, or interests of my king dom." As if this dispute between the Russians and Turks had been of superior importance to that contest, which now began to have a very alarming appearance, between the British and their Ame rican colonies, the British ministers for some time paid their chief attention to the former, which no doubt they afterwards discovered to "be of very inferior consequence. The disturbances which ultimately occasioned this war, be gan in Poland ; and it has been supposed that the French, who have long been accused of endeavouring to embroil the different European powers, for the purpose of advancing their own ag*. grandizement, promoted those disturbances, under the direction pf Choiseul, their artful minister. Under the influence of this "French minister, a party in Poland was encouraged and support ed, commbnly called dip confederation of Bar, whose avowed purpose was to oppose the authority of Stanislaus Augustus, then their legal sovereign. Tp the commop plea of disinterest ed patriotism, they added the still more dangerous pretence of concern for religion, ajledging that their king had fatal designs, not against the liberties only, but against the religion of his country. With a yiew to oppose these alledged innovations, this party frequently solicited the assistance of the Turks. Unwilling to engage in a dispute in which they were not much interested, the Turks for some time refused to giye 'any aid to the discontented party among the Poles, till an aggression of the Russians pro voked them to adopt more decisive measures. Prince Gallitzin, at the head of a body of Russian forces, in October 1768, pursuing a party of Poles, entered the Turkish territories j and not satisfied with this aggression, burned Balta, a Turkish town: The place, indeed, was of small consequence ; but die Turks, though they regarded- the epritest among the powers Chap. VL] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 483 powers pf Europe as of little importance, could not overlook such an unprovoked insult* Ta inflict the vengeance, therefore, which most readily offered itself, Osbrokow, the Russian minister at Constantinople, was immediately made a prisoner. . A war between the two powers was now inevitable, arid in deed was immediately commenced. Durir/g this contest, the Rus sians displayed the extent of their own resources, or rather, it may be conjectured, the weakness of their enemy. In almost every engagement they were successful. They were soon masters of Wallachia and Moldavia, and, not confining their ex ertions to land, they sent a fleet to the Mediterranean, which finding a great . part of the Turkish navy in the harbour of Chcsme, on the coast of Natolia, they effected its destruction. Though the measures of the French had been the principal Causes of these hostile transactions between the Turks and Rus sians, they were far from being satisfied with the issue. Their intention was, that the power of the Russians should be cur* tailed, not extended, and they were not a little mortified to per ceive that their interference had prodv'jKd an effect entirely op posite. Their territorial acquisitions were les6 regarded as ly ing at a great distance from France ; hut their maritime power# as that which could become mere immediately formidable, was viewed with particular jealousy. Perceiving that the Turks Were Unable to hufhble the Rus sians, the chief purpose for which the French had planned the Commencement of hostilities between them, they often displayed a wish to assist dip former in the struggle ; but this wish was continually restrained by the vigilance of thelBritish, who having treaties with both the contending nations, would allow no other power to interfere in the quarrel, Without better reasons than the French could produce. The French, though they dared not openly to interfere, are supposed privately to have assured the Turks of their assistance, and to have prevented them from acceding to terms of peace which had been offered them. This, indeed, was apprehended to be the chief, if not the only reason which prevented the Turks from receiving, the terms offered them at a- congress held In 1772, n-t Fokshiani. 3 F 2 The 484 . . HISTORY OF THE [Chap. VL : The French, more jealous of the maritime than of the land force of the Russians, endeavoured if possible to oppose it with/ more activityu Naval preparations, were carried on in the French ports to no inconsiderable extent. Notwithstanding the. multiplied pretences «f the French, the British could not be de ceived with regard to the real object of these preparations,: and it was -thought most eligible to. meet them with preparations some what similar.- - Without any declaration of hostile intentions, indeed without assigning any particular reason for the cir cumstance, a. powerful naval force, and twenty thousand men, were voted for tbe year.- This force, for which the ministers eould have no -pretence, in times of peace, failed not to attract the notice of die minority, always attentive to the faults, or even the pretended faults, of the ministers; and" they -remarked with some archness, and it cannot be denied with some truth, that while the speech of the King in spired the hopes of peace, the measures of the ministers indicated nothing but preparations for war. . The Duke d' Aiguilion, who succeeded Choiseul, was no less desirous of prosecuting the contest with views entirely similar to those of his predecessor ; and he contrived what he conceived fo be a very proper plan, to fit out a considerable naval armament, without affording any just cause of umbrage to, the British. Sweden, he affirmed, had demanded of France certain succours which had by treaty been promised, and which an attack from Russia and Denmark, now combined, rendered necessary. z Louis XV. at that time king of France, whose character was not warlike, was unwilling to engage in hostilities ; and several of the members of his council, either of a similar disposition, or desirous of concurring in the wishes of the king, joined with him in proposing, that a subsidy in money should be offered, rather than a supply of an armed force. This interference, in their opinion, would occasion that of almost every warlike na tion riri - Europe, and a general war would thus arise without a general provocation. The Duke d' Aiguilion, however, gave in formation, that Sweden insisted .for support in" the "shape of an actual force, not-of a subsidy. In his opinion, France might fit out fourteen sail of the line within a month. This arma ment Chap. VL] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 485 ment he supposed the British would not oppose ;; and the Dutch-, he seemed to be convinced, would lend their aid to advance, the cause which this fleet was designed to maintain. ; , ; The prospect of approaching war was disagreeable to Lewis XV. whose character was entirely opposite, not only to any measures by which danger might be incurred, but to any which required activity. The indolence of Lewis, however, •prevented him from - taking a decided part in the .govern ment of his people. The minister, indeed, enjoyed all the power, though not the splendour of royalty ; and the other members of council, perceiving that the minister wished for war, declared, in spite of the indolent monarch, that the proposed ar mament was necessary. This opinion, though not that of Lewis himself, but pf his more active minister, was immediately adopted; and orders were dispatched to Brest, for arming twelve ships of the line and two frigates, the whole to have on board seven thousand seamen. This resolution powerfully attracted the attention of the Bri tish, and several indications of no equivocal kind were afforded , of preparing a naval armament at least equal to that of the French. D' Aiguilion endeavoured to justify to Lord Stormont the mea sures which had been adopted. The designs of Russia, he af firmed, were dangerously ambitious. Her intention seemed to be to reign in the north of Europe uncontrouled ; and if her ag gressions upon the Turks were suffered to pass unheeded, she might become so formidable as to be. dangerous torill the-other European powers. That she already had.begun to:demean her self somewhat haughtily among the states of Europe, appeared in her attack .upon Sweden, in which she had been joined by Denmark. Sweden, he affirmed, as an allyof France, was en titled to her assistance, and one. way, .perhaps- the. best way, to assist, her, was to support the Turks, almost the only powerful foe from whom Russia had any thing to dread. At all events, if Sweden were attacked, France must defend her, and that obligation at the present conjuncture required an armament such as was proposed. Lord Stormont replied, that the British government had no thing *8B HISTORY OF THE [Chap. VI. thing to object to the Frerich with regard to their faith in trea ties. They could not deny the propriety, or even the necessity, of their supporting Sweden, provided, it could be done in a way which was not dangerous to the other powers of Europe. - Swe den might be assisted by a subsidy ; in that case nothing could be objected. It might also be assisted by a fleet intended to act against the Russians ; yet the British, from the common jealou of political transactions, might think it necessary to watch ti motions of such a fleet by one at least equal in force. The Bri tish were surely entitled to support their allies the Russians,- as much as the French were entitled to maintain the Swedes ; and the appearance of a French squadron in the- Baltic would un doubtedly attract thither a British squadron of equal strength- The British squadron would proceed thither without any hostile intention ; but it might easily be conceived; that no one could answer for the transactions which might take place between two •fleets, of which ¦ the one was avowedly intended to watch ,' the motions of the other. If France remained neutral, so would Britain ; but if France took an active part, the interests, not of -Britain only, but of all Europe, required that she should do the same. Besides, whatever might be the good intentionof fitting out the armaments, it would be difficult to answer for the con duct- of two squadrons, dispatched to the same sea, if not with hostile, at- least with contrary purposes. These arguments, however expressed, would perhaps have had little influence upon the French, had they not been convinc ed that the British, whatever might be their political opinions, were, at sea at least, able tp maintain them in a Very satisfactory -manner. The French therefore adopted a different kind of lan guage; yet, at the same time they countermanded their armament, tather in appearance than in reality. The ships of the line which were to sail from Brest were indeed countermanded,but the seamen by which-they were to have been manned, were tacitly allowed to be raised, and under the pretence of exercising the seamen of France, twelve or thirteen sail of the line Were to be dispatched from Toulon to cruize. in the Mediterranean. The motives to this insidious conduct, and the design of.it, were immediately perceived, and the French minister- was accordingly informed, that Chap. VL] REIGN OF GEORGE IIL. 487 that it pould make litde difference in what part of the world the aggression was committed ; that if the French chose to injure the British or their allies in the Mediterranean, rather than in the Baltic, the British were no Jess prepared, and no less willing, to meet diem in the one sea than in the other, and that in truth, upon no consideration whatever, would a French fleet be per mitted to leave any fort in France, under the pretence of vain parade, in such force as might endanger the honour, and evcu the safety, of other European powers. After these remonstrances,d' Aiguilion was questioned whether the armament was seriously intended merely for evolutions. He solemnly affirmed that such was the present intention, but he did not attempt to deny that it might possibly be employed in the aid of Sweden. This, if not positive prevarication, ap proached it so nearly, that Lord Stormont was convinced that d' Aiguilion was desirous of nothing more than that war should be commenced between these two nations, and that some vigo rous step was necessary to prevent dris disagreeable event. Stormont, conceiving that d' Aiguilion, to forward his own pur poses, had concealed from his sovereign the true purport of the British dispatches, suggested to his court the propriety of send ing a memorial, which the French minister would be obliged to lay before his King, At the same time, as the armament at Toulon would soon be ready for. sea, he recommended it to the British government to fit out, with all speed, a squadron of at least equal force, that the French might perceive that they were equally prepared for peaceful negotiation or for warlike execu tion. Both parts of Stormont's advice were adopted by the Bri tish council. A memorial was dispatched to Paris, and orders were issued for the equipment of such a squadron as was deem ed requisite. > D' Aiguilion, believing perhaps that it would not long be pos sible for him to conceal the true sentiments of the British, at length laid before the King and his council, those communica tions which hitherto he had either suppressed or disguised; and the immediate consequence was, a resolution to disarm the greater part of the Toulon squadron, aild, what perhaps was of equal importance, the seamen designed for it were disbanded. Stormont 48S HISTORY OF THE ' [Chap. VI. Stormont received' information of this from d'Aiguillon himself. Of all this squadron which had excited so much jealousy and al tercation, only two frigates were to be sent to the Archipelago, and three ships of the line were to be dispatched fo Brest. While d'Aiguillon thus informed Stormont of the reduction of the Toulon squadron, he expressed bis apprehensions regarding the naval preparations which were carrying on in Britain. Stor mont answered, that in the present instance, the cnnduct of Bri tain would be regulated entirely by that of France1; and in a short time, accordingly, he was authorised to inform the French minister, that the British armament was countermanded. Thus, by the dignified and steady perseverance of the British in oppos ing' the unwarrantable designs of the French, a war between the two nations was probably prevented ; and the Porte, finding that she had little to expect from the allies, either by direct or indirect assistance, in a short time afterwards concluded a peace. with the Russians. ' Whatever might be the ca6e with the ministry, the war be tween Russia and the Porte, and the consequent altercation be tween France and Britain, excited little attention among the peo ple. In London^ the great scene of Opposition to the measures of the court, these topics were hardly ever brought into view, and the discontented were at some loss for a plausible pretext for murmuring and coriiplaipt. Those personal animosities which had long excited so much interest, were now almost for gotten, their very violence having probably hurried on their ex tinction. Tnsfead, therefore, of disputes of a personal and par ticular kind, recourse was now had to questions of a more general nature. A court of aldermen was held in February 1773, where, in consequence of a motion of Oliver, it was resolved, « That a frequent appeal to the constituent part of the people by that Parliament was their undoubted right, and the only means by which the right of a real representation could be enjoyed and maintained." This" resolution of the court of aldermen was a signal for the meeting of the livery, whoimmediately entered into a resolution expressive of corresponding sentiments. They even went a step farther than die aldermen, suggesting that, at the future elec» tion. Chap. VL] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 489 tion of members for the city, a test should be administered to them, . binding them, to use every exertion to procure the elec tion of a new parliament once every year ; or if that was found impracticable, to insist on an entire renovation of that assembly once in three years. Besides these more general topics, the long-contested Mid dlesex election attracted, as usual, some part of their attention ; arid on this subject was prepared an address, petition, and re monstrance. To the election were joined the imprisonment of the magistrates, and the erasure of the record in Wilkes's case ; and the whole concluded with a prayer for the dissolution of parliament, and dismission of the ministry. The king received it, but he informed those by whom it was presented, that such were the topics which it contained, and such the language in which it was dressed, he could not believe that even the most sanguine of its promoters ever hoped that it would meet with compliance. Wilkes no longer shone with his former brilliancy. He was despised by the ministers and by parliament ; arid in proportion as he lost the power of exciting disturbances in the administra tion, his favour among the populace decayed. Many attempts were made by Wilkes himself, in which he was sometimes aid ed by others, to revive his former importance ; but the sensa tions which he had at first excited, were perhaps more violent than the cause could justify, and had now become more feeble than a proper regard to a due degree of political jealousy re quired. Notwithstanding this unfavourable situation, he made every effort to regain his seat in parliament. On a call of the House, the sheriffs omitted Luttrell, and summoned Wilkes. He himself applied to the proper officer for a certificate of his elec tion, but was refused it, as the commons had declared his anta gonist to be duly elected. He laid his complaint before Ser geant Glynn, who moved in Parliament that his client should be allowed to substantiate his charge. But all these efforts were equally unsuccessful, and Wilkes was compelled to seek some other method of venting his chagrin. London at this time was far from being unanimous in its op position to the ministry.1 The citizens were divided into diffe- Vot.L SQ r?nt 49.0 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. VL rent parties, each no less hostile to the other than they had for merly bean to the adherents of the Court. Wilkes, among his efforts to regain his former popularity, endeavoured to vilify the conduct of that party by which he was opposed. Wrib this view, he attacked the conduct ef Townshend the mayor, during his administration. He accused him of violence, tyranny, ne glect of public business,. contempt of order and decorum, a"d the most, sordid parsimony. The court of aldermen suffered not this insult upon the chief magistrate to pass unregarded, At a meeting held on the 10th of September, they called Wilkes to an account for his defamation of the mayor. Instead of de nying the charge, Wilkes, seemed to be vain of his own hones ty and patriotism ; and, instead of retracting any thing from the iCharge, he aggravated his accusation, by adding to his for mer list the odious vices of partiality an-i cruelty. -Though Wilkes passed unpunished for his attack upon the mayor's character, yet his attempt passed not tUnheeded. In November following, he came forward as candidate for the mayoralty, but instead of being successful, he had the mortifi cation to see alderman Bull elected ; and to add to the affront, the vote of thanks to Townshend was accompanied by a motion of censure on his libeller, — a motion whish, to the late mayor's honour, he firmly withstood, and which, through his influence, was at length withdrawn. While the British ministry were occupied in negotiating with France respecting hostilities between the Tutks and Russians, or contemplating perhaps with some kind of complacency the continual disputes between the aldermen of London, the affairs of ' . America began to wear daily a still more serious aspect. Though the- greater part of the obnoxious duties had been repealed in 1771, yet the single exception of tea was sufficient to irritate the Americans, already jealous, of the designs of the British ministers. Their former success* besides, encouraged them to persist in their opposition to Britain. Twice already had they succeeded in their opposing efforts. AJl the obnoxious duties except that upon tea were now abandoned, and though the du ty upon tea was apparsndyof little consequence; yet it was re tained, not on account of its importance, butjas a practical proof Chap. VI.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 491 proof that the Americans were liable to be taxed by the British, without having any representatives in their legislative assembly. Were this once admitted, however tacitly, or in a matter of how ever little consequence, a precedent would be established, and might ultimately be destructive of every thing which had the appearance of political liberty. These arguments were perhaps too abstract for vulgar under standings, and the consequences to which they pointed too dis tant to have much influence upon vulgar feelings ; but from every press in America there daily issued papers, Which pointed out to all ranks, in language suited to their understandings, the dangers which they incurred from the measures of the British ministry. In this opposition to Britain, the inhabitants of the provinces of New England distinguished themselves. They were in general more intelligent than any of the other American colonists, and they still retained no small share of that republican enthusiasm Which had induced their ancestors to abandon Europe for the •wilds of America. A repeal of the duty pn tea would not have satisfied these republicans, although in the mean time it afforded, a specious cause of complaint. The idea of independence^ had for some time occupied their attention ; and such appeared to be its charms that no danger seemed too great to be encountered in obtain- - ing it. Mr Hutchison, who had succeeded Sir Francis Bernard in the' government of Massachussets Bay, alledglng that the house of representatives enjoyed not sufficient freedom of debate, had removed their meeting-house to Cambridge, a town at the dis tance of four miles from Boston. Considering the disposition of the Americans, this circumstance could not be overlooked, and application was made to the governor, that he should retract this obnoxious measure. He replied, that he could not retract without the Consent of his Majesty, but he hoped, that before the commencement of another session, this consent might be obtained. The complaints respecting the removal of* the house of repre sentatives from their usual place of meeting, soon- gave way to other complaints regarding measvires deemed still more fatal 3Q2 492 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. VI. to the interests of America. A board of customs was establish ed, and the officers received such powers as to the Americans were peculiarly obnoxious. The prevention of smuggling was fhe pretence for this establishment ; but the Americans, though they dared not openly avow their approbation of this practice, beheld it with very little abhorrence, and every art, and even cunning itself, was used to obstruct the custom-house officers in the discharge of their duty. In levying the sums necessary for their government, it had be come customary to assess the officers of the crown residing in the colonies, in a sum proportioned to the profits^pf their com missions. The new governor was instructed to oppose this as sessment under whatever form it might be proposed. On the ,4th of July 1771, an act was passed by the legislative assemblies for. « apportioning and assessing a tax of L. 1500." This act obliged the governor to disclose his instructions, and he inform ed them that they were not to presume to tax any commissions of profit, but such as related peculiarly to the province. This information produced a keen debate. To confirm his affirma tion, the governor . produced a copy of his instructions, but this rather increased than diminished the violence of the colo nists. The governor's reasons for opposing the bill, they said, were surprising and alarming. " We know," they added, " of no commissioners of his Majesty's customs, nor of any revenue his Majesty has a right to establish in North America. We know, and we feel, a tribute levied and extorted from those who, if they have property, have a right to the absolute disposal of it." Convinced of the disposition of the assembly by such de bates, Hutchison thought it best to interrupt them by prorogu ing the general court, blaming at the same time their precipi tate conduct, and justifying the instructions he had received from the British government. This prorogation of the general court for some time suspended those debates, which were dai ly taking place between the party attached to the governor, and those who began to' look on independence as their natural right ; but the conduct of those parties on similar occasions was gene rally of a very opposite tendency. Those attached to the British government, looked upon every interval of tranquillity as the fit i scene Chap. VL] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 493 scene of enjoyment. They supposed their fipponents to be as idle and as thoughdess as themselves, and consequently gave them selves little concern about their secret machinations. The dis contented colonists, on the other hand, .that is, by far -the greater part of them, were extremely unwilling that the de bates respecting public affairs should ever become less violent, lest they should at length become indifferent. Every effort, therefore, was used to revive those- subjects of debate which had already heated the minds of the people, and to contrive others which might have a similar tendency. To make an impression upon the common people, means were chosen the most effectual to make an impression on vulgar minds. A house belonging to a lieutenant-gover nor, and which had been supposed to be intended for a stamp-office, was destroyed by the populace on the 14th of August, and on this account that day was annually celebrated as a festival. This incident was celebrated with the more festi vity, that the owner, -who had been appointed stamp-master, was compelled, under the tree of liberty, to resign his office* The massacre of Boston, as they chose to call it, was comme morated on the 5th of March, by the delivery of harangues in the different meeting-houses, and the exhibiting of pictures perhaps somewhat exaggerated of that unlucky affair. Lest the people might be disposed to forget their grievances, a list of them, real or pretended, was published at intervals. According to these details, the British ministry had, without dispute, formed a plan for enslaving their colonists, and consequently it be came the latter, if they had any regard for themselves or their posterity, to exert themselves in opposing so iniquitous a design. The British government, a structure which the world had once beheld with admiration, was now, in their opinion, rapidly fall ing into decay ; while die Americans, through their unexampled increase of population, and consequently of real power, were no less rapidly sdvancing towards that independency which of right belonged to thein. Even the pulpits were employed to display, in a more solemn dress, those topics which had been al ready contemplated in the public papers. The oppression of the British, and iir.e right cf the Americans to resist that op pression, 494 HISTORY OF THE [Chap, VI. pressiofl, were the subjects of every conversation, arid the . great motives which called together every public assembly. Those who adhered to the British ministry, it maybe sup posed, might have used similar methods to Counteract those stratagems, and to extend their own influence, but this in rea lity was not in their power: Over the pulpit they had no power, and over the press they had so little, that hardly any printer dared to execute their orders. Such indeed was the zeal of the Americans in this respeet, that one printer, who persisted for some time to print for the frieflds of the British government, was at length obliged to banish himself from his country. As is natural in all such cases, the business of the Americans in their public assemblies was directed by a few of the most violent among them, who, previous to the meetings; determined in private what resolutions were to be passed in public. That every individual rhight be called to account for his political con duct, the votes of all were marked and regularly published, so that the constituents of each member might know whether their representative were friendly to the British or American party. Such as adhered to the British interests were generally stigma tized as objects of public abhorrence, and at the next election were generally sure to lose their seats in the legislative assembly. Nor was this the Only consequence, or indeed the worst conse quence, of this species of imprudence. Such as were hardy enough to offend in this particular, were generally ruined, not only in their political, but likewise in their civil capacity. They were daily exposed to personal insults, from those who deemed ihem the enemies of American freedom. If they owed their subsis tence and their comfort to any professional exertion, they soon perceived the decay of their profits ; and if they had families, which at that time was almost universal in America, they were exposed, not only to the contempt of their neighbours, but even to absolute want. - In such circumstances, few members of the legislative assemblies can be supposed to -have had such attach ment to the interests of Britain, as to expose themselves on that account to perils of so formidable a nature. These terrors rendering the members of the legislative assem blies appaiently unanimous, and unanimous in a cause almost universally Chap. VT.J REIGN QF GEORGE III. 495 universally favoured by the common people, added fresh vigour to the popular party. Even the administration of justice, which ought at all times to be free from political prejudices, was at diis time rendered insecure. The judge* indeed, as well as the go vernor, received their commissions from the'King, and were to last during his pleasure; but the salaries of the judges, as well as that of the governor, depended upon the votes of the colonial assemblies. These salaries were totally incapable of maintain ing the judges in the station which properly belonged to them. They had often in vain petitioned for an augmentation of their allowance ; and they were thus accounted subordinate to many officers of government, whose employment was pf much inferior importance. The judges knew that upon the colonial legislature diey depended for then-income, and they accordingly seldom ven tured to act as unbiassed interpreters of die law. The same thing was known to the jury, generally men of greater property, and consequently of greater influence, than the judges them selves ; and they accordingly brought forwards, for the most part, such verdicts as were agreeable to their own prejudices, rather than such as were agreeable to the rigid decrees of justice. As the governors and judges were appointed by the British monarch, they were on that account extremely obnoxious to the popular party ; and it is by no means wonderful, that the grossest insults offered to them were frequently suffered to pass unpunished. To obviate this fault in the administration, in so far as it con cerned the governor, it was resolved by the British ministry, to make a provision for him independent of the colonial assemblies, and even to prohibit him from receiving any present from the colonial legislature ; and to render this injunction the more powerful, the recall of the transgressor was to be the immediate consequence. At Massachussetts Bay, where this circumstance was soon divul ged, a message was sent to Hutchison the governor, whether he was to be supported, as usual, by gifts and grants from the general assembly of the colony, or whether any allowance had been made for him independent of such grants and gifts. Hutchison immediately replied, that by an act of the British par liament, adequate support was provided for hrm, while he re tained 496 x HISTORY OF THE [Chap. VI. tained the office of governor ; and he believed that he was for bidden, without special permission, to receive from the province any particular grant upon his own account. This reply, which informed them that the governor, with regard to his income at least, was no longer to be dependent upon them, excited no small degree of alarm. To accept of support not derived from the general assembly, was accounted a dangerous innovation. Such support would render him independent of the people whom he was to govern. A governor independent of the colpnial le gislature, was not stipulated by their charter ; against this innova tion, therefore, they protested, not only as a change iri the con. stitution, but as an innovation which virtually subjected them to all the caprices of despotism. Unwilling to drive such an outrageous assembly to extremi ties, the governor was still desirous of prosecuting pacific mea sures ; and in consequence of the council having made oath, that the general assembly might be removed to Boston without any danger to the King's service, he complied with the request. At Boston, however, notwithstanding 'the oath of the council to the contrary, every thing was found in the highest confusion ; the troops having been removed from the town, the populace no longer entertained any dread of punishment. Their magistrates, instead of endeavouring to suppress the riots, connived at all their enormities, and the richest, and even the most respectable among the merchants and citizens, openly encouraged them in the insults which they daily offered to the King's officers. Those who were most obnoxious to them, they stript, daubed them with tar, and covered them with feathers, and, thus decorated, carried them through the streets, exposing therq to universal derision. Those who suffered chiefly bn this occasion, were such officers as had been appointed to check the progress of smug gling. This practice the Americans hardly deemed illegal, and .it the same time it was so profitable, that to check it they consi. dered as an act of the most despotic oppression. Such commotions and disturbances, though more peculiarly violent in Massachussetts Bay, were not confined to that district. In the other provinces of New England, similar commotions, arising from similar causes, were frequently exhibited. A King's schooner CHap. VI.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 497 schooner, called the Gaspee, commanded by Lieutenant Dudding- Stone, hid been stationed at a town named Providence, in Rhode sland, a place well known as the resort of smugglers. On the 10th of June, about midnight, this vessel was boarded by two hundred armed men. The commander, after having been woundtd, Was carried on shore with his crew, the vessel was burnt, and notwithstanding the offer of a reward of five hundred pounds, no one concerned in this daring action was ever dis covered. ' Hardly had it been found out that the governor was no longer to be dependent upon the colonists for his annual salary, when it was rumoured, that the judges likewise were to r?teive inde pendent salaries from the public revenues. „ Tri'S measure was far from being agreeable to the Americans. Tho judges, they affirmed, were now to be dependent on the British crown, and they would undoubtedly determine every important" cause, not in the way most agreeable to justice, but in that most agrees able to those on whom depended their ^income. As this circumstance, however, was known only by rumour, a town- ftieeting was called at Faneuil Hall, that the1 foundation on which it rested might be more amply discussed Infor mation in the mean time was conveyed to the governor, that innovations. Were about to be put in practice, most ruinous to liberty, and destructive of justice. The British government was about to assume the right of levying, and even of granting, the money of Americans without their consent, and the judges were to be made altogether dependent on a court which seemed to .have planned the entire overthrow of American liberty ; and they demanded a precise answer from the governor, whether or not he knew any thing of this intended innovation. He replied, that he thought it inconsistent with his duty to report to a town- meeting any part of his communications with government. With this answer the Americans remained unsatisfied, and the governor was desired to convene the assembly ; but with this request he re- fused to comply. When they found this governor so unwilling to grant any of their requests, they resolved to apply to the King himself for a redress of their grievances, and in the m ,m time they appointed a committee to correspond with the other pro- Vol. I. "< R vince?. 498 HISTORY OF THE [Chap. VT. viaces, that their political discontent might be disseminated over every part ©f Ameriea. These committees of correspondence tended, perhaps more than any thing else, to diffuse revolutionary principles amoBg the Americans. The enthusiastic emotions, not only of the prin cipal colonies of every townsbip, but almost of every individual, were rapidly circulated from one end of the British settlements* ro the other. The establishment of the committees is sup posed to have proceeded from the recommendation of Franklin ; a supposition which the character of that sagaeious- politician finders pet improbable. The members of the committee* were not selected by the council, or by the assembly, or by any cf the more temperate branches of the legislature, if indeed any such branch existed. They were generally chosen at the town- meetings, and consisted of the most violent individuals ef the society, and such as were likely to maintain an unrelenting op position to every measure of Britain. These committees, thus composed of furious individuals, were always governed in their measures and reports by the most furious among them. No one who was suspected of any partiality towards moderate mea sures, or was obnoxious to any of the members of the committee, was safe with respect to his character, or even his person. Every township resounded with every clamour of every Ame rican, and all the British settlements displayed one continued- uproar, of patriotism according to the Americans, of sedition according to the British, To ene not immediately concerned in the issue of this com mencing contest, the reports of these committees might some times afford curious specimens of the state'of society in different parts of America. Some of these reports or resolutions furnished ao slight proof, that the religious enthusiasm which had driven their ancestors from Europe, wis not yet abandoned by the Americans ; some of them, indeed, afforded a curious specimen of that mixture of religion and politics, which distinguished the Enghsh republicans in die days of Charles I. The resolutions of the town of Petersham exhibit so remarkable a specimen of this, that they deserve te be- particuhrlv recorded. The reso lutions Cha*. VL] REIGN OF GEORGE HL 459 lotion; are tire-; and they cosrarii a very soilrisg comi-aatioa ot political truth -with religion; enthusiasm. By the inhibriiHts of Petersriam, it was res^'.Tid, « First, That w.:h a governor appointed from Great Britaia during pleasure, -with a large stipend, dependent upon the will ci the crown, with aM officers ckl: and military subject to his appoint ment or consent, -with a casde in th? hands of a standing army stationed in the verybowelsct the land, no people can ever be truly free. Second, That the parliament of Great Britain, usurping and exercising a legislative authority oyer, and extorting on anriglv teous revenue from these colonies, is against all divine and hu man laws. The late appointment of salaries to be paid to our superior court-judges, whose creation, pay, and commission, de pend on mere will and pleasure, completes-a system of bondage equal to any ever fabricated by the combined efforts of the in genuity, malice, fraud, and wickedness of rr.au. Third, That » is the opinion of this town, that a despotic arbitrary government is the kingdom of tins world, as set forth in the New Testament, and has a direct tendency to sink a people into a profound state -of ignorance and irreligion 5 and tbat if we have an eye to oar own and posterity's happiness, not only in this world, but the world co come, it is our duty to oppose such a government.3' It -was added, " That k is highly becoming towns and indivi duals to humble themselves before Almighty God, seriously to commune with their own hearts, and seek carefully with tears for the causes of the prevailing distresses of the land ; and they express their confidence, that God will not suffer this land, where the gospel hath flourished, to become a sbwe of the world- He will stir up witnesses of the truth, and in his own time spirit bis people to stand up for his cause, and deliver them. Io a similar belief, ri.at patriot of patriots, the great Algernon Sydney, bred and died, and dying, breathed a like sentiment and prophecy, touching his own and the then approaching times'; a prophecy, however, not accomplished till a glorious revo lution." The resolutions of the committee were not all distinguished by an equal degree of fanaticism, though some were marked with at le*st an equal share of political boldness. The committee of 3 R 2 Boston, SOO HISTORY OF THE [Chap. VI. Boston, in particular, puhl ibed a declaration of rights, which strongly marked the grew ng pretensions ot the colonists In this declaration, it was denied that the British parliament had any right to legislate for the colonies. If any such power had been assumed, it was without the consent of those chit-fly concerned; and it must be illegal,* as it gave rise to mea sures, and the creation of offices, which their charter had never recognised. Ihe salaries granted to the governor and the jud ges, independent of the colonists, were affirmed to form one very palpable step towards that despotism which the British wish ed to establish amongst them. That this inflammatory report might be the more speedily and extensriely circulated, six hun dred copies were printed, and the report was accompanied wth an address to the people, if possible still more inflammatory. In this address they were urged, " By the regard they owed to the rising generation, not to dose or sit rupinely indifferent on the brink of destruction, while the iron hand of oppression was daily tearing the choicest fruits from the fair tree of liberty, plant ed by their worthy predecessors at ;he expence of their treasure, and abundantly watered by their blood.'' Hutchison, conceiving perhaps that such resolutions were too violent to express the opi- nicn of the whole people gave the general court an opportunity of expressing their own unbiassed opinion, by moving, that the legislative authority of the British parliament in the colonies was supreme. The members of the general court, who for the most part bad some share in the address in question, instead of retract ing any thing from their sentiirents, Mere carelul to add some thing more violent. They accordingly affirmed, that «< if in any late instances there had been a submission to acts of parliament, it had, in their opinion, proceeded rather ron inconsiderationor re luctance to contend with the parent state, than from a conviction or acknov ledgeu ent of the supreme legislative authority of par liament." '1 he general court were afterwards so much ashamed of this declaration, that they in a great measure retracted it ; but their retraction, if euch it might be i ailed, was introduced with so many circumstances f-vourable to themst Ives, that, if they might be believer!, tlv-fr fault was almo;.t nothing The principal objects in dispute were not permitted to lie long dormant, Chap. VI.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. 501 dormant, the general court bringing forward that regarding the salaries of the judges, by voting their allowances payable by the colonies for the ensuing year. !'o this resolution, as had been foreseen, the governor could not give his sanction. He was requested to inform the meeting what were his reasons of dis sent. At the same time he was informed, that the people were alarmed by reports, that the ministers of justice were to be sup ported by a salary payable by the crown, fhe governor confess ed that the judges were thenceforth to receive salaries from the crown, ] but as he did not know 'whether warrants had yet been issued for their payment, he did not regard himself as being- en titled to take any measure regarding them. This information was tar from being agreeable to those to whom it was directed. The governor was immediately informed, by a committee of in dividuals selected tor that purpose, that " no judge who had a due regard to justice, or even to his own character, would choose to be placed under an undue bias, by accepting of, and becom ing dependent on thecrown for his salary." The King, they affirm ed, had been misintormed respecting their constitution, and the seasons of delay alledged by the governor, in their opinion, were somewhat absurd. " When we consider," they added, « the many attempts chat have been made to render null and void those clauses in our charter upon which the freedom of our constitu tion depends, we should be lost to all public feelirigs, did we not manifest a just resentment. We are more and more convin ced that it has been the design of administration totally to sub vert the constitution, and introduce an arbitrary government in this province, and we cannot wonder that the apprehensions of this people are thoroughly awakened." They concluded with hop ing, that the judges ot themselves would have sufficient prudence, if not public spirit, to prevent them from receiving their salary in a way so inconsistent, as they conceived, with personal honour,- or the impartial administration of public justice. As this vote related only to one year, the governor, probably with a view to over readh his opponents, gave bis assent to it. This no doubt surprised the general court, but even in this case they were not without resource. ' They accordingly passed a si milar vote respecting the judges for a second year. The go vernor 50§ HISTORY OF THE [Chap. VI. vernor could no longer temporise. This proceeding, he affirm ed, was not less contrary to their charter, or less illegal, than the salaries of which they complained ; and considering the time in which it was brought forward, he could not help thinking, there was something invidious in th* whole proceed ing. Neither party was yet willing to make an attack with open violence, but both parties, particularly the Americans, began to perceive where the contest was about to terminate. Their representations respecting the judges, therefore, they continual ly kept in view, and the corresponding committees were eager to place the affair in the most alarming light. After the destruction of the Gaspee schooner, a court of in quiry was instituted at Rhode Island, to discover the delin quents, and to send them to Britain for trial. The inhabitants ef Boston, always desirous of opposing the measures of the existing government, appointed a part of the Committee of cor respondence, to inquire by what authority the committee of inquiry conducted its proceedings, though they must have known, that by an act of the British parliament, but a very obnoxious act, such measures were authorised. To bring such ari act into view, considering the irritated state of the minds of the Ame ricans, was not perhaps a proceeding of the most prudent kind, especially as the purpose of vengeance was shewn without the power, for none of the delinquents at Rhode Island were ever discovered. Massachussetts Bay Still continued to be the scene of the greatest opposition to the British government, and their zeal of opposition was about this time, if possible, heightened by Several letters written by the governor and lieutenant-governor of the colony, to the British government. These letters had fallen into the hands of Franklin, the colonial agent at London, by what means it has nevet been discovered, and they conse quently have been supposed not to be the most honourable. Franklin had for a considerable time been agent for the colo ny. He was from principle a firm republican, and deprecated every idea of dependence upon a British parliament, or indeed a dependence upon any government whieh allowed not the Americans Chap. VI.] REIGN OF GEORGE III. *TO Americans a sufficient interest in the management of their own affairs. He was, besides, a man of uncommon sagacity, both in politics and other matters, and by his advice directed his in experienced constituents in almost all their measures. For these and similar reasons, he was greatly esteemed by the colo nists, and his commission had been extended beyond the regu lar period by means not the most legal. By whatever mean* he obtained possession of the letters in question, he made that use of them which was most likely to excite disturbance, and to augment that spirit of dissention which already existed be tween the British and their colonists, lie transmitted them tr> his constituents, who descanted upon them with all that rancour which the violence of their political animosity dictated. The governor and lieutenant-gavernor are said in pri vate life to have' been men of irreproachable conduct, and of amiable characters. In public matters, their situation was almost unprecedented, and must be confessed to have been uncommonly arduous. In their correspondence with the Bri tish government, and with their friends in Britain, they had expressed their sentiments with warmth and without reserve, and, irritated as they daily were by the opposition which they met in tho discharge of their official duties, thoir expressions on some occasions were perhaps more bitter than prudence might have dictated. Hutchison is srid to have affirmed, that decla ratory acts and resolves were not sufficient to keep the colonics in the proper degree of subjection, and that he conceived an abridgement to be necessary of what the colonists called their English liberties. Without this abridgement, he thought the connection between the colonies and Britain would not long be maintained. He was of opinion, that the commercial combi nations ought to be forcibly dissolved, and that penalties should be inflicted on all who chose to adhere to them. Oliver, the lieutenant-governor, is said to have expressed himself with still greater imprudence. It was his opinion, that the principal crown-officers ought to be independent ot the colonics, as it was impossible to serve them and the British, two masters >yhose dispositions were so entirely opposite. The actual go- Vernment he conceived to be too weak ; he hinted th^ expedieo- SO* HISTORY OF THE [Chap. VL ©yof taking off" the original incendiaries, a phrase highly equi vocal, hut which can hardly be' interpreted into any thing like an honourable sense. He was farther of opinion, that an order of patricians, that is, of nobility, ought to be established, for the purpose, no doubt, of conti 'ing the popular assemblies ; and that the original charters granted to the colonies ought to be materially alteied. END- OF VOLUME FIRST. y. I'illans W itm, krinttrs, Edinburgh. YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 3 9002 08954 0653