| y i "I give the/e Books | | fcf the founding if College ijuihii_ Colony''' !•¥ &IUE •¥MII¥Ei^Silir¥° " iLnim&w • ! Gift of I JOHN WHITNEY AVERY, Y '93 I J927 ! DICTIONARY OF GREEK AND ROMAN GEOGRAPHY. DICTIONARY OF GREEK AND ROMAN GEOGRAPHY. EDITED BY WILLIAM SMITH, LL.D. IN TWO VOLUMES. VOL. II. I A B A D I U S — ZYMETIIUS. ILLUSTRATED BY NUMEROUS ENGRAVINGS ON WOOD. LITTLE, BOSTON: BROWN, AND 1857. COMPANY, O LIST OF WRITERS IN VOL. II. INITIALS. NAMES. G. F. B. George Ferguson Bowen, M. A. Late Fellow of Brasenose College, Oxford. E. H. B. Edward Herbert Bunbury, M. A. Late Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge. G. B. George Butler, M. A. Late Fellow of Exeter College, Oxford. W. B. D. William Bodham Donne. T. H. D. Thomas H. Dyer. J. S. H. J. S. Howson, M. A. Principal of the Collegiate Institution, Liverpool. E. B. J. Edward Boucher James, M. A. Fellow and Tutor of Queen's College, Oxford. R. G. L. Robert Gordon Latham, M. A. Late Fellow of King's College, Cambridge. G. L. George Long, M. A. Late Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge. W. R. William Ramsay, M. A. Professor of Humanity in the University of Glasgow. / J. R. John Robson, B. A. Of the University of London. L. S. Leonhard Schmitz, Ph. D., LL. D., F. R. S. E. Rector of the High School of Edinburgh. C. R. S. Charles Roach Smith, F. S. A. P. S. Philip Smith, B. A. Head Master of Mill Hill School. V. W. S. W. Vaux, M. A. Of the British Museum. H. W. Henry Walford, M. A. Of Wadham College, Oxford. G. W. George Williams, B. D. Fellow of King's College, Cambridge. The Articles which have no initials attached to them are written by the Editor. LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS IN THE SECOND VOLUME. Coin of Iaeta - Coin of Iasus in Caria - Coin of Oenoe or Osnae, in Icarus - Plan of Jerusalem - Coins of Aelia Capitolina (Jerusalem) Coin of Ilerda - Coin of Ilipa - Coin of Ilium - Coin of Illiberis in Spain - Coin of Imbros - Coin of Ios - Coin of Issa - Coin of Istrus - Coin of Itanus - Coin of Ithaca - Map illustrating the position of Portus Itius Bridge of Xerokampo Coin of Lamia - Coin of Lampsacus - Coin of Laodiceia ad Mare Coin of Larinum - Coin of Larissa in Thessaly Plan of Larymna - Coin of Laiis - Coin of Hephaestias in Lemnos Coin of Leontini - Coin of Leptis - Coin of Lete - Plan of the environs of the city of Leucas - Coin of Leucas - Coin of Lilybaeum - Coin of Lipara - Coin of the Locri Epizephyrii Coin of the Locri Opuntii Coin of Lucania - Coin of Luceria - Coin of Lugdunum - Plan showing the position of Lutetia Coin of Lycia - Coin of Lyctus - Coin of Lysimachia in Thrace Coin of Macedonia - Coin of Maeonia - Coin of Magnesia ad Maeandrum - Coin of Magnesia ad Sipylum Coin of Mallus in Cilicia - Plan of the environs of Alesia Plain of Mantineia - Page Page '2 Coin of Mantineia - 264 5 Plan of the Plain of Marathon 269 11 Coin of Maroneia - 278 17 Coin of Massicytes ... 290 29 Plan of the environs of Marseille - 292 31 Coin of Massilia - 294 32 Coin of Medma - 305 34 Euins of Megalopolis 308 34 Agora of Megalopolis 309 42 Coin of Megalopolis - 310 63 Distant view of Minoa, Nisaea, and Me- 68 gara - 315 74 Plan of the neighbourhood of Megara 315 97 Coin of Megara - 317 98 Coin of Melita - 321 100 Coin of Melos .... 323 110 Coin of Menaenum - 327 118 Coin of Mende - 328 119 Coin of Mesembria 332 123 Coins of Messana 337 126 Plan of Arcadian or Megalopolitan Gate of 127 Messene .... 338 129 Plan of the ruins of Messene 339 150 Plan of the bridge of Mavrozumeno 342 157 Map of the Ager Dentheliates 343 160 Coin of Messenia ... 346 163 Coin of Metapontum - 348 167 Coin of Methymna - 351 169 Coin of Miletus - 356 170 Coin of Mopsuestia ... 370 191 Coin of Morgantia ... 371 196 Coin of Motya - 375 201 Plan of the ruins of Mycenae 381 202 Gate of the Lions at Mycenae 382 210 Coin of Mylassa - 386 211 Coin of Myndus - 386 214 Coin of Myrina - 388 221 Coin of Mytilene - 391 226 Coin of Nacrasa - 395 227 Coin of Nagidus - 395 232 Coin of Naxos in Sicily ... 405 237 Coin of the island of Naxos 406 244 Coin of Neapolis in Campania 410 252 Coin of Neapolis in Macedonia 411 252 Coin of Neapolis in Palestine 412 256 Coin of Nemausus ... 415 257 Temple at Nemausus, now called the Maison 263 Carree - 415 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. Page Page Roman aqueduct near Nemausus, now called Coin of Rhesaena - 709 the Pont du Gard ... 416 Coin of Rhithvmna ... 710 Coin of Nicaea in Bithynia 423 Coin of Rhodus .... 715 Coin of Nieomedeia ... 425 Plan of the Roman hills - 720 Map of the neighbourhood of Nicopolis in Map of ancient Rome, with portions of the Epeirus - 427 modern city in red ... 720 Coin of Nicopolis in Epeirus 427 The Capitoline Wolf ... 723 Coin of Nola - 444 Plan of the Romulean city 725 Coin of Nuceria in Campania 452 J Tomb of Caius Bibulus - 750 Coin of Nuceria in Bruttium 452 Tomb of Eurysaces - 760 Coin of Nysa in Caria - 456 ; Plan of the Capitoline hill 762 Coin of Obulco - - - 460 Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus (from a coin Coin of Odessus - 463 of Vespasian) - 768 Coin of Oeniadae - 467 Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus restored 769 Coin of Olbia in Scythia - 472 Arch of Tabularium ... 770 Ground plan of the Olympieium - 476 Supposed Tarpeian rock - 771 Plain of Olympia ... 477 Plan of the Forum during the Republic 772 Plan of the Altis at Olympia (after Leake) 478 The Forum in its present state 773 Plan of Orchomenus - 489 Temple of Janus (from a coin) 778 Coin of Orchomenus ... 489 Temple of Vesta (from a coin) 778 Coin of Orescii - 491 Tabularium and temples of Vespasian, Sa¬ Coin of Orippo - 493 turn, and Concord - 781 Coin of Orthagoria - 497 Temple of Saturn ... 782 Coin of Osca .... 498 Shrine of Cluacina (from a coin) - 783 Coin of Ossa .... 500 Columns of the temple of Castor and Pollux 784 Coin of Osset .... 501 Rostra (from a coin) ... 785 Plan of Ostia and its environs 502 Columna Duilia - 785 Plan of Paestum - 514 Basilica Aemilia (from a coin) 787 Coins of Paestum ... 514 Puteal Libonis or Scribonianum 788 Coin of Pale .... 533 The Forum Romanuin under the Empire, and Coin of Pandosia - 539 the Imperial Fora - 790 Coin of Panormus ... 544 The Miliarium .... 794 Coin of Panticapaeum ... 546 Temple of Antoninus and Faustina 795 Coin of Parium - 551 Arch of Septimius Severus 796 Coin of Paros .... 553 Temple of Mars Ultor ... 799 Coin of Patrae - 558 Forum Trajani - 800 Coin of Pella in Macedonia 570 Basilica Ulpia - 801 Coin of Pellene - 571 Column of Trajan ... 801 Coin of Pelusium ... 573 Temple of Trajan 802 Coin of Pergamus in Mysia 576 The Septizonium - 806 Coin of Perge - 576 Arch of Titus restored ... 809 Coin of Perinthus ... 577 Arch of Constantine , 810 Coin of Phaestus ... 586 Temple of Hercules - 813 Coin of Pharsalus ... 591 Temple of Pudicitia Patricia 815 Coin of Phaselis - 592 Cloaca Maxima .... 815 Coin of Pheneus - - - - 595 Macellum .... 818 Ground plan of the temple of Apollo at Arch of Drusus - 821 Bassae - 596 Tomb of Metella Caecilia - - - 822 Coin of Philippi - 600 Pantheon of Agrippa ... 837 Map of the neighbourhood of Phlius 602 Antonine Column (Column of M. Aurelius) 838 Coin of Phocaea - 603 Sculptures on pedestal of Column of Antoni¬ Coin of Phocis - 605 nus Pius - 839 Map illustrating the Battle of Plataea 638 Arch of Aurelius ... - 840 Coin of Plataea - - - - 640 Mole of Hadrian restored - 842 General plan of Pompeii - 647 Theatre of Marcellus 845 Plan of part of Pompeii - 648 Colosseum - 846 Bird's-eye view of the Forum of Pompeii 650 Ground plan of the Colosseum 846 Temple of Venus at Pompeii (the forum and Elevation of Colosseum 847 temple of Jupiter in the background) 651 Pons Sublicius, restored by Canitia 848 Street of the Tombs at Pompeii 653 Insula Tiberina, with the Pons Fabricius Coin of Populonium - 660 and Pons Cestius - 849 Coin of Pordoselene - 660 Coin of Rome - 855 Coin of Praesus or Priansus 667 Coin of Rubi - 856 Coin of l'riene - 669 Coin of Saguntum - 874 Plan of Psophis - - - - 676 Map of the island of Salainis 878 Map of the bay of Pylus - 683 Coin of Salamis 879 Map of Pylus and its immediate neighbour¬ Coin of Salapia - 880 hood - 683 1 Coin of Same .... 889 Coin of Rhaucus - 703 | Coin of Samos - 900 Coin of Ilhegium - - - - 706 1 Coin of Samosata 901 viii LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. Coin of Sardes - Nuraghe in Sardinia - Coin of Segesta - Coin of Segobriga - Coin of Seleuceia in Syria Coin of Seleuceia in Cilicia Coin of Selge - Plan of Selinus - Coin of Selinus - Plan of the Battle of Sellasia Coin of Seriphos - Coin cf Sicilia - Map of the site of Sicyon (from Leake) Plan of the ruins of Sicyon (from the French Commission) - Coin of Sicyon - - - Gate of Signia - Coin of Siphnos - Coin of Smyrna - Coin of Soli - Coin of Solus - Map of Sparta and its environs Coin of Suessa Aurunca - Coin of Sybaris ... - Plan of Syracusae ... Plan of the Fort Euryalus near Syracusae - View of the'Fort Euryalus Coins of Syracusae - Coin of Tabae - Coin of Tanagra - Coins of Tarentum ... Coin of Tarsus - Coin of Tauromenium ... Coin of Teanum Sidicinum Coin of Teate - Coin of Tegea - Coin of Temenothyra ... Coin of Temnus - Page Coin of Tenedos - . 1127 Coin of Tenos - 1127 Coin of Teos - 1129 Coin of Terina - 1131 Coin of Termessos - 1132 Coin of Thasos - 1136 Plan of Thebes in Boeotia (from Forchham- mer) - - 1153 Coin of Thebes - - 1155 Coin of Thelpusa - 1156 Map of Thera and the surrounding islands - 1159 Map of Thermopylae and the surrounding country - 1163 Coin of Thespiae - - 1165 Coin of Thessalia - 1170 Coin of Thessalonica . 1173 Coin of Thurii . 1193 Coin of Thyateira - 1194 Coin of Thyrium - - 1196 Gallery at Tiryns - 1212 Plan of Titane - . 1213 Coin of Tomis or Tomi . 1216 Coin of Tragilus or Traelius ' - 1219 Coin of Tralles - . 1220 Coin of Trimenothyra - 1231 Coins of Tripolis in Phoenicia . 1232 Plan of Tyre (from Kenrick's " Phoenicia ") 1250 Coin of Tyrus . 1252 Coin of Valentia in Spain - _ 1254 Coin of Velia _ 1268 Coin of Ventisponte or Ventipo - 1276 Coin of Venusia - . 1277 Coin of Ulia _ 1313 Coin of Volaterrae . 1320 Coin of Urso _ 1327 Coin of Uxentum _ 1332 Coin of Zacynthus - 1335 Coin of Zeugma - - 1338 Page 906 913 950 950 954 954 955 958 959 960 969 988 992 993 994 999 1011 1017 1019 1021 1030 1043 1053 1055 1066 1067 1069 1082 1088 1101 1106 1115 1117 1117 1120 1123 1124 GREEK A DICTIONARY of AND ROMAN GEOGRAPHY. IABADIUS. IABA'DIUS ('Ia§a5i'ou vrjtros, Ptol. vii. 2. § 29, viii. 27. § 10), an island off the lower half of the Golden Chersonesus. It is said by Ptolemy to mean the " Island of Barley," to have been very fertile in grain and gold, and to have had a metropolis called Argyke. There can be little doubt that it is the same as the present Java, which also signifies " barley." Humboldt, on the other hand, considers it to be Su¬ matra (Kritische Unters. i. p. 64); and Mannert, the small island of Banca, on the SE. side of Su¬ matra. [V.] JABBOIv ('IoSaKKos, Joseph.; 'Io§cix, LXX.), a stream on the east of Jordan, mentioned first in the history of Jacob (Gen. xxxii. 22). It formed, ac¬ cording to Josephus, the northern border of the Amorites, whose country he describes as isolated by the Jordan on the west, the Anion on the south, and the Jabbok on the north. (Ant. iv. 5. § 2.) He further describes it as the division between the dominions of Sihon, king of the Amorites, and Og, whom he calls king of Galadene and Gaulonitis (§ 3)—the Bashan of Scripture. In the division of the land among the tribes, the river Jabbok was assigned as the northern limit of Gad and Reuben. (Dent. iii. 16.) To the north of the river, in the country of Bashan, the half tribe of Manasseh had their possession (13,14.) [Ajimonitae ; Amorites.] It is correctly placed by Eusebius (Onomast. s. v.) between Ammon, or Philadelphia, and Gerasa (Ge¬ n-ask) • to which S. Jerome adds, with equal truth, that it is 4 miles from the latter. It flows into the Jordan. It is now called El-Zerka, and " divides the district of Moerad from the country called El- Belka." (Burckhardt's Syria, p. 347.) It was crossed in its upper part by Irby and Mangles, an hour and twenty minutes (exactly 4 miles) SW. of Gerash, on their way to Es-Szalt. (Travels, p. 319, comp. p. 475.) [G. W.] JABESH ('Iageis, LXX.; 'laSr/s, 'lagicrad., 'Ia- €ia6s, Joseph.), a city of Gilead, the inhabitants of which were exterminated, during the early times of the Judges (see xx. 28), for not having joined in the national league against the men of Gibeah (xxi. 9, &e.). Three centuries later, it was besieged by the Ammonite king, Nahash, when the hard terms offered to the inhabitants by the invaders roused the indig¬ nation of Saul, and resulted in the relief of the town and the rout of the Ammonites. (1 Sam. xi.) It was probably in requital fortius deliverance that the inhabitants of Jabesh-Gilead, having heard of the indignity offered to the bodies of Saul and his sons vol. ii. JACCETANI. after the battle of Gilboa, " arose, and went all night, and took the body of Saul, and the bodies of his sons, from the wall of Beth-slum, and came to Jabesh and burnt them there ; and they took their bones and buried them under a tree at Jabesh, and fasted seven days." (1 Sam. xxxi. 11 — 13; 2 Sam. ii. 4—7.) It was situated, according to Eusebius, in the hills, 6 miles from Pella, on the road to Gerash ; and its site was marked in his time by a large village (s. vv. 'Apiaccd and'Iagis). The writer was unsuccessful in his endeavours to recover its site in 1842; but a tra¬ dition of the city is still retained in the name of the valley that runs into the plain of the Jordan, one hour and a quarter south of Wacly Mas, in which Pella is situated. This valley is still called Wady Yabes, and the ruins of the city doubtless exist, and will probably be recovered in the mountains in the vicinity pf this valley. fG. W.] JABNEH. [Iamnia.] JACCA. [Jaccetani; Vascones.] JACCETA'NI ('Ia/cKfrrapoi'), the most important of the small tribes at the S. foot of the Pyrenees, in Hispania Tarraconensis, E. of the Vascones, and N. of the Ilergetes. Their country, Jaccetani a ('Iafc/cercma), lay in the N. of Arragon, below the central portion of the Pyrenaean chain, whence it extended towards the Iberus as far as the neigh¬ bourhood of Ilerda and Osca; and it formed a part of the theatre of war in the contests between Scr- torius and Pompey, and between Julius Caesar and Pompey's legates, Afranius and Petreius. (Strab. iii. p. 161; Caes. B. C. i. 60; concerning the reading, see Lacetani ; Ptol. ii. 6. § 72.) None of then¬ tities were of any consequence. The capital, Jacca (Jaca, in Biscaya), from which they derived their name, belonged, in the time of Ptolemy, to the Vas¬ cones, among whom indeed Pliny appears to include the Jaccetani altogether (iii. 3. s. 4). Their other cities, as enumerated by Ptolemy, and identified, though with no great certainty, by TJkert (vol. ii. pt. 1. p. 425),are the following;—Iespus ('Uairos, Igualeda); Ceresus (Ktpecros', S. Columba de Ce- ralto); Anabis ('AvaSis, Tarrega) ; Bacasis ("BaKaa'is, Manresa, the district round which is still called Bages) ; Telobis (T?jao6i'y, Martorell); Ascerris ('Acriceppis, Sagurra) ; Uduua (Ov- 5ovpa, Cardona); Lissa or Lesa (Anear Man¬ resa); Setelsis (SereAcr/j 1) SeAerdiT, Solso?ia),; Cinna (Ki'.vva, near Guisona), perhaps the same place as the Scissum of Livy (xxi. 60, where the MSS. have Scissis, Stissum, Sisa), and the Cissa u£ B 2 IADERA. IALYSUS. Polybius (iii. 70 : coins', ap. Sestirii, pp. 132, 1G3; Num. Goth.). []'. S.] IA'DERA ('IdSepa, Ptol. iii. 16. § 10; 'IdSapa, Niret. p. 348 ; Iadera, Plin. iii. 26 ; Iader, Pomp. Mela, ii. 3. § 13 ; Pent. Tab.; Geog. Raw ; on the orthography of the name see Tzchucke, ad Melrnn, I. c. vol. ii. pt. 2. p. 275 : Eth. Iadertinus, Hirt. B. A. 42 : Zara), the capital of Liburnia in Illy- ricum. Under Augustus it was made a Roman colony. (" Parens coloniae," Inscr. ap. Farlaii, Ilbjr. Sitcr., vol. v. p. 3 ; eomp. Ptol. I. c.) Afterwards it bore the name of Diodora. and paid a tribute of 110 pieces of gold to the Eastern emperors (Const. Porph. cle Aclm. Imp. 30), until it was handed over, in the reign of Basil the Macedonian, to the Slavonic princes. Zara, the modern capital of Dalmatia, and well known for the famous siege it stood against the combined French and Venetians, at the begin¬ ning of the Fourth Crusade (Gibbon, c. lx. ; Wilken, die Kreuzz. vol. v. p. 167), stands upon the site of Iadera. Little remains of the ancient city ; the sea-gate called Porta di San Chrysogono is Roman, lint it seems likely that it has been brought from Aenona. The gate is a single arch with a Corin¬ thian pilaster at each side supporting an entablature. Eckhel (vol. ii. p. 152) doubts the evidence of any coins of Iadera, though some have been attri¬ buted to it by other writers on numismatics. (Sir G. Wilkinson, Dalmatia and Montenegro, vol. i. p. 78 ; J. F. Neigebaur, Die Sudslaven, pp. 181— 191.) ' [E. B.J.] lADO'NI, a people in the extreme X\V. of His- pania Tarraconensis, mentioned only by Pliny, who places them next to the Arrotrebae. (Plin. iv. 20. s. 34.; [P. S.] IAETA or IETAE ('Ierai', Steph. B.: Eth. 'Ie-.rams, Id.; but Diodorus has 'lairlvos, and this is confirmed by coins, the legend of which is uniformly 'Io.ltwav, Eckhel, vol. i. p. 216: in Latin, Cicero has Ictini, but Pliny Ietenses), a town of the interior of Sicily, in the NW. of the island, not very far fi»m Panor- mus. It was mentioned by Philistus (ap. Steph. B. s. v.~) as a fortress, and it is called by Thucydides also (if the reading 'Isras be admitted, in vii. 2) a fortress of the Siculians (teixos r&u tuceXuv), which was taken by Gylippus on liis march from llimera through the interior of the island towards Syracuse. It first appears as an independent city in the time of Pyrrhus, and was attacked by that monarch on account of its strong position and the advantages it offered for operations against Panor- iiius; but the inhabitants readily capitulated. (Diod. xxii. 10, p. 498.) In the First Punic War it was occupied by a Carthaginian garrison, but after the fall of Panormus drove out these troops and opened its gates to the Romans. (Id. xxiii. 18, p. 505.) Under the Roman government it appears as a muni¬ cipal town, but not one of much importance. The letini are only noticed in passing by Cicero among the towns whose lands had been utterly ruined by the exactions of Verres; and the Ietenses are enume¬ rated by Pliny among the " populi stipendiarii" of the interior of Sicily. (Cic. V'err. iii. 43; Plin. iii. 8. s. 14.) Many MSS. of Cicero read Letini, and it is probable that the h.r\Tov of Ptolemy (iii. 4. § 15) is only a corruption of the same name. The position of Iaeta is very obscurely intimated, but it appears from Diodorus that it was not very remote from Panormus, and that its site was one of .'great natural strength. Silius Italicus also alludes to its elevated situation (" celsus letas," xiv. 271). Fazello assures us that there was a mediaeval for¬ tress called Into on the summit of a lofty moun¬ tain, about 15 miles from Palermo, and 12 N. of Entella, which was destroyed by Frederic II. at the same time with the latter city; and this he sup¬ poses, probably enough, to be the site of Iaeta. He says the mountain was still called Monte di Into, though more commonly known as Monte di S. Cos- mano, from a church on its summit. (Fazell. x. p. 471; Amie. Lex. Top. Sic. vol. ii. p. 291.) The spot is not marked on any modern map, and does not appear to have been visited by any recent tra¬ vellers. The position thus assigned to Iaeta agrees well with the statements of Diodorus. but is wholly irreconcilable with the admission of 'leras into the text of Thucydides (vii. 2): this reading, however, is a mere conjecture (see Arnold's note), and must probably be discarded as untenable. [E. H. B.] JAEZER ('Iafrtp, LXX. ; 'lct(vp and 'Acrutp, Eufceb.), a city of Gilead, assigned to the tribe of Gad by Moses. In Numbers (xxxii. 1), "the land of Jazer" is mentioned as contiguous to "the land of Gilead, and suited to cattle." In Jeremiah (xlviii. 32), " the sea of Jazer " occurs in some versions, as in the English ; but Reland (s. v. p. 825) justly remarks, that this is not certain, as the passage may bo pointed after the word " sea," and "Jazer," as a vocative, commence the following clause. But as " the land of Jazer " is used for the country south of Gilead, so the Dead Sea may be designated " the sea of Jazer." Eusebius (Onumast. s. v. 'Acrwp') places it 8 miles west of Philadelphia or Amnion ; and elsewhere (s. v.'laarip), 10 miles west of Philadel¬ phia, and 15 from Esbon (Heshbon). He adds, that a large river takes its rise there, which runs into the Jordan. In a situation nearly corresponding with this, between Szalt and Esbus, Burckhardt passed some ruins named Szyr, where a valley named Wadg Szyr takes its rite and runs into the Jordan. This is doubtless the modern representative of the ancient Jazer. " In two hours and a half (from Szalt) we passed, on our right, the Wady Szyr, which has its source near the road, and falls into the Jordan. Above tho source, on the declivity of the valley, are the ruins called Szyr." (Syria, p. 364.) It is probably identical with the ra.f&>pos of Ptolemy which he reckons among the cities of Palestine on the east of the Jordan (v. 16). [G. W.] IA'LYSUS ( laAuffos, 'laXvacros, or 'I17A1laaos : Eth. 'laAvaaios), one of the three ancient Doric cities in the island of Rhodes, and one of the six towns constituting the Doric liexapolis. It was si¬ tuated only six stadia to the south-west of the city of Rhodes, and it would seem that the rise of the latter city was the cause of the decay of Ialysus; for in the time of Strabo (xiv. p. 655) it existed only as a village. Pliny (v. 36) did not consider it as an independent place at all, but imagined that Ialysus was the ancient name of Rhodes. Orychoma, the ci¬ tadel, was situated above Ialysus, and still existed in the time of Straba. It is supposed by some that muss a. IAPODES. 3 Orychoma was the same as the fort Acliaia, which is said to have been the first settlement of the He- liadae in the island (Diod. Sic. v. 57; Athen. viii. p. 360); at any rate, Acliaia was situated in the territory of Ialysus, which bore the name Ialysia. (Comp. Horn. II. ii. 656; Find. 01. vii. 106; Herod, ii. 182 ; Thucyd. viii. 44 ; Ptol. v. 2. § 34; Steph. B. s. v.\ Scvlax, Peripl. p. 81; Dioiivs. Perieg. 504; Ov. Met. vii. 365; Pomp. Mela, ii. 7.) The site of ancient Ialysus is still occupied by a village bearing the name Ialiso, about which a few ancient remains are found. (Ross, Reisen avf den Griech. Jnseln, vol. iii. p. 98.) [L. S.j IAMISSA. [Thamesis.] IAMNA, JAMNO. [Baleares, p. 374, b.] IAMNIA ('laSvris, LXX.; 'Idtxvia, 'la^ve'ia 'Iefxi'atx), a city of the Philistines, assigned to the tribe of Judah in the LXX. of Joshua xv. 45 (To/,wo) ; but omitted in the Hebrew, which only mentions it in 2 Chron. xxvi. 6 (Jabneh in the English version), as one of the cities of the Philis¬ tines taken and destroyed by king Uzziali. It is celebrated by Philo Judaeus as the place where the first occasion was given to the Jewish revolt under Caligula, and to his impious attempt to profane the temple at Jerusalem. His account is as follows: — In the city of Iamnia, one of the most populous of Judaea, a small Gentile population had established itself among the more numerous Jews, to whom they occasioned no little annoyance by the wanton vio¬ lation of their cherished customs. An unprincipled government officer, named Capito, who had been sent to Palestine to collect the tribute, anxious to pre-occupy the emperor with accusations against the Jews before their well-grounded complaints of his boundless extortion could reach the capital, ordered an altar of mud to be raised in the town for the dei¬ fication of the emperor. The Jews, as he had antici¬ pated, indignant at the profanation of the Holy Land, assembled in a body, and demolished the altar. On hearing this, the emperor, incensed already at what had lately occurred in Egypt, resolved to resent this insult by the erection of an equestrian statue of himself in the Holy of Holies. (Philo, de Legat. ad Caiun, Op. vol. ii. p. 573.) With respect to its site, it is assigned by Josephus to that part of the tribe of Judah occupied by the children of Dan (Ant. v. 1. § 22) ; and he reckons it as an inland city. (Ant. xiv. 4. § 4, B. J. i. 7. § 7.) Thus, likewise, in the 1st book of Maccabees (x. 69, 71), it is spoken of as situated in the plain country ; but the author of the 2nd book speaks of the harbour and fleet of the Iamnites, which were fired by Judas Mac- cabaeus; when the light of the conflagration was seen at Jerusalem, 240 stadia distant. The appa¬ rent discrepancy may, however, be reconciled by the notices of the classical geographers, who make fre¬ quent mention of this town. Thus Pliny expressly says, " Iamnes duae: altera intus," and places them between Azotus and Joppa (v. 12); and Ptolemy, having mentioned 'lapviqToov, " the port of the Iam¬ nites," as a maritime town between Joppa and Azotus, afterwards enumerates Iamnia among the cities of Judaea. From all which it is evident that Iamnia had its Majunia, or naval arsenal, as Gaza, Azotus, and Ascalon also had. (Le Quien, Oriens Christ, vol. iii. col. 587, and 622.) The Itinerary of Antoninus places it 36 M. P. from Gaza, and 12 M. P. from Diospolis (or Lydda); and Eusebius (Onom. s. v. 'la/xvaa) places it between Diospolis and Azotus. Its site is still marked by ruins which | retain the ancient name Yebna, situated on a small eminence on the west side of Wad// Rubin, an hour distant from the sea. (Irby and Mangles, Travels, p. 182.) " The ruins of a Koman bridge," which they noticed, spanning the Nalir-el-Rubhi between Yebna and the sea, was doubtless built for the pur¬ pose of facilitating traffic between the town and its sea-port. [G. W.] IAMPHORINA, the capital of the Maedi, in Ma¬ cedonia, which was taken is. c. 211 by Philip, son of Demetrius. (Liv. xxvi. 25.) It is probably repre¬ sented by Vraniu or Ivorina, in the upper valley of the Mordva. (Leake, Northern Greece, vol. iii. p. 473.) [E. B. J.] IANGACAUCA'NI [Mauhetania.] JANUA'RIA ('Iayovapia a.Kpa), a promontory on the coast of Cilicia, near Serrepolis, between Mallus and Aegaea. (Stadiasm. §§ 149, 150.) It is now called Karadasli. [L. S.] IA'PIS ('last's), a small stream which formed the boundary between Megaris and the territory of Eleu- sis. [Attica, p. 323, a.] IA'PODES, lA'PYDES ('Id*oSfs, Strab. iii. p. 207, vii. p. 313 ; TaTruSes, Ptol. ii. 16. § S; Liv. xliii. 5; Virg. Ceorg. iii. 475; Tibull. iv. 1. 108), an Illyrian people to the N. of Dalmatia, and E. of Liburnia, who occupied Iapydia (Plin. iii. 19), or the present military frontier of Croatia, com¬ prised between the rivers Kulpa and Korana to the N. and E., and the Velebieh range to the S. In the interior, their territory was spread along Mons Albius ( Velika), which forms the extremity of the great Alpine chain, and rises to a great ele¬ vation ; on the other side of the mountain they reached towards the Danube, and the confines of Pannonia. They followed the custom of the wild Tliraeian tribes in tattooing themselves, and were armed in the Keltic fashion, living in their poor country (like the Morlacchi of the present day) chiefly on zea and millet. (Strab. vii. p. 315.) In is. c. 129, the consul C. Sempronius Tuditanus carried on war against this people, at first unsuc¬ cessfully, but afterwards gained a victory over them, chiefly by the military skill of his legate, D. Junius Brutus, for which he was allowed to celebrate a triumph at Rome (Appian, B. C. i. 19, Illyr. 10 ; Liv. Epit. lis. ; Fasti Capit.) They had a " foedus" with Rome (Cic. pro Balb. 14), but were in B.C. 34 finally subdued by Octavianus, after an obstinate defence, in which Metulum, their principal town was taken (Strab. I. c. ; Appian, Illyr. I. c.). Metulum (MeToDAoi'), their capital, was situated on the river Colapis (Kulpa) to the N., on the frontier of Pannonia (Appian, /. c ), and has been identified with Mottling or Metlika on the Kulpa. The Antonine Itinerary has the following places on the road from Senia (Zeugg) to Siscia (Sisselc) :— Avendone (comp. Peat. Tab. ; Abendo, Geog. Rav.; AvevSeuTai, Appian, Illyr. I. c. ; OvevSos, Strab. iv. p. 207, vii. p. 314.); Aklticm (Arypium, rent. Tab. ; Parupium, Geog. Rav. ; 'Apovmfoi, App. Illyr. 16., perhaps the same as the 'Apoviuda of Ptolemy, ii. 16. § 9), now Ottochatz. At Bip.icm, which should be read Bivium (Wesseling, adloc.), the road divided, taking a direction towards Panno¬ nia, which the Itinerary follows, and also towards Dalmatia, which is given in the Peutinger Table. Neigebaur (Die Szidslaven, pp. 224—235) has identified from a local antiquary the following sites of the Table : Epidotu-m (Uselle) ; Aucrs (Chauke) ; Au- u 2 4 IAPYGIA. JASONIUM. sancalio (Vissuch, near Udbina); Clumbetae (Grachatz). [E. B. J.] IAPY'GIA ('laTvyla), veas the name given by the Greeks to the SE. portion of Italy, bordering on the Adriatic Sea, but the term was used with con¬ siderable vagueness, being sometimes restricted to the extreme SE. point or peninsula, called also ISIes- sapia, and by the Romans Calabria; at other times extended so as to include the whole of what the Romans termed Apulia. Thus Scylax describes the whole coast from Lucania to the promontory of Drion (Jit. Garganus) as comprised in Iapygia, and even includes under that appellation the cities of Metapontum and Heraclea on the gulf of Tarentum, which are usually assigned to Lucania. Hence he states that their coast-line extended for a space of six days and nights' voyage. (Scyl. § 14. p. 5.) Polybius at a later period used the name in an equally extended sense, so as to include the whole of Apulia (iii. 88), as well as the Messapian penin¬ sula; but lie elsewhere appears to use the name of Iapygians as equivalent to the Roman term Apulians, and distinguishes them from the Messapians (ii. 24). This is, however, certainly contrary to the usage of earlier Greek writers. Herodotus distinctly applies the term of Iapygia to the peninsula, and calls the Messapians an Iapygian tribe; though he evidently did not limit it to this portion of Italy, and must have extended it, at all events, to the land of the Peucetians, if not of the Daunians also. (Herod, iv. 99, vii. 170.) Aristotle also clearly iden¬ tifies the Iapygians with the Messapians (Pol. v. 3), though the limits within which lie applies the name of Iap}rgia (lb. vii. 10) cannot be defined. Indeed, the name of the Iapygian promontory (Ji &cpa 7i 'IaTTtryi'a), universally given to the headland which formed the extreme point of the peninsula, sufficiently proves that this was considered to belong to Iapygia. Strabo confines the term of Iapygia to the peninsula, and says that it was called by some Iapygia, by others Messapia or Calabria. (Strab. vi. pp. 281, 282.) Appian and Dionysius Perie- getes, on the contrary, follow Polybius in applying the name of Iapygia to the Roman Apulia, and the latter expressly says that the Iapygian tribes ex¬ tended as far as Hyrium on the N. side of Mt. Garganus. (Appian, Ann. 45; Dionys. Per. 379.) Ptolemy, as usual, follows the Roman writers, and adopts the names then in use for the divisions of this part of Italy: hence he ignores altogether the name of Iapygia, which is not found in any Roman writer as a geographical appellation; though the Latin poets, as usual, adopted it from the Greeks. (Virg. Aen. xi. 247; Ovid, Met. xv. 703.) We have no clue to the origin or meaning of the name of Iapygians, which was undoubtedly given to the people (Iapygks, Tain/yes) before it was applied to the country which they inhabited. Nie- bulir (vol. i. p. 146) considers it as etymologically connected with the Latin Apulus, but this is very doubtful. The name appears to have been a general one, including several tribes or nations, among which were the Messapians, Sallentini, and Peuce¬ tians: hence Herodotus calls the Messapians, Iapy¬ gians ('iTjrruyes Mecrcra.7rtoi, vii. 170); and the two names are frequently interchanged. The Greek mythographers, as usual, derived the name from a hero, Iapyx, whom they represented as a son of Lycaon, a descent probably intended to indicate the Pelasgic origin of the Iapygians. (Anton. Liberal. 51; Plin. iii. 11. a. 16.) For a further account of the national affinities of the different tribes in this part of Italy, as well as for a description of its phy¬ sical geography, see the articles Apulia and Cala¬ bria. [E. H. B.] IAPY'GIUM PROMONTO'RIUM ("Axpa 'Ic-.ttu- yla: Capo Sta. Maria di Leuca), a headland which forms the extreme SE. point of Italy, as well as the extremity of the long peninsula or promontory that divides the gulf of Tarentum from the Adriatic sea. It is this long projecting strip of land, com¬ monly termed the heel of Italy, and designated by the Romans as Calabria, that was usually termed by the Greeks Iapygia, whence the name of the pro¬ montory in question. The latter is well described by Strabo as a rocky point extending for out to sea towards the SE., but inclining a little towards the Lacinian promontory, which rises opposite to it, and together with it encloses the gulf of Tarentum. He states the interval between these two headlands, and consequently the width of the Tarentine gulf, at its entrance, at about 700 stadia (70 G. miles), which slightly exceeds the truth. Pliny calls the same distance 100 SI. P. or 800 stadia; but the real distance does not exceed 66 G. miles or 660 stadia. (Strab. vi. pp. 258, 281 ; Plin. iii. 11. s. 16; Ptol. iii. 1. § 13 ; Polyb. x. 1.) The same point was also not unfrequently termed the Salentine promontory (Pkomontoiiium Salen- tinum, Mel. ii. 4. § 8; Ptol. I. c.), from the people of that name who inhabited the country immediately adjoining. Sallust applies the same name to the whole of the Calabrian or Messapian peninsula, (Sail. op. Sew. ad Aen. iii. 400.) Its modern name is derived from the ancient church of Sta. Maria di Leuca, situated close to the headland, and which has preserved the name of the ancient town and port of Leuca; the latter was situated immediately on the W. of the promontory, and afforded tolerable shelter for vessels. [Leuca.] Hence we find the Athenian fleet, in b. c. 415, on its way to Sicily, touching at the Iapygian promontory after crossing .from Cor- cyra (Thuc. vi. 30, 44); and there can be no doubt that this was the customary course in proceeding from Greece to Sicily. £Ii. II. B.] IA'RDANUS ('Iapdavos), a river on the N. coast of Crete, near the banks of which the Cydonians dwelt. (Horn. Od. iii. 292.) It is identified with the rapid stream of the Platanid, which rises in the White Mountains, and, after flowing between the Rhizite villages of Thcriso and Laid or Lakus, runs through a valley formed by low hills, and filled with lofty platanes; from which it obtains its name. The river of Platanid falls into the sea, nearly opposite the islet of Ildrjlrios Theodhoros, where there is good anchorage. (Pashley, Trav. vol. ii. p. 22 ; Hock, Kreta, vol. i. pp. 23, 384.) [E. B. J.] IARDANUS, a river of Elis. [Piikia.] JARZETHA. [Libya.] IASI. [Iassii.] JASO'NIUM (laaovtov Ptol. vi. 10. § 3), a town in Margiana, at the junction of the Margus ([Murgh- ah) and some small streams which flow into it. (Cf. also Ammian. xxiii. 6.) [V.~| JASO'NIUM (jb 'laaaviov, Ptol. vi. 2. § 4; Strab. xi. p. 526), a mountain in Media, which ex¬ tended in a NW. direction from the M. Parachoatras (M. Elwend), forming the connecting link between the Taurus and the outlying spurs of the Antitaurus. It is placed by Ptolemy between the Orontes and the Coronus. [v.] JASO'NIUM ('Iaawviov), a promontory on the IASPIS. const of Pontus, 130 st;idi;i to the north-east of l'o- lemonium; it is the most projecting cape on that coast, and forms the terminating point of the chain of Mount Paryadres. It was believed to have re¬ ceived its name from the fact that Jason had landed there. (Strab. xii. p. 548; Arrian, Peripl. p. 17; Anonym. Peripl. p. 11; Ptol. v. 6. § 4 ; Xenoph. Anab. vi. 2. § 1, who calls it 'laaovla ., mentions the river Jaxartes in describing Hyrcania. Those who wish to study the accounts given by mediaeval and modem travellers, will find much va¬ luable information in the " Dissertation on the River Jaxartes " annexed to Levehine, Hordes et Steppes rls Kirghiz-Kazalcs, Paris, 1840. This same writer (pp. 53—70) has described the course of the Syr- Darin, which has its source in the mountains of JAZYGES. 7 Kachhir-Davan, a branch of the range called by the Chinese the " Mountains of Heaven," and, taking a N\V. course through the sandy steppes of Kizil- Koum and Kara-Koum, unites its waters with those of the Sea of Aral, on its E. shores, at the gulf of KamecMou-Backi. [E. II. J.] JAXAMATAE ('la^af-idrai, 'la^ci/jxtraL, 'I|o/xa- rai, Ixomatae, Aimn. Marc. xxii. 8. § 31 ; Exo- matae, Val. Elacc. Argonaut.vi. 144, 5G9) a people who first appear in history during the reign of Saty- rus III., king of Bosporus, who waged war with Tir- gatao, their queen. (Polyaen. viii. 55.) The ancients attribute them to the Sarmatian stock. (Scymn. Fr. p. 140; Anon. Peripl. Eux. p. 2.) Pomponius Mela (i. 19. § 17) states that they were distinguished by the peculiarity of the women being as tried warriors as the men. Ptolemy (v. 9) has placed them between the Bon and Volga, which agrees well with the po¬ sition assigned to them by the authors mentioned above. In the second century of our era they disap¬ pear from history. Schafarik (Slav. Alt. vol. i. p. 340), who considers the Sarmatians to belong to the Median stock, connects them with the Median word " mat " — " people," as in the termination Sau- romatae; but it is more probable that the Sarmatians were Slavonians. [E. B. J.] JA'ZYGES, lA'ZYGES ('IaCvyes, Steph. B. lazyx), a people belonging to the Sarmatian stock, whose original settlements were on the Palus Maeotis. (Ptol. iii. 5. § 19; Strab. vii. p. 306 ; Arrian, Anab. 1,3; Amm. Marc. xxii. 8. § 31.) They were among the barbarian tribes armed by Mithridates (Appian, Mithr. 69); during the ba¬ nishment of Ovid they were found on the Danube, and in Bessarabia and Wallachia (Ep. ex Pont. i. 2, 79, iv. 7, 9, Trist. ii. 19. 1.) In A. r>. 50, either induced by the rich pastures of Hungary, or forced onwards from other causes, they no longer appear in their ancient seats, but in the plains be¬ tween the Lower Theiss and the mountains of Tran¬ sylvania, from which they had driven out the Dacians. (Tac. Ann. xii. 29; Plin. iv. 12.) This migration, probably, did not extend to the whole of the tribe, as is implied in the surname " Metanastae;" henceforward history speaks of the Iazyges Meta¬ nastae ('idQjyes of MeTaraoTctt), who were the Sarmatians with whom the Romans so frequently came in collision. (Comp. Gibbon, c. xviii.) In the second century of our era, Ptolemy (iii. 7) assigns the Danube, the Theiss, and the Carpathians as the limits of this warlike tribe, and enumerates the following towns as belonging to them: — Uscjknum (Ovukcvoi'); BORMANUM or GoRMANUM (B.] 1CHNAE ("Ixw)' a city of Bottiaea, in Mace¬ donia, which Herodotus (vii. 123) couples with Pella. (Leake, Travels in Northern Greece, vol. iv. p. 582.) [E. B.J.] ICHNAE ("ix^ai, Isid. Char. p. 3 ; Steph. B. s. v ), a small fortified town, or castle, in Meso¬ potamia, situated on the river Bilecha, which itself flowed into the Euphrates. It is said by Isidorus to have owed its origin to the Macedonians. There can be little doubt that it is the same place as is called in Dion Cassius "Ix"11*' (si. 12), and in Plu¬ tarch "Fcrx^aL (Crass, c. 25). According to the former writer, it was the place where Crassus over¬ came Talymenus: according to the latter, that to which the younger Crassus was persuaded to fly when wounded. Its exact position cannot be deter¬ mined ; but it is clear that it was not far distant from the important town of Carrhae. [V.] 1CC1US PORTUS. [Itius.] ICHTHYOTHAGI ('lx6volor : Eth. 'lKovievs : Cogni, Kiinjah, or Koniyeli), was regarded in the time of Xenophon (Anab. i. 2. § 19) as the easternmost town of Phrygia, while all later authorities describe it as the principal city of Lycaonia. (Cic. adFam. iii. 6, 8, xv. 3.) Strabo (xii. p. 568) calls it a tto- Xixviov, whence we must infer that it was then still a small place ; but he adds that it was well peopled, and was situated in a fertile district of Lycaonia. Pliny (v. 27), however, and the Acts of the Apostles, describe it as a very populous city, in¬ habited by Greeks and Jews. Hence it would ap¬ pear that, within a short period, the place had greatly risen in importance. In Pliny's time the territory of Iconium formed a tetrarchy comprising 14 towns, of which Iconium was the capital. On coins belonging to the reign of the emperor Gailienus, the town is called a Roman colony, which was, probably, only an assumed title, as no author speaks of it as a colony. Under the Byzantine emperors it was the metropolis of Lycaonia, and is frequently mentioned (Hierocl. p. 675); but it was wrested from them first by the Saracens, and afterwards by the Turks, who made it the capital of an empire, the sovereigns of which took the title of Sultans of Iconium. Under the Turkish dominion, and during the period of the Cru¬ sades, Iconium acquired its greatest celebrity. It is still a large and populous town, and the residence of a pasha. The place contains some architectural remains and inscriptions, but they appear almost all to belong to the Byzantine period. (Comp. Amm. Marc. xiv. 2 ; Steph. B. s. v. ; Ptol. v. 6. § 16; Leake, Asia Minor, p. 48; Hamilton, Researches, vol. ii. p. 205, fol. ; Eckhel, vol. iii. p. 31; Sestini, Geo. Num. p. 48.) The name Iconium led the an¬ cients to derive it from dicwv, which gave rise to the fable that the city derived its name from an image of Medusa, brought thither by Perseus (Eustath. ad Dionys. Per. 856) ; hence Stephanus B. maintains that the name ought to be spelt ~E.Ik&viov, a form actually adopted by Eustathius and the Byzantine writers, and also found on some coins. [L. S.] ICORIGIUM. [Egorigium.] ICOS. [Icus.] ICOSITA'NI. [Ilici.] ICO'SIUM ('Ik6. 606) mention a mountain belonging to the range of Ida, near Antandrus, which bore the name of Alex¬ andria. where Paris (Alexander) was believed to have pronounced his judgment as to the beauty of the three goddesses. (Comp. Clarke's Travels, ii. p. 134; Hunt's Journal in Walpoles Turkey, i. p. 120; Cramer's Asia Minor, i. 120.) [L. S.] IDA ("Idrj, Ptol. iii. 17. § 9 ; Pomp. Mela, ii. 7. § 12; Plin. iv. 12, xvi. 33 ; Virg. Aen. iii. 105; Solin. ii.; Avien. 676; Prise. 528), the central and loftiest point of the mountain range which tra¬ verses the island of Crete throughout tlie whole length from W. to E. In the middle of the island, where it is broadest (Strab. x. pp. 472, 475, 478), Mt. Ida lifts its head covered with snow. (Theo- phrast. II. P. iv. 1.) The lofty summits termi¬ nate in three peaks, and, like the main chain of which it is the nucleus, tlie offshoots to the N. slope gradually towards the sea, enclosing fertile plains and valleys, and form by their projections the nu¬ merous bays and gulfs with which the coast is in¬ dented. Mt. Ida, now called Psiloriti, sinks down rapidly towards the SE. into the extensive plain watered by the Lethaeus. This side of the mountain, which looks down upon the plain of Mesara, is co¬ vered with cypresses (comp. Theophrast. de Vent. p. 405; Dion. Perieg. 503; Eustath. ad. loc.), pines, and junipers. Mt. Ida was the locality assigned for the legends connected with the history of Zeus, and there was a cavern in its slopes sacred to that deity. (Diod. Sic. v. 70.) The Cretan Ida, like its Trojan namesake, was connected with the working of iron, and the Idaean Dactyls, the legendary discoverers of metallurgy, are assigned sometimes to the one and sometimes to the other. Wood was essential to the operations of smelting and forging; and the word Ida, an appella¬ tive for any wood-covered mountain, was used per¬ haps, like the German berg, at once for a mountain and a mining work. (Ivenrick, Aegypt of Herodotus, p. 278; Hock, Kreta, vol. i. p. 4.) [E. B. J.] 1'DACUS (vl5a/cos), a town of the Thracian Chersonese, mentioned by Thucydides (viii. 104) in his account of the manoeuvres before the battle of Cynossema, and not far from Arrhiana. Although nothing whatever is known of these places, yet, as the Athenians were sailing in the direction of the Propontis from the Aegaean, it would appear that Idacus was nearest the Aegaean, and Arrhiana fur¬ ther up the Hellespont, towards Sestus and the Pro¬ pontis. (Arnold, ad loc.) [E. B. J.] IDALIA, IDA'LIUM ('iSaAioy : Eth. 'iSaAei'r, Steph. B.; Plin. v. 31), a town in Cyprus, adjoining to which was a forest sacred to Aphrodite; the piets who connect this place with her worship, give ijo in¬ dications of the precise locality. (Tlieocr. Id. xv. 100; Virg. Aen. i. 681, 692, x. 51; Catull. I'd. iiiu>ghici;m.] IDIvAE ("I5pcu, Ptol. iii. 5. § 23), a people of Sarmatia Europaea, whose position cannot be made out from the indications given by Ptolemy. (Scha- farik, Slav. Alt. vol. i. p. 213.) [E. B. J.] 1'DRIAS ('I5pias), according to Stepbanus B. (s. v.), a town in Caria which had formerly borne the name of Chrysaoris. Herodotus (v. 118) de¬ scribes the river Marsyas as flowing from a district called Idrias ; and it is conjectured that Stratoniceia, founded by Antiochus Soter, was built on the site of the ancient town of Idrias. (Comp. Leake, Asia Minor, p. 235 ; see Laodiceia.) [L. S.] 11)U'BEL)A ('iSo^geSa, misspelt by Agathemerus 'IvSovSuASa, ii. 9: Sierra de Oca and Sierra de Lorenzo), a great mountain chain of Hispania, running in a SE. direction from the mountains of IDUMAEA. the Cantabri to the Mediterranean, almost parallel to the Ebro, the basin of which it borders on the W. Strabo makes it also parallel to the Pyrenees, in conformity with his view of the direction of that chain from N. to S. (Strab. iii. p. 161; Ptol. ii. 6. §21.) Its chief offsets were: — M. Caunus, near Bilbilis (Martial, i. 49, iv. 55), the Saltus Man- liantjs (Liv. xl. 39: probably the Sierra Molina), and, above all, M. Oiiospkda, which strikes off from it to the S. long before it reaches the sea, and which ought perhaps rather to be regarded as its principal prolongation than as a mere branch. [P. S.] IDUMAEA ('Idovixcua), the name of the country inhabited by the descendants of Edom (or Esau), being, in fact, only the classical form of that ancient Semitic name. (Joseph. Ant. ii. 1. § 1.) It is other¬ wise called Mount Seir. (Gen. xxxii. 3, xxxvi. 8; Deut. ii. 5 ; Joshua, xxir. 4.) It lay between Mount Horeb and the southern border of Canaan (Deut. i. 2), extending apparently as far south as the Gulf of Alcaba (Deut. ii. 2—8), as indeed its ports, Ezion-geber, and Eloth, are expressly assigned to the " land of Edom." (2 Cliron. viii. 17.) This country was inhabited in still more ancient times by the Horims (Deut. ii. 12, 22), and derived its more ancient name from their patriarch Seir (Gen. xxxvi. 20; comp. xiv. 6), as is properly maintained by Reland, against the fanciful conjecture of Josephus and others. (Palaestina, pp. 68, 69.) The Jewish historian extends the name Idumaea so far to the north as to comprehend under it great part of the south of Judaea; as when he says that the tribe of Simeon received as their inheritance that part of Idumaea which borders on Egypt and Arabia. (Ant. v. 1. § 22) He elsewhere calls Hebron the first city of Idumaea, i.e. reckoning from the north. (B.J. iv. 9. § 7.) From his time the name Idumaea disappears from geographical descriptions, except as an his¬ torical appellation of the country that was then called Gebalene, or the southern desert (-q Kara Splav ipfij.Los, Euseb. Onom. s. v. AlXa/x), or Arabia. The historical records of the Idumaeans, properly so called, are very scanty. Saul made war upon them; David subdued the whole country; and Solomon made Ezion-geber a naval station. (1 Sam. xiv. 47, 2 Sam. viii. 14; 1 Kings, xi. 15, ix. 26.) The Edomites, however, recovered their national inde¬ pendence under Joram, king of Judah (2 Kings, xiv. 7), and avenged themselves on the Jews in the cruelties which they practised at the capture of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar. (Psalms, exxxvii. 7.) It was probably during the Babylonish cap¬ tivity that they extended themselves as far north as Hebron, where they were attacked and subdued by Judas Maceabaeus. (1 Maccab. v. 65—68; Joseph. Ant. xii. 8. § 6.) It was on this account that the whole of the south of Palestine, about Hebron, Gaza, and Eleutheropolis (Beit Jebrin), came to be designated Idumaea. (Joseph. B. J. iv. 9. § 7, c. Apion. ii. 9 ; S. Jerom. Comment, in Obad. ver., 1.) Meanwhile, the ancient seats of the children of Edom had been invaded and occupied by another tribe, the Nabathaeans, the descendants of the Ishmaelite patriarch Nebaioth [Nabathaei], under which name the country and its capital [Petra] became famous among Greek and Roman geographers and historians, on which account their description of the district is more appropriately given under that head. St. Jerome's brief but accurate notice of its general features may here suffice: " Omnis australis regio Idumaeorum de Eleuthero- IDUNUM. poli usque ad Petram et Ailam (liaec est possessio Esau) in speeubus habitat iuneulas Iiabet; et propter nimios calores solis, quia meridiaiia provincia est, subterraneis tuguriis utitur." (Comment, in Obad. vv. 5, G.) And again, writing of the same country, he says that south of Tekoa " ultra nullus est viculus, lie agrestes quidem easae et furnorum similes, quas Afri appellant mapalia. Tanta est eremi vastitas, quae usque ad Mare Rubrum Persarumque et Aethio- pum atque Indorum terminos dilatatur. Et quia iiumi arido atque arenoso nihil oinnino frugum gig- nitur, cuncta sunt plena pastoribus, ut sterilitatem terrae compenset peeorum inultitudine." (Prolog. ad Amosum.) [G. W.] IDUNUM, a town in the extreme south of Pan- nonia (Ptol. ii. 14. § 3), which, from inscriptions found on the spot, is identified with the modern Juilenburg. [L. S.] JEBUS, JEBUSI'TES. [Jerusalem.] JEIIOSHAPHAT, VALLEY OF. [Jeru¬ salem.] IENA, in Britain, mentioned by Ptolemy (ii. 3. § 2) as an estuary between the outlets of the rivers Abravannus and Deva to the south of the promon¬ tory of the Novantae (—Wigton Bay). [R. G. L.] lEBABRl'GA. [Arabkica.] JERICHO ('Iepix^! Strab.), a strongly fortified city of the Canaanites, miraculously taken by Joshua, who utterly destroyed it, and prohibited it from being rebuilt under pain of an anathema (Josh. ii. vi.), which was braved and incurred by Hiel of Bethel, five centuries afterwards, in the reign of Ahab, king of Israel. (1 Kings, xvi. 34.) It then became a school of the prophets. (2 Kings, ii. 4, 5.) It lay in the border of Benjamin, to which tribe it was assigned (Josh, xviii. 12, 21), but was not far from the southern borders of Ephraim (xvi. 1). It is mentioned in the New Testament in con¬ nection with the wealthy revenue-farmer Zacchaeus, who resided there, and probably farmed the govern¬ ment dues of its rich and well cultivated plain. Joseph us describes it as well situated, and fruitful in palms and balsam. (Ant. iv. 8. § 1, B. J. i. 0. § 6.) lie places the city 60 stadia from the Jor¬ dan, 150 from Jerusalem (B. J. iv. 8. § 3), the intervening country being a rocky desert. He ac¬ counts for the narrow limits of the tribe of Benjamin by the fact that Jericho was included in that tribe, the fertility of which far surpassed the richest soil in other parts of Palestine (§§ 21, 22). Its plain was 70 stadia long by 20 wide, irrigated by the waters of the fountain of Elisha, which possessed almost miraculous properties. (Ant. iv. 8. §§ 2. 3.) It was one of the eleven toparehies of Judaea. (B. J. iii. 2.) Its palm grove was granted by Antony to Cleopatra (i. 18. § 5), and the subsequent possession of this envied district by Herod the Great, who first farmed the revenues for Cleopatra, and then redeemed them (Ant. xiv. 4. §§ 1, 2), probably gave occasion to the proverbial use of his name in Horace (Ep. ii. 2. 184): — " cessare et ludere et ungi, Praeferat Herodis pahnetis pinguibus." It is mentioned by Strabo (xvi. p. 763) and Pliny (v. 14) in connection with its palm-trees and foun¬ tains. The former also alludes to the palace and its garden of balsam, the cultivation and collecting of which is more fully described by Pliny (xii. 25). The palace was built by Herod the Great, as his own residence, and there it was that he died; IERXE. 1,-, having first confined in the hippodrome the most illustrious men of the country, with the intention that they should be massacred after his death, that there might be a general mourning throughout the country on that occurrence. (B. J. i. 33. § 6.) Josephus further mentions that Jericho was visited by Vespasian shortly before he quitted the country, where he left the tenth legion (B. J. iv. 8. § 1, 9. § 1); but he does not mention its destruction by Titus on account of the perfidy of its inhabitants; a fact which is supplied by Eusebius and St. Jerome. They add that a third city had been built in its stead; but that the ruins of both the former were still to be seen. (Onomast. s. v.) The existing ruins can only be referred to this latest city, which is frequently men¬ tioned in the mediaeval pilgrimages. They stand on the skirts of the mountain country that shuts in the valley of the Jordan on the west, about three hours distant from the river. They are very exten¬ sive, but present nothing of interest. The waters of the fountain of Elisha, now 'Arn-es-Sidtan, weli answer to the glowing description of Josephus, and still fertilise the soil in its immediate neighbourhood. But the palms, balsam, sugar-canes, and roses, for which this Paradise was formerly celebrated, have all disappeared, and the modern liiha consists only of the tents of a Bedouin encampment. [G. W.] IERNE, is a better form for the ancient name of Ireland than IIibernia, Ibernia, Iverxia, &c., both as being nearer the present Gaelic name Eri, and as being the oldest form which occurs. It is the form found in Aristotle. It is also the form found in the poem attributed to Orpheus on the Argonautic expedition, which, spurious as it is, may nevertheless be as old as the time of Onomaeritus (i. e. the reign of the first Darius): — — vil'. Jud. v. 4, 5.) JERUSALEM. This, then, was the disposition of the ancient city, on which a few remarks must be made before we proceed to the new city. The two-fold division, which, as has been said, is recognised by Josephus from the first, is implied also in the sacred narrative, not only in the account of its capture by the Israelites, and subsequently by David, but in all such passages as mention the city of David or Mount Sion as dis¬ tinct from Salem and Jerusalem. (Comp. Josh. xv. 63; Judges, i. 8, 21 ; 2 Sam. v. 6—9 ; Psalms, lxxvi. 2, &c.) The account given by Josephus of the taking of the city is this: that " the Israelites, having besieged it, after a time took the Lower City, but the Upper City was hard to be taken by reason of the strength of its walls, and the nature of its position" {Ant. v. 2. § 2); and, subse¬ quently, that " David laid siege to Jerusalem, and took the Lower City by assault, while the citadel still held out" (vii. 3. § 1). Having at length got possession of the Upper City also, " he encircled the two within one wall, so as to form one body" (§ 2). This could only be effected by taking in the inter¬ jacent valley, which is apparently the part called Millo. (4) But when in process of time the city over¬ flowed its old boundaries, the hill Bezetha, or New City, was added to the ancient hills, as is thus described by Josephus:—"The city, being over¬ abundant in population, began gradually to creep beyond its old walls, and the people joining to the city the region which lay to the north of the temple and close to the hill (of Acra), advanced consider¬ ably, so that even a fourth eminence was surrounded with habitations, viz. that which is called Bezetha, situated opposite to the Antonia, and divided from it by a deep ditch; for the ground had been cut through on purpose, that the foundations of the Antonia might not, by joining the eminence, be easy of ap¬ proach, and of inferior height." The Antonia, it is necessary here to add, in anti¬ cipation of a more detailed description, was a castle situated at the north-western angle of the outer enclosure of the Temple, occupying a precipitous rock 50 cubits high. It is an interesting fact, and a convenient one to facilitate a description of the city, that the several parts of the ancient city are precisely coincident with the distinct quarters of modern Jerusalem: for that, 1st, the Armenian and Jewish quarters, with the remainder of Mount Sion, now excluded from the walls, composed the Upper City ; 2dly, the Ma- hommedan quarter corresponds exactly with the Lower City; 3dly, that the Haram-es-Sherif, or Noble Sanctuary, of the Moslems, occupies the Temple Mount; and 4thly, that the Haret (quarter) Bab-el- Hitta is the declivity of the hill Bezetha, which attains its greatest elevation to the north of the modern city wall, but was entirely included within the wall of Agrippa, together with a considerable space to the north and west of the Lower City, in¬ cluding all the Christian quarter. The several parts of the ancient city were enclosed by distinct walls, of which Josephus gives a minute description, which must be noticed in detail, as fur¬ nishing the fullest account we have of the city as it existed during the Roman period; a description which, as far as it relates to the Old city, will serve for the elucidation of the ante-Babylonish capital, — as it is clear, from the account of the rebuilding of the walls by Nehemiah (iii., vi.), that the new fortifications followed the course of the ancient enceinte. JERUSALEM. JERUSALEM. 19 III. Wat.LS. 1. Upper City and Old Wall. — " Of the three walls, the old one was difficult to be taken, both on account of the ravines, and of the eminence above them on which it was situated. But, in addition to the advantage of the position, it was also strongly built, as David and Solomon, and the kings after them, were very zealous about the work. Beginning towards the north, from the tower called Hippie as, and passing through the place called Xystus, then joining the council chamber, it was united to the western cloister of the Temple. In the other di¬ rection, towards the west, commencing from the same place, and extending through a place called Bcthso to the gate of the Essenes, and then turning towards the south above the fountain Siloarn, thence again bending toward the east to the Pool of Solomon, and running through a place which they called Ophla, it was joined to the eastern cloister of the Temple." To understand this description, it is only necessary to remark, that the walls are described, not by the direction in which they run, but by the quarter which they face; i. e. the wall " turning towards the south " is the south wall, and so with the others; so that the Hippie Tower evidently lay at the NW. angle of the Upper City; and, as the position of this tower is of the first importance in the description of the city walls, it is a fortunate circumstance that we are able to fix its exact site. (1) The Hippie Tower is mentioned in connection with two neighbouring towers on the same north wall, all built by Herod the Great, and connected with his splendid palace that occupied the north¬ west angle of the Upper City. " These towers," says the historian, " surpassed all in the world in extent, beauty, and strength, and were dedicated to the memory of his brother, his friend, and his best loved wife. " The Hippicus, named from his friend, was a square of 25 cubits, and thirty high, entirely solid. Above the part which was solid, and constructed with massive stones, was a reservoir for the rain-water, 20 cubits in depth; and above this a house of two stories, 25 cubits high, divided into different apart¬ ments; above which were battlements of 2 cubits, on a parapet of 3 cubits, making the whole height 80 cubits. (2) " The TowerPhasaelus,which was named from his brother, was 40 cubits square, and solid to the height of 40 cubits ; but above it was erected a cloister 10 cubits high, fortified with breastworks and ramparts ; in the middle of the cloister was carried up another tower, divided into costly cham¬ bers and a bath-room, so that the tower was in nothing inferior to a palace. Its summit was adorned with parapets and battlements, more than the pre¬ ceding. It was in all 90 cubits high, and resembled the tower of l'harus near Alexandria, but was of much larger circumference. (.'5) " The Tower Mariamne was solid to the height of 30 cubits, and 20 cubits square, having above a richer and more exquisitely ornamented dwelling. Its entire height was 55 cubits. " Such in size were the three towers ; but they looked much larger through the site which they occupied; for both the old wall itself, in the range of which they stood, was built upon a lofty eminence, and likewise a kind of crest of this eminence reared itself to the height of 30 cubits, on which the towers being situated received much additional elevation. The towers were constructed of white marble, in blocks of 20 cubits long, 10 wide, and 5 deep, so exactly joined together that each tower appeared to be one mass of rock." Now, the modern citadel of Jerusalem occupies the NW. angle of Mount Sion, and its northern wall rises from a deep fosse, having towers at either angle, the bases of which are protected on the outside by massive masonry sloping upward from the fosse. The NW. tower, divided only by the trench from the Jaffa gate, is a square of 45 feet. The NE., com¬ monly known as the Tower of David, is 70 feet 3 inches long, by 5G feet 4 inches broad. The sloping bulwark is 40 feet high from the bottom of the trench; but this is much choked up with rubbish. To the tower part there is no known or visible en¬ trance, either from above or below, and no one knows of any room or space in it. The lower part of this platform is, indeed, the solid rock merely cut into shape, and faced with massive masonry, which rock rises to the height of 42 feet. This rock is doubt¬ less the crest of the hill described bv Josephus as 30 cubits or 45 feet high. Now, if the dimensions of Hippicus and Phasaelus, as already given, are compared with those of the modern towers on the north side of the citadel, we find that the dimensions of that at the NW. angle—three of whose sides are determined by the scarped rock on which it is based—■ so nearly agree with those of Hippicus, and the width of the NE. tower—also determined by the cut rock—so nearly with the square of Phasaelus, that there can be no difficulty in deciding upon their identity of position. Mariamne has entirely dis¬ appeared. " To these towers, situated on the north, was joined within — (4) " The Royal Palace, surpassing all powers of description. It was entirely surrounded by a wall 30 cubits high, with decorated towers at equal in¬ tervals, and contained enormous banquetting halls, besides numerous chambers richly adorned. There were also many porticoes encircling one another, with different columns to each, surrounding green courts, planted with a variety of trees, having long avenues through them; and deep channels and re¬ servoirs everywhere around, filled with bronze sta¬ tues, through which the water flowed; and many towers of tame pidgeons about the fountains." This magnificent palace, unless the description is exaggerated beyond all licence, must have occupied a larger space than the present fortress, and most probably its gardens extended along the western edge of Mount Sion as far as the present garden of the Armenian Convent; and the decorated towers of this part of the wall, which was spared by the lio- mans when they levelled the remainder of the city, seem to have transmitted their name to modern times, as the west front of the city wall at this part is called Abroth Ghazzeh, i.e. The Towers of Gaza. (5) As the Xystus is mentioned next to the Hippicus by Josephus, in his description of the north wall of the Upper City, it may be well to proceed at once to that; deferring the consideration of the Gate Gennath, which obviously occurred between the two, until we come to the Second Wall. The Xystus is properly a covered portico attached to the Greek Gymnasium, which commonly had uncovered walks connected with it. (I)ict. Ant. p. 580.) As the Jerusalem Xystus was a place where public meetings were occasionally convened (Bell. Jud. ii. C. § 3), it must be understood to be a wide public c 2 20 JERUSALEM. JERUSALEM. promenade, though not necessarily connected with a gymnasium, but perhaps rather with another palace which occupied " this extremity of the Upper City;" for the name was given also to a terraced walk with colonnades attached to Roman villas. (Vitruv. v. 1 ].) (6) The House of the A smonaeans was above the Xystus, and was apparently occupied as a palace by the Younger Agrippa; for, when he addressed the multitude assembled in the Xystus, he placed his sister Berenice in the house of the Asmonaeans, that she might be visible to them. (B. J. I. c.) (7) The Causeway. At the Xystus we are told a causeway (yeipvpcc) joined the Temple to the Upper City, and one of the Temple gates opened on to this causeway. That the yecpvpa was a causeway and not a bridge, is evident from the expression of Jo- sephus in another passage, where he says that the valley was interrupted or filled up, for the passage (tt}s (papayyos eis SloSov cnrei\ri[xfi.evr]s, Ant. xv. 11. § 5.). As the Tyropoeon divided the Upper from the Lower City, and the Temple Mount was attached to the Lower, it is obvious that the Tyro¬ poeon is the valley here mentioned. This earth- wall or embankment, was the work of Solomon, and is the only monument of that great king in Jerusalem that can be certainly said to have escaped the ravages of time; for it exists to the present day, serving the same purpose to the Mahometans as formerly to the Jews: the approach to the Mosk enclosure from the Bazaars passes over this cause¬ way, which is therefore the most frequented thorough¬ fare in the city. (Williams, Holy City, vol. ii. pp.392 - 397, and note, pp. 601—607.) It is highly probable that the Xystus was nothing else than the wide promenade over this mound, adorned with a covered cloister between the trees, with which the Rabbinical traditions assure us that Solomon's causeway was shaded. It is clear that the north wall of the Upper City must have crossed the valley by this causeway to the Gate Shallecketh, which is explained to mean the Gate of the Embank¬ ment. (1 Chron. xxvi. 16.) (8) The Council-Chamber (l3ov\ii, PovAevrri- pioc) is the next place mentioned on the northern line of wall, as the point where it joined the western portico of the Temple. And it is remarkable that the corresponding office in the modern town occupies the same site; the Mehkemeh, or Council-Chamber of the Judicial Divan, being now found immediately outside the Gate of the Chain, at the end of the causeway, corresponding in position to the Shalle- cheth of the Scriptures. We have now to trace the wall of the Upper City in the opposite direction from the same point, viz. the Hippie Tower at the NW. angle. The points noticed are comparatively few. " It first ran south¬ ward (i.e. with a western aspect), through a place called Bethso, to the Gate of the Essenes; then, turning E., it ran (with a southern aspect) above the fountain of Siloam; thence it bent northward, and ran (with an eastern aspect) to the Pool of Solomon, and extending as far as a place called Ophla, was joined to the eastern cloister of the Temple." ii. On the West Front neither of the names which occur are found again in the notices of the city: but Bethso may safely be assigned to the site of the garden of the Armenian Convent, and the Gate of the Essenes may be fixed to a spot not very far from the SW. corner of the modern city, a little to the W. of the Tomb of David, near which a re¬ markable ridge seems still to indicate the founda¬ tions of the ancient city wall. iii. Along the south face of the Upper City the old wall may still bo traced, partly by scarped rock and partly by foundations of the ancient wall, which have served as a quarry for the repairs of the neigh¬ bouring buildings for many ages. Its course from this point to the Temple is very difficult to deter¬ mine, as the steep declivity to the Tyropoeon would make it extremely inconvenient to carry the wall in a straight line, while, on the contrary, the absence of all notice of any deviation from a direct line in a description in which the angles are uniformly noted, would seem to imply that there was no such deflee - tion in its course. As it is clear, however, that the Upper City was entirely encompassed with a wall of its own, nowhere noticed by Josephus, except so far as it was coincident with the outer wall, it may be safely conjectured that this east wall of the Upper City followed the brow of the ridge from the south¬ east angle of the Hill Sion, along a line nearly co¬ incident with the aqueduct; while the main wall con¬ tinued its easterly course down the sleep slope ot Sion, across the valley of the Tyropoeon, not far from its mouth,-—a little above the Pool of Siloam,— and then up the ridge Ophel, until it reached the brow of the eastern valley. It may serve to coun¬ tenance this theory to observe, that in the account of this wall in Nehemiah there is mention of " the stairs that go down from the city of David," by which stairs also the procession went up when en¬ compassing the city wall. (iii. 15, xii. 37.) iv. The further course of the old wall to the eastern cloister of the Temple is equally obscure, as the several points specified in the description are not capable of identification by any other notices. These are the Pool of Solomon and a place called Ophla, in the description already cited, to which may be added, from an incidental notice, the Basilica of Grapte or Monobazus. (B.J. v. 8. § 1.) The Pool of Solomon has been sometimes iden¬ tified with the Fountain of the Virgin, from which the Pool of Siloam is supplied, and sometimes with that very pool. Both solutions are unsatis¬ factory, for Siloam would scarcely be mentioned a second time in the same passage under another name, and the fountain in question cannot, with any propriety, be called a pool. The place called Ophla — in Scripture Ophel — is commonly supposed to be the southern spur of the Temple Mount, a narrow rocky ridge extending down to Siloam. But it is more certain that it is used in a restricted sense in this passage, than that it is ever extended to the whole ridge. (See Holy City, vol. ii. p. 365, note 7.) It was apparently a large fortified building, to the south of the Temple, connected with an outlying tower (Nehem. iii. 27, 2S), and probably situated near the southern extre¬ mity of the present area of the Mosk of Omar. And the massive angle of ancient masonry at the SE. corner of the enclosure, " impending over the Valley of Jehoshaphat, which here actually bends south¬ west round the corner, having a depth of about 130 feet," may possibly have belonged to the "out¬ lying tower," as it presents that appearance within (H. C. vol. ii. pp. 311, 317). It is clear, in any case, that the wall under consideration must have joined the eastern cloister of the Temple somewhere to the north of this angle, as the bend in the valley indi¬ cated by Dr. Robinson would have precluded the possibility of a junction at this angle. JERUSALEM. JERUSALEM. 21 2. The Second Wall, and the Lower City.— The account of the second wall in Joseplius, is very meagre. He merely says that it began at the Gate Gennath, a place in the old wall; and, after en¬ compassing the Lower City, had its termination at the Fortress Antonia." There is here no clue to the position of the Gate Gennatli. It is, however, quite certain that it was between the Hippie Tower and the Xystus: and the north-west angle of the Upper City was occupied by the extensive palace of Herod the Great, and its imposing towers stood on the north front of this old wall, where a rocky crest rose to the height of 30 cubits, which would of course preclude the possibility of an exit from the city for some distance to the cast of the tower. Other incidental notices make it clear that there was a considerable space between the third and the second wall at their southern quarter, comparatively free from buildings, and, consequently, a considerable part of the north wall of the Upper City unprotected by the second wall: — e.g. Cestius, having taken the outer wall, encamped within the New City, in front of the Royal Palace (-B. J. ii. 19. § 5) ; Titus attacked the outer wall in its southern part, " both because it was lower there than else¬ where, inasmuch as this part of the New City was thinly inhabited, and afforded an easy passage to the third (or inmost) wall, through which Titus bad hoped to take the Upper City" (v. G. § 2). Accordingly, when the legions had carried the outer and the second wall, a bank was raised against the northern wall of Sion at a pool called Amygdalon, and another about thirty cubits from it, at the high- priest's monument." The Almond Pool is no doubt identical with the tank that still exists at no great distance from the modern fortress; and the monu¬ ment must, therefore, have been some 50 feet to the east of this, also in the angle formed by the north wall of the Upper City and the southern part of the second wall. There is the head of an old archway still existing above a heap of ruins, at a point about half way between the llippie Tower and the north-west angle of Mount Sinn, where a slight depression in that hill brings it nearly to a level with the declivity to the north. This would afford a good starting- point for the second wall, traces of which may still be discovered in a line north of this, quite to the Damascus gate where are two chambers of ancient and very massive masonry, which appear to have flanked an old gate of the second wall at its weakest part, where it crossed the valley of the Tyropoeon. From this gate, the second wall probably followed the line of the present city wall to a point near the Gate of Herod, now blocked up; whence it was carried along the brow of the hill to the north-east angle of the fortress Antonia, which occupied a con¬ siderable space on the.north-west of the Temple area, in connection with which it will be described below. 3. The Third Wall, and the New City. — The third wall, which enclosed a very considerable space to the. north of the old city, was the work of Herod Agrippa the Elder, and was only commenced about thirty years before the destruction of Jerusalem, and never completed according to the original design, in consequence of the jealousy of the Roman govern¬ ment. The following is Josephus's account: — " This third wall Agrippa drew round the super¬ added city, which was all exposed. It commenced :i! the Tower Hippicus, from whence it extended to the northern quarter, as far as the Tower Psephinus; then, passing opposite to the Monuments of Helena, and being produced through the Royal Caves, it bent, at the angular tower, by the monument called the Fuller's, and, joining the old wall, terminated at the valley of the Kedron." It was commenced with stones 20 cubits long and 10 wide, and was raised by the Jews to the height of 25 cubits, with the battlements. (1) As the site of the Hippie Tower has been already fixed, the first point to be noticed in this third wall is the Psephine Tower, which, Joseplms informs us, was the most wonderful part of this great work, situated at its north-west quarter, over against Hippicus, octagonal in form, 70 cubits in height, commanding a view of Arabia towards the east, of the Mediterranean towards the west, and of the utmost limits of the Hebrew possessions. The site of this tower is still marked, by its massive foundations, at the spot indicated in the plan; and considerable remains of the wall that connected it with the Hippie Tower arc to be traced along the brow of the ridge that shuts in the upper part of the valley of Hinnom, and almost in a line with the modern wall. At the highest point of that ridge the octagonal ground-plan of the tower may be seen, and a large cistern in the midst of the ruins further confirms their identity, as we are informed that the towers were furnished with reservoirs for the rain water. (2) The next point mentioned is the Monuments of Helena, which, we are elsewhere to'ld, were three pyramids, situated at a distance of 3 stadia from the city. {Ant. xx. 3. § 3.) About a century later (a. i>. 174) I'ausanias speaks of the tomb of Helena, in the city of Solyma, as having a door so con¬ structed as to open by mechanical contrivance, at a certain hour, one day in the year. Being thus opened, it closes again of itself after a short in¬ terval; and, should you attempt to open it at another time, you would break the door before you could suc¬ ceed. (Paus. viii. 1G.) The pyramids are next men¬ tioned by Eusebius (Hist. Eccles. ii. 1 2), as remark¬ able monumental pillars still shown in the suburbs of Jerusalem; and St. Jerome, a century later, tes¬ tified that they still stood. (Epist. ad Evstochium, Op. torn. iv. pars ii. p. 673.) The latest notice is that of an Armenian writer in the 5th century, who describes the tomb as a remarkable monument before the gates of Jerusalem. (Ilist.Armen. lib. ii. cap. 32.) Notwithstanding these repeated notices of the sepul¬ chral monuments of the queen of Adiabene, it is not now possible to fix their position with any degree of certainty, some archaeologists assigning thein to the Tombs of the Kings (Robinson, Bib. lies. vol. i. pp. 465, 535—538), others to the Tombs of the Martyrs, about f of a mile to the west of the former. (Schultz, Jerusalem, pp. 63—G7 ; l)e Saulcy, torn. ii. pp. 32G, 327.) A point halfway between these two monuments would seem to answer better to the incidental notices of the monuments, and they may with great probability be fixed to a rocky court on the right of the road to NtbiSamwil, where there are several excavated tombs. Opposite the Monuments of Helena was the Gate of the Women in the third wall, which is mentioned more than once, and must have been between the Nablus road and the Psephine Tower. (3) The Ttoyal Caves is the next point men¬ tioned on the third wall. They are, doubtless, iden¬ tical with the remarkable and extensive excavations still called the Tombs of the Kings, most probably c a 22 JERUSALEM. JERUSALEM. the same which are elsewhere called the Monument (if Herod, and, from the character of their decora¬ tions, may very well be ascribed to the Herodian period. M. de Saulcy has lately added to our previous in¬ formation concerning them, and, by a kind of ex¬ hausting process, lie endeavours to prove that they could have been no other than the tombs of David and the early kings of Judah, which have always hitherto been placed 011 Mount Sion, where the tra¬ ditionary site is still guarded by the Moslems. {Voyage en Syrie, torn. ii. pp. 228—281.) (4) The Fuller's monument is the last-mentioned point on the new wall, and, as an angular tower occupied this site, the monument must have been at the north-east angle of the New City; probably one of the many rock graves cut in the perpendicular face of the Valley of Jehoshaphat, near one of which Dr. Schultz has described the foundations of a tower. (Jerusalem, pp. 38, G4.) The Monument of the Fuller probably gave its name to the Fuller's field, which is mentioned by the prophet Isaiah as the spot near which the Assyrian army under Rabshakeh encamped (xxxvi. 2, vii. 3); and the traditionary site of the camp of the Assyrians, which we shall find mentioned by Josephus, in his account of the siege, was certainly situated in this quarter. From this north-east angle the third wall followed the brow of the Valley of Jehoshaphat until it reached the wall of the Outer Temple at its north-east angle. Having thus completed the circuit of the walls, as described by Josephus, and endeavoured to fix the various points mentioned in his description (which furnishes the most numerous topographical notices now extant of ancient Jerusalem), we shall be in a condition to understand the most important his¬ torical facts of its interesting and chequered history, when we have further taken a brief survey of the Temple. But, first, a singular and perplexing dis¬ crepancy must be noticed between the general and the detailed statements of the historian, as to the extent of the ancient city; for, while he states the circuit of the entire city to be no more than 33 stadia, or 4 Roman miles plus 1 stadium, the specification of the measure of the wall of Agrippa alone gives, on the lowest computation, an excess of 12 stadia, or 1| mile, over that of the entire city ! — for it had 90 towers, 20 cubits wide, at intervals of 200 cubits. No satisfactory solution of this difficulty has yet been discovered. IV. The Temple Mount. The Temple Mount, called in Scripture the Moun¬ tain of the Lord's House, and Moriah (2 Chron. iii. 1), is situated at the south-east of the city, and is easily identified with the site of the Dome of the Mosle m modern Jerusalem. It was originally a third hill of the Old City, over against Acra, but separated from it by a broad ravine, which, however, was filled up by the Asmonaean princes, so that these two hills became one, and are genorally so reckoned by the historian. (B. J. v. 4.) 1. The Outer Court.—The Temple, in the widest signification of the word (t2> lepov), consisted of two courts, one within the other, though the inner one is sometimes subdivided, and distributed into four other courts. The area of the Outer Court was in great part artificial, for the natural level space on the summit of the mount being found too confined for the Temple, with its surrounding chambers, courts, and cloisters, was gradually increased by mechanical expedients. This extension was com¬ menced by Solomon, who raised from the depth of the eastern valley a wall of enormous stones, bound together with lead, within which he raised a bank of earth to a level with the native rock. O11 this was erected a cloister, which, with its successors, always retained the name of " Solomon's Porch." (. c. 609), who held it only about two years, when it passed, together with the whole country under the sway of the Chaldeans, and Jehoiakim and some of the princes of the blood royal were carried to Babylon, with part of the sacred vessels of the Temple. A futile attempt on the part of Jehoiakim to regain his independence after his restoration, resulted in his death; and his son had only been seated on his tottering throne three months when Nebuchadnezzar again besieged and took the city (598), and the king, with the royal family and principal officers of state, were carried to Babylon, Zedekiah having been appointed bv the conqueror to the nominal dignity of king. Having held it, nearly ten years, he revolted, when the city was a third time besieged by Nebuchad¬ nezzar (n. c. 587). The Temple and all the build¬ ings of Jerusalem were destroyed by fire, and its walls completely demolished. 3. As the entire desolation of the city does not JERUSALEM. 25 appear to have continued more than fifty years, the "seventy years" must date from the first depor¬ tation; and its restoration was a gradual work, as the desolation had been. The first commission issued in favour of the Jews in the first year of Cyrus (b.c. 538) contemplated only the restoration of the Temple, which was protracted, in consequence of numerous vexatious interruptions, for 120 years, •—■ i. e. until the eighth year of Darius Nothus (b.c. 418). According to the most probable chronology it was his successor, Artaxerxes Mnemon, who issued the second commission to Ezra, in the se¬ venth year of his reign, and a third to Nehemiah in his twentieth year (b. c. 385). It was only in virtue of the edict with which ho was intrusted, backed by the authority with which he was armed as the civil governor of Palaestine, that the resto¬ ration of the city was completed; and it has been before remarked that the account of the rebuilding of the walls clearly intimates that the limits of the restored city were identical with that of the pre¬ ceding period: but the topographical notices are not sufficiently clear to enable us to determine with any degree of accuracy or certainty the exact line of the walls. (See the attempts of Schultz, pp. 82—91; and Williams, Memoir, 111—121.) Only fifty years after its restoration Jerusalem passed into the power of a new master (b.c. 332), when, according to Josephus, the conqueror visited Jerusalem, after the subjugation of Gaza, and accorded to its in¬ habitants several important privileges (Josephus, Ant. xi. 8). On the death of Alexander, and the division of his conquests among his generals, it was the ill-fortune of Judaea to become the frontier pro¬ vince of the rival kingdoms of Egypt and Syria; and it was consequently seldom free from the miseries of war. Ptolemy Soter was the first to seize it,—by treachery, according to Josephus (b. c. 305), who adds that he ruled over it with violence. (Ant. xii. 1.) But the distinctions which he conferred upon such of its inhabitants as he carried into Egypt, and the privileges which he granted to their high priest, Simon the son of Onias, do not bear out this representation (Fcclus. 1. 1, 2.) But his successor, Ptolemy Philadelphia, far outdid him in liberality; and the embassy of his favourite minister Aristeas, in conjunction with Andreas, the chief of his body¬ guard, to the chief priest Eleazar, furnishes us with an apparently authentic, and certainly genuine, account of the city in the middle of the third cen¬ tury before the Christian era, of which an outline may be here given. " It was situated in the midst of mountains, on a lofty hill, whose crest was crowned with the magnificent Temple, girt with three walls, seventy cubits high, of proportionate thick¬ ness and length corresponding to the extent of the building The Temple had an eastern aspect: its spacious courts, paved throughout with marble, covered immense reservoirs containing large supplies of water, which gushed out by mechanical con¬ trivance to wash away the blood of the numerous sacrifices offered there on the festivals The foreigners viewed the Temple from a strong fortress on its north side, and describe the appearance which the city presented It was of moderate extent, being about forty furlongs in circuit The disposition of its towers resembled the arrangement of a theatre: some of the streets ran along the brow of the hill; others, lower down, but parallel to these, followed the course of the valley, and they were connected by cross streets. The city was built 26 JERUSALEM. JERUSALEM. on the sloping side of a hill, and the streets were furnished with raised pavements, along which some of the passengers walked on high, while others kept the lower path,—a precaution adopted to secure those who were purified from the pollution which contact with anything unclean could have occa¬ sioned The place, too, was well adapted for mercantile pursuits, and abounded in artificers of various crafts. Its market was supplied with spicery, gold, and precious stones, by the Arabs, in whose neighbouring mountains there had formerly been mines of copper and iron, but the works had been abandoned during the Persian domination, in conse¬ quence of a representation to the government that they must prove ruinously expensive to the country. It was also richly furnished with all such articles as are imported by sea, since it had commodious harbours — as Ascalon, Joppa, Gaza, and Ptolemais, from none of which it was far distant." (Aristeas, ap. Gullnndii Biblioth. Yet. rut. torn. ii. pp. 805, &c.) The truthfulness of this description is not affected by the authorship; there is abundance of evidence, internal and external, to prove that it was written by one who had actually visited the Jewish capital during the times of the Ptolemies (cir. b.c. 250). The Seleucidae of Asia were not behind the Pto¬ lemies in their favours to the Jews; and the peace and prosperity of the city suffered no material dimi¬ nution, while it was handed about as a marriage dowry, or by the chances of war, between the rivals, until internal factions subjected it to the dominion of Antiochus Epiphanes, whose tyranny crushed for a time the civil and ecclesiastical polity of the nation (b. c. 175). The Temple was stripped of its costly sacred vessels, the palaces burned, the city walls demolished, and an idol-altar raised on the very altar of the Temple, on which daily sacrifices of swine were offered. This tyranny resulted in a vigorous national revolution, which secured to the Jews a greater amount of independence than they had enjoyed subsequently to the captivity. This continued, under the Asmonean princes, until the con¬ quest of the country by the Romans: from which time, though nominally subject to a native prince, it was virtually a mere dependency, and little more than a province, of the Roman empire. Once again before this the city was recaptured by Antiochus Sidetes, during the reign of John Hyrcanus (cir. 135), when the city walls, which had been restored by Judas, were again levelled with the ground. 4. The capture of the city by Pompey is recorded by Strabo, and was the first considerable event that fixed the attention of the classical writers on the city (ii.c. G3). He ascribes the intervention of Pompey to the disputes of the brothers Ilyrcanus and Aristobulus, the sons of Alexander Jannaeus, who first assumed regal power. He states that the conqueror levelled the fortifications when he had taken the city, which he did by filling up an enor¬ mous fosse which defended the Temple on the north side. The particulars of the siege are more fully given by Josephus, who states that Pompey entered the Holy of Holies, but abstained from the sacred treasures of the Temple, which were plundered by Crassus on his way to Parthia (b. c. 54). The struggle for power between Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, and Herod, the son of Antipater, led to the sacking of the city by the Parthians, whose aid had been sought by the former (b. c. 40). Herod, having been appointed king by the senate, only secured possession of his capital after a long siege, in which he was assisted by Sosius, Antony's lieu¬ tenant, and the Roman legionaries. Mention has been already made of the palace in the Upper City and the fortress Antonia, erected, or enlarged and beautified, by Herod. He also undertook to restore the Temple to a state of magnificence that should rival the glory of Solomon's ; and a particular de¬ scription is given of this work by the Jewish his¬ torian (Ant. xv. 11.) The erection of a theatre and circus, and the institution of quinquennial games in honour of the emperor, went far to conform his city to a pagan capital. On the death of Herod and the banishment of his son Archelaus, Judaea was reduced to a Roman province, within the praefecture of Syria, and subject to a subordinate governor, to whom was intrusted the power of life and death. His ordinary residence at Jerusalem was the fortress Antonia; but Caesarea now shared with Jerusalem the dig¬ nity of a metropolis. Coponius was the first procu¬ rator (a. d. 7), under the praefect Cyrenius. The only permanent monument left by the procurators is the aqueduct of Pontius Pilate (a. i>. 26—36), constructed with the sacred Corban, which he seized for that purpose. This aqueduct still exists, and conveys the water from the Pools of Solomon to the Mosk at Jerusalem (Holy City, vol.ii. pp. 498—501). The particulars of the siege by Titus, so fully de¬ tailed by Josephus, can only be briefly alluded to. It occupied nearly 100,000 men little short of five months, having been commenced on the 14th of Xanthicus (April), and terminated with the cap¬ ture and conflagration of the Upper City on the 8th of Gorpeius (September). This is to be ac¬ counted for by the fact that, not only did each of the three walls, but also the Fortress and Temple, require to be taken in detail, so that the operations involved five distinct sieges. The general's camp was established close to the Psephine Tower, with one legion, the twelfth; the tenth was encamped near the summit of Mount Olivet: the fifth oppo¬ site to the Hippie Tower, two stadia distant from it. The first assault was made apparently between the towers Hippicus and Psephinus, and the outer wall was carried on the fifteenth day of the the siege. This new wall of Agrippa was im¬ mediately demolished, and Titus encamped within the New City, on the traditional camping-ground of the Assyrians. Five days later, the second wall was carried at its northern quarter, but the Romans were repulsed, and only recaptured it after a stout resistance of three days. Four banks were then raised,—two against Antonia, and two against the northern wall of the Upper City. After seventeen days of incessant toil the Romans discovered that their banks had been undermined, and their engines were destroyed by fire. It was then resolved to surround the city with a wall, so as to form a complete blockade. The line of circumvallation, 39 furlongs in circuit, with thirteen redoubts equal to an additional 10 furlongs, was completed in three days. Four fresh banks were raised in twenty-one days, and the Antonia was carried two months after the occupation of the Lower City. Another month elapsed before they could succeed in gaining the Inner Sanctuary, when the Temple was accidentally fired by the Roman soldiers. The Upper City still held out. Two banks were next raised against its eastern wall over against the Temple. This occu¬ pied eighteen days; and the Upper City was at length carried, a month after the Inner Sanctuary. JERUSALEM. This memorable siege lias been thought worthy of special mention by Tacitus, and his lively abridg¬ ment, as it would appear, of Josephus's detailed narrative, must have served to raise his country¬ men's ideas, both of the military prowess and of the powers of endurance of the Jews. The city was wholly demolished except the three towers Hippicus, Phasaelus, and Mariamne, and so much of the western wall as would serve to protect the legion left there to garrison the place, and pre¬ vent any fresh insurrectionary movements among the Jews, who soon returned and occupied the ruins. The palace of Herod on Mount Sion was probably converted into a barrack for their accommodation, as it had been before used for the same purpose. {Bell. Jud. vii. 1. § 1, ii. 15. § 5, 17. £§ 8, 9.) Sixty years after its destruction, Jerusalem was visited by the emperor Hadrian, who then conceived the idea of rebuilding the city, and left his friend and kinsman Aquila there to superintend the work, a. d. 130. (Epiphanius, de Pond, et Mens. §§ 14, 15.) lie had intended to colonise it with Roman veterans, but his project was defeated or suspended by the outbreak of the revolt headed by Barco- chebas, his son Rufus, and his grandson Romulus. The insurgents first occupied the capital, and at¬ tempted to rebuild the Temple: they were speedily dislodged, and then held out in Bethar for nearly three years. [Bethar.] On the suppression of the revolt, the building of the city was proceeded with, and luxurious palaces, a theatre, and temples, with other public buildings, fitted it for a Roman population. The Chronicon Alexandrinum men¬ tions ra Suo OT]jx6(na Kal rb dearpof Kal rb rpuca- fxepov Kal rb rerpdvv/.ip. 505—513.) In the same pile of buildings, now occupied by the Moslems, is shown the Goenaculum where our Lord is said to have in¬ stituted the Last Supper. Epiphanius mentions that this church was standing when Hadrian visited Jeru¬ salem (Pond, et Mens. cap. xiv.), and there St. Cyril delivered some of his catechetical lectures (Catech. xvi. 4). It was in this part of the Upper City that Titus spared the houses and city wall to form bar¬ racks for the soldiers of the garrison. (Vide sup.) Above the Pool of the Sultan, the Aqueduct of Pontius Pilate. already mentioned, crosses the Valley j of Hinnom on nine low arches; and, being carried along the side of Mount Sion, crosses the Tyropoeou by the causeway into the llaram. The water is con¬ veyed from Etliam, or the Pools of Solomon, about two miles south of Bethlehem. (Josephus, B. J. ii. 9. § 4.) The mention of this aqueduct recalls a notice of Strabo, which has been perpetually illustrated in the history of the city; viz., that it was eW2>s j-dv evvSpuv £ktos Se travreacis Snj/rjpov avrb fj.lv evuhpov, TrjV Si kvkAoj xc<>Pav *XUV ^virpav ical avvhpuv. (xvi. p. 723.) Whence this abundant supply was derived it is extremely difficult to imagine, as, of course, the aqueduct just mentioned would be im¬ mediately cut off in case of siege ; and, without this, the inhabitants of the modern city are almost entirely dependent on rain-water. But the accounts of the various sieges, and the other historical notices, as well as existing remains, all testify to the fact that there was a copious source of living water in¬ troduced into the city from without, by extensive subterranean aqueducts. The subject requires, and would repay, a more accurate and careful investiga¬ tion. (See 11 oh j City, vol. ii. p. 453—505.) Besides the other authorities cited or referred to in the course of this article, the principal modern sources for the topography of Jerusalem are the fol¬ lowing:— Dr. Robinson's Biblical Researches, vols, i. and ii; Williams's Holy City; Dr. Wilson's Lands of the Bible ; Dr. E. G. Schultz, Jerusalem; W. Ivraft't, Die TopographieJerusalems; Carl Bitter, Die Erd- kuncle von Asien, Aaouia : Fraga?); and Orgia ('CLpiua, prob. Orgagna), a name also found on coins (Sestini, Med. Isp. p. 99), while the same coins bear the name of Aesones, and in¬ scriptions found near the Sicoris have Aesonknsis and Jessonensis (Muratori, Nov. Thes. p. 1021, Xos. 2, 3; Spon, Misc. Erud. Ant. p. 188), with which the Gessorienses of Pliny may perhaps have some connection. Bersical is mentioned on coins (Sestini, p. 107), and Octogesa (prob. La Granja, at the confluence of the Segre and the Ebro) by Caesar (£'. C. i. Gl ; Ukert, vol. ii. pt. 1. pp. 450—453). [P. S,] I LE'SIUM. [Eilesium.] 1'LICI or IL'LICI (Itin. Ant. p. 401 ; 'IAi/aas v) 'IAAiids, Ptol. ii. 6. § 62 : Elche), an inland city of the Contestant, but near the coast, on which it had a p >rt ('lWiKiravbs Ptol. I. c. § 14), lying just in the middle of the bay formed by the Pr. Saturni and Dianium, which was called Illici- tanus Sinus. The city itself stood at the distance of 52 JL P. from Carthago Nova, on the great road to Tarraco (Itin. Ant. p. 401), and was a Colonia ■immunis, with the jus Italicum (Plin. iii. 3. s. 4 ; I'aulus, Dig. viii. de Cens.). Its coins are extant of the period of the empire (Florez, Med. de Esp. vol. ii. p. 458; Sestini, p. 166; Mionnet, vol. i. p. 45, Suppl. vol. i. p. 90; Eckhel, vol. i. p. 51). Pliny adds to his mention of the place: in earn contribuuntur Icositani. (Ukert, vol. ii. pt. 1. pp. 402, 403.) [P. S.] ILIENSES ('IAieiS, Pans.), a people of the inte¬ rior of Sardinia, who appear to have been one of the most considerable of the mountain tribes in that island. Mela calls them " antiquissimi in ea popu- lorum," and Pliny also mentions them among the " ccleberrimi populorum" of Sardinia. (Mel. ii. 7. § 19; Plin. iii. 7. s. 13.) Pausanias, who terms them 'IAieT?, distinctly ascribes to them a Trojan origin, and derives them from a portion of the com¬ panions of Aeneas, who settled in the island, and remained there in quiet until they were compelled by the Africans, who subsequently occupied the coasts of Sardinia, to take refuge in the more rugged and inaccessible mountain districts of the interior. (Paus. x. 17. §7.) This tale has evidently ori¬ ginated in the resemblance of the name of Ilienses, in the form which the Romans gave it, to that of the Trojans; and the latter part of the story was in¬ vented to account for the apparent anomaly of a people that had come by sea dwelling in the interior of the island. What the native name of the Ilienses was, we know not, and we are wholly in the dark as to their real origin or ethnical affinities : but their existence as one of the most considerable tribes of the interior at the period of the Roman conquest, is well ascertained ; and they are repeatedly mentioned by Livy as contending against the supremacy of Rome. Their first insurrection, in B.C. 181, was repressed, rather than put down, by the praetor M.Pinarius; and in is.c. 1 78, the Ilienses and Balari, in conjunction, laid waste all the more fertile and settled parts of the island ; and were even able to meet the consul Ti. Sempronius Gracchus in a pitched battle, in which, however, they were defeated with heavy loss. In the course of the following year they appear to have been reduced to complete sub¬ mission ; and their name is not again mentioned in history. (Liv. xl. 19,34, xli. 6, 12, 17.) The situation and limits of the territory occupied by the Ilienses, cannot be determined : but we find them associated with the Balari and Corsi, as inha¬ biting the central and mountainous districts of the island. Their name is not found in Ptolemy, though he gives a long list of the tribes of the interior. Many writers have identified the Ilienses with the Iolaenses or Iolai, who are also placed in the interior of Sardinia ; and it is not improbable that they were really the same people, but ancient authors certainly make a distinction between the two. [E. H. B.] ILIGA. [Helice.] 1'LIPA. 1. ("IAi7ra, Strab. iii. pp. 141, seq.; !IAAi7ra y) Aanra jiteyaAr?, Ptol. ii. 4. §13; Ilipa cognomine Ilia, Plin. iii. 1. s. 3, according to the corrupt reading which Sillig's last edition retains for want of a better: some give the epithet in tho form Ilpa : Harduin reads Ilia, on the authority ot an inscription, which is almost certainly spurious, ap. Gruter, pp. 351,305, and Muratori, p. 1002), a city of the Turdetani, in Hispania Baetica, be¬ longing to the conventus of Hispalis. It stood upon the right bank of the Baetis (Guadalquivir), 700 stadia from its mouth, at the point up to which the river was navigable for vessels of small burthen, and where the tides were no longer discernible. [Baetis.] On this and other grounds it has been identified with the Roman ruins near Penaflor. There were great silver mines in its neighbourhood. (Strab. I.e., and pp. 174,175 ; Plin. I. c.; Itin. Ant. ILIPLA. ILIUM. S3 p. 222, vol. ix. p. 24, vol. xii. p. 52 ; Morales, Ant i;/. p. 88 ; Mentelle, Esp. A tic. p. 243 ; Coins ap. Elorez, Med. da Esp. vol. ii. p. 4G8, vol. iii. p. 79 ; Mionnet, vol. i. p. 15, Suppl. vol. i. p. 28 ; Eckhel, vol. i. p. 22 ; Ukert, vol. ii. pt. 1. p. 374.) 2. [Ir.ii'la.] [P. S.] I'Lll'LA (Coins; Ilipa, J tin. Ant. p. 432; probably the 'iAAiVouAa of Ptol. ii. 4. § 12 : Niebhi), a city of the Turdetani, in the W. of Hispania Baetica, on the high road from Iiispalis to the mouth of the Anas. (Caro, Antig. Hisp. iii. 81 ; Coins ap. Florez, Med. vol. ii. p. 471; Mionnet, vol. i. p. 16, Suppl. vol. i. p. 29 ; Sestini, p. 53; Eckhel, vol. i. p. 22.) [P. S.] ILI'PULA. 1. Surnamed Laus by Pliny (iii. 1- s. 3), and Magna by Ptolemy ('IAAiTrouAa [.leyaAri, ii. 4. § 12), a city of the Turduli, in Baetica, be¬ tween the Baetis and the coast, perhaps Loxa. (Ukert, vol. ii. pt. 1. p. 363.) 2. Minor (prob. Olvera or Lepe di Ronda, near Carmona), a tributary town of the Turdetani, in Hispania. Baetica, belonging to the conventus of Hispalis. (Plin. iii. 1. s. 3; Sestini, Med. Esp. p. 54.) [P. S.] ILI'PULA MOXS ('IAi-n-ovAa), a range of moun¬ tains in Baetica, S. of the Baetis, mentioned only by Ptolcruy (ii. 4. § 15), and supposed by some to be the Sierra Nevada, by others the Sierra de Alhama or the Alpvjurras. [P. S.] ILISSL'S. [Attica, p. 323, a.] ILISTRA (VIALtrrpa : Illisera), a town in Ly- caonia, on the road from Laranda to Isaura, which is .■-till in existence. (Hierocl. p. 675; Concil. Eplies. p. 534; Concil. Chalced. p. 674; Hamilton,Researches, vol.ii.p.324 ; Leake, Asia Minor, p. 102.) [L. S.] ILITIIYIA (EiAetOuias iruAis, Strab. xviii. p. 817; EiAiiOuias, Ptol. iv. 5. § 73), a town of the Egyptian Heptanomis, 30 miles NE. of Apollinopolis Magna. It was situated on the eastern bank of the Nile, in lat. 25° 3' N. According to Plutarch (Isis et Osir. c. 73), Ilithyia contained a temple dedicated to Bubastis, to whom, as to the Taurian Artemis, human victims were, even at a comparatively recent period, sacrificed. A bas-relief (Minutoi, p. 394, scq.) discovered in the temple of Bubastis at El- Kub. representing such a sacrifice, seems to confirm Plutarch's statement. The practice of human sacri¬ fice among the Aegvptians is, indeed, called in ques¬ tion by Herodotus (ii. 45); yet that it once prevailed among them is rendered probable by Manetho's state¬ ment of a king named Amosis having abolished the custom,and substituted a waxen image for the human victim. (Porphyr. de Abstinent, ii. p. 223; Euseb. Praep. Evany, iv. 16; comp. Ovid, Fast. v. 621.) The singularity in Plutarch's story is the recent date of the imputed sacrifices. [W. B. D.] 1LITURGIS. [I llit urgis.] 1'LIUM, PLIOS ("IAtov, 7] "IAios : Etli. 'lAteus, f. 'IAias), sometimes also called Troja (Tpoia), whence the inhabitants are commonly called Tputs, and in the Latin writers Trojani. The existence of this city, to which we commonly give the name of Troy, cannot be doubted any more than the simple fact of the Trojan War, which was believed to have ended with the capture and destruction of the city, after a war of ten years, is. c. 1184. Troy was the principal city of the country called Troas. As the city has been the subject of curious inquiry, both in ancient and modern times, it will be necessary, in the first instance, to collect and analyse the statements of the ancient writers ; and to follow up this discus- vol. ii. sion by an account of the investigations of modern travellers and scholars to identify the site of the famous city. Our most ancient authority are the Homeric poems ; but we must at the very outset remark, that we cannot look upon the poet in every respect as a careful and accurate topographer; but that, admitting his general accuracy, there may yet be points on which he cannot be taken to account as if it had been his professed object to communicate information on the topography of Troy. The city of Ilium was situated on a rising ground, somewhat above the plain between the rivers Sea- mander and Simois, at a distance, as Strabo asserts, of 42 stadia from the coast of the Hellespont. (Horn. II. xx. 216, fob; Strab. xiii. p. 596.) That it was not quite in the plain is clear from the epithets rive/ii.oecraa, cuVeirq, and ucppuoeiraa. Behind it, oil the south-east, there rose a hill, forming a branch of Mount Ida, surmounted by the acropolis, called Per- gamum (to l\(pya.jj.ov, Horn. II. iv. 508, vi. 512 ; also to. Uepya/m, Soph. Phil. 347, 353, 611; or, 7] Uepya/xos, Horn. II. v. 446, 460.) This fortified acropolis contained not only all the temples of the gods (II. iv. 508, v. 447,512, vi. 88, 257, xxii. 172, &c.), but also the palaces of Priam and his sons, Hector and Paris (II. vi. 317, 370, 512, vii. 345). The city must have had many gates, as may be in¬ ferred from the expression irciaai. irv\ai (II. ii. 809, and elsewhere), but only one is mentioned by name, viz., the 5. 56 ; Eckhel, vol. i. p. 23 ; Ukert, vol. ii. pt. 1. p. 380.) [1». S.] ILLURCO or TLURCO, a town in the W. part of Hispania Baetica, near Finns, on the river Cu- bilhttt. (Inscr. ap. Grutor, pp. 235, 406 ; Muratori, p. 1051, Nos. 2, 3 ; Florez, Ftp. S. vol. xii. p. 98 ; Coins, ap. Florez, Med. de Fsp. vol. ii. p. 472 ; Mionnet, vol. i. p. 17; Sestini, Med. Isp. p. 57; Eckhel, vol. i. p. 23.) [P. S.] J LLUR( i AVON ENSES. [Ilercaones.] ILLYRIA, [Illyricum.] ILLY'RICUM (rb 'lAAvpucov : Fill, and Adj. 'WAvpios, 'IAAypucdy, Illyrius, Illyricus), the eastern coast of the Adriatic sea. I The Name. — The Greek name is Illyiiis ILLYRICUM. 35 ('IAAvpfy, Hecat. Fr. 65; Polyb. iii. 16; Strnb. ii. pp. 108, 123, 129, vii. p. 317 ; Dionys. Per. 96: Ilerodian, vi. 7; Apollod. ii. 1. §3; Ptol. viii. 7. § 1), but the more ancient writers usually employ the name of the people, oI 'IAAt'pioi (eV to?s- 'IAAu- piois, Herod, i. 196, iv. 49; Scyl. pp. 7, 10). The name Illyria ('IAAvpia) very rarely occurs. (Steph. B. s. v.; Prop. i. 8. 2.) By the Latin writers it generally went under the name of " Illyricum" (Caes. F>. G. ii. 35, iii. 7 ; Yarr. Ii. R. ii. 10. § 7; Cic. ad Att. x. 6; Liv. xliv. 18, 26; Ovid, Tri.it. i. 3. 121; J Ida, i:. 3. § 13; Tac. Ann. i. 5, 46, ii. 44, 53, Hist. i. 2, 9, 76; Flor. i. 18, iv. 2; Just, vii. 2; Suet. Tib. 16; Veil. Pat. ii. 109), and the general assent of geographers has given currency to this form. 2. Extent and Limits.— The Roman Illyricum was of very different extent from the Illyris or ol 'IAAvpioi of the Greeks, and was itself not the same at all times, but must be considered simply as an artificial and geographical expression for the bor¬ derers who occupied the E. coast of the Adriatic, from the junction of that gulf with the Ionic sea, to the estuaries of the river Po. The earliest writer who has left any account of the peoples inhabiting this coast is Scylax; according to whom (o. 19—27) the Illyrians, properly so called (for the Liburnians and Istrians beyond them are excluded), occupy the sea-coast from Liburnia to the Chaonians of Epirus. The Bulini were the northernmost of these tribes, and the Amantini the southernmost. Herodotus (i. 196) includes under the name, the Heneti or Veneti, who lived at the head of the gulf; in another passage (iv. 49) be places the Illyrians on the tributary streams of the Morava in Servia. It is evident that the Gallic invasions, of which there are several traditions, threw the whole of these districts and their tribes into such confusion, that it is impossible to harmonise the statements of the Periplus of Scylax, or the far later Scymnus of Chios, with the descriptions in Strabo and the Roman historians. In consequence of this immigration of the Gauls, Appian has confounded together Gauls, Thracians, Paeonians, and Illyrians. A legend which he records (Illyr. 1) makes Celtus, Illyrius, and Gala, to have been three brothers, the sons of the Cyclops Poly¬ phemus, and is grounded probably on the inter¬ mixture of Celtic tribes (the Boii, the Scordisci, and the Taurisci) among the Illyrians: the Iapodes, a tribe on the borders'of Istria, are described by Strabo (iv. p. 143) as half Celts, half Illyrians. On a rough estimate, it may be said that, in the earliest times, Illyricum was the coast between the Naro (Neretva) and the Drilo (Drin), bounded on the E. by the Triballi. At a later period it comprised all the various tribes from the Celtic Taurisci to the Epirots and Macedonians, and eastward as far as Moosia, including the Veneti, Pannonians, Dalma¬ tians, Dardani, Autariatae, and many others. This is Illyricum in its most extended meaning in the ancient writers till the 2nd century of the Christian era: as, for instance, in Strabo (vii. pp. 313—319), during the reign of Augustus, and in Tacitus (IJist. i. 2, 9, 76, ii. 86 ; comp. Joseph. B. J. ii. 16), in his account of the civil wars which preceded the fall of Jerusalem. When the boundary of Rome reached to the Danube, the "Illyricus Limes" (as it is desig¬ nated in the " Scriptores Historiae Augustae "), or •' Illyrian frontier," comprised the following pro¬ vinces:— Noricum, Pannonia Superior, Pannonia i) 2 36 ILLYRICUM. Inferior, Moesia Superior, Moesia Inferior, Dacia, and Thrace. This division continued till the time of Constantine, who severed from it Lower Moesia and Thrace, but added to it Macedonia, Thessaly, Achaia, Old and New Epirus, Praevalitana, and Crete. At this period it was one of the four great divisions of the Roman empire under a " Praefectus Praetorio," and it is in this signification that it is used by the later writers, such as Sextus Rufus, the " Auctor Notitiae Dignitatum Imperii," Zosimus, Jornandes, and others. At the final division of the Roman em¬ pire, the so-called " Illyricum Orientale," containing the provinces of Macedonia, Thessaly, Epirus, Hellas, New Epirus, Crete,and Praevalitana,was incorporated with the Lower Empire; while "Illyricum Occi- dentale " was united with Rome, and embraced No- ricum, Pannonia, Dalmatia, Savia, and Valeria Ripensis. A. Illyris Barbara or Romana, was separated from Istria by the small river Arsia (Arsa), and bounded S. and E. by the Drilo, and on the N. by the Savus ; consequently it is represented now by part of Croatia, all Dalmatia, the Herzegovina, Monte-Negro, nearly all Bosnia, and part of Albania. lllyris Romana was divided into three districts, the northern of which was Iapydia, extending S. as far as the Tedanius (Zer magna); the strip of land ex¬ tending from the Arsia to the Titius (La Kerica) was called Liburnia, or the whole of the north of what was once Venetian Dalmatia; the territory of the Dalmatae was at first comprehended between the Naro and the Tilurus or Nestus: it then ex¬ tended to the Titius. A list of the towns will be found under the several heads of Iapydia, Li¬ burnia, and Dalmatia. B. Illyris Graeca, which was called in later times Epirus Nova, extended from the river Drilo to the SE., up to the Ceraunian mountains, which separated it from Epirus Proper. On the N. it was bounded by the Roman Illyricum and Mount Scor- dus, on the W. by the Ionian sea, on the S. by Epirus, and on the E. by Macedonia; comprehending, there¬ fore, nearly the whole of modern Albania. Next to the frontier of Chaonia is the small town of Aman- tia, and the people of the Amantians and Bul- liones. They are followed by the Taulantii, who occupied the country N. of the Aous — the great river of S. Macedonia, which rises in Blount Lacmon, and discharges itself into the Adriatic — as far as Epidamnus. The chief towns of this country were Apgllonia, and Epidamnus or Dyrrha- chium. In the interior, near the Macedonian fron¬ tier, there is a considerable lake, Lacus Lyciinitis, from which the Drilo issues. Ever since the middle ages there has existed in this part the town of Aehrida, which has been supposed to be the ancient Lyciinidus, and was the capital of the Bulgarian empire, when it extended from the Euxine as far as the interior of Aetolia, and comprised S. Illyricum, Epirus, Acarnania, Aetolia, and a part of Thessaly. During the Roman period the Dassaretae dwelt there ; the neighbouring country was occupied by the Autariatae, who are said to have been driven from their country in the time of Cassander, when they removed as fugitives with their women and children into Macedonia. The Ardiaei and Par- thini dwelt N. of the Autariatae, though not at the same time, but only during the Roman period. Scodra (Scutari), in later times the capital of Praevalitana, was unknown during the flourishing period of Grecian history, and more properly belongs ILLYRICUM. to Roman Illyricum; as Lissus, which was situated at the mouth of the Drilo, was fixed upon by the Romans as the border town of the Illyrians in the S., beyond which they were riot allowed to sail with their privateers. Internal communication in this Illyricum was kept up by the Via Candavia or Egnatia, the great line which connected Italy and the East—Rome, Constantinople, and Jerusalem. A road of such importance, as Colonel Leake re¬ marks (North. Greece, vol. iii. p. 311), and on which the distance had been marked with mile¬ stones soon after the Roman conquest of Macedonia, we may believe to have been kept in the best order as long as Rome was the centre of a vigorous au¬ thority ; but it probably shared the fate of many other great establishments in the decline of the empire, and especially when it became as much the concern of the Byzantine as of the Roman govern¬ ment. This fact accounts for the discrepancies in the Itineraries ; for though Lyciinidus, Heracleia, and Edessa, still continued, as on the Candavian Way described by Polybius (ap. Strab. vii. pp. 322, 323), to be the three principal points between Dyr- rhachium and Thessalonica (nature, in fact, having strongly drawn that line in the valley of the Ge- nusus), there appears to have been a choice of routes over the ridges which contained the boundaries of Illyricum and Macedonia. By comparing the An- tonine Itinerary, the Peutingerian Table, and the Jerusalem Itinerary, the following account of stations in Illyricum is obtained: — Dyrrhachium or Apollonia. Clodiana Scampae Trajectus Genusi Ad Dianam Candavia Tres Tabernae Pons Servilii et Claudanum Patrae Lychnidus - Brucida Scirtiana Castra Nicaea Heracleia 3. Physical Geography. — The Illyrian range of mountains, which traverses Dalmatia under the name of Mount Prolog, and partly under other names (Mons Albius, Bebius), branches off in Carniola from the Julian Alps, and then, at a considerable distance from the sea, stretches towards Venetia, approaches the sea beyond Aquileia near Trieste, and forms Istria. After passing through Istria as a lofty mountain, though not reaching the snow line, and traversing Dalmatia, which it separates from Bosnia, it extends into Albania. It is a limestone range, and, like most mountains belonging to that form¬ ation, much broken up; hence the bold and pic¬ turesque coast runs out into many promontories, and is flanked by numerous islands. These islands appear to have originated on the breaking up of the lower grounds by some violent action, leaving their limestone summits above water. From the salient position of the promontory termi¬ nating in Punta delta Planca, they are divided into two distinct groups, which the Greek geographers called Absyrtides and Liburnides. They trend NW. and SE., greatly longer than broad, and form various fine channels, called " canale," and named I from the nearest adjacent island : these being bold, - Slcumbi. - Elbassan. - Slcumbi river. 11 11 - The Drin at Siruga. - Alcritlha. - Prespa. » ILLYFJCUM. ILLYRICUM. 37 with scarcely a hidden danger, give ships a secure passage between them. Ckerso, Osero, Lussin, San- sego (Absyrtides), abound with fossil hones. The hone-breccia of these islands appears to be the same conglomerate with those of Gibraltar, Cerigo, and other places in the Mediterranean. The Liburnian group (Ai6vpvi5es prjaot, Strab. ii. p. 124, vii. pp. 315, 317; " Liburnicae Insulae," Win. iii. 30), Ltssa (Grossa), Biiattia (Brazza), Issa (Lissa), Me lit a (Melaiki), Coiicyka Nigra (Curzola), Piiaros (Lesina) and Oianta (Solta), have good ports, hut are badly supplied with drinkable water, and are not fertile. The mountainous tract, though industriously cultivated towards the shore, is for the most part, as in the days of Strabo (I. c.), wild, rugged, and barren. The want of water and the arid soil make Dalmatia unfit for agriculture ; and therefore of old, this circumstance, coupled with the excellency and number of the harbours, made the natives more known for piracy than for commercial enterprise. A principal feature of the whole range is that called Monte-Negro (Czernagora), consisting chiefly of the cretaceous or Mediterranean limestone, >sy extensively developed from the Alps to the Archi¬ pelago, and remarkable for its craggy character. The general height is about 3000 feet, with a few higher summits, and the slopes are gentle in the direction of the inclination of the " strata," with precipices at the outcroppings, which give a fine variety to the scenery. There is no sign of volcanic action in Dalmatia; and the Nyinphaeum near Apollonia, celebrated for the flames that rose continually from it, has probably no reference to anything of a volcanic nature, but is connected with the beds of asphaltum, or mineral pitch, which occur in great abundance in the num- mulitic limestone of Albania. The coast of what is now called Middle Albania, or the Illyrian territory, N. of Epirus, is, especially in its N. portion, of moderate height, and in some places even low and unwholesome, as far as Aulon (Valona or Avlona), where it suddenly becomes rugged and mountainous, with precipitous cliffs descending rapidly towards the sea. This is the Khimara range, upwards of 4000 feet high, dreaded by ancient mariners as the Acro-Ceraunian promon¬ tory. The interior of this territory was much su¬ perior to N. lllyricum in productiveness: though mountainous, it has more valleys and open plains for cultivation. The sea-ports of Epidamnus and Apol¬ lonia introduced the luxuries of wine and oil to the barbarians; whose chiefs learnt also to value the woven fabrics, the polished and carved metallic work, the tempered weapons, and the pottery which was furnished them by Grecian artisans. Salt fish, and, what was of more importance to the inland re¬ sidents on lakes like that of Lychnidus, salt itself, was imported. In return they supplied the Greeks with those precious commodities, cattle and slaves. Silver mines were also worked at Damastium. "Wax and honey were probably articles of export ; and it is a proof that the natural products of II- lyria were carefully sought out, when we find a species of iris peculiar to the country collected and sent to Corinth, where its root was employed to give the special flavour to a celebrated kind of aromatic unguent. Grecian commerce and intercourse not only tended to civilise the S. Illyrians beyond their northern brethren, who shared with the Thracian tribes the custom of tattooing their bodies and of offering human sacrifices; but through the intro¬ duction of Grecian exiles, made them acquainted with Hellenic ideas and legends, as may he seen by the tale of Cadmus and Harmonia, from whom the chiefs of the Illyrian Enchelees professed to trace their descent. (Comp. Grote, IHst. of Greece, vol. iv. pp. 1—10, and the authorities quoted there; to which may be added, Wilkinson, Dalmatia and Montenegro, vol. i. pp. 38—42; J. F. Neigebaur, Die Sudslaven, Leipzig, 1851; Niebuhr, Lect,. on Etlinog. and Geog. vol. i. pp. 297—314; Smyth, The Mediterranean, pp. 40—45 ; Halm, Albane- sische Studien, Wien, 1854.) 4. Race and National Character.—Sufficient is not known either of the language or customs of the Illyrians, by which their race may be ascertained. The most accurate among the ancient writers have al¬ ways distinguished them as a separatenation, or group of nations, from both the Thracians and Epirots. The ancient Illyrians are unquestionably the an¬ cestors of the people generally known in Europe by the name Albanians, but who are called by the Turks " Arnauts," and by themselves " Skipetares," which means in their language " mountaineers," or " dwellers on rocks," and inhabit the greater part of ancient lllyricum and Epirus. They have a pe¬ culiar language, and constitute a particular race, which is very distinct from the Slavonian inhabit¬ ants who border on them towards the N. The an¬ cients, as bas been observed, distinguished the Il¬ lyrians from the Epirots, and have given no intima¬ tions that they were in any way connected. But the Albanians, who inhabit both lllyricum and Epirus, are one people, whose language is only varied by slight modifications of dialect. The Illyrians appear to have been pressed southwards by Slavonian hordes, who settled in Dalmatia. Driven out from their old territories, they extended themselves to¬ wards the S., where they now inhabit Many districts which never belonged to them in former times, and1 have swallowed up the Epirots, and extinguished their language. According to Schafarik (Slav. Alt, vol. i. p. 31) the modern Albanian population is 1,200,000. Ptolemy is the earliest writer in whose works the name of the Albanians has been distinctly recognised. He mentions (iii. 13. §23) a tribe called Aldani ('AAga^ot) and a town Albanopolis ('AA6a- twoAis), in the region lying to the E. of the Ionian sea ; and from the names of places with which Albanopolis is connected, it appears clearly to have been in the S. part of the Illyrian territory, and in modern Albania. There are no means of forming a conjecture how the name of this obscure tribe came to be extended to so considerable a nation. The latest work upon the Albanian language is that of F. Hitter von Xylander (Die Sprache der Albanesem oder Skliipetaren, 1835), who has elucidated this subject, and established the principal facts upon a firm basis. An account of the positions at which Xylander arrived will be found in Prichard (The- Physical History of Mankind, vol. iii. pp. 477— 482). As the Dalmatian Slaves have adopted the name Illyrians, the Slavonian language spoken in Dalmatia, especially at Ragusa, is also called Illyrian ; and this designation has acquired general currency ; but it must always be remembered that the ancient Illyrians were in no way connected with the Slave- races. In the practice of tattooing their bodies, and offering human sacrifices, the Illyrians resembled the Thracians (Strab. vii. p. 315; Herod, v. 6) : the i) Li 33 ILLYKICUM. custom of one of their tribes, the Dalmatians, to liave a new division of their lands every eighth year (Strab. I. c.), resembled the well-known practice of the Germans, only advanced somewhat further to¬ wards civilised life. The author of the Feriplus ascribed to Scylax (I. c.) speaks of the great influence enjoyed by their women, whose lives, in consequence, he describes as highly licentious. The Illyrian, like the modern Albanian Skipetar, was always ready to fight for hire; and rushed to battle, obeying only the instigation of his own love of fight¬ ing, or vengeance, or love of blood, or craving for booty. But as soon as the feeling was satisfied, or over¬ come by fear, his rapid and impetuous rush was suc¬ ceeded by an equally rapid retreat or flight. (Comp. Grote, Hist, of Greece, vol. vi. p. 609.) They did not fight in the phalanx, nor were they merely ; they rather formed an intermediate class between them and the phalanx. Their arms were short spears and light javelins and shields (" pel- tastae"); the chief weapon, however, was the t-ia-Xaipa, or Albanian knife. Dr. Arnold has re¬ marked (Hist. of Rome, vol. i. p. 495),—" The eastern coast of the Adriatic is one of those ill-fated portions of the earth which, though placed in imme¬ diate contact with civilisation, have remained per¬ petually barbarian." But Scymnus of Chios (comp. Arnold, vol. iii. p. 477), writing of the lllyrians about a century before the Christian era, calls them " a religious people, just and kind to strangers, loving to be liberal, and desiring to live orderly and soberly." After the Eoman conquest, and during its dominion, they were as civilised as most other peoples reclaimed from barbarism. The emperor Diocletian and St. Jerome were both lllyrians. And the palace at Spalato is the earliest existing spe¬ cimen of the legitimate combination of the round arch and the column; and the modern history of the eastern shores of the Adriatic begins with the rela¬ tions established by Heraclius with the Serbs or W. Slaves, who moved down from the Carpathians into the provinces between the Adriatic and the Danube. The states which they constituted were of considerable weight in the history of Europe, and the kingdoms, or bannats, of Croatia, Servia, Bosnia, liaseia, and Dalmatia, occupied for some centuries a political position very like that now held by the secondary monarchical states of the present day. The people of Narenta, who had a republican form of government, once disputed the sway of the Adriatic with the Venetians ; Eagusa, which sent her Argosies (Iiagosies) to every coast, never once succumbed to the winged Lion of St. Mark; and for some time it seemed probable that the Servian colonies established by Heraclius were likely to take a prominent part in advancing the progress of Eu¬ ropean civilisation. (Comp. Finlay, Greece under the Romans, p. 409.) 5. History.—The lllyrians do not appear in history before the Peloponnesian War, when Brasidas and Perdiccas retreated before them, and the lllyrians, for the first time, probably, had to encounter Grecian troops. (Tliuc. iv. 124—128.) Nothing is heard of these barbarians afterwards, till the time of Philip of Macedon, by whose vigour and energy their in¬ cursions were first repressed, and their country par¬ tially conquered. Their collision with the Mace¬ donians appears to have risen under the following circumstances. During the 4th century before Christ a large immigration of Gallic tribes from the west¬ ward was taking place, invading the territory of the ILLYKICUM. more northerly lllyrians, and driving them further to the south. Under Bardylis the lllyrians, who had formed themselves into a kingdom, the origin of which cannot be traced, had extended themselves over the towns, villages, and plains of W. Macedonia (Diod. xvi. 4 ; Theopomp. Fr. 35, ed. Didot.; Cie. de Off. ii. 11; Phot. Bibl. p. 530, ed. Bekker; Lilian. Ora't. xxviii. p. 632). As soon as the young Philip of Macedon came to the throne, he attacked these hereditary enemies is. c. 360, and pushed his suc¬ cesses so vigorously, as to reduce to subjection all the tribes to the E. of Lyclmidus. (Comp. Grote, Hist, of Greece, vol. xi. pp. 302—304.) A state was formed the capital of which was probably near Ilagusa, but the real Illyrian pirates with whom the Eomans came in collision, must have occupied the N. of Dalmatia. lihodes was still a maritime power; but by b.c. 233 the lllyrians had become formidable in the Adriatic, ravaging the coasts, and disturbing the navigation of the allies of the Eomans. Envoys were sent to Teuta, the queen of the lllyrians, demanding reparation: she replied, that piracy was the habit of her people, and finally had the envoys murdered, (Polyb. ii. 8 ; Appian, llbjr. 7; Zonar. viii. 19 ; comp. Plin. xxxiv. 11.) A Eoman army for the first time crossed the Ionian gulf, and con- eluded a peace with the lllyrians upon honourable terms, while the Greek states of Corcyra, Apollonia, and Epidamnus, received their liberty as a gift from Eome. On the death of Teuta, the traitor Demetrius of Pharos made himself guardian of Pineus, son of Agron, and usurped the chief authority in lllyri- cum : thinking that the Eomans were too much en¬ gaged in the Gallic wars, he ventured on several piratical acts. This led to the Second Illyrian War, is.c. 219, which resulted in the submission of the whole of Illyricum. Demetrius fled to Macedonia, and Pineus was restored to his kingdom, (l'olyb.iii. 16, 18 ; Liv. xxii. 33; App. lllyr. 7, 8; Flor. ii. 5 ; Dion Cass, xxxiv. 46, 151; Zonar. viii. 20.) Pineus was succeeded by his uncle Scerdilaidas, and Scerdilaidas by his son Pleuratus, who, for his fidelity to the Eoman cause during the Macedonian War, was rewarded at the peace of 196 by the addi¬ tion to his territories of Lyclmidus and the Parthini, which had before belonged to Macedonia (Polyb. xviii. 30, xxi. 9, xxii. 4; Liv. xxxi. 28, xxxii. 34.) In the reign of Gentius, the last king of Illyricum, the Dalmatae revolted, b. c. 180 ; and the praetor L. Anieius, entering Illyricum, finished the war within thirty days, by taking the capital Scodra (Scutari), into which Gentius had thrown himself, b.c. 168. (Polyb. xxx. 13; Liv. xliv. 30 —32, xlv. 43; Appian, lllyr. 9; Eutrop. iv. 6.) Illyricum, which was divided into three parts, be¬ came annexed to Eome. (Liv. xlv. 26.) The his¬ tory of the Eoman wars with Dalmatia, Iapydia, and Liburnia, is given under those heads. In b. c. 27 Illyricum was under the rule of a proconsul appointed by the senate (Dion Cass. liii. 12): but the frequent attempts of the people to re¬ cover their liberty showed the necessity of main¬ taining a strong force in the country ; and in b. c. 11 (Dion Cass. liv. 34) it was made an imperial province, with 1'. Cornelius Dolabella for " legatus " (" leg. pro. pr.," Orelli, Inscr. no. 2365, comp. no. 3128; Tac. Hist. ii. 86; Marquardt, in Becker's Rum. Alt. vol. iii. pt. i. pp. 110 —115). A large region, extending far inland towards the valley of the Save and the JJrave, contained bodies of soldiery, ILLYRICUM. ILVA. 3!) who wore stationed in the strong links of the chain of military posts which was scattered along the frontier of the Danube. Inscriptions are extant on which the records of its occupation by the 7th and 11th legions can still be read. (Orelli, nos. 3452, 3553, 4995, 4996; comp. Joseph. B. J. ii. 1G; Tac. Ann. iv. 5, Hist. ii. 11. 85.) There was at that time no seat of government or capital ; but the province was divided into regions called " con- ventus: " each region, of which there were three, named from the towns of Scardona, Salona, and Narona, was subdivided into numerous " decu- riae." Thus the " conventus" of Salona had 382 " decuriae." (1'lin. iii. 26.) Iadera, Salona, Narona, and Epidaurus, were Roman " coloniae;" Apollonia and Corcyra, " civitates liberae." (Appian, Ilhjr. 8 ; Polyb. ii. 11.) The jurisdiction of the " pro-praetor," or " legatus," docs not appear to have extended throughout the whole of Illyricum, but merely over the maritime portion. The inland district either had its own governor, or was under the praefect of Pannonia. Salona in later times be¬ came the capital of the province (Procop. B. G. i. 15; Hierocles), and the governor was styled " praeses." (Orelli, nos. 1098, 3599.) The most notable of these were Dion Cassius the historian, and his father Cassius Apronianus. The warlike youth of Pannonia and Dalmatia afforded an inexhaustible supply of recruits to the legions stationed on the banks of the Danube; and the peasants of Illyricum, who had already given Claudius, Aurelian, and Probus to the sinking em¬ pire, achieved the work of rescuing it by the eleva¬ tion of Diocletian and Maximian to the imperial purple. (Comp. Gibbon, c. xiii.) After the final division of the empire, Marcellinus, " Patrician of the West," occupied the maritime portion of W. Illyricum, and built a fleet which claimed the dominion of the Adriatic. [Dalma¬ tia.] E. Illyricum appears to have suffered so much from the hostilities of the Goths and the op¬ pressions of Alaric, who was declared, A. n. 398, its master-general (comp. Claudian, in Eutrop. ii. 216, de Bell. Get. 535), that there is a law of Theodosius II. which exempts the cities of Illyricum from contributing towards the expenses of the public spectacles at Constantinople. (Tlieod. cod. x. tit. 8. s. 7.) But though suffering from these inroads, casual encounters often showed that the people were not destitute of courage and military skill. Attila himself, the terror of both Goths and Romans, was defeated before the town of Annuls, a frontier for¬ tress of Illyricum. (Priscus, p. 143, ed. Bonn; comp. Gibbon, c. xxxiv.; Finlay, Greece under the Romans, p. 203.) The coasts of Illyricum were considered of great importance to the court of Con¬ stantinople. The rich produce transported by the caravans which reached the N. shores of the Black Sea, was then conveyed to Constantinople to be dis¬ tributed through W. Europe. Under these circum¬ stances, it was of the utmost consequence to defend the two points of Thessalonica and Dyrrhachiuin, the two cities which commanded the extremities of the usual road between Constantinople and the Adriatic. (Tafel, de Thessalonica, p. 221; Ilull- man, Geschich. des Byzantischen J Ian dels, p. 76.) The open country was abandoned to the Avars and the E. Slaves, who made permanent settlements even to the S. of the Via Egnatia ; but none of these settlements were allowed to interfere wit'i tli ■ lines of communication, without which the trad# of the West would have been lost to the Greeks, lle- raclius, in his plan for circumscribing the ravages of the northern enemies of the empire, occupied the whole interior of the country, from the borders of Istria to the territory of Dyrrhachium, with colonies of the Serbs or W. Slaves. From the settlement of the Servian Slavonians within the bounds of the empire we may therefore date, as has been said above, the earliest encroachments of the Illyrian or Albanian race on the Hellenic population of the South. The singular events which occurred in the reign of Heraclius are not among the least of the elements which have gone to make lip the con¬ dition of the modern Greek nation. [E. B. J.] ILOIiCI. [Eliocroca.] lLU'CIA. [Oretani.] ILURATUM QlkovpaTov, Ptol. iii. 6. § 6), a town in the interior of the Taurie Chersonese, pro¬ bably somewhat to the N. of Kaffa. [E. B. J.] ILURCA'ONES. [Ilercaones.] ILURCIS. [Graccurris.] ILURGEIA, ILURGIS. [Illiturgis.] ILU'RGETAE. [Ilergetes.] ILUIiO, in Gallia Aquitania, is placed by the Antonine Itin. on the road from Caesaraugusta, in Spain, to Beneharmum. [Benehaemum.] lluro is between Aspaluca [Aspaluca] and Beneharmum. The modern site of lluro is Oleron, which is the same name. Oleron is in the department of Basses Pyrenees, at the junction of the Gave d'Aspe, the river of Aspaluca, and the Gave d'Ossau, which by their union form the Gave d'Oleron. Gave is the name in these parts for the river-valleys of the Py¬ renees. In the Notitia of Gallia, lluro is the Civitas Elloronensium. The place was a bishop's see from the commencement of the sixth century. [G. L.] I'LURO. 1. (>l/or«), a city of Baetica, situated on a hill. (Inscr. ap. Carter, Travels, p. 161; Ukert, vol. ii. pt. 1. p. 358.) 2. [Laeetani.] [P. S.] ILU'ZA (ra "lAou(a), a town in Phrygia Paca- tiana, which is mentioned only in very late writers, and is probably the same as Aludda in the Table of Peutinger; in which case it was situated between Sebaste and Acmonia, 25 Roman miles to the east of the latter town. It was the see of a Christian bishop. (Hierocl. p. 667; Concil. Constant, iii. p. 534.) [L. S.] ILVA ('IAova, Ptol.: Elba), called by the Greeks Aetiialta (AlOaA'ca, Strab., Diod.; Al6d\eia, Ps. Arist., Philist. ap. Steph. B.), an island in the Tyrrhenian Sea, lying oil' the coast of Etruria, oppo¬ site to the headland and city of Populonium. It is much the most important of the islands in this sea, situated between Corsica and the mainland, being about 18 miles in length, and 12 in its greatest breadth. Its outline is extremely irregular, the mountains which compose it, and which rise in some parts to a height of above 3000 feet, being indented by deep gulfs and inlets, so that its breadth in some places does not exceed 3 miles. Its circuit is greatly overstated by Pliny at 100 Roman miles: the same author gives its distance from Popu¬ lonium at 10 miles, which is just about correct; but the width of the strait which separates it from the nearest point of the mainland (near l'tombmo') does not much exceed 6, though estimated by Diodorus as 100 stadia (12^ miles), and by Strabo, through an enormous error, at not less than 300 stadia. (Strab. v. p. 223; Diod. v. 13; Plin. iii. 6. s. 12; Mel. ii. 7. § 19; Scyl. p. 2. § 6; Apoll. Iihod. D 4 40 ILVATES. IMAUS. iv. 654.) Ilva was celebrated in ancient times, as it still is at the present day, for its iron mines; these were probably worked from a very early period bv the Tyrrhenians of the opposite coast, and were already noticed by Hecatacus, who called the island Aied\ri : indeed, its Greek name was generally re¬ garded as derived from the smoke (aiflaA.??) of the numerous furnaces employed in smelting the iron. (Diod. v. 13; Steph. B. s.v.) In the time of Strabo, however, the iron ore was no longer smelted in the island itself, the want of fuel compelling the inha¬ bitants (as it does at the present day) to transport the ore to the opposite mainland, where it was smelted and wrought so as to be lilted for com¬ mercial purposes. The unfailing abundance of the ore (alluded to by Virgil in the line " Insula inexhaustis Chalybum generosa metallis") led to the notion that it grew again as fast as it was extracted from the mines. It had also the advantage of being extracted with great facility, as it is not sunk deep beneath the earth, but forms a hill or mountain mass of solid ore. (Strab. I. c.; Diod. I.e.; Virg. Aen. x. 174; Plin. iii. G. s. 12, xxxiv. 14. s. 41; Pseud. Arist. de Mirab. 95; Until. J tin. i. 351—35G; Sil. Ital. viii. 61G.) The mines, which are still extensively worked, are situated at a place called Rio, near the E. coast of the island; they exhibit in many cases unequivocal evidence of the ancient workings. The only mention of Ilva that occurs in history is in b. c. 453, when we learn from Diodorus that it was ravaged by a Syracusan fleet under Phayllus, in revenge for the piratical expeditions of the Tyr¬ rhenians. Phayllus having elfected but little, a second fleet was sent under Apelles, who is said to have made himself master of the island; but it certainly did not remain subject to Syracuse. (Diod. xi. 88.) The name is again incidentally mentioned by Livy (xxx. 39) during the expedition of the consul Tib. Claudius to Corsica and Sardinia. Ilva has the advantage of several excellent ports, of which that on the N. side of the island, now called Porto Ferraio, was known in ancient times as the Portlts Akgous ('Ap-ycDos Ai/Ln)v), from the circumstance that the Argonauts were believed to have touched there on their return voyage, while sailing in quest of Circe. (Strab. v. p. 224; Diod. iv. 5G; Apollon. Rhod. iv. 658.) Considerable ruins of buildings of Roman date are visible at a place called Le Grotte, near Porto Ferraio, and others are found near Capo Castello, at the NE. extremity of the island. The quarries of granite near S. Piero, in the S\V. part of Elba, appears also to have been extensively worked by the Romans, though no notice of them is found in any ancient writer; but nume¬ rous columns, basins for fountains, and other archi¬ tectural ornaments, still remain, either wholly or in part hewn out of the adjacent quarry. (Hoare, Class. Tour, vol. i. pp. 23—29). [E. II. 13.] ILVATES, a Ligurian tribe, whose name is found only in Livy. He mentions them first as taking up arms in u. c. 200, in concert with the Gaulish tribes of the Insubres and Cenomani, to de¬ stroy the Roman colonies of Placentia and Cremona. They are again noticed three years later as being- still in arms, after the submission of their Transpa- dane allies; but in the course of that year's cam¬ paign (b.c. 197) they were reduced by the consul Q. Minucius, and their name docs not again appear in history. (Liv. xxx. 10, xxxi. 29, 30.) From the circumstances here related, it is clear that they dwelt on the N. slopes of the Apennines, towards the plains of the Padus, and apparently not very far from Clastidium (Casteggio); but we cannot de¬ termine with certainty either the position or extent of their territory. Their name, like those of most of the Ligurian tribes mentioned by Livy, had disappeared in the Augustan age, and is not found in any of the geographers. [Ligukia.] Walckenaer, however, supposes the Elkates over whom the consul M. Fulvius Nobilior celebrated a triumph in b. c. 159 (Fast. Capit. ap. Cruter, p. 297), and who are in all probability the same people with the Veleiates of Pliny [Veleia], to be identical also with the 11- vatesofLivy; but this cannot be assumed without further proof. (Walckenaer, Geogr. das Gaules, vol. i. p. 154.) [E. II. B.] IMACHARA ('I/uxapa or 'H^ixapa, Ptol.: Eth, Imacharensis, Cic.; Imacarensis, Plin.), a city of Sicily, the name of which does not appear in history, but which is repeatedly mentioned by Cicero among the municipal towns of the island. There is great discrepancy in regard to the form of the name, which is written in many J1SS. " Macarensis " or " Macha- rensis;" and the same uncertainty is found in those of Pliny, who also notices the town among those of the interior of Sicily. (Cic. Vcrr. iii. 18, 42, v. 7; Zumpt, ad loc.; Plin. iii. 8. s. 14; Sillig, ad loc.) From the manner in which it is spoken of by Cicero, it would seem to have been a town of some con¬ sideration, with a territory fertile in corn. That writer associates it with Herbita, Assorus, Agyrium, and other towns of the interior, in a manner that would lead us to suppose it situated in the samp, region of Sicily; and this inference is confirmed by Ptolemy, who places Hemichara or llimichara (evi¬ dently the same place) in the NE. of Sicily, between Capitium and Centuripa. (Ptol. iii. 4. § 12.) Hence Cluverius conjectures that it may have occupied the site of Traina, but this is wholly uncertain. Fazello and other Sicilian writers have supposed the ruins of an ancient city, which are still visible on the coast about 9 miles N. of Cape Pachynum, near the Porto Vindicari, to be those of Imachara; but though the name of Macaresa, still borne by an adjoining head¬ land, gives some colour to this opinion, it is wholly opposed to the data furnished us by ancient authors, who all agree in placing Imachara in the interior of the island. The ruins in question, which indicate the site of a considerable town, are regarded by Clu¬ verius (but equally without authority) as those' of Ichana. (Cluver. Sicil. p. 356; Fazell. de Reb. Sic. iv. 2, p. 217; Amico, Not. ad Fazell. pp.417, 447; Hoare's Classical Tour, vol. ii. p. 301.) [E. H. B.] IMA'US, the great mountain chain, which, ac¬ cording to the ancients, divided Northern Asia into " Scythia intra Imaum" and " Scythia extra Imaum." This word (rb "Ifj-aov opos, Strab. xv. p. 689; Ptol. vi. 13. § 1; rb 'l/j.a?oy upos, Strab. ii. p. 129; o "I^aoy, Agathem. ii. 9: although all the MSS. of Strabo (xi. p. 516) have Isamus ("Icra/xos) in the passage describing the expedi¬ tion of the Graeco-Bactrian king Menander, yet there can be no doubt but that the text is corrupt, and the word Imaus should be substituted), con¬ nected with the Sanscrit himavat, " snowy" (comp. Plin. vi. 17; Bohlen, das Alte Indien, vol. i. p. 11; Lassen, Ind. Alt. vol. i. p. 17), is one of those many significative expressions which have been used for mountain masses upon every zone of the earth's sur¬ face (for instance, Mont Blanc, in Savoy, Sierra IMAUS. 1MB i; OS. 41 Nevada, in Granada and California), and survives iu the modern Himalaya. From very early times the Greeks were aware of a great line of mountains running throughout Central Asia, nearly E. and W., between the 36th and 37th degrees of latitude, and which was known by the name of the diaphragm of Dicaearehus, or the parallel of Rhodes. The Macedonian expeditions of Alexander and Seleucus Nicator opened up Asia as far as the sources of the Ganges, but not further. But the knowledge which the Greeks thus obtained of Asia was much enlarged by intercourse with other Eastern nations. The indications given by Strabo and Ptolemy {I.e.), when compared with the orographic configura¬ tion of the Asiatic continent, recognise in a very remarkable manner the principal features of the mountain chain of Central Asia, which extends from the Chinese province of Hou-pe, S. of the gulf of 1'etcheli, along the line of the Kuen-lun (not, as has generally been supposed, the Himalaya), continuing from the Hindu-Kush along the S. shores of the Caspian through Mdzanderan, and rising in the crater-shaped summit of Damn vend, through the pass of Elburz and Ghilan, until it terminates in the Taurus in the S\V. corner of Asia Minor. It is true that there is a break between Taurus and the AV. continuation of the Hindu-Kush, but the cold " plateaux " of Azerbijan and Kurdistan, and the isolated summit of Ararat, might easily give rise to the supposed continuity both of Taurus and Anti- Taurus from Karamania and Argaeus up to the high chain of Elburz, which separates the damp, wooded, and unhealthy plains of Mdzanderan from the arid " plateaux " of Irak and Khorasan. The name of Iniaus was, as has been seen, in the first instance, applied by the Greek geographers to the Hindu-Kush and to the chain parallel to the equator to which the name of Himalaya is usually given in the present day. Gradually the name was transferred to the colossal intersection running N. and S.,—the meridian axis of Central Asia, or the Bolor range. The division of Asia into " intra et extra Imaum" was unknown to Strabo and Pliny, though the latter describes the knot of mountains formed by the intersections of the Himalaya, the Hindu-Kush, and Bohr, by the expression " quorum (Montes Ernodi) promontorium Imaus vocatur " (vi. 17). The Bolor chain has been for ages, with one or two exceptions, the boundary between the empires of China and Turkestan; but the ethnographical distinction between" Sc.ythia intra et extra Imaum" was probably suggested by the division of India into " intra et extra Gangem," and of the whole con¬ tinent into " intra et extra Taurum." In Ptolemy, or rather in the maps appended to all the editions, and attributed to Agathodaemon, the meridian chain of Imaus is prolonged up to the most northerly plains of the lrtych and Obi. The positive notions of the ancients upon the route of commerce from the Euphrates to the Seres, forbid the opinion, that the idea of an Imaus running from N. to S., and N. of the Himalaya, dividing Upper Asia into two equal parts, was a mere geographic dream. The expres¬ sions of Ptolemy are so precise, that there can be little doubt but that he was aware of the existence of the Bolor range. In the special description of Central Asia, he speaks twice of Imaus running from S. to N., and, indeed, clearly calls it a meridian chain (Kara /J.eari/j.§piw))v ttws ypay.fx-r]v, l'tol. vi. 14. § 1: comp. vi. 13. § 1), and places at the foot of Imaus the Bvltae (BDAtcu, vi. 13. § 3), in the country of Little Thibet, which still bears the in¬ digenous name of Baltistan. At the sources of the Indus are the Daradrae (via. 1. § 42), the Dardars or Dealers mentioned in the poem of the Mahabhdrata and in the fragments of Megasthenes, through whom the Greeks received accounts of the region of auriferous sand, and who occupied the S. slopes of the Indian Caucasus, a little to the W. of Kaschmir. It is to be remarked that Ptolemy does not attach Imaus to the Comedorum Montes (Koundouz), but places the Imaus too far to the E., 8° further than the meridian of the principal source of the Ganges (Gungotri). The cause of this mis¬ take, in placing Imaus so far further towards the E. than the Bolor range, no doubt arose from the data upon which Ptolemy came to his conclusion being selected from two different sources. The Greeks first became acquainted with the Comedorum Montes when they passed the Indian Caucasus be¬ tween Cabul and Balkh, and advanced over the " plateau " of Bamian along the W. slopes of Bolor, where Alexander found, in the tribe of the Sibae, the descendants of Heracles (Strab. xvi. p. GS8), just as Marco Polo and Burnes ( Travels in Bokhara, vol. ii. p. 214) met with people who boasted that they had sprung from the Macedonian conquerors. The N. of Bolor was known from the route of the traffic of the Seres, as described by Marinus of Tyre and Ptolemy (i. 12). The combination of notions obtained from such different sources was imperfectly made, and hence the error in longi¬ tude. These obscure orographical relations have been illustrated by Humboldt upon the most logical prin¬ ciples, and the result of many apparently contra¬ dictory accounts is so presented as to form one connected whole. (Asie Centrale, vol. i. pp. 100 —1G4, vol. ii. pp.365—440.) The Bolor range is one link of a long series of elevated ranges running, as it were, from S. to N., which, with axes parallel to each other, but alter¬ nating in their localities, extend from Cape Comorin to the ley Sea, between the 64th and 75th degrees of longitude, keeping a mean direction of SSE. and NNW. Lassen (JndischeA Iterthumskunde) coincides with the results obtained by Humboldt. [E. B. J.] 1'MBKASUS ("1/j.Spacros), one of the three small rivers flowing down from Mount Ainpelus in the island of Samos. (Strab. xiv. p. 637 ; Plin. v. 37.) According to a fragment from Callimachus (213; comp. Schol. ad Apollon. Rhod. i. 187, ii. 868), this river, once called Parthenius, flowed in front of the ancient sanctuary of Hera, outside the town of Samos, and the goddess derived from it the surname of Iinbrasia. [L. S.] IMBRINIUM. [Samnium.] IMBROS ("Iy.§pos: Eth. "\n§pios), an island in the Aegaean sea, off' the SW. coast of the Thracian Chersonesus, and near the islands of Samothrace and Lemnos. According to Pliny (iv. 12. s. 23), Im- bros is 62 miles in circumference; but this is nearly double its real size. It is mountainous and well wooded, and its highest summit is 1845 feet above the level of the sea. It contains, however, several fertile valleys, and a river named Uissus in antiquity. (Plin. I. c.) Its town on the northern side was called by the same name, and there are still sonio ruins of it remaining. Imbros was inhabited in early times by the Pelasgians, and was, like the neighbouring island of Samothrace, celebrated for its 42 IMEUS MONS. INATUS. worship of the Cabeiri and Hermes, whom the Ca- rians called Imbrasus. (Steph. B. s. v. "lfx§pos.) Both the island and the city of Imbros are mentioned by Homer, who gives to the former the epithet of irai-KaXoiffar). {II. xiii. 33, xiv.281, xxiv. 78, Hymn, in Apoll. 36.) The island was annexed to the Per¬ sian empire by Otanes, a general of Dareius, at which time it was still inhabited by Pelasgians. (Herod, v. 26.) It was afterwards colonised by the Athenians, and was no doubt taken by Miltiades along with Lemnos. It was always regarded in later times as an ancient Athenian possession: thus the peace of Antalcidas, which declared the inde¬ pendence of all the Grecian states, nevertheless al¬ lowed the Athenians to retain possession of Lemnos, Imbros, and Scyros (Xen. Ilell. iv. 8. § 15, v. 1. § 31); and at the end of the war with Philip the Ro- mans restored to the same people the islands of Lemnos, Imbros, Dclos, and Scyros. (Liv. xxxiii. 30.) The coins of Imbros have the common Athe¬ nian emblem, the head of Pallas. Imbros seems to have afforded good anchorage. The fleet of An- tiochus first sailed to Imbros, and from thence crossed over to Sciathus. (Liv. xxxv. 43.) The ship which carried Ovid into exile also anchored in the harbour of Imbros, which the poet calls " Imbria coin of dibkos. tell us." (Ov. Irkt. i. 10, 18.) The island is still called by its ancient name, Embro or Imru. IMEUS MONS, is the name given in the Tabula Peutingeriana to the mountain pass which leads from the basin of the lake Fucinus to that of the Peligni, and was traversed by the Via Valeria on the way from Alba to Corfinium. This pass, now called the Forca Carruso, must in all ages have been an important line of communication, being a natural saddle-like depression in the ridge which bounds the lake Fucinus on the E., so that the ascent from Coll' A rmeno (Cerfennia) to the sum¬ mit of the pass (a distance of 5 miles) presents but little difficulty. The latter is the highest point reached by the line of the Valerian Way in traversing the whole breadth of Italy from one sea to the other, but is elevated only a few hundred feet above the lake Fucinus. The Roman road across this pass was first rendered practicable for carriages by the emperor Claudius, who continued the Via Valeria from Cerfennia to the mouth of the Aternus. [Cer¬ fennia.] {Tab. Peut.; Holsten. Not. ad Cluv. p. 154; Kramer, Fuciner See,, pp. 14,60.) [E. H. B.] IMMADBUS or IMMADIiA, a position on the coast of Gallia Narbonensis between Telo (Toulon') and Massilia. The distances along the coast were doubtless accurately measured, but we cannot be cer¬ tain that they are accurately given in theMSS.; and it seems that the routes, especially in the parts near the coast, have been sometimes confounded. Immadrus, the next station east of Marseille, is placed by D'Anville, and others who follow him. at the Isle de Maire; but the numbers will not agree. The real distance is much less than xii. M. P., which is the distance in the Itin.; and D'Anville, applying his usual remedy, alters it to vii. But Walckenaer well objects to fixing on a little island or rock as the po¬ sition of Immadrus, and then charging the Itinerary with being wrong. He finds the distance from a little bay west of Cap Morgiou to Marseille to agree with the Itin. measure of 12 M. P. [G. L.] IMMUNDUS SINUS (anadapros k6\ttos, Strab. xvii. p. 770; L>iod. iii. 39; Ptol. iv. 5. § 7; Plin. vi. 29. s. 33), the modern Fold Bay, in lat. 22° N., derived its appellation from the badness of its an¬ chorage, and the difficulty of navigating vessels among its numerous reefs and breakers. In its furthest western recess lay the city of Berenice, founded, or rather enlarged, by Ptolemy Philadelphia, and so named by him in honour of his mother, the widow of Ptolemy Soter; and opposite its mouth was the island Opliiodes, famous alike for the reptiles which infested it, and its quarries of topaz. The latter was much employed by Aegyptian artisans for ornamenting rings, scarabaei, &c., &c. [Bere¬ nice.] " [W. B. D.] IMUS PYRENAEUS, a station in Aquitania, at the northern base of the Pyrenees, on the road from Aquae Tarbellicae (Lax) to Pompelon (Pamplona) in Spain. Imus Pyrenaeus is between Carasa {Garis) and the Summus Pyrenaeus. The Summus Pyrenaeus is the Sonnnet de Castel-Pinon ; and the Imus Pyrenaeus is St. Jean-Pied-de-Port, " at the foot of the pass." The distance in the Itin. between Summus Pyrenaeus and Imus Pyrenaeus is v., which D'Anville would alter to x., to fit the real dis¬ tance. Walckenaer takes the measure to be Gallic leagues, and therefore the v. will be equivalent to 7Jf M. P. [G. L.] INA (*I va, Ptol.: Eth. Inensis), a town of Sicily, the position of which is wholly unknown, except that Ptolemy reckons it among the inland towns in the south of the island. (Ptol. iii. 4. § 15.) That author is the only one of the geographers that mentions it, and the name has been thought corrupt ; but it is supported by the best MSS. of Ptolemy, and the reading " Inenses" is equally well supported in Cicero {Verr. iii. 43), where the old editions had " Ennenses." (Zumpt, ad loc.~) The orator appears to rank them among the minor communities of the island which had been utterly ruined by the exactions of Verres. [E. H. B.] INACIIO'RIUM ('Imx^p'oi', Ptol. iii. 17. § 2), a city of Crete, which, from the similarity of sound, Mr. Pashley (Trav. vol. ii. p. 78) is inclined to be¬ lieve was situated in the modern district of Enned- hhorid, on the W. coast of Crete. (Ilock, Kreta, vol. i. p. 379.) [E. B. J.l I'NACHUS ("Ira^os). 1. A river of the Argeia. [Argos, p. 200, b.] 2. A river in the territory of Argos Amphilochi- cum. [Argos Ampiiilocii., p. 208, b.] INAU1ME. [Aenaria.] I'NATUS ("Ivaros, Ptol. iii. 17. § 2), a city of Crete, the same, no doubt, as Einatus {"Etva-ros, Steph. B.; Hesych. Etym. Marjn. s. v.), situated on a mountain and river of the same name. The Peu- tinger Table puts a place called Inata on a river 24 M. 1'. E. of Lisia, and 32 II. P. W. of Ilierapytna. These distances agree well with the three or four hamlets known by the name Kastdiand, derived from the Venetian fortress, Castle Belvedere, situ¬ ated on a hill a little to the N. of the villages. The INCARUS. goddess Eileithyia is said to have been worshipped here, and to have obtained one of her epithets from it. (Callim, Fr. 1G8; Pashley, Trav. vol. i. p. 289; Iliick, Kreta, vol. i. p. 412.) [E. 15. J.] 1NCARUS, on the coast of Gallia Narbonensis, is placed by the It in. next to Massilia. It is west of Massilia, and the distance is 12 M. I'. The place is Carry, which retains its name. The distance of the Itin. was probably estimated by a boat rowing along the coast; and a good map is necessary to show how far it is correct. [G. L.] INCRIO'NES ('lyKpiwvts'), a tribe of the Sigam- bri, mentioned only by Ptolemy (ii. 11. § 9). They apparently occupied the southernmost part of the territory inhabited by the Sigambri. Some believe them to be the same as the Juhones of Tacitus (Ann. xiii. 57), in whose territory an extensive con¬ flagration of the soil occurred in a. d. 59. Some place them near the mouth of the river Lahn and the little town of Emjers; while others, with less probability, regard Jwjersheim, on the Neelcar, as the place once inhabited by (he Incriones. [L. S.] IXDAl'RATHAE ('IvSa-rrpada^ Ptol. viii. 2. § 18, a name, doubtless, connected with the Sanscrit In- yij, Arrian, Anab. v. 4; tj 'IvSua'i, Strab. xi. p. 514: Eth. 'IvSos), a country of great extent in the southern part of Asia, bounded on the north by the great chain of the Himalaya mountains, which extend, under variously modified names, from the Brahmaputra river on the E. to the Indus on the W., and which were known in ancient times under the names Emodus and Imaus. [Emodi Montes.] These mountains separated the plain country of India to the S. of them from the steppes of Tatary on the N., and formed the water-shed of most of the great rivers with which India is so plentifully supplied. On the E. the Brahmaputra, tyhicli sepa¬ rates it from A ra and Bnrmah, is its principal boun¬ dary; though, if the definition of India be adopted which was in vogue among the later classical geo¬ graphers, those countries as far as the commencement of the Chinese empire on the S. must be compre¬ hended within the limits of India. On the S. it is bounded by the Bay of Bengal and the Indian Ocean, and on the W. by the Indus, which separates it from Gedrosia, Arachosia, and the land of the Paropami- sadae. Some writers, indeed (as Lassen, Pentap. Indvc. Bonn, 1827), have considered the districts along the southern spurs of the Paropamisus (or Hindu-Rush) as part of India; but the passage of Pliny on which Lassen relies would make India com¬ prehend the whole of Afghanistan to Beluehistdn on the Indian Ocean; a position which can hardly be maintained as the deliberate opinion of any ancient author. It may, indeed, be doubted whether the Indians them¬ selves ever laid down any accurate boundary of their country westward (Laws of Mo nit, ii. v. 22, quoted by Lassen, Pentap. Indie, p. 8); though the Sarasruti (Ilydraotes) separated their sacred land from Western India. Generally, however, the Indus was held to be their western boundary, as is clear from Strabo's words (xv. p. 689), and may be inferred from Pliny's description (vi. 20. s. 23). It is necessary, before we proceed to give the prin¬ cipal divisions, mountain ranges, rivers, and cities of India, to trace very briefly, through the remains of classical literature, the gradual progress of the know- INDIA. 43 ledge which the ancient world possessed of this country; a land which, from first to last, seems to have been to them a constant source of wonder and admiration, and therefore not unnaturally the theme of many strange and fabulous relations, which even their most critical writers have not failed to record. Though the Greeks were not acquainted with India in the heroic ages, and though the name itself does not occur in their earliest writers, it seems not unlikely that they had some faint idea of a distant land in the far East which was very populous and fruitful. The occurrence of the names of objects of Indian merchandise, such as icaaairepos, iAetpas, and others, would seem to show this. The same thing would seem to be obscurely hinted at in the two Aethiopias mentioned by Homer, the one towards the setting,, and the other in the direction of the rising sun (Od. i. 23, 24); and a similar inference may probably be drawn from some of the early notices of these Aethiopians, whose separate histories are perpetually confounded together, many things being predicated of the African nation which could be only true of an Indian people, and vice versa. That there were a people whom the Greeks called Aethio- pes in the neighbourhood of, if not within the actual boundaries of India, is clear from Herodotus (vii. 70), who states in another place that all the Indians (ex¬ cept the Daradae) resembled the Aethiopians in the dark colour of their skins (iii. 101); while abundant instances may be observed of the intermixture of the accounts of the African and Indian Aethiopians, as, for example, in Ctesias (Indie. 7, ed. Biilir. p. 354), Pliny (viii. 30. 3), who quotes Ctesias, Scylax, in his description of India (ap. Philostrat. I 'it. A poll. iii. 14), Tzetzes (CM. vii. 144), Aelian (II. An. xvi. 31), Agatharchides (de Rubro Mari, p. 44, ed. Huds.), Pollux (Onomast. v. 5), and many other writers. Just in the same way a confusion may be noticed in the accounts of Libya, as in Herodotus (iv. 168—199; cf. Ctesias, Indie. 13), where he intermixes Indian and African tales. Even so late as Alexander's invasion, we know that the same confusion prevailed, Alexander himself believing that he would find the sources of the Kile in India. (Strab. xv. p. 696; Arrian, Exp. Alex. vi. 1.) It is not remarkable that the Greeks should have had but little knowledge of India or its inhabitants till a comparatively late period of their history, and that neither Homer nor Pindar, nor the great Greek dramatists Sophocles and Euripides, should mention by its name either India or any of its people. It is pro¬ bable that, at this early period, neither commerce nor any other cause had led the Greeks beyond the shores of Syria eastward, and that it was not till the Persian wars that the existence of vast and populous regions to the E. of Persia itself became distinctly known to them. (Some individual names may have reac hed the ears of those who inquired; perhaps some indi¬ vidual travellers may have heard of these far distant realms; such, for instance, as the physician l)e- mocedes, when residing at the court of Dareius, the son of Hystaspes (Herod, iii. 127), and Democritus of Abdera (b. c. 460—400), who is said by several authors to have travelled to Egypt, Persia, Aetliio- pia, and India (Diog. Laert. ix. 72; Strab. xvi. p. 703; Clem. Strom, i. p. 304; Suidas, s. v.). Yet little was probably known beyond a few names. The first historian who speaks clearly on the subject is Heeataeus of Miletus (b.c. 549—486). In the few fragments which remain of his writings, and which have been carefully collected by Klauscn (Berl. 44 INDIA. INDIA. 1831), the Indi anil the Indus (Fragm. 174 and 178), the Argante (Fragm. 176), the people of Opia on the banks of the Ind us (Fragm. 175), the Calatiae, (Fragm. 177; Herod, iii. 38 ; or Calantiae, Herod, iii. 97), Gandara and the Gandarii (Fragm,. 178) and their city Caspapyrus (Fragm. 179; Caspatyrus, Herod, iii. 102, iv. 44), are mentioned, in company with other Eastern places. Further, it appears, from the testimony of Herodotus, that Scylax of Caryanda, who was sent by Dareius, navigated the Indus to Caspatyrus in Pactyice, and thence along the Erythraean sea by the Arabian gulf to the coast of Egypt (iv. 44); in the course of which voyage he must have seen something of India, of which he is .said to have recorded several marvels (ef. Aristot. I'olit. vii. 14; Philostr. Vit. Apoll. Tyan. iii. 14; Tzetz. Chil. vii. 144); though Klausen has shown satisfactorily, in his edition of the fragments which remain, that the Periplus usually ascribed to this Scylax is at least as late as the time of Philip of Macedon. The notices preserved in Herodotus and the re¬ mains of Ctesias are somewhat fuller, both having had opportunities, the one as a great traveller, the other as a resident for many years at the court of Artaxerxes, which no previous writers had had. The knowledge of Herodotus (b. c. 484—408) is, however, limited to the account of the satrapies of Dareius; the twentieth of which, he states, compre¬ hended that part of India which was tributary to the Persians (iii. 94), the country of the most Eastern people with whom he was acquainted (iii. 95—102). To the S. of them, along the Indian Ocean, were, according to his view, the Asiatic Aethiopians (iii. 94); beyond them, desert. He adds that the Indians were the greatest and wealthiest people known; he speaks of the Indus (on whose banks, as well as on those of the Nile, crocodiles were to be seen) as flowing through their land (iv. 44), and mentions by name Caspatyrus (a town of Pactyice), the nomadic 1'adai (iii. 99), and the Ca¬ latiae (iii. 38) or Calantiae (iii. 97). He places also in the seventh satrapy the Gandarii (iii. 91) [Gandakae], a race who, under the name of Gandharas, are known as a genuine Sanscrit- speaking tribe, and who may therefore be considered as connected with India, though their principal seat seems to have been on the W. side of the Indus, probably in the neighbourhood of the present Can- dahiir. Ctesias (about b. c. 400) wrote twenty-three books of Persica, and one of Indica, with other works on Asiatic subjects. These are all lost, except .some fragments preserved by Photius. In his Per¬ sica he mentions some places in Bactria (Fragm. 5, cd. Biihr) and Cyrtaea, on the Erythraean sea (Fragm. 40); and in his Indica lie gives an account of the Indus, of the manners and customs of the natives of India, and of its productions, some of which bear the stamp of a too credulous mind, but are not altogether uninteresting or valueless. On the advance of Alexander through Bactriana to the banks of the Indus, a new light was thrown on the geography of India ; and the Greeks, for the first time, acquired with tolerable accuracy some knowledge of the chief features of this remarkable country. A number of writers—some of them offi¬ cers of Alexander's army—devoted themselves to a description of different parts of his route, or to an account of the events which took place during his progress from Babylon to the Hyphasis; and to the separate narratives of Beton and Diognetus, Nearchus, Onesicritus, Aristobulus, and Callis- thenes, condensed and extracted by Strabo, Pliny, and Arrian, we owe most of our knowledge of India as it appeared to the ancients. None of the original works of these writers have been preserved, but the voyage of Nearchus (the most important of them, though the places in India he names are few in number) has been apparently given by Arrian (in his Indica) with considerable minuteness. Ne¬ archus seems to have kept a day-book, in which he entered the distances between each place. He notices Pattala, on the Indus (from which he started), and Coreatis (perhaps the present KurdcJii). Pliny, who calls this voyage that of Nearchus and One¬ sicritus, adds some few places, not noticed by Arrian (vi. 23. s. 26). Onesicritus himself considered the land of the Indians to be one-third of the whole inhabited world (Strab. xv. p. 691), and was the first writer who noticed Taprobane (Ceylon). (Ibid, p. 691.) Both writers appear, from Strabo, to have left interesting memorials of the manners and cus¬ toms of the natives (Strab. xi. p. 517, xv. p. 726) and of the natural history of the country. (Strab. xv. pp. 693, 705, 716, 717 ; Aelian, J list. An. xvi. 39, xvii. 6; Plin. vi. 22. s. 24, vii. 2. s. 2; Tzetz. Chil. iii. 13.) Aristobulus is so frequently quoted by Arrian and Strabo, that it is not improbable that he may have written a distinct work on India : he is mentioned as noticing the swelling and floods of the rivers of the Panjdb, owing to the melting of the snow and the rain (Strab. xv. p. 691), the mouths of the Indus (p. 701), the Braehmanes at Taxila (p. 714), the trees of Hyrcania and India (xi. p. 509), the rice and the mode of its tillage (xv. p. 692), and the fish of the Nile and Indus, respec¬ tively (xv. p. 707, xvii. p. 804). Subsequently to these writers,—probably all in the earlier part of the third century is. c., —were some others, as Megasthenes, Daimachus, Patrocles and Ti- mosthenes, who contributed considerably to the in¬ creasing stock of knowledge relative to India. Of these, the most valuable additions were those acquired by Megasthenes and Daimachus, who were respectively ambassadors from Seleucus to the Courts of San- drocottus (Chandragupta) and his successor Alli- trochades (Strab. ii. p. 70, xv. p. 702 ; Plin. vi. 17. s. 21), or, as it probably ought to be written, Amitrocliades. Megasthenes wrote a work often quoted by subsequent writers, which he called ta 'IvdiKa (Athen. iv. p. 153; Clem. Alex. Strom, i. p. 132 ; Joseph, c. Apion. i. 20, Antiq. x. 11. § 1), in which he probably embodied the results of his observations. From the fragments which remain, and which have been carefully collected by Schwan- beck (Megasthenis Indica, Bonn, 1846), it appears that he was the first to give a tolerably accu¬ rate account of the breadth of India, — making it about 16,000 stadia (Arrian, iii. 7, 8; Strab. i. p. 68, xv. p. 689),—to mention the Ganges by name, and to state that it was larger than the Indus (Arrian, v. 6, 10, Indie. 4, 13), and to give, besides this, some notice of no less than fifteen tributaries of the Indus, and nineteen of the Ganges. Ho remarked that India contained 118 nations, and so many cities that they could not be numbered (Arrian, Indie. 7, 10); and observed (the first among the Greeks) the existence of castes among the people (Strab. xv. p. 703; Arrian, Ind. 11, 12; Diod. ii. 40, 41; Solin. c. 52), with some peculiarities of the Indian religious system, and of the Braehmanes (or BraJi INDIA. ■mans). (Strab. xv. pp. 711—714; Clem. Alex. Strain, i. 131.) Again Daimachus, who lived for a long time at Palibothra (Strab. ii. p. 70), wrote a work upon India, which, though according to Strabo full of fables, must also have contained much valu¬ able information. Patrocles, whom Strabo evidently deemed a writer of veracity (Strab. ii. p. 70), as the admiral of Seleucus, sailed upon the Indian Ocean, and left an account, in which he stated his belief that India was the same breadth that Me- gasthcnes had maintained (Strab. ii. p. G9. xv. ]). 689); but also that it could be circumnavigated— an erroneous view, which seems to have arisen from the idea, that the Caspian Sea and the Northern Ocean were connected. (Strab. ii. p. 74, xi. p. 518.) With the establishment of the mathematical schools at Alexandria, commenced a new aera in Grecian geography; the first systematic arrangement of the divisions of the earth's surface being made by Eratosthenes (u.c. 276—161), who drew a series of parallels of latitude—at unequal distances, however —through a number of places remotely distant from one another. According to his plan, his most southern parallel was extended through Taprobane and the Cinnamon coast (theSE. end of the Arabian Gulf); his second parallel (at an interval of 3400 stadia) passed though the S. coast of India, the mouths of the Indus and Meroe; his third (at an interval of 5000 stadia) passed through Palibothra and Syene ; his fourth (at a similar interval) con¬ nected the Upper Ganges, Indus, and Alexandria; his fifth (at an interval of 3750 stadia) passed through Thina (the capital of the Seres), the whole chain of the Emodus, Imaus, Paropamisus, and the island of Rhodes. (Strab. i. p. 08, ii. pp. 113—132.) At the same time he drew seven parallels of lon¬ gitude (or meridians), the first of which passed through the E. coast of China, the second through the mouths of the Ganges, and the third through those of the Indus. His great geographical error was that the intersection of his meridians and lati¬ tudes formed right angles. (Strab. ii. pp. 79, 80, 92, 93.) The shape of the inhabited portion of the globe he compared to a Macedonian Cldamys ex¬ tended. (Strab. ii. p. 118, xi. p. 519; Macrob. Soma. Scip. ii. 9.) The breadth of India between the Ganges and Indus he made to be 16,000 stadia. Taprobane, like his predecessors, he held to be 5000 stadia long. Ilipparchus (about u.c. 150), the father of Greek astronomy, followed Patrocles, Daimachus, and Megasthenes, in his view of the shape of India; making it, however, not so wide at the S. as Era¬ tosthenes had made it (Strab. ii. pp. 77,81), but much wider towards the N., even to the extent of from 20,000 to 30,000 stadia (Strab. ii. p. G8). Ta¬ probane he held not to be an island, but the com¬ mencement of another continent, which extended onward to the S. and W., — following, probably, the idea which had prevailed since the time of Aristotle, that Africa and SE. India were connected on the other side of the Indian Ocean. (Mela, iii. 7. § 7; Plin. vi. 22. s. 24.) Artemidorus (about b. c. 100) states that the Ganges rises in the Montes Emodi, flows S. till it arrives at Gauge, and then E. by Palibothra to its mouths (Strab. xv. p. 719): Ta¬ probane he considered to be about 7000 stadia long and 500 broad (Steph. B.). The whole breadth of India, from the Ganges to the Indus, he made to be 1G,000 stadia. (Plin. vi. 19. s. 22.) The greater part of all that was known up to his INDIA. 45 time was finally reduced into a consistent shape bv Strabo (b. c. GG—a. d. 3G). His view of India was not materially different from that which had been the received opinion since Eratosthenes, lie held that it was the greatest and most Eastern land in the world, and the Ganges its greatest stream (ii. p. 130, xv. pp. 690, 719) ; that it stretched S. as far as the parallel of Meroe, but not so far N. as Ilipparchus thought (ii. pp. 71, 72, 75); that it was in shape like a lozenge, the S. and E. being the longest sides. Its greatest breadth was 16,000 stadia on the E., its least 13,000 on the W. ; its greatest length on the S., 19,000 stadia. Below the S. coast he placed Taprobane, which was, in his opinion, not less than Great Britain (ii. p. 130, xv. p. 690). Pliny the Elder and Pomponius Mela, who were contemporaries, added somewhat to the geographical knowledge previously acquired, by in¬ corporating into their works the results of different expeditions sent out during the earlier emperors. Thus, Pliny follows Agrippa in making India 3300 51.1'. long, and 2300 51. P. broad, though lie him¬ self suggests a different and shorter distance (vi. 17. s. 21); while, after Seneca, he reckoned that it contained 118 peoples and 60 rivers. The Emodus, Imaus, Paropamisus, and Caucasus, he connected in one continued chain from E. to W., stating that S. of these great mountains, the land was, like Egypt, one vast plain (vi. 18. s. 22), comprehending many wastes and much fruitful land (vi. 20. s. 23). For a fuller notice of Taprobane than had been given by previous writers, he was indebted to the ambas¬ sadors of the emperor Claudius, from whom he learnt that it had towards India a length of 10,000 stadia, and 500 towns,— one, the capital, Palaesi- mundum, of vast size. The sea between it and the continent is, he says, very shallow, and the distance from the nearest point a journey of four days (vi. 22. s. 24). The measurements of the distances round the coast of India he gives with some minuteness, and in some instances with less exaggeration than his predecessors. With Marinus of Tyre and Claudius rtolemacus, in the middle of the second century, the classical knowledge of geography may be said to terminate. The latter, especially, has, in this branch of know¬ ledge, exercised an influence similar to that of Aristotle in the domain of the moral and physical sciences. Both writers took a more comprehensive view of India than had been taken before, owing in some degree to the journey of a Macedonian trader named Titianus, whose travels extended along the Taurus to the capital of China (Ptol. i. 11. § 7), and to the voyage cf a sailor named Alexander, who found his way across the Indian Ocean to Cattigara (Ptol. i. 14. § 1), which Ptolemy places in Lit. 8° 30' S., and between 170° and 180° E. long. Hence, his idea that the Indian Ocean was a vast central sea, with land to the S. Taprobane he held to bo four times as big as it really is (vii. 4), and the largest island in the world ; and he mentions a cluster of islands to the NE. and S. (in all pro¬ bability, those now known as the Maldives and Lac- cadives). In the most eastern part of India, be¬ yond the Gulf of Bengal, which he terms the Golden Chersonesus, he speaks of Iabadius and Maniolae; the first of which is probably that now known as Java, while the name of the second has been most likely preserved in Manilla. The main divisions of India into India intra Gangem and India extra Gamjem, have been adopted by the 46 INDIA. INDIA. majority of subsequent geographers, from Ptolemy. Subsequent to this date, there are few works which full within the range of classical geography, or which have added any information of real value on the subject of India ; while most of them have borrowed from Ptolemy, whose comprehensive work was soon a text-book in the hands of learned men. From Agathemerus (at the end of the second century) and Dionysius Periegetes (towards the end of the third century) some few particulars maybe gleaned: — as for instance, from the latter, the establish¬ ment of the Indo-Scythi along the banks of the Indus, in Scinile and Guzerat; and, from a work known by the name of Perij>lus Maris Erythraei (the date of which, though late, is not certainly determined), some interesting notices of the shores of the Indian Ocean. Festus Avienus, whose para¬ phrase of Dionysius Periegetes supplies some lacunae in other parts of his work, adds nothing of interest to his metrical account of Indian Geography. Such may serve as a concise outline of the pro¬ gress of knowledge in ancient times relative to India. Before, however, we proceed to describe the country itself under the various heads of mountains, rivers, provinces, and cities, it will be well to say a few words on the origin of the name India, with some notice of the subdivisions which were in use among the earlier geographers, but which we have not thought it convenient in this place to perpetuate. The names Indus, India, are no doubt derived from the Sanscrit appellation of the river, Sindhu, which, in the plural form, means also the people who dwelt along its banks. The adjoining countries have adopted this name, with slight modifications: thus, llendu is the form in the Zend or old Persian, Iloddu in the Hebrew (Esther, i. 1, viii. 9). The Greek language softened down the word by omitting the h, hence "IySos, "ludia; though in some instances the native name was preserved almost unchanged, as in the of the Periplus Maris Erythraei. Pliny bears testimony to the native form, when he says, " Indus incolis Sindus appellatus" (vi. 20. s. 23). The great divisions of India which have been usually adopted are those of Ptolemy (vii. 1. § 1), into,—(1) India intra Gangem, avast district, which was bounded, according to that geographer, on the W. by the Paropamisadae, Arachosia, and Gedrosia; on the N. by the Imaus, in the direction of the Sog- diani and Sacae; on the E. by the Ganges, and on the S. by a part of the Indian Ocean : and (2) India extra Ganr/em (Ptol. vii. 2. § 1), which was bounded on the W. by the Ganges; on the N. by Scythia and Serica; on the E. by the Sinae, and by a line extended from their country to the MeyaAos KoAiros (Gulf of Siam); and on the S. by the Indian Ocean, and a line drawn from the island of Menuthias (Ptol. vii. 2. § 1), whence it appears that Ptolemy considered that the Ganges flowed nearly due N. and S. We have considered that this division is too arbitrary to be adopted here; we merely state it as the one proposed by l'tolemy and long current among geographers. The later ecclesiastical writers made use of other terms, as r\ evSorepw "Ivdia, in which they included even Arabia (Socrat. II. E. i. 19 ; Theod. i. 23 ; Theoph. i. 35), and ?? eax^T7l "'i-vSia (Sozomen, ii. 23). The principal mountains of India (considered as a whole) were: — the eastern portion of the I'aropamisus (m- Ilindu-Kush), the Imaus (Ilaimava), and the Emodus (now known by the generic name of the Himalaya.) To the extreme E. were the Monte,s Semanthini, the boundary of the land of the Sinae, the Montes Damassi, and the Bepyrrhus M. (probably the present Karalca M.). An extension of the M. Damassi is the Maeandrus M. (now Muin-Mura). In India intra Gangem Ptolemy mentions many mountains, the names of which can with difficulty be supplied with their modern representatives: as the Orudii M., in the S. extremity of the land between the Tyndis and the Chaberus; the Uxentus M., to the N. of them; the Adisathrus M.; the Bittigo M. (probably the range now known as the Ghats), and the M. Vindius (unquestionably the present Vind- hya), which extend NE. and SW. along the N. bank of the Nerbudda ; M. Sardonix (probably the present Sautpura) ; and SI. Apocopa (perhaps the present Aravelli). The principal promontories in India are: — in the extreme E., Promontorium Magnum, the western side of the Sinus Magnus; Malaei Colon, on the S. coast of the golden peninsula; Promontorium Aureae Chersonesi, the southern termination of the Sinus Sabaracus, on the western side of the Chersonesus; Cory or Calligicum, between the S. Argaricus anil the S. Colchicus, near the SW. end of the peninsula of Hindustan; Comaria (now C. Comorin), the most southern point of Hindostdn ; Calae Carias (or Calli- caris), between the towns Anamagara and Muziris; Simylla (or Semylla, the southern end of the S. Barygazenus, perhaps the present C. St. John), and Maleum. In the same direction from E. to W. are the fol¬ lowing gulfs and bays:—theSinusMagnus(nowG«//" of Siam); S. Perimulieus, and Sabaricus, on the E. and W. side of the Chersonesus Aurea; S. Gangeti- cus (Bay of Bengal), S. Argaricus, opposite the N. end of Taprobane (probably Palks Bay) ; S. Col¬ chicus (Bay of Manaar); S. Barygazenus (Gulf of Cambay), and S. Canthi (most likely the Gulf of Catch). The rivers of India arc very numerous, and many of them of great size. The most important (from E. to W.) are the Dorias (Salven ?) and Doanas (the Irrawaddy), the Chrysoana, Besynga, the Tocosanna (probably the present Arrakan), and the Catabeda (now Curmsul); the Ganges, with many tributaries, themselves large rivers. [Ganges.] Along the W. side of the Bay of Bengal are the Adamas (Brahnini), Dosaron (Malianadi), Maesolus (Goduvari), Tyndis (Kistna), and the Chaberis or Chaberus (the Cdveri). Along the shores of the Indian Ocean are the Nanaguna (Tarty), the Na- madus (Narmadd or Nerbudda), and lastly the Indus, with its several tributaries. [Indus.] The towns in India known to the ancients were very numerous; yet it is remarkable that but few details have been given concerning them in the different authors of whose works fragments still remain. Generally, these writers seem to have been content with a simple list of the names, adding, in some instances, that such a place was an im¬ portant mart for commerce. The probability is, that, even so late as Ptolemy, few cities had reached suf¬ ficient importance to command the productions of an extensive surrounding country; and that, in fact, with one or two exceptions, the towns which he and others enumerate were little more than the head places of small districts, and in no sense capitals of great empires, such as Ghazna, Delhi, and Calcutta have become in later periods of Indian history. Be¬ ginning from the extreme E., the principal states and towns mentioned in the ancient writers are: Periinula INDIA. on tlie E. coast of the Golden Chersonesus (in the neighbourhood of Malacca); Tacola (perhaps Tarai or Tavoy); Triglyphon, in the district of the Cyrrlia- diae, at the mouth of the.Brahmaputra (now Tiperah or Tripura); and Cattigara, the exact position of which has been much disputed among geographers, but which Lassen has placed conjecturally in Borneo. Northward of Triglyphon are a number of small dis¬ tricts, about which nothing certain is known, as Chalcitis, Basanarae, Cacobae, and Aminachae, the Indrapratliae, and Iberingae; and to the YV., along the swamp-land at the foot of the Himalaya chain, are the Tiladae, Passalae, Coraneali,and the Tacaraei. All the above may be considered as belonging to India extra Gangem. Again, from the line of coast from E. to W., the first people along the western mouths of the Ganges are called the Gangaridae, with their chief town Gange (in the neighbourhood of the modern Cal¬ cutta); the Calingae, with their chief towns Par¬ tialis and Dandagula (the latter probably Calina- puttana, about halfway between Mahdnadi and Goddrari) ; the Maesoli and Maesolia, occupying nearly the same range of coast as that now called the Circars, with the capital Pitynda, and Conta- cossyla (J[asulipcittana ?) and Alosygna on the sea- coast; W. of the Maesolus (Goddrari), the Arvarni, with the chief town Malanga (probably Manda- rdyja, the present Madras). Then follow the So- ringi and Bati, till we come to the land of Pandion (rTcw5iovos x^pct), which extends to the southern extremity of the peninsula of Ilindustdn, and was a district of great wealth and importance at the time of the Periplus. (Peripl. pp. 31, 33.) There can be 110 doubt that the land of Pandion is the same as the Indian Pdndja, and its capital Modura the present Mathura. Within the same district were Argara (whence the S. Argaricus derives its name), the Carei, and the Colehi. At the SW. end of the peninsula were Cottiara (Cochin), and Comaria, whence the promontory Comorin derives its name. Following the western coast, we arrive at Limyrica (Peripl. pp. 30, 36), undoubtedly in the neighbour¬ hood of Manyalore, with its chief towns Carura (most likely Coimbatore, where a great quantity of Roman coins have been dug up during the last fifteen years) and Tyndis (in the neighbourhood of Goa)\ and then Musopale, Nitrae, and Mandagara; all places on the sea-coast, or at no great distance from it. Somewhat further inland, within the district known generically at the time of the Periplus by the name of Daehinabades (Dakhinabhuda, or Deccan), was the district of Ariaca ('Apia/cot 5a5atw, Ptol. vii. 1. §§ 6, 82; cf. Peripl. p. 30), with its chief town I lippocura (Nandira or Ilydrabad, if not, as Bitter has imagined,the sea-port Manrjulore)-, Baetana, Simylla (on the coast near Bassein), Omenagara (undoubtedly the celebrated fortress Ahmed-nay a r), and Tagara (Peripl. p. 19), the present lieorjhir. Further N., the rich commercial state of Larice appears to have extended from the Namadus (Xarmadd or Ker- budda) to Barygaza (Beroaclt) and the Gulf of Cambuy. Its chief town was, in Ptolemy's time, O/.ene (Oujein or Ujjayini), a place well known to the antiquaries of India for the vast numbers of the earliest Indian coinage constantly found among its ruins; Minnagara, the position of which is doubtful, and Barygaza, the chief emporium of the commerce of Western India. North of Larice was Syrastrene (Saura slit ran), to the west of the Gulf of Cambuy; and still further to the westward, at the mouths of INDIA. 47 the Indus, Pattalene (Lower Scinde, and the neigh¬ bourhood of Knruchi), with its capital Pattala (Pot a la.) It is much more difficult to determine the exact site of the various tribes and nations mentioned in ancient authors as existing in the interior of the country, than it is to ascertain the corresponding modern localities of those which occupied the sea- coast. Some, however, of them can be made out with sufficient certainty, by comparison of their classical names with the Sanscrit records, and in some instances with the modern native appellations. Following, then, the course of the Indus northwards, we find, at least in the times of Ptolemy and of the Periplus, a wide-spread race of Scythian origin, occu¬ pying both banks of the river, in a district called, from them, Indo-Scytiiia. The exact limits of their country cannot now be traced; but it is pro¬ bable that they extended from Pattalene on the S. as far as the lower ranges of the Hindu-Kush, — in fact, that their empire swayed over the whole of modern Scinde and the Punjab ; a view which is borne out by the extensive remains of their Topes and coinage, which are found throughout these dis¬ tricts, and especially to the northward, near the head waters of the three western of the Five Rivers. A great change had no doubt taken place by the suc¬ cessful invasion of a great horde of Scythians to¬ wards the close of the second century b. c., as they are known to have overthrown the Greek kingdom of Bactriana, at the same time effacing many of the names of the tribes whom Alexander had met with two centuries before, such as the Aspasii, Assa- ceni, Massiani, Hippasii; with the towns of Aca- dera, Daedala, Massaga, and Embolima, which are preserved in Arrian, and others of Alexander's his¬ torians. Further N., along the bases of the Paropamisus, Imaus, and Emodus, in the direction from W. to E., we find mention of the Sampatae, the district Suastene (now Sewad), and Goryaea, with the towns Gorya and Dionysopolis, or Nagara (now Nayar); and further E., between the Suastus and the Indus, the Gandarae (one, doubtless, of the ori¬ ginal seats of the Gandhdras). Following the mountain-range to the E., we come to Caspiria (now Cashmir, in earlier times known, as we have seen, to Herodotus, under the name of Caspatyrus). South¬ ward of Cashmir was the territory of Varsa, with its capital Taxila, a place of importance so early as the time of Alexander (Arrian, v. 8), and probably indi¬ cated now by the extensive remains of Munikydla (Burnes, Travels, vol. i. p. 65), if, indeed, these are not too much to the eastward. A little further S. was the land of Pandous (IlavSaioi; X^Pai doubtless the representative of one of the Pandava dynasties of early Hindu history), during the time of Alexander the territory of the king Porus. Further eastward were the slate Cylindrine, with the sources of the Sutledye, Jumna, and Ganges ; and the Gangani, whose territory extended into the highest range of the Himalaya.. Many small states and towns arc mentioned in the historians of Alexander's campaigns along the upper Punjab, which we cannot here do more than glance at, as Peucelaotis(-PttsM-<7Zaraft), Nicaea,Bucephala, the Glaucanitae, and the Sibae or Sibi. Following next the course of the Ganges, we meet with the Daetichae, the Nanichae, Prasiaca; and theMandalae, with its cele¬ brated capital Pali hot bra (beyond all doubt the present Pdtuliputra, or J'utua), situated at the junction ol 48 INDIA. INDIA. the Erannoboas (Iliranjdvaha) and the Ganges; with some smaller states, as the Surasenae, and the towns Methora and Clisobra, which were subject to the Prasii. Southward from Palibothra, in the in¬ terior of the plain country, dwelt the Cocconagae, 011 the banks of the Adamas, the Sabarae, the Sala- ceni, the Drillophy 1 litae, the Adeisathri, with their capital Sagida (probably the present Sohar/jmr'), si¬ tuated on the northern spurs of the Vindhya, at no great distance from the sources of the Sonus. Be¬ tween the Sonus and the Ganges were the Bolin- gae. In a NW. direction, beyond the Sonus and the Vindhya, we find a territory called Sandrabatis, and the Gymnosophistae, who appear to have oc¬ cupied the country now called Sirhind, as far as the river Sutledge. The Caspeiraei (at least in the time of Ptolemy; see Ptol. vii. 1. § 47) seem to have extended over a considerable breadth of coun¬ try, as their sacred town Modura (Mo'5oi/pa rj twu ib(dv') was situated, apparently, at no great distance from the Nerbudda, though its exact position has not been identified. The difficulty of identification is much, indeed, increased by the error of reckoning which prevails throughout Ptolemy, who held that the coast of India towards the Indian Ocean was in a straight line E. and W. from Taprobane and the Indus, thereby placing Nanaguna and the Namadus in the same parallel of latitude. On the southern spurs of the Vindhya, between the Namadus and Nanaguna, on the edge of the Deccan, were the I'liyllitae and Gondali; and to the E. of them, be¬ tween the BittigoM. and the riverChaberus (Cdveri), the nomad Sorae (SaJpat vojUaSes), with a chief town Sora, at the eastern end of M. Bittigo. To the southward of these, on the Chaberus and Solen, were several smaller tribes, the Brachmani Magi, the Am- bastae, Bettigi or Bitti, and the Tabassi. All the above-mentioned districts and towns of any importance are more fully described under their respective names. The ancients appear to have known but little of the islands which are now considered to form part of the East Indies, with the exception of Taprobane or Ceylon, of which Pliny and Ptolemy have left some considerable notices. The reason is, that it was not till a much later period of the world's his¬ tory that the Indian Archipelago was fully opened out by its commercial resources to scientific inquiry. Besides Ceylon, however, Ptolemy mentions, in its neighbourhood, a remarkable cluster of small islands, doubtless (as we have remarked before) those now known as the Laccadives and Maldives; the island of Iabadius (Java), below the Chersonesus Aurea; and the Satyrorum Insulae, on the same parallel with the S. end of this Chersonesus, which may perhaps answer to the Anamba or Natnna islands. Of the government of India, considered as a whole, comparatively little was known to the Greek writers; indeed, with the exception of occasional names of kings, it may be asserted that they knew nothing E. of Palibothra. Nor is this strange ; direct connec¬ tion with the interior of the country ceased with the fall of the Graeco-Bactrian empire; from that period almost all the information about India which found its way to the nations of the West was derived from the merchants and others, who made voy¬ ages to the different out-ports of the country. It may be worth while to state briefly here some of the principal rulers mentioned by the Greek and Roman writers; premising that, previous to the ad¬ vance of Alexander, history is on these subjects silent. Previous, indeed, to Alexander, we have nothing on which we can rely. There is no evidence that Darius himself invaded any part of India, though a portion of the NW. provinces of Bactria may have paid him tribute, as stated by Herodotus. The ex¬ peditions of Dionysus and Hercules, and the wars of Sesostris and Semiramis in India, can be considered as nothing more than fables too credulously recorded by Ctesias. At the time of the invasion of Alex¬ ander the Great, there can be no doubt that there was a settled monarchy in the western part of India, and his dealings with it are very clearly to be made out. In the north of the Punjab was the town or district Taxila (probably Manikydla, or very near it), which was ruled by a king named Taxiles ; it being a frequent Indian custom to name the king from the place he ruled over. His name in Dio- dorus is Mophis (xvii. 86), and in Curtius, Ompliis (viii. 12), which was probably the real one, and is itself of Indian origin. It appears that Alexander left his country as he found it. (Strab. xv. pp. 698, 699, 716.) The name of Taxiles is not mentioned in any Indian author. The next ruler Alexander met with was Porus (probably Paurava Sanscr., a change which Strabo indicates in that of Aapiam\v into AapzLov), with whom Taxiles had been at war. (Arrian, v. 21.) Alexander appears to have suc¬ ceeded in reconciling them, and to have increased the empire of Porus, so as to make liis rule compre¬ hend the whole country between the Hydaspes and Acesines. (Arrian, v. 20, 21, 29.) His country is not named in any Indian writer. Shortly afterwards, Alexander received an embassy and presents from Abisaris (no doubt Abhisdrai), whose territory, as has been shown by Prof. Wilson from the Annals of Cashmir, must have been in the mountains in the southern part of that province. (Asiat. lies. vol. xv. p. 116.) There had been previously a war be¬ tween this ruler and the Malli, Oxydracae, and the people of the Lower Panjdb, which had ended in nothing. Alexander confirmed Abisaris in the pos¬ session of his own territory, made Philip satrap of the Malli and Oxydracae, and Pytlio of the land be¬ tween the confluence of the Indus and Acesines and the sea (Arrian, vi. 15) ; placing, at the same time, Oxyarces over the Paropamisadae. (Arr. vi. 15.) It may be observed that, in the time of Ptolemy, the Cashmirians appear to have held the whole of the Panjdb, so far as the Vindhya mountains, a portion of the southern country being, however, in the hands of the Malli and Cathaei. The same state of things prevailed for some time after the death of Alexander, as appears by a decree of Perdiccas, mentioned in Diodorus (xviii. 3), and with little material change under Anti- pater. (Diod. xviii. 39.) Indeed, the provinces remained true to the Macedonians till the com¬ mencement of the rule of the Prasii, when San- drocottus took up arms against the Macedonian governors. (Justin, xv. 4.) The origin of this re¬ bellion is clearly traceable. Porus was slain by Eu- damus about B.C. 317 (Diod. xix. 14) ; hence San- drocottus must have been on the throne about the time that Seleucus took Babylon, B.C. 312. The attempt of the Indians to recover their freedom was probably aided by the fact that Porus had been slain by a Greek. Sandrocottus, as king of the Prasii (Sansc. Prachya) and of the nations on the Ganges, made war with Seleucus Nicator, who penetrated far into India. Plutarch says he ruled over all India, but this is not likely. (Plut. Alex. 62.) It appears INDIA. that ho crossed the Indus, and obtained by marriage Araehosia, Gedrosia, and the I'aropamisadae, from Seleueus. (Strab. xv. p. 724 ; Appian, Syr. 55.) It was to his court that Megasthenes (as we have before stated) was sent. Sandrocottus was succeeded by Ainitrochates (Sansc.yl mitraghutas), which is almost certainly the true form of the name, though Strabo calls him Allitrochades. He was the contemporary of Antiochus Soter. (Athen. xiv. 67.) It is clear, from Athenaeus (/. c.), that the same friendship was maintained between the two descendants as between the two fathers. Daimachus was sent as ambassador to Palibothra. (Strab. ii. p. 70.) Then came the wars between the Parthians and Bactrians, and the more complete establishment of the Graeco-Bactrian kingdom, under Menander, Apollodotus, Eucratides, and their successors, to which we cannot here do more than allude. The effect, however, of these wars was to interrupt communication between the East and the West; hence the meagre nature of the historical re¬ cords of the period. The expedition of Antiochus the Great to India brought to light the name of another kimr, Sophagasenus (Polyb. xi. 32), who was, in all probability, king of the Prasii. The Scythians finally put an end to the Bactrian empire about b.c. 13G. (De Guignes, Mem. de I'Acad. d. Inscr. xxv. p. 17.) This event is noticed in the Periplus (p. 22), where, however, Parthi must be taken to mean Scythi. (See also Periplus, p. 24 ; Dionys. Perieg. w. 1087 —10S8.) Eustathius adds, in his commentary on Dionysius :—Oi Kal 'lvSoaKvdou avvderuis Aeyo/xe- voi. Minnagara was their chief town, a name, as appears from Isid. Char. ( p. 9), which was partly Scythian and partly Sanscrit. (Of. also De Guignes, I. c.) The Scythians were in their turn driven out of India by Vicramaditya, about b. c. 56 (Colebrooke, lnd. Algebra, Lond. 1817, p. 43), who established his seat of empire at Ovjein ( Ujjayini). At the time when the Periplus was compiled, the capital had been again changed, as we there read, 'O^vri, iv rj teal Ta BacrtAei'a 7rpirepov fju. It is remarkable that no allusion has been found in any of the early literature of the Hindus to Alex¬ ander the Great; but the effect of the later expeditions of the Bactrian kings is apparently indicated under the name of the Yavana. In the astronomical works, the Yavana are barbarians who understood astronomy, whence it has been conjectured by Colebrooke that the Alexandrians are referred to. {Ind. Algebra, ]). 80.) Generally, there can be no doubt that the Yacuna mean nations to the \V. of India. Thus, in the Mahabharata, they make war on the Indians, in conjunction with the Paradi (i. e. Parthi), and the Sacae or Scythians. (Lassen, Ptntap. p. 60.) In the Drama of the Mudra-Raxasa, which refers to the war between Chandragupta and another Indian King, it is stated that Cusuinapura (i. e. Palibothra) was surrounded by the Cirratae, Yavam,Cambogi, Persae, Bactrians, and the other forces of Chandragupta, and the king of the Mountain Regions. Lassen thinks, with much reason, that this refers to Seleucus, who, in his war with Chandragupta, reached, as we know, Palibothra. (I'lin. vi. 17.) With regard to the commerce of ancient India, which we have every reason to suppose was very extensive, it is impossible in this place to do more than to indicate a few of the principal facts. Indeed, the commerce of India, including the northern and the southern districts, may be considered as an epitome of the commerce of the world, there being few pro- vot, ir. INDIA. 49 ilnctions of any other country which may not be found somewhere within its vast area. The principal directions in which the commerce of ancient India flowed were, between Western India and Africa, between the interior of the Deccan and the outports of the southern and western coast of the Indian Ocean, between Ceylon and the ports of the Coromandel coast, between the Coromandel coast and the Aurea Chersonesus, and, in the N., along the Ganges and into Tatary and the territory of the Sinae. There appears also to have been a remarkable trade with the opposite coast of Africa, along the district now called Zanguebar, in sesamum, rice, cotton goods, cane-honev (sugar), which was regularly sent from the interior of Ariaca (Cancan) to Barygaza (Beroach), and thence westward. (Pe¬ ripl. p. 8.) Arab sailors are mentioned who lived at Muza (.Mocha), and who traded with Barygaza. (Peripl. p. 12.) Banians of India had established themselves on the N. side of Socotra, called the island of Dioscorides (Peripl. p. 17): while, even so early as Agatharchides, there was evidently an active com¬ merce between Western India and Yemen. (Aga- tliarch. p. 66, ed. Hudson.) Again, the rapidity with which Alexander got his fleet together seems to show that there must have been a considerable com¬ merce by boats upon the Indus. At the time of the Periplus there was a chain of ports along the western coast, — Barygaza (Beroach), Muziris in Limyrica (.Mangalore), Nelkvnda (Neliceram), Pattala (once supposed to be Tatta, but much more probably Hy- drabdd), and Calliene, now Gallian (Peripl. p. 30): while there were three principal emporia for mer¬ chandise, — Ozeno (Oujtin), the chief mart of foreign commerce, (vide an interesting account of its ruins, Asiat. Pes. vol. vi. p. 36), and for the transmission of the goods to Barygaza; Tagara, in the interior of the Bcccan (almost certainly Beo- ghir or Bevanagari near Ellora), whence the goods were conveyed over difficult roads to Barygaza and Pluthana or Plithana, a place the exact position of which cannot now be determined, but, from the cha¬ racter of the products of the place, must have been somewhere in the Ghats. Along the Pegio Paralia to the S., and on the Coromandel coast, were several ports of consequence; and extensive pearl fisheries in the kingdom of king Pandion, near Colchi, and near the island of Epio- dorus, where the ttivvikov (a silky thread spun from the Pinna-fish) was procured. (.Peripl. p. 33). Further to the N. were, — Masalia (Masulipatam), famous for its cotton goods (Peripl. p. 35); and Gauge, a great mart for muslin, betel, pearls, &c., somewhere near the mouth of the Ganges, its exact locality, however, not being now determinable. (Peripl. p. 36.) The commerce of Ceylon (Selandib, i. e. Siuhala-dwipd) was in pearls of the best class, and precious stones of all kinds, especially the ruby and the emerald. The notices in Ptolemy and Pliny shew that its shores were well furnished with com¬ mercial towns (Ptol. vii. 4. §§ 3, 4, 5), while we know from the narrative of Cosmas Indicopleustes (up. Montfaucon, Coll. Nova Bibl. Patr. vol. ii.) that it was, in the sixth century a.d., the centre of Hindu commerce. Besides these places, we learn that there was an emporium upon the Coromandel coast, whence the merchant ships crossed over to Chryse (in all probability .1 falacca), in the Aurea Chersonesus; the name of it, however, is not specified. It is probable, however, that the greatest line of commerce was from the N. and W. along the E 50 INDIA. INDIA. Ganges, commencing with Taxila near the Indus, or Lahore on that river, and passing thence to Palibothra. This was called the Royal Road. It is remarkable that the Ramavana describes a road from Ayodhiya ((9«c/e), over the Ganges and the Jumna, to Hastinapura and Lahore, which must be nearly identical with that mentioned in the Greek geographers. The commerce, which appears to have existed between the interior of Asia, India, and the land of the Sinae and Serica, is very remarkable. It is stated that from Thina (the capital of the Sinae) fine cottons and silk were sent on foot to Baetra, and thence down the Ganges to Limyriea. (Peripl. p. 36.) The Peri plus speaks of a sort of annual fair which was held within the territory of the Thinae, to which malabathron (betel) was im¬ ported from India. It is not easy to make out whereabouts Thina itself was situated, and none of the modern attempts at identification appear to us at all satisfactory: it is clearly, however, a northern town, in the direction of Ladakli in Thibet, and not, as Ptolemy placed it, at Malacca in Tenasserim, or, as Vincent ( Voyage of Nearchus, vol. ii. p. 735) conjectured, at Arraoan. It is curious that silk should be so constantly mentioned as an article of import from other countries, especially Serica, as there is every reason to suppose that it was indigenous in India; the name for silk throughout the whole of the Indian Archipelago being the Sanscrit word sutra. (Colebrooke, Asiat. lies. vol. v. p. Gl.) It is impossible to give in this work any de¬ tails as to the knowledge of ancient India ex¬ hibited in the remains of native poems or histories. The whole of this subject has been examined with great ability by Lassen in his Indische Alterthums- kunde; and to his pages, to which we are indebted for most of the Sanscrit names which we have from time to time inserted, we must refer our readers. From the careful comparison which has been made by Lassen and other orientalists (among whom Pott deserves especial mention) of the Indian names pre¬ served by the Greek writers, a great amount of evidence has been adduced in favour of the general faithfulness of those who recorded what they saw or heard. In many instances, as may be seen by the names we have already quoted, the Greek writers have been content with a simple adaptation of the sounds which they heard to those best suited for their own pronunciation. When we consider the barbarous words which have come to Europe in modern times as the European representations of the names of places and peoples existing at the present time, we have reason to be surprised at the accuracy with which Greek ears appreciated, and the Greek language preserved, names which must have ap¬ peared to Greeks far more barbarous than they would have seemed to the modern conquerors of the country. The attention of modern scholars has detected many words of genuine Indian origin in a Greek dress; and an able essay by Prof. Tychsen on such words in the fragments of Ctesias will repay the perusal of those who are interested in such subjects. (See Heeien, Asiatic Nations, vol. ii. Append. 4, ed. Lond. 1846.) The generic name of the inhabitants of the whole country to the E. of Persia and S. of the Himalaya mountains (with the exception of the Seres) was, in ancient times, Indi ('Iv5oi'), or Indians. It is true that the appellation referred to a much wider or much less extensive range of country, at different periods of history. There can, however, be no doubt, that when the ancient writers speak of the Ixdi, they mean the inhabitants of a vast territory in the SE. part of Asia. The extension of the meaning of the name depended on the extension of the knowledge of India, and may be traced, though less completely, in the same manner as we have traced the gradual pro¬ gress of knowledge relative to the land it self. The Indi are mentioned in more than one of the fragments of Hecataeus (Hecat. Fragm. 175, 178), and are stated by Aeschylus to have been a people in the neighbourhood of the Aethiopians, who made use of camels. (Sitppl. 284—287.) Herodotus is the first ancient author who may be said to give any real description of them; and he is led to refer to them, only because a portion of this country, which ad¬ joined the territory of Dareius, was included in one of the satrapies of his vast empire, and, therefore, paid him tribute. Some part of his narrative (iii. 94—106, iv. 44, vii. 65) may be doubted, as clearly from hearsay evidence; some is certainly fabulous. The sum of it is, that the Indians were the most populous and richest nation which he knew of (iii. 94), and that they consisted of many different tribes, speaking different languages. Some of them, he states, dwelt in the immediate neighbourhood of the Aethiopians, and were, like them, black in colour (iii. 98, 101); some, in the marshes and desert land still further E. The manners of these tribes, whom lie calls Padaei, and Callatiae or Calantiae, were in the lowest grade of civilisation,—a wandering race, living on raw flesh and raw fish, and of can¬ nibal habits. (Cf. Strab. xv. p. 710, from which Mannert, v. 1. p. 3, infers that the Padaei were not after all genuine Indians, but Tatars.) Others (and these were the most warlike) occupied the more northern districts in the neighbourhood of Caspatyrus (Cashmir) in the Regio Pactyice. Herodotus places that part of India which was subject to Dareius in the 20th satrapy, and states that the annual tribute from it amounted to 300 talents (iii. 94). Xenophou speaks of the Indians as a great nation, and one worthy of alliance with Cyaxares and the Modes (i. 5. § 3, iii. 2. § 25, vi. 2. § 1), though he does not specify to what part of India he refers. That, however, it was nearly the same as that which Herodotus de¬ scribes, no one can doubt. From the writers subsequent to Alexander, the following particulars relative to the people and their manners may be gathered. The ancients considered that they were divided into seven castes:—1. Priests, the royal counsellors, and nearly connected with, if not the same as, the Bfj ax leaves or Brahmins. (Strab. xv. pp. 712—716 ; Arrian, Jnd. 11.) With these Strabo (I. c.) makes another class, whom he calls rapnaves. These, as Grosskurd (iii. p. 153) has suggested, would seem, from the description of their habits, to have been fakirs, or penitents, and the same as the Gymnosophistae so often mentioned by Strabo and Arrian. This caste was exempted from taxes and service in war. 2. Husbandmen, who were free from war-service. They were the most numerous of the seven castes. (Strab. xv. p. 704.) The land itself was held to belong to the king, who farmed it out, leaving to the cultivator one-fourth of the produce as his share. 3. Hunters and shep¬ herds, who lead a wandering life, their office being to rear cattle and beasts of burden; the horse and the elephant were held to be for the kings only. (Strab. I. c.) 4. Artizans and handicraftsmen, of all kinds. (Strab. xv. p. 707.) 5. Warriors. (Strab. I. c.) 6. Political officers (&popoi, Strab. INDIA. INDICUS OCEANUS. 51 ?. c.), who looked after affairs in the towns, &c., and repoited secretly to tlie king. 7. The Royal Coun¬ sellors, who presided over the administration of jus¬ tice (Strab. I. c.), and kept the archives of the realm. Ii was not permitted for intermarriages to take place between any of these classes, nor for any one to perform the office allotted to another, except in the case of the first caste (called also that of the . 717.) To strangers they ever showed the utmost hospitality. (Diod. ii. 42.) As warriors they were notorious (Arrian, Ind. c. 9; Exped. Alex. v. 4; Hut. Alex. c. 59, 63): the weapons of the foot- soldiers being bows and arrows, and a great two- handed sword ; and of the cavalry, a javelin and a round shield (Arrian. Ind. c. 16; Strab. xv. p. 717; Curt. viii. 9.) In the Punjab, it is said that the Macedonians encountered poisoned arrows. (Diod. xvii. 103.) Manly exercises of all kinds were in vogue among them. The chase was the peculiar privilege of royalty (Strab. xv. pp. 709—712 ; Ctes. hid. 14; Curt. viii. 9, seq.); gymnastics, music, and dancing, of the rest of the people (Strab. xv. p. 709; Arrian, Exp. Alex. vi. 3); and juggling and slight of hand were then, as now, among their chief amuse¬ ments. (Aelian, viii. 7; Juvcn. vi. 582.) Their usual dress befitted their hot climate, and was of white linen (l'hilost. T'fr. A poll. ii. 9) or of cotton- stuff (Strab. xv. p. 719; Arrian, Ind. c. 16); their heads and shoulders partially covered (Arrian, I. c.; Curt. viii. 9, 15) or shaded from the sun by um¬ brellas (Arrian, l. c.) ; with shoes of white leather, with very thick and many-coloured soles. (Arrian, I. c.) Gold and ivory rings and ear-rings were in common use; and they were wont to dye their beards, not only black and white, but also red and green. (Arrian, I. c.) In general form of body, they were thin and elegantly made, with great litheness (Ar¬ rian, Ind. c. 17; Strab. ii. p. 103, xv. p. 695), but were larger than other Asiatics. (Arrian, Exped. Alex. v. 4; Plin. vii. 2.) Some peculiar customs they had, which have lasted to the present day, such as self-immolation by water or fire, and throwing themselves from precipices (Strab. xv. pp.716, 718; Curt. viii.9; Arrian, Exped. A lex. vii. 5; Luean. iii.42; Plin.vi. 19. s. 20), and the burn¬ ing of the widow (suttee); not, indeed, agreeably to any fixed law, but rather according to custom. (Strab. xv. pp. 699—714: Diod. xvii. 91, xix. 33; Cic. Tusc. Lisp. v. 27.) For writing materials they used the bark of trees (Strab. xv. p. 717: Curt. ix. 15), probably much as the modern Cinghalcse use the leaf of the palm. Their houses were generally built of wood or of the bamboo-cane; but in the cold mountain districts, of clay. (Arrian, Ind. c. 10.) It is a remarkable proof of the extent to which civilisation had been carried in ancient India, that there were, throughout great part of the country, high roads, with stones set up (answering to our milestones), on which were inscribed the name of the place and the distance to the next station. (Strab. xv. pp. 689—708 ; Arrian, Ind. c. 3.) [V.] IN'DICUS OCEANUS (o 'IvSlkIis aKeavos, Agath. ii. 14; rb 'IvSikov ireAayos, Ptol. vii. 1. § 5). The Indian Ocean of the ancients may be considered generally as that great sea which washed the whole of the southern portion of India, extending from the parallel of longitude of the mouths of the Indus to the shores of the Chersonesus Aurea. It seems, in¬ deed, to have been held by them as part, however, of a yet greater extent of water, the limits of which were undefined, at least to the southwards, and to which they gave the generic name of the Southern Sea. Thus Herodotus speaks of i; fori\r) SdAatraa in this sense (iv. 37), as does also Strabo (ii. p. 121); Diodorus calls it 7] Kara /j.earjfj.§piav wKeavos (iii 38), while the Erythraean sea, taken in its most extended meaning, doubtless conveyed the same sense. (Herod, ii. 102, iv. 37; compared with Strab. i. p. 33.) Ptolemy gives the distances across this sea as stated by seafaring men; at the same time he guards against their over-statements, by recording his opinion in favour of no more than one-third of their measurements: this space he calls 8670 stadia (i. 13. § 7). The distance along its shores, follow¬ ing the indentations of the coast-line, he estimates, on the same authority, at 19,000 stadia. It is evident, however, that Ptolemy himself had no clear idea of the real form of the Indian Ocean, and that he inclined to the opinion of Hipparchus, Polybius, and Marinus of Tyre, that it was a vast inland sea the southern portion of it being bounded by the shores of an unknown land which he supposed to connect Cat- tigara in the Chersonesus Aurea with the promontory of Prasum (now Cape Delgado) in Africa (com p. iv. 9. §§ 1, 3, vii. 3. §§ 1, 3, 6). The origin of this error it is not easy now to ascertain, but it seems to have been connected with one which is found in the his¬ torians of Alexander's expedition, according to which there was a connection between the Indus and the Mile, so that the sources of the Acesines (Chendb) were confounded with those of the Nile. (Arrian, vi. 1.) Strabo, indeed, appears to have had some leaning to a similar view, in that he connected the Erythraean with the Atlantic sea (ii. p. 130); which was also e 2 52 INDIGETES. the opinion of Eratosthenes (Strab. i. p. 64). The Indian Ocean contains at its eastern end three prin¬ cipal gulfs, which are noticed in ancient authors,— the Sinus Perimulicus (Ptol. vii. 2. § 5), in the Chersonesus Aurea (probably now the Straits of Malacca); the Sinus Sabaracus (Ptol. vii. 2. § 4), now the Gulf of Mar tab an ; and the Sinus Gan- geticus, or Bay of Bengal. [V.] INDIGE'TES, or INDI'GETAE, ('IySiirijTeu, Strab.; 'EpSiyeTcu, Ptol.), a people of Hispania Tarraconensis, in the extreme NE. corner of the peninsula, around the gulf of Rhoda and Emporiae (Gulf of Ampurias), as far as the Trophies of Pompey (ra Tlo/xinftov rpdnaia, avaOj]fxaTa rov Tlofiirni'iov), on the summit of the pass o.ver the Pyrenees, which formed the boundary of Gaul and Spain (Strab. iii. p. 160, iv. p. 178). [Pom¬ peii Tropaea.] They were divided into four tribes. Their chief cities, besides Emporiae and Rhoda, were: Juncaria ('lovyyapla, Ptol. ii. 6. § 73 • Junquera, or, as some suppose, Figueras), 16 M P. south of the summit of the Pyrenees (Sum- mum Pyrenaeum, Itin.), on the high road to Tarraco {Itin. Ant. pp.390, 397); Cinniana (Cervia), 15 M. P. further S. (/b.; Tab. Pent.) ; and Deciana, near Junquera (Ptol. ii. 6. § 73). On the promontory formed by the E. extremity of the Pyrenees (C. Crews), was a temple of Venus, with a small seaport on the N. side ('AcppoSicrias, Steph. B. ; tb 'AeppoSLcriov Up6u, Ptol. ii. 6. § 20 ; Pyrenaea Venus, Plin. iii. 3. s. 4; Portus Veneris, Mela, ii. 6. § 5 ; Portus Pyrenaei, Liv. xxxiv. 8 : Porte Vendres), which some made the boundary of Gaul and Spain, instead of the Trophies of Pompey. Ptolemy names two small rivers as falling into the gulf of Emporiae, the Clorianus (KAaiSiavdy: Fluvia) and the Sam- brocas (Xa/j-SpoKa e'x§oA.ai'): Pliny names the Ticiiis, which is the small river flowing past Rosas. The district round the gulf of Emporiae was called Juncaiiius Campus (rb 'lou-yyapiov neSiov), from the abundance of rushes which grew upon its marshy soil. (Strab. iii. pp. 156, 163 ; Steph. B. s.v.'lvSi- KTirai; Eustath. acl II. i. p. 191; Avien. Or. Mar. 523 ; Ukert, vol. ii. pt. 1. pp. 315, &c.) [P. S.] INDOSCY'THIA ('IvSoaKudta : Eth. 'IvSo- cr/cvdris), a district of wide extent along the Indus, which probably comprehended the whole tract watered by the Lower Indus, Cutch, Guzerat, and Saurashtran. It derived its name from the Scythian tribes, who gradually pressed onwards to the south and the sea-coast after they had overthrown the Graec.o-Bac.trian empire, about a. d. 136. It is first mentioned in the Periplus M. E. (p. 22) as occu¬ pying the banks of the Indus; while in Ptolemy is a fuller description, with the names of some of its principal subdivisions, as Pattalene, Abiria, and Syrastrene (Saurashtran), with an extensive list of towns which belonged to it (vii. 1. §§ 55—61). Some of them, as Binagara (properly Minnagara), have been recognised as partially Scythic in form. (Lassen, Pentap. p. 56 ; cf. Isidor. Char. p. 9.) In Dionysius Periegetes (v. 1088) the same people are described as vAtloi 2ku0cu. As late as the middle of the sixth century a.d.. Cosmas Indicopleustes speaks of White Huns, or Mongolians, as the inhabitants of the Panjab (ii. p. 338). These may be considered as the remains of the same Scythic empire, the pre¬ decessors of the hordes who subsequently poured down from the north under Jinglnz Khan. (Ritter, Erdkimde, vol. i. p. 558.) [V.] INDUS (o TyS&r), one of the principal rivers of INDUS. Asia, and the boundary westward of India. It is mentioned first in ancient authors by Hecataeus of Miletus (Fragrn. 144, ed. Ivlausen), and subse¬ quently by Herodotus (iv. 44), who, however, only notices it in connection with various tribes who, he states, lived upon its banks. As in the case of India itself, so in that of the Indus, the first real description which the ancients obtained of this river was from the historians of Alexander the Great's marches. Arrian states that its sources were in the lower spurs of the Paropamisus, or Indian Caucasus (Ilindd-Kush); wherein he agrees with Mela (iii. 7. § 6), Strabo (xv. p. 690), Curtius (viii. 9. § 3), and other writers. It was, in Arrian's opinion, a vast stream, even from its first sources, the largest river in the world except the Ganges, and the recipient of many tributaries, themselves larger than any other known stream. It has been conjectured, from the descriptions of the Indus which Arrian has preserved, that the writers from whom he has condensed his narrative must have seen it at the time when its waters were at their highest, in August and Sep¬ tember. Quoting fromCtesias (v. 4,11), and with the authority of the other writers (v. 20), Arrian gives 40 stadia for the mean breadth of the river, and 15 stadia where it was most contracted; below the con¬ fluence of the principal tributaries he considers its breadth may be 100 stadia, and even more than this when much flooded (vi. 14). Pliny, on the other hand, considers that it is nowhere more than 50 stadia broad (vi. 20. s. 23); which is clearly the same opinion as that of Strabo, who states, that though those who had not measured the breadth put it down at 100 stadia, those, on the other hand, who had measured it, asserted that 50 stadia was its greatest, and 7 stadia its least breadth (xv. p. 700). Its depth, according to Pliny (I. c.), was nowhere less than 15 fathoms. According to Diodorus, it was the greatest river in the world after the Nile (ii. 35). Curtius states that its waters were cold, and of the colour of the sea (viii. 9. § 4). Its current is held by some to have been slow (as by Mela, iii. 7. § 6); by others, rapid (as by Eustath. in Dionys. Perieg. v. 1088). Its course towards the sea, after leaving the mountains, was nearly SW. (Plin. vi. 20. s. 23); on its way it received, according to Strabo (xv. p. 700) and Arrian (v. 6), 15, according to Pliny, 19 other tributary rivers (I. c.). About 2000 stadia from the Indian Ocean, it was divided into two principal arms (Strab. xv. p. 701), forming thereby a Delta, like that of the Nile, though not so large, called Pattalene, from its chief town Pattala (which Arrian asserts meant, in the Indian tongue, Delta (v. 4); though this statement may be questioned). (Cf. also Arrian, Jnd. 2; Dionys. Perieg. v. 1088.) The flat land at the mouths of rivers which flow from high mountain-ranges with a rapid stream, is ever changing : hence, probably, the different ac¬ counts which we receive of the mouths of the Indus from those who recorded the history of Alexander, and from the works of later geographers. The former (as we have stated), with Strabo, gave the Indus only two principal outlets into the Indian Ocean, — at a distance, the one from the other, ac¬ cording to Aristobulus (ap. Strab. xv. p. 690), of 1000 stadia, but, according to Nearchus (I. c.), of 1800 stadia. The latter mention more than two mouths : Mela (iii. 7. § 6) speaking of " plura ostia," and Ptolemy giving the names of seven (vii. 1. § 28), in which he is confirmed by the author of the Periplus Maris Erythraei (p. 22). The names INDUS. of these mouths, in a direction from W. to E., are: — 1. Saytnra aTofxa. (the Pitti or Lohari), not impro¬ bably in the arm of the stream by which Alexander's fleet gained the Indian Ocean; 2. 2iV5o>v p. 380), would read for Intelene, INTEMELII. INTERAMNA. 55 Ingilene ('Iyyt\v'/'>l), the name of a small province of Armenia near the sources of the Tigris mentioned by Epiphanius (Ilaeres. LX. vol. i. p. 505, ed Valerius; comp. St. Martin, Mem. sur VArmenie, vol. i. pp. 23, 97.) [E. B. J.] INTEME'LII ('Ii/rt/xeAioi), a maritime people of Liguria, situated to the W. of the Ingauni, at the font of the Maritime Alps. They are but little known in history, being only once mentioned by Livv. in conjunction with their neighbours, the In- gauni, as addicted to piratical habits, to repress which their coast was visited by a Roman squadron in b. c. 180. (Liv. xl. 41.) Strabo speaks of them as a still existing tribe (Strab. iv. p. 202); and their capital, called Albium Intemelium or Albinteme- liu:n. now corrupted into Vintimiglia, was in his time a considerable city. [Albium Intemelium.] We have no means of determining the extent or limits of their territory; but it seems to have bor¬ dered on that of the Ingauni on the E., and the Ve- diantii on the W.: at least, these are the only tribes mentioned as existing in this part of Liguria by writers of the Roman Empire. It probably com¬ prised also the whole valley of the Rutijba or Jioja, one of the most considerable of the rivers, or rather mountain torrents, of Liguria, which rises at the foot of the Col di Tenda, and falls into the sea at VintimiyUa. [E. H. B.] INTERAMNA QlvTzpafAva.: Eth. Interamnas, -atis), was the name of several cities in different parts of Italy. Its obvious etymol gy, already pointed out by Varro and Festus, indicates their position at the confluence of two streams (" inter amnes," Varr. L. L. v.28, Fest. v. Amnes, p. 17, Mull.); which is,however, but partially borne out by their actual situation. The form Inteiiamnium ('IvTepd,uviui>), and the ethnic form Interamnis, are also found, but more rarely. 1. A Roman colony on the banks of the Liris, thence called, for distinction's sake, Interamna Li- rinas. It was situated on the left or northern bank of the Liris, near the junction of the little river which flows by Aquinum (confounded by Strabo with the Melpis, a much more considerable stream), and was distant G miles from the latter city, and 7 from Casinum. Its territory, which was included in Latium, according to the more ex¬ tended use of that name, must have originally belonged to the Volscians, but we have no men¬ tion of Interamna as a Volscian city, nor indeed any evidence of its existence previous to the establish¬ ment of the Roman colony there, in p.. c. 312. This took place at the same time with that at the neigh¬ bouring town of Casinum, the object of both being obviously to secure the fertile valley of the Liris from the attacks of the Samnites. (Liv. ix. 28; Diod. xix. 105; Veil. Pat. i. 14.) Hence we find, in is. c. 204, the territory of Interamna ravaged by the Sam¬ nites, who did not, however, venture to attack the city itself; and, at the opening of the following cam¬ paign, it was from Interamna that the consul Sp. Car- vilius commenced his operations against Samnium. (Liv. x. 3G, 39.) Its territory was at a later period laid waste by Hannibal during his march by the Via Latina from Capua upon Rome, b. c. 212 (Liv. xxvi. 9): and shortly afterwards the name of Interamna appears among the twelve refractory colonies which declared themselves unable to furnish any further supplies, and were subsequently (is. c. 204) loaded with heavier burdens in consequence (Id. xxvii. 9, xxix. 15). After the Social War it passed, in com¬ mon with the other Latin colonics, into the state of a municipium; and we find repeated mention of it as a municipal town, apparently of some consequence. (Cic. Phil. ii. 41, 2n'° Alii. 17; Strab. v. p. 237; Plin. iii. 5. s. 9.) It received a colony under the Second Triumvirate, but does not appear to have en¬ joyed colonial rank, several inscriptions of imperial times giving it only the title of a municipium. (Lib. Col. p. 234; Orell. Inscr. 2357, 3828.) Its posi¬ tion at some distance from the line of the Via Latina was probably unfavourable to its prosperity in later times: from the same cause its name is not found in the Itineraries, and we have no means of tracing its existence after the fall of the Roman Empire. The period at which it was ruined or deserted is unknown; but mention is found in documents of the middle ages of a " Castrum Terame," and the site of the ancient city, though now entirely uninhabited, is still called Terame. It presents extensive remains of ancient buildings, with vestiges of the walls, streets, and aqueducts; and numerous inscriptions and other objects of antiquity have been discovered there, which are preserved in the neighbouring villages. (Romanelli, vol. iii. p. 384; Cluver, Ital. p. 1039. The inscriptions are given by Mommsen, Inscr. L'eyn. Neap. pp. 221, 222.) Pliny calls the citizens of this Interamna " Inter- amnates Succasini, qui et Lirinates vocantur." The former appellation was evidently bestowed from their situation in the neighbourhood of Casinum, but is not adopted by any other author. They are called in inscriptions " Interanmates Lirinates," and some¬ times "Lirinates" alone: hence it is probable that we should read "Lirinatum" for " Larmatum " in Silius Italicus (viii. 402), where he is enumerating Volscian cities, and hence the mention of Larinum would be wholly out of place. 2. ( Terni), a city of Umbria, situated on the river iSIar, a little below its confluence with the Velinus, and about 8 miles E. from Narnia. It was sur¬ rounded by a branch of the river, so as to be in fact situated on an island, whence it derived its name. The inhabitants are termed by Pliny " Interamnates cognomine Nartes," to distinguish them from those of the other towns of the name; and we find them designated in inscriptions as Interamnates Nartes and Nahartes; but we do not find this epithet applied to the city itself. No mention is found of Interamna in history previous to its passing under the Roman yoke; but there is no doubt that it was an ancient Umbrian city, and an inscription of the time of Ti¬ berius has preserved to us the local tradition that it was founded in b. c. G72, or rather more than 80 years after Rome. (Orell. Inscr. G89.) When we first hear of Interamna in history it appears as a flourishing municipal town, deriving great wealth from the fertility of its territory, which was irrigated by the river Nar. llcnce it is said to have been, as early as the civil wars of Marius and Sulla, one of the " florentissima Italiae municipia" (Floras, iii. 21); and though it suffered a severe blow upon that occasion, its lands being confiscated by Sulla and portioned out among his soldiers, we still find it mentioned by Cicero in a manner that proves it to have been a place of importance (Cic ad Aft. iv. 15). Its inhabitants were frequently engaged in li¬ tigation and disputes with their neighbours of Reate, on account of the regulation of the waters of the Ve¬ linus, which joins the Nar a few miles above Inter¬ amna; and under the reign of Tiberius they were obliged to enter an energetic protest against a pro¬ ject that had been started for turning aside the K 4 56 INTERAMNA. INTERCISA. course of the Nar, so that it should no longer flow into the Tiber. (Tac. Ann. i. 79.) In the civil war between Vitellius and Vespasian it was occupied by the troops of the former while their head-quarters were at Narnia, but was taken with little resistance by Arrius Varus. (Id. Hist. iii. 61, 63.) Inscrip¬ tions sufficiently attest the continued municipal im¬ portance of Interamna under the Roman empire; and, though its position was some miles to the right of the great Flaminian highway, which proceeded from Narnia direct to Mevania (Strab. v. p. 227; Tac. Hist. ii. 64), a branch line of road was carried from Narnia by Interamna and Spoletium to Forum Fla- minii, where it rejoined the main highroad. This line, which followed very nearly that of the present highroad from Rome to Perugia, appears to have latterly become the more important of the two, and is given in the Antonine and Jerusalem Itineraries to the exclusion of the true Via Flaminia. (.Itiii. Ant. p. 125; I tin. Hier. p. 613; Tab. Pent.) The great richness of the meadows belonging to Inter¬ amna on the banks of the Nar is celebrated by Pliny, who tells us that they were cut for hay no less than four times in the year (Plin. xviii. 28. s. 67); and Tacitus also represents the same district as among the most fertile in Italy (Tac. Ann. i. 79). That great historian himself is generally considered as a native of Interamna, but without any distinct au¬ thority: it appears, however, to have been subse¬ quently the patrimonial residence, and probably the birthplace, of his descendants, the two emperors Ta¬ citus and Florianus. (Vopisc. Florian. 2.) In a.d. 193, it was at Interamna that a deputation from the senate met the emperor Septimius Severus, when on his march to the capital (Spartian. Sever. 6); and at a later period (a. d. 253) it was there that the two emperors, Trebonianus Gallus and his son Vo- lusianus, who were on their march to oppose Aemili- anus in Moesia, were put to death by their own soldiers. (Kntrop. ix. 5; Vict. Cues. 31, Epit. 31.) Interamna became the see of a bishop in very- early times, and has subsisted without interruption through the middle ages on its present site; the name being gradually corrupted into its modern fonn of Tend. It is still a flourishing city, and retains various relies of its ancient importance, including the remains of an amphitheatre, of two temples supposed to have been dedicated to the sun and to Hercules, and some portions of the ancient Thermae. None of these ruins are, however, of much importance or in¬ terest. Many inscriptions have also been discovered on the site, and are preserved in the Palazzo Publico. About 3 miles above Term is the celebrated cas¬ cade of the Velinus, which owes its origin to the Roman M'. Curius; it is more fully noticed under the article Velinus. 3. ( Teramo), a city of Picenum, in the territory of the Praetutii, and probably the chief place in the district of that people. The name is omitted by Pliny, but is found in Ptolemy, who distinctly assigns it to the Praetutii; and it is mentioned also in the Liber Coloniarum among the " Civitates Piceni." It there bears the epithet of " Palestina," or, as the name is elsewhere written, "Paletina;" the origin and meaning of which are wholly unknown. (Ptol. iii. 1. § 58; Lib. Col. pp. 226, 259.) In the genuine fragments of Frontinus, on the other hand, the citi¬ zens are correctly designated as " Interamnates Prae- tutiani." (Frontin. i. p. 18, ed. Laclim.) Being si¬ tuated in the interior of the country, at a distance from the highroads, the name is not found in the Itineraries, but we know that it was an episcopal see and a place of some importance under the Ro¬ man empire. The name is already corrupted in our MSS. of tiie Liber Coloniarum into Teramne, whence its modern form of Teramo. But in the middle ages it appears to have been known also by the name of Aprutium, supposed to be a corruption of Praetutium, or rather of the name of the people Praetutii, applied (as was so often the ease in Gaul) to their chief city. Thus we find the name of Abru- tium among the cities of Picenum enumerated by the Geographer of Ravenna (iv. 31); and under the Lombards we find mention of a " comes Aprutii." The name has been retained in that of A bruzzo, now given to the two northernmost provinces of the kingdom of Naples, of one of which, called Abrazzo Ulteriore, the city of Teramo is still the capital. Vestiges of the ancient theatre, of baths and other buildings of Roman date, as well as statues, altars, and other ancient remains, have been discovered on the site: numerous inscriptions have been also found, in one of which the citizens are designated as " In- teramnites Praetutiani." (Roinanelli, vol iii. pp. 297—301; Mommsen, I. li. N. pp. 329—331.) There is no foundation for the existence of a fourth city of the name of Interamna among the Frentani, as assumed by Roinanelli, and, from him, by Cramer, on the authority of a very apocryphal inscription. [Frentani.] [E. II. B.] INTERAMNE'SIA (Phlegon. de Longaev. 1: Etli. Interamnienses, Plin. iv. 21. s. 35), a stipen¬ diary town of Lusitania, named in the inscription of Alcantara, and supposed by Ukert to have been situated between the Coa and Touroes, near Cadel Rodrigo and Almeida. (Ukert, vol. ii. pt. 1 p. 398.) [P. S.] INTERAMNIUM. [Astures.] INTERCA'TIA. [Vaccaei.] INTERCISA or AD INTERCISA, is the name given in the Itineraries to a station on the Via Flaminia, which evidently derives this name from its being situated at the remarkable tunnel or gallery hewn through the rock, now known as the Passo del Furlo. (Itin. Pier. p. 614; Tab. Pent.) This passage, which is still traversed by the modern highway from Rome to Fano, is a work of the em¬ peror Vespasian, as an inscription cut in the rock informs us, and was constructed in the seventh year of his reign, a. d. 75. (Inscr. ap. Cluver, Itid. p. 619.) It is also noticed among the public works of that emperor bv Aurelius Victor, who calls it Petra Pertusa; and the same name (Flerpa nep- rovaa) is given to it by Procopius, who has left us a detailed and accurate description of the locality. (Vict. Cues. 9, Epit. 9; Procop. B. G. ii. 11.) The valley of the Cantiano, a tributary of the Metaurus, which is here followed by the Flaminian Way, is at this point so narrow that it is only by cutting the road out of the solid rock that it can be carried along the face of the precipice, and, in addi¬ tion to this, the rock itself is in one place pierced by an arched gallery or tunnel, which gave rise to the name of Petra Pertusa. The actual tunnel is only 126 feet long, but the whole length of the pass is about half a mile. Claudian alludes to this remark¬ able work in terms which prove the admiration that it excited. (Claud, de VI. Cons. Hon. 502.) At a later period the pass was guarded by a fort, which, from its completely commanding the Flaminian Way, became a military post of importance, and is re¬ peatedly mentioned during the wars of the Goths INTERNUM MARE. with the generals of Justinian. (Procop. B. G. ii. 11, iii. 6, iv. 28, 34.) The Jerusalem Itinerary places the station of Intercisa 9 M. 1'. from Calles (Cagli), and the same distance from Forum Sem- pronii (Fossombrone), both of which distances are just about correct. (D'Anville, Analyse de I'ltalie, p. 155.) [E.H.B.] INTERNUM MARE, the great inland or Medi¬ terranean Sea, which washes the coasts of Southern Europe, Northern Africa, and Asia Minor. 1. Name.— In the Hebrew Scriptures, this sea, on the W. of Palestine, and therefore behind a person facing the E., is called the "Hinder Sea"(JDeut. xi. 24; Joel, ii. 20), and also the " Sea of the Philis¬ tines " (Exod. xxii. 81), because that people occupied the largest portion of its shores. Pre-eminently it was '' the Great Sea " (Num. xxxiv. 6, 7 ; Josh. i. 4, ix. 1, xv. 47; Ezek. xlvii. 10, 15, 20), or simply the Sea" (1 Kings, v. 9; comp. 1 Mucc. xiv. 34. xv. 11). In the same way, the Homeric poems, Hesiod, the Cyclic poets, Aeschylus, and Pindar, call it emphatically " the Sea." The logographer Ilccataeus speaks of it as " the Great Sea " (Fr. 349, ed. Klausen). Nor did the historians and systematic geographers mark it off by any peculiar denomination. The Roman writers call it Make Internum (Pomp. Mela, i. 1. § 4; Plin. iii. 3) or Intestini;ji (Sail. Jug. 17; Flor. iv. 2; r) ecrw ^aAarra, Polyb. iii. 39; ?; ivrbs daA., Strab. ii. p. 121, iii. p. 139; V tVroy 'HpaxAt'iwv aTr/Accf &aA., Arist. Met. ii. 1), or more frequently, Make Nostrum (Sail. Jug. 17, 18; Cues. B. G.v. 1; Liv. xxvi. 42 ; Pomp. Mela, i. 5. § 1; t] Ka0' 7i/uas SaA., Strab. ii. p. 121). The epithet "Mediterranean" is not used in the classical writers, and was first employed for this sea by Soliuus (c. 22; comp. Isid. Orig. xiii. 16). The Greeks of the pre¬ sent. day call it the " White Sea " ('Aadopt QaKaaaa), to distinguish it from the Black Sea. Throughout Europe it is known as the Mediterranean. 2. Extent, Shape, and Admeasurements.— The Mediterranean Sea extends from G° W. to 36° E. of Greenwich, while the extreme limits of its latitude are from 30° to 40° N.; and, in round numbers, its length, from Gibraltar to its furthest extremity in Syria, is about 2000 miles, with a breadth varying from 80 to 500 miles, and, including the Euxine, with a line of shore of 4500 leagues. The ancients, who considered this sea to be a very large portion of the globe, though in reality it is only equal to one-seventeenth part of the Pacific, assigned to it a much greater length. As they possessed no means for critically measuring horizontal angles, and were unaided by the compass and chronometer, correctness in great distances was unattainable. On this account, while the E. shores of the Mediterranean approache.l a tolerable degree of correctness, the relative positions and forms of the W. coasts are erroneous. Strabo, a philosophical rather than a scientific geographer, set himself to rectify the errors of Eratosthenes (ii. pp. 105, 100), hut made more mistakes: though he drew a much better " contour" of the Mediterranean, yet he distorted the W. parts, by placing Massilia 13^° to the S. of Byzantium, instead of 2^° to the N. of that city. Ptolemy also fell into great errors, such as the flattening-in of the N. coast of Africa, to the amount of 4^° to the S., in the latitude of Car¬ thage, while Byzantium was placed 2° to the N. of its true position; thus increasing the breadth in the very part whereythe greatest accuracy might be ex¬ pected. Nor was this all; for the extreme length of the Internal Sea was carried to upwards of 20° INTERNUM MARE. 57 beyond its true limits. The maps of Agathodaemon which accompany the Geography of Ptolemy, though indifferently drawn, preserve a much better outline of this sea than is expressed in the Theodosian or Peutingerian Table, where the Mediterranean is so reduced in breadth as to resemble a canal, and the site, form, and dimensions of its islands are displaced and disfigured. The latitudes were estimated by the ancient ob¬ servers in stadia reckoned from the equator, and are not so discordant as might be expected from such a method. The length between the equinoctial line and Syracuse, or rather the place which they called the "Strait of Sicily," is given as follows: — Stadia Eratosthenes - - - 25,450 Hipparchus - - - - 25,GOO Strabo 25,400 Marinus of Tyre - - - 26,075 Ptolemy ..... 26,833 Their longitudes run rather wild, and are reckoned from the "Sacrum Promontorium " (Cape St. Vin¬ cent), and the numbers given are as the arc from thence to Syracuse: — Stadia Eratosthenes ... - 11,800 Hipparchus - - - - 16,300 Strabo 14,000 Marinus of Tyre ... 18,583 Ptolemy ..... 29,000 In Admiral Smyth's work (The Mediterranean, p. 375) will be found a tabular view of the above- mentioned admeasurements of the elder geographers, along with the determination resulting from his own observations; assuming, for a reduction of the num¬ bers, 700 stadia to a degree of latitude, for a plane projection in the 36° parallel, and 555 for the cor¬ responding degree of longitude. (Comp. Gosselin, Geographic des Grecs, 1 vol. Paris, 1780; Geogra¬ phic des Anciens, 3 vols. Paris, 1813 ; Mesures Itine'raires, 1 vol. Paris, 1813.) 3. Physical Geography. — A more richly-varied and broken outline gives to the N. shores of the Mediterranean an advantage over the S. or Libyan coast, which was remarked by Eratosthenes. (Strab. ii. p. 109.) The three great peninsulas,-—the Iberian, the Italic, and the Hellenic, — with their sinuous and deeply indented shores, form, in com¬ bination with the neighbouring islands and opposite coasts, many straits and isthmuses. Exclusive of the Euxine (which, however, must be considered as part of it), this sheet of water is naturally divided into two vast basins; the barrier at the entrance of the straits marks the commencement of the \V. basin, which descends to an abysmal depth, and extends as far as the central part of the sea, where it flows over another barrier (the subaqueous Ad¬ venture Bank, discovered by Admiral Smyth), and again falls into the yet unfathomed Levant basin. Strabo (ii. pp. 122—127) marked off this expanse by three smaller closed basins. The westernmost, or Tyrrhenian basin, comprehended the space be¬ tween .the Pillars of Hercules and Sicily, including the Iberian, Ligurian, and Sardinian seas; the waters to the AY. of Italy were also called, in re¬ ference to the Adriatic, the " Lower Sea," as that gulf bore the name of the '• Upper Sea." The second was the Syrtic basin, E. of Sicily, including the Ausonian or Siculian, the Ionian, and the Libyan seas: on the N. this basin runs up into the Adriatic, 011 the S. the gulf of Libya penetrates deeply into 58 INTERNUM MARE. INTERNUM MARE. the African continent. The E. part of this basin is interrupted by Cyprus alone, and was divided into the Carpathian, Pamphylian, Cilieian, and Syrian seas. The third or Aegean portion is bounded to the S. by a curved line, which, commencing at the coast of Caria in Asia Minor, is formed by the islands of Rhodes, Crete, and Cythera, joining the Pelopon¬ nesus not far from Cape Malea, with its subdivisions, the Thracian, Myrtoan, Icarian, and Cretan seas. From the Aegean, the " White Sea " of the Turks, the channel of the Hellespont leads into the Pro- pontis, connected by the Thracian Bosporus with the Euxine : to the NE. of that sheet of water lies the Palus Maeotis, with the strait of the Cim¬ merian Bosporus. The configuration of the con¬ tinents and of the islands (the latter either severed from the main or volcanically elevated in lines, as if over long fissures) led in very early times to cosmo- logical views respecting eruptions, terrestrial revolu¬ tions, and overpourings of the swollen higher seas into those which were lower. The Euxine, the Hellespont, the straits of Gades, and the Internal Sea, with its many islands, were well fitted to originate such theories. Not to speak of the floods of Ogyges and Deucalion, or the legendary cleaving of the pillars of Hercules by that hero, the Samo- thracian traditions recounted that the Euxine, once an inland lake, swollen by the rivers that flowed into it, had broken first through the Bosporus and afterwards the Hellespont. (Diod. v. 47.) A reflex of these Samothraeian traditions appears in the " Sluice Theory " of Straton of Lampsacus (Strab. i. pp. 49, 50), according to which, the swellings of the waters of the Euxine first opened the passage of the Hellespont, and afterwards caused the outlet through the Pillars of Hercules. This theory of Straton led Eratosthenes of Cyrene to examine the problem of the equality of level of all external seas, or seas surrounding the continents. (Strab. I. c.; comp. ii. p. 104.) Strabo (i. pp. 51, 54) rejected the theory of Straton, as insufficient to account for all the phenomena, and proposed one of his own, the profoundness of which modern geologists are only now beginning to appreciate. " It is not," he says (I. c.), " because the lands covered by seas were originally at different altitudes, that the waters have risen, or subsided, or receded from some parts and inundated others. But the reason is, that the same land is sometimes raised up and sometimes depressed, so that it either overflows or returns into its own place again. We must therefore ascribe the cause to the ground, either to that ground which is under the sea, or to that which becomes flooded by it; but rather to that which lies beneath the sea, for this is more moveable, and, on account of its wet¬ ness, can be altered with greater quickness." (Lyell, Geology, p. 17; Humboldt, Cosmos, vol. ii. p. 118, trans., Aspects of Nature, vol. ii. pp. 73—83, trans.) The fluvial system of the Internal Sea, including the rivers that fall into the Euxine, consists, be¬ sides many secondary streams, of the Kile, Danube, Borysthenes, Tanais, Po, Rhone, Ebro, and Tyras. The general physics of this sea, and their connec¬ tion with ancient speculations, do not fall within the scope of this article; it will be sufficient to say that the theory of the tides was first studied on the coast of this, which can only in poetical language be called " a tideless sea." The mariner of old had his charts and sailing directories, was acquainted with the bewildering currents and counter-currents of this sea, — the " Typhon" (rvcpcov), and the "Prester" (-Tr^tm/p), the destroyer of those at sea, of which Lucretius (vi. 422—445) has given so terrific a description, — and hailed in the hour of danger, as the " Dioscuri" who played about the mast-head of his vessel (Plin. ii. 437; Sen. Nat. Quaest. ii.), the fire of St. Elmo, " sacred to the seaman." Much valuable information upon the winds, climate, and other atmospheric phenomena, as recorded by the ancients, and compared with modern investigations, is to be found in Smyth (Mediterranean, pp. 210 — 302). Forbiger's sec¬ tion upon Physical Geography (vol. i. pp.576— 655) is useful for the references to the Latin and Greek authors. Some papers, which appeared in Eraser's Magazine for the years 1852 and 1853, upon the fish known to the ancients, throw con¬ siderable light upon the ichthyology of this sea. Recent inquiry has confirmed the truth of many instructive and interesting facts relating to the fish of the Meditcrran an which have been handed down by Aristotle, Pliny, Archestratus, Aelian, Ovid, Op- pian, Athenaeus, and Ausonius. 4. Historical Geography.—To trace the progress of discovery on the waters and shores of this sea would be to give the history of civilisation,—"nul¬ lum sine nomine saxum." Its geographical position has eminently tended towards the intercourse of nations, and the extension of the knowledge of the world The three peninsulas — the Iberian, Italic, and Hellenic—run out to meet that of Asia Minor projecting from the E. coast, while the islands of the Aegean have served as stepping stones for the passage of the peoples from one continent to the other; and the great Indian Ocean advances by the fissure between Arabia, Aegypt, and Abyssinia, under the name of the Red Sea, so as only to be divided by a narrow isthmus from the Delta of the Nile valley and the SE. coast of the Mediterranean. " We," says Plato in the Phaedo (p. 109. b.), " who dwell from the Phasis to the Pillars of Her¬ cules, inhabit only a small portion of the earth in which we have settled round the (Interior) sea, like ants or frogs round a marsh." And yet the margin of this contracted basin has been the site where civilisation was first developed, and the theatre of the greatest events in the early history of the world. Religion, intellectual culture, law, arts, and man¬ ners— nearly everything that lifts us above the savage, have come from these coasts. The earliest civilisation on these shores was to the S., but the national character of the Aegyptians was opposed to intercourse with other nations, and their navigation, such as it was, was mainly con¬ fined to the Nile and Arabian gulf. The Phoe¬ nicians were the first great agents in promoting the communion of peoples, and their flag waved in every part of the waters of the Internal Sea. Carthage and Etruria. though of less importance than Phoe¬ nicia in connecting nations and extending the geo¬ graphical horizon, exercised great influence on commercial intercourse with the W. coast of Africa and the N. of Europe. The progressive movement propagated itself more widely and enduringly through the Greeks and Romans, especially after the latter had broken the Phoenico-Carthaginian power. In the Hellenic peninsula the broken configuration of the coast-line invited early navigation and com¬ mercial intercourse, and the expeditions of the Samians (Herod, iv. 162) and Phocaeans (llerod. INTEROCREA. i. 16.") laid open the W. const of this sea. During tlie period of the Roman Universal Empire, the Mediterranean was the lake of the imperial city. Soon after the conclusion of the First Mithridatic War, piracy, which has always existed from the ear¬ liest periods of history to the present day in the Grecian waters, was carried on systematically by large armies and fleets, the strongholds of which were Cilicia and Crete. From these stations the pirates directed their expeditions over the greater part of the Mediterranean. (Appian, Bell. Mithr. 92: Pint. Pump. 24.) Piracy, crushed by Pom- peius, was never afterwards carried on so extensively as to merit a place in history, but was not entirely extirpated even by the fleet which the Roman em¬ perors maintained in the East, and that cases still occurred is proved by inscriptions. (Biickh, Corp. Inscr. Grace, nn. 2335, 2347.) The Romans despised all trade, and the Greeks, from the time of Hadrian, their great patron, till the extinction of the Roman power in the East, possessed the largest share of the commerce of the Mediterranean. Even after the Moslem conquests, the Arabs, in spite of the various expeditions which they fitted out to attack Constantinople, never succeeded in forming a maritime power; and their naval strength declined with the numbers and wealth of their Christian subjects, until it dwindled into a few piratical squadrons. The emperors of Constantinople really remained masters of the sea. On all points con¬ nected with this sea, see Admiral Smyth, The Me¬ diterranean, London, 1854. [E. B. J.] INTEROCREA (IvrepoKpea, Strab.), a small town or village of the Sabines, between Amiternum and Reate. It was placed on the Via Salaria, at the junction of its two branches, one of which led east¬ wards to Amiternum, the other, and principal one, up the valley of the Velinus, to Asculum. It is now called Antruduco, and is a position of great military importance, from its commanding the entrance to the two passes just mentioned, which must in all ages have formed two of the principal lines of communi¬ cation across the Apennines. It seems, however, to have been in ancient times but a small place : Strabo calls it a village ; and its name is otherwise found only in the Itineraries, which place it at 14 M. P. from Reate, a distance that coincides with the position of _I ntrodoco. (Strab. v. p. 228; Itin. Ant. p. .'307: Tab. Pent.) Its ancient name is evidently derived from its position in a deep valley between rugged mountains ; for we learn from Festus (p. 18i, ed. Mi'ill.) that Ocris was an ancient word for a moun¬ tain: and it is interesting to find this form still pre.-erved in the name of the Montagne di Ocra, a loliy and rugged group of the Apennines, near Atnnla. (Zannoni, Carta del Ileqno di Napoli, 3. fol.) [E. H. B.] INTERPROMIUM, a village of the Marrueini, forming a station on the Via Claudia Valeria be¬ tween Corfinium and 'l'eate. It is repeatedly men¬ tioned in the Itineraries, but the distances are variously given. (Itin. Ant. pp. 102,310; Tab.Pent.') The line of the ancient highroad is, however, well ascertained, and the position of Interpromium is fixed by ancient remains, as well as mediaeval records, at a place on the right bank of the Aternus, just below the narrow gorge through which that river flows below Popali. The site is now marked only by a tavern called the Oxteria di S. Valentino, from the little town of that name on the hill above; it is distant 12 Roman miles from Corfinium (.S'. Pellino), IOL. 59 and 13 from Teate (Chieti), or 21 from Pescara. at the mouth of the Aternus. (Holsten. Not. ad Cluv. p. 143; DAnville, Analyse de I'ltalie, p. 17S; Romanelli, vol. iii. p. 117.) An inscription also mentions Interpromium under the name of Pagus Interprominus (Orell. Inscr. 144; Romanelli, I.e.); it is called " Interpromium vicus " in the Itinerary of Antoninus (p. 102), and was evidently a mere village, probably a dependency of Teate. [E.H.B.] INTI'BILI. 1. [Edetani.] 2. A town of Hispania Raetiea, near llliturgis, the scene of a battle gained by the Romans over the Carthaginians in the Second Punic War. (Liv. xxiii. 49 ; Fron- tin. Stratag. iii. 3.) [P. S.l INUI CASTRUM. [Caktrum Inui.] 1X1 CUM or 1NYCUS ("Ivvkov, Steph. B., but ?; "Iwicos, Herod.: Eth. 'Ivvk1vos\ a town of Sicily, situated in the SW. of the island, on the river Hypsas. It is principally known from its connection with the mythical legends concerning Minos and Daedalus; the capital of the Sicanian prince Cocalus, who afforded a shelter to the fugitive Daedalus against the Cretan monarch, being placed by some writers at Inycum, and by others at Camicus. (Pans, vii. 4. § G; Charax, ap. Steph. B. v. Ka.uifco's.) It is mentioned in historical times by Herodotus as the place of confinement to which Scythes, the ruler of Zancle, was sent by Hippocrates, who had taken him prisoner. (Herod, vi. 23, 24.) Aelian, who copies the narrative of Herodotus, represents Scythes as a native of Inycum; but this is probably a mis¬ take. (Ael. V. II. viii. 17.) Plato speaks of Inycum as still in existence in his time, but quite a small place (x^piW iraw ff^.iKpov) ; notwithstanding which he makes the sophist Hippias boast that he had derived from it a sum of 20 minae. (Plat. Hipp, M. p. 282, e.) It is evident that it always continued to be an inconsiderable place, and was probably a mere dependency of Selinus. Hence we never again meet with its name, though Stephanus tells us that this was still preserved on account of the excellence of its wine. (Steph. 1>. s. v. "\wkov ; Hesych. s. v.) Vibius Sequester is the only author that affords any clue to its position, by telling us that the river Hypsas (the modern Belici) flowed by it (Vib. Sequest. p. 12, according to Oliver's emeu dation); but further than this its site cannot be determined. [E. II. B.] IOBACGHI. [Marmaktca.] IOL, afterwards CAESAREA (Ta>\ Kaicrapeta, Ptol. ii 4. § 5 ; ?? Kaiodpcta., Strab., &c.), ori¬ ginally an obscure Phoenician settlement on the N. coast of Africa, became afterwards famous as the capital of Bocchus and of Juba II. [Mauretania.] The latter king enlarged and adorned the city, and gave it the name of Caesarea, in honour of his patron Augustus. Under the Romans it gave its name to the province of Mauretania Caesariensis, of which it was the capital. It was made a colony by the emperor Claudius. Under Valens it was burnt by the Moors ; but it was again restored ; and in the Gth century it was a populous and flourishing city. It occupied a favourable position midway be¬ tween Carthage and the Straits, and was conveniently situated with reference to Spain, the Balearic islands, and Sardinia ; and it had a natural harbour, pro¬ tected by a small island. To the E. of the city stood the royal mausoleum. (Strab. xvii. p. 831; Dion Cass. Ix. 9; Mela, i. 6. § 1; Plin. v. 2. s. 1; Eutrop. vii. 5 ; Itin. Ant. pp. 5, 15, 25, 31; Oros, vii. 33; Ammian. xxix. 5; Procop. B. Vand. ii. 5.) 00 IOLAI. Caesarea is now identified, beyond all doubt, with the magnificent ruins at Zershell on the coast of Algier, in a little more than 2° E. long. The Arabic name is simply an abbreviation of Caesarea Iol ; a fact clear to the intuitive sagacity of Shaw, and which, in connection with the statements of the ancients, led that incomparable traveller to the truth. Unfortunately, however, nearly all sub¬ sequent writers preferred to follow the thick-headed Mannert, who was misled by an error in the An- tonine Itinerary, whereby all the places along this coast, for a considerable distance, are thrown too far to the W.; until the researches which followed the French conquest of the country revealed inscriptions which set the question at rest for ever. There exist few stronger examples of that golden rule of criti¬ cism :— " Ponderanda sunt testimonia, non nume- randa." (Shaw, Travels, vol. i. pt. 1. c. 3 ; Barth, Wanderungen, p. 56 ; Pellissier, in the Exploration Scientijique de VAlgerie, vol. vi. p. 349.) [P. S.] IOLAI or IOLAENSES ('irfAaoi, Paus.; 'Io- Aaeioi, Diod.; 'IoAaets, Strab. v. p. 225), a people of Sardinia, who appear to have been one of the indigenous or native tribes of the island. According to Strabo, they were the same people who were called in his day Diagesbians or Diagebrians (Ata- 77j§pe?s or Aiay^crSus), a name otherwise unknown: and he adds that they were a Tyrrhenian people, a statement in itself not improbable. The commonly received tradition, however, represented them as a Greek race, composed of emigrants from Attica and Thespiae, who had settled in the island under the command of Iolaus, the nephew of Hercules. (Paus. x. 17. § 5 ; Diod. iv. 30, v. 15.) It is evident that this legend was derived from the resemblance of the name (in the form which it assumed accord¬ ing to the Greek pronunciation) to that of Iolaus : what the native form of the name was, we know not; and it is not mentioned by any Latin author, though both Pau-anias and Diodorus affirm that it was still retained by the part of the island which had been inhabited by the Iolai. Hence, modern writers have assumed that the name is in reality the same with that of the Ilienses, which would seem probable enough ; but Pausanias, the only writer who mentions them both, expressly dis¬ tinguishes the two. That author speaks of Olbia, in the XE. part of the island, as one of their chief towns. Diodorus represents them, on the contrary, as occupying the plains and most fertile portions of the island, while the district adjoining Olbia is one of the most rugged and mountainous in Sar¬ dinia. [E. II. 13.] IOLCUS ('Ia>AK. 867; Milman, llist. of Jews, vol. ii. pp. 287— 309). Mr. Bankes (Irby and Mangles, Trav. p. 299) has fixed the site at the singular remains of KiiVat Ibn Ma'am, in the Wady-el-IIamam (comp. Burkhardt, Trav. p. 331; Bitter, Erdkunde, vol. xv. pt. i. p, 327), but Bobinson (Researches, vol. iii. pp. 279—282) identifies these ruins with the Ak- dela of Galilee and its fortified caverns. [E. B. J.] JO'TAl'E ('Icorarr): Eth. 'IcoTa7retTrjs), a small town of Cilicia, in the district called Selenitis, not far from Selinus. It is perhaps the same place as Laerte, the native city of Diogenes Laertius. It is identified with the modern fort Lambcirdo. (Ptol. v. 8. § 2; Plin.v. 22; Concil. Chalced. p. 659; Hierocl. p. 709, where it is called 'lordivr}; comp. Laekte.) The coins of Iotape belong to the emperors Philip and Valerian. [L. S.] JOVA'LIA, a town of Lower Pannonia, on the southern bank of the river Dravus. (Itin. Ilieros. ■ p. 562.) In the Peut. Tab. it is called Iovallium, while Ptolemy (ii. 16. § 6.) calls it 'lovoWov or 'IovSoAoi', and the Geog. Bav. (iv. 19), Ioballios. It occupied, in all probability, the site of the modern village of Valpo. [L. S.] JOVEM, Al), in Gallia Aquitania, a Mutatio on the road from Burdigala (Bordeaux) to Tolosa (Toulouse); and between Bucconis and Tolosa. This Mutatio was seven leagues from Tolosa. D'Anville conjectures it to be at a place which he names Gvevin or G-uerin. Walckenaer fixes the Mutatio of Bucconis near the Bois du Bouconne. [G. L.] JO'VIA, a town in Lower Pannonia, south of the river Dravus, on the road from Poetovium to Mursa. (Itin. Ilieros. p. 561; ltin.Ant. p. 130; Tab. Pent.) The site is generally identified with some ruins found at Toplika. Another place of the same name is mentioned in Upper Pannonia, on the same road (Itin. Ant. p. 264), and is identified with some ruins i f mnd at Iovineze. [L. S.] 64 joviacum. IRIS. JOVTACUM, a town in Noricum, wliere a " prae- fectus secundae Italicae militura Liburnariorum" had his head-quarters ; a circumstance suggesting that the town, though situated some distance from the Danube, was yet connected with its navigation. (Itin. Ant. p. 249; Not. Imp.; Tab. Pent.) [L. S.] JOVIS MONS (Mongri, near Ampurias), a spur of the Pyrenees in Spain, running out into the Mediterranean near the frontier of Gaul. The step¬ like terraces which its face presented were called Scalae Herculis. (Mela, ii. 6. § 5.) [P. S.] JOVIS MONS (rb Atbs opos, Ptol. iv. 3. § 18 ; Zowan), a mountain of Africa Propria, between the rivet's Bagradas and Triton, apparently containing the sources of the river Catada. [P. S.] JOVIS PAGUS, a town in the interior of Moesia, on the eastern bank of the Margus. {Itin. Ilieros. p. 565 ; Tub. Pent.; Geog. Eav. iv. 7, where it is called simply Pagus.) Some identify it with the modern Glcirjovacz. [L. S.] JOVIS l'ROMONTORIUM (Alos &KPa, Ptol. vii. 4. § 4), a promontory mentioned by Ptolemy, at the S. end of the island of Taprobane (Ceylon). Its exact position cannot be identified, but it must have been in the neighbourhood of the present Point du Galle, if it be not the same. [V.] II'AGRO or IPAGRUM (Aguilar,on the Cabra), a city of Hispania Baetica, 28 M. P. south of Corduba, on the road to Gades. (Itin. Ant. p. 412 ; Inscr. ap. Muratori, p. 1052, No. 3 ; Florez, Esp. S. vol. xii. p. 2 ; Coins, ap. Florez, Med. vol. ii. p. 647; Mion- rot, vol. i. p. 17, Suppl. vol. i. p. 29; Sestini, pp. 28, 29 ; Eckhel, vol. i. p. 23.) [P. S.] 1PASTURGI. [Istukgi.] II'IIISTIADAE. [Attica, p. 326, b.] Il'NI ('iTrfoi), on the coast of Magnesia, in Thes- saly, at the foot of Mount Pelion, where part of the fleet of Xerxes was wrecked, seems to have been the name of some rocks. (Herod, vii. 188 ; Strab. ix. p. 443 ) 1PNUS ("17tvos : Eth. 'l-rrvevs), a town of the Locri Ozolae, of uncertain site. (Thuc. iii. 101; Steph. B. s. v.) 1PSUS ("Iif/ovs or "Iif'os), a small town of Phry- gia, a few miles below Synnada. The place itself never was of any particular note, but it is celebrated in history for the great battle fought in its plains, n. c- 301, by the aged Antigonus and his son De¬ metrius against the combined forces of Cassander, Lysimachus, Ptolemy, and Seleucus, in which An¬ tigonus lost his conquests and his life, (l'lut. Pyrrh. 4; Appian, Syriac. 55.) From Hierocles (p. 677) and the Acts of Councils ( Concil. Nicaen, ii. p. 161), we learn that in the seventh and eighth centuries it was the see of a Christian bishop. Some moderns identify Ipsus with Ipsili Ilissar. [L. S.] IRA ('Ipa). 1. A town of Messenia, mentioned by Homer (II. ix. 150,292), usually identified with the later Abia on the Messenian gulf. [Abia.] 2. Or Fir a (Elpa'), a mountain in Messenia, which the Messenians fortified in the Second Messe¬ nian War, and which Aristomenes defended for ten years against the Spartans. It was in the north of Messenia, near the river Neda. Leake places it at no great distance from the sea, under the side of the mountain on which now stands Sidherclcastro and Mdrmaro ; but there are no ancient remains in this spot. More to the east, on the left bank of the Neda, near KaJcaletri, are the remains of an ancient fortress, which was, in all probability, Eira; and the lofty mountain above, now called Tetrazi, was probably the highest summit of Mount Eira. (Paus. iv. 17. § 10, iv. 20. §§ 1.5; Strab. viii. p. 360 ; Steph. B. s. v. 'ipa • Leake, Morea, vol. i. p. 486 ; Gell, Itiner. of the Morea, p. 84 ; Ross, Reisen im Pelo- ponnes, p. 95, seq.) IRENO'POLIS (E'tprjvdiToXis), a town of the dis¬ trict Lacunitis, in the north-east of Cilicia. It was situated not far from the river Calycadnus, and is said to have once borne the name of Neronias (Nepw- vlas). (Theodoret. Hist. Eccles. i. 7, ii. 8; Socrat. ii. 26; Ptol. v. 8. § 6.) [L. S.] IRENO'POLIS. [Beroea.] IRE'SIAE. [Asterium.] IRIA FLAVIA. [Gallaecia.] IRIA (Ei'pi'a, Ptol. : Eth. Iriensis: Voghera), a considerable town of the interior of Liguria, men¬ tioned both by Pliny and Ptolemy, as well as in the Itineraries, which place it 10 miles from Dertona, on the road to Placentia. (Plin. iii. 5. s. 7; Ptol. iii. 1. § 35; Itin. Ant. p. 288; Tab. Pent.) This dis¬ tance agrees with the site of the modern town of Voghera, which appears to have been called in the middle ages Vicus Iriae, a name gradually corrupted into its modern appellation. It is situated on the little river Stajfora, which would seem to have borne in ancient times the same name with the city: it is called Hiria or Iria by P. Diaconus, who tells us that the emperor Majorianus was put to death on its banks. (Hist. Miscell. xvi. p. 554.) Ptolemy in¬ cludes Iria, as well as Dertona, in the territory of the Taurini; but this would seem to be certainly a mistake: that people could never have extended so far to the eastward. An inscription (of which the reading is, however, a matter of controversy) has " Coloniae Foro Juli Iriensium," from which it would seem that Iria, as well as the neighbouring Dertona, became a colony after the death of Caesar, and ob¬ tained the name of Forum Julii; but this is very doubtful. No other trace is found either of the name or the colony. (Maffei, Mus. Ver. p. 371. 4; Murat. Inscr. p. 1108. 4; Orell. Inscr. 73.) [E. II. R.] IRINE, an island in the Argolic gulf, supposed by Leake to be Ypsili. (Plin. iv. 12. s. 19 : Leake, Peloponnesiaca, p. 294.) IRIXUS SINUS. [Cantiii Sinus.] IRIPPO, a town of Hispania Baetica (Plin. iii. 1. s. 3), which Ukert supposes to have been situated in the Sierra de Honda, near Zara or Pinal. (Flo¬ rez, Esp. S. vol. xii. p. 303 ; Coins, ap. Florez, Med. vol. ii. p. 474, vol. iii. p. 85 ; Mionnet, vol. i. p. 56, Suppl. vol. i. p. 113; Sestini, Med. Isp. p. 61 ; Ukert, vol. ii. pt. 1. p. 358.) [P. S.] IRIS (o "Ipis: Kasalmah), a considerable river of Pontus, which has its sources in the heights of Anti- taurus in the south of Pontus. It flows at first in a north-western direction, until reaching Comana it takes a western turn: it thus passes by the towns of Mesyla and Gaziura. A little above Ami- sus it receives the Scylax, and turns eastward; near Eupatoria the Lycus empties itself into it. After this it flows due north, and, traversing the plain of Themiscyra, it empties itself into the Euxine by four mouths, the westernmost of which is the most impor¬ tant. (Strab. xii. p. 556.) The Iris is smaller than the Halys (Apollon. Rhod. ii. 368), but still a consi¬ derable river, flowing through a vast extent of country, and, according to Xenophon (Anab. v. 6. § 3), was three plethra in breadth. (Comp. Strab. i. p. 52, xii. 547; Scylax, p. 32; Ptol. v. 6. § 2; Xenoph. v. 6. § 9, vi. 2. § 1; Apollon. Rhod. ii. 965; Dionys. Per. 783; Plin. vi. 3, 4.) The part near its mouth is IRIS. now called Yechtl or Yehil Irmak. (Hamilton, Re¬ searches, vol. i. p. 340.) [L. b.] I1I1S. [Iurne.] IliUS or IRA ("Ipos or'Ipa), a town of Malis, of uncertain site. (Steph. B. s. vv. ; Lycophr. 903.) IS ("Ij, Herod, i. 179), a town of Mesopotamia, eight days' journey N. of Babylon, situated, accord- in;; to Herodotus, on a stream of the same name, which brought down the bitumen which was used in the construction of the walls of Babylon. There is no reason to doubt that it is represented by the modern Hit. There does not appear to be any river at present at Ilit, but a small stream may have been easily blocked up by the sand of ages. There are still bitumen springs in the neighbourhood of this place. It has been conjectured that the 'l^avi/^cro- 7roAi? of Isidorus (p. 5) refers to the same town. (Hitter, Erdhtnde, vol. ii. p. 148; Rennell, Gcogr. of Herod, p. 552.) [V.] ISACA, in Britain, a river mentioned by Ptolemy (ii. 3. § 4) as lying west of the outlet of the Ta- victrus (Tamar). In the Monumenta Britannica, Isacae ostia are identified with Weymouth, and also with Exmouth; most probably the latter, name for name, as well as place for place. In the Geographer of Ravenna the form is Isca, which is preferable. [Isca.] ^ [R. G. L.] ISADICI (Elad^ucoi), a people whom Strabo (xi. p. 506) couples with the Troglodytae and other tribes of the Caucasus. The name may imply some Hellenic fancy about savage justice and virtue. (Comp. Groskurd, ad loc.) [E. B. J.] ISAMNIUM, m Ireland, mentioned by Ptolemy (ii. 2. § 8) as a promontory north of the Bubinda (river Buyne) = St. Joints Foreland, Clogher Head, bunani] Point, Ballashan Point (?). [R. G. L.] ISANNAVATIA, in Britain, mentioned in the Gth Itinerary as lying between Lactodurum and Tripontium. It is a name of some difficulty, since neither of the places on each side of it has been identified. (See vv.) In the Geographer of Ra¬ venna we find a Bannovallum, and in the 8th Itine¬ rary a Bannovantum. Probably these two names are identical. At any rate, Bannovantum = Isanna- vatia, since each is 28 miles from Magiovinium. Thus, in the Gth Itinerary, we have: — Magiovinio M. P. Lactodoro - - xvi. Isannavatia - - xii=xxviii. And in the 8th:— M. P. Iiannavanto Magiovinio - - xxviii. It is only safe to say that Isannavatia was a town in the southern part of Northamptonshire, probably JJaventry. The Itinerary in which it occurs has only two names beyond doubt, viz. Verulamium and Lindurn (St. Allans and Lincoln). Daventry, how¬ ever, is Horsley's identification. In more than one map of Roman Britain, Bannovallum is placed in Lincolnshire. This is because it is, in the first place, separated from Bannovantum, and then fixed on the river Bain, a Lincolnshire river. This is the meaning of Horncastle being given as its equivalent. The change, however, and the assumption, are equally gratuitous. [R. G. L.] I'SARA, the river. 1. [Insula.] 2. The Isara, which was a branch of the Sequana, lias its name preserved in the Celtic name of a place which was on it, named Briva Isarae. [Bkiva Isarae.] The Celtic element Is has become Oise, the modern name of the river, which is the same vol. ii. ISAURIA. 65 word as the English Ouse. D'Anvillc says that the name Isara in the middle ages became Esia or Aesia. Vibius Sequester mentions a river Esia which flows into the Sequana; but D'Anville suspects the passage to be an interpolation, though it is impossible to judge what is interpolation in such a strange book as Vibius Sequester. Oberlin, the editor of Vibius Sequester, maintains the passage to be genuine (p. 110). [G. L.] 3. [Lura.] ISARCI, a Rhaetian tribe dwelling about the mouth of the river Isarus (Plin. iii. 24), from which it appears to have derived its name. [L. S.] ISARGUS. [Ilargus.] ISARUS ("Io-apoy ; the Isar), a river of the Rhaetian Alps, flowing from an Alpine lake, and in a southern direction until it joins the Athesis near Pons Drusi. (Strab. iv. p. 207, where the "laapos (or a) is said to receive the Atagis (Athesis) ; either a mistake of Strabo himself, or by a transcriber transposing the names. Comp. Ilarus.) [L. S.] ISAURA (ra "Iaaupa: Eth. 'Icraupevs), the ca¬ pital of Isauria, situated in the south-west of the country; it was a wealthy, populous, and well-forti¬ fied city at the foot of Mount Taurus. Of its earlier history nothing is known; but we learn from Dio- dorus (xviii. 22) that when it was besieged by I'er- diccas, and the inhabitants were no longer able to hold out, they set fire to the city, and destroyed themselves with all they possessed. Large quantities of molten gold were found afterwards by the Mace¬ donians among the ashes and ruins. The town was rebuilt, but was destroyed a second time by the Ro¬ man Servilius Isauricus, and thenceforth it remained a heap of ruins. Strabo (xii. p. 56S) states that the place was ceded by the Romans to Amyntas of Galatia, who built out of the ruins of the ancient city a new one in the neighbourhood, which he sur¬ rounded with a wall; but he did not live to complete the work. In the third century of our aera Isaura was the residence of the rival emperor Trebellianus (Trebell. Poll. XXX. Tyran. 25); but in the time of Ammianus Marcellinus (xiv. 8) nearly all traces of its former magnificence had vanished. At a later period it is still mentioned, under the name Isauro- polis, as a town in the province of Lycaonia. (Hierocl. p. 675; Concil. Chalced. p. 673; comp. Strab. xiv. p. 665 ; Ptol. v. 4. § 12; Steph. B. s. v.; Plin. v. 27.) Of Old Isaura no ruins appear to be found, though D'Anville and others have identified it with the modern Bei Sheher; they also believe that Seidi Shelter occupies the site of New Isaura, while some travellers regard Serhi Serai as the representative of New Isaura; but Hamilton (Researches, vol. ii. pp. 330, foil.) has given good reasons for thinking that certain ruins, among which are the remains of a triumphal arch of the emperor Hadrian and a gate¬ way, on a hill near the village of Olou Bounar mark the site of New Isaura. The walls of the city can still be traced all around the place. The Isaurians were a people of robbers, and the site of their city was particularly favourable to such a mode of life. [Isauria.] [L. S.] ISAU'RIA (?; Itravp'ia), a district in Asia Minor, bordering in the east on Lycaonia, in the north on Phrygia, in the west on Pisidia, and in the south on Cilicia and Pamphylia. Its inhabitants, living in a wild and rugged mountainous country, were little known to the civilised nations of antiquity. The country contained but few towns, which existed especially in the northern part, which was less 66 ISAURIA. ISCA. mountainous, though the capital, Isaura, was in the south. Strabo, in a somewhat obscure pas¬ sage (xii. p. 568), seems to distinguish between 'icravpia, the northern part, and 'IcravpLKri, the southern and less known part, which he regards as belonging to Lycaonia. Later writers, too, de¬ signate by the name Isauria only the northern part of the country, and take no notice of the south, which was to them almost a terra incognita. The inhabitants of that secluded mountainous region of Asia, the Isauri or Isaurica gens, appear to have been a kindred race of the Pisidians. Their prin¬ cipal means of living were derived from plunder and rapine; from their mountain fastnesses they used to descend into the plains, and to ravage and plunder wherever they could overcome the inhabitants of the valleys in Cilicia, Phrygia, and Pisidia. These marauding habits rendered the Isaurians, who also took part in the piracy of the Cilicians, so dangerous to the neighbouring countries that, in b. c. 78, the Romans sent against them an army under P. Servi- lius, who, after several dangerous campaigns, suc¬ ceeded in conquering most of their strongholds and reducing them to submission, in consequence of which he received the surname of Isauricus. (Strab. 1. c.; Diod. Sic. xviii. 22 ; Zosim. v. 25; Mela, i. 2; Plin. v. 23; Eutrop. vi. 3; Liv. Epit. 93 ; Dion Cass. xlv. 16; Flor. iii. 6; Ptol. v. 4. § 12; Oros. v. 23; Amm. Marc. xiv. 2, xxv. 9.) The Isaurians after this were quite distinct from the Lycaonians, for Cicero (ad Att. v. 21; comp. ad Earn. xv. 2) distinguishes between the Forum Lycaonium and the Isauricum. But notwithstanding the severe measures of Servilius, who had destroyed their strongholds, and even their capital of Isaura, they subsequently continued to infest their neighbours, which induced the tetrarch Amyntas to attempt their extirpation; but he did not succeed, and lost his life in the attempt. Although the glorious vic¬ tory of Pompey over the pirates had put an end to such practices at sea, the Isaurians, who in the midst of the possessions of Rome maintained their independence, continued their predatory excursions, and defied the power of Rome; and the Romans, un¬ able to protect their subjects against the bold moun¬ taineers in any other way, endeavoured to check them by surrounding their country with a ring of fortresses. (Treb. Poll. XXX. Tijr. 25.) In this, however, the Romans succeeded but imperfectly, for the Isaurians frequently broke through the sur¬ rounding line of fortifications; and their successes emboldened them so much that, in the third century of our aera, they united themselves with their kins¬ men, the Cilicians, into one nation. From that time the inhabitants of the highlands of Cilicia also are comprised under the name of Isauri, and the two, united, undertook expeditions on a very large scale. The strongest and most flourishing cities were attacked and plundered by them, and they re¬ mained the terror of the surrounding nations. In the third century, Trebellianus, a chief of the Cilician Isaurians, even assumed the title and dignity of Roman emperor. The Romans, indeed, conquered and put him to death; but were unable to reduce the Isaurians. The emperor Probus, for a time, succeeded in reducing them to submission; but they soon shook off the yoke. (Vopisc. Prob. 16; Zosim. j. 69, 70.) To the Greek emperors they were par¬ ticularly formidable, for whole armies are said to have been cut to pieces and destroyed by them. (Suid. s. v. ftpvxtos and 'Hpa/cAeios ; Philostorg. Tlist. Eccles. xi. 8.) Once the Isaurians even had the honour of giving an emperor to the East in the person of Zeno, surnamed the Isaurian; but they were subsequently much reduced by the emperor Anastasius, so that in the time of Justinian they had ceased to be formidable. (Comp. Gibbon, Hist, of the Decline, cfc., chap, xl.) The Isaurians are de¬ scribed as an ugly race, of low stature, and badly armed; in the open field they were bad soldiers, but as hardened mountaineers they were irresistible in what is called guerilla warfare. Their country, though for the most part consisting of rugged moun¬ tains, was not altogether barren, and the vine was cultivated to a considerable extent. (Amm. Marc, xiv. 8.) Traditions originating in the favourite pur¬ suits of the ancient Isaurians are still current among the present inhabitants of the country, and an inte¬ resting specimen is related in Hamilton's Researches, vol. ii. p. 331. [L. S.] ISC A, the name of two towns in Britain. The criticism of certain difficulties connected with their identification is given under Muridunum. Here it is assumed that one is Exeter, the other Caerleon- on-Ush. 1. IscA = .Rs-eter, mentioned by Ptolemy (ii. 3. § 30). In the 12th and 15th Itineraries this appears as Isca Dumnoniorum, 15 miles from Muridunum. The word Dumnoniorum shows that Devonshire is the county in which it is to be sought. Name for name, Exeter suggests itself. Nevertheless, Horsley gives Uxela as the Roman name for Exeter, and placed Isca D. at Chiselboro'. After remarking on Isaca, that " it is universally supposed to be the river Exe in Devonshire," and that " Isacae ostia must, therefore, be Exmouth," he adds, " Isca Dumnonio¬ rum has been universally taken for Exeter; I have placed it near Chiselboro' and South Petherton, near the borders of Somersetshire" (p. 371). His ob¬ jections (p. 462) lie in the difficulty of fixing Mu¬ ridunum (q. v.) ; but, beyond this, he considers himself free to claim Uxela (q. v.) as Exeter. For considering Isca Dumnoniorum to be Exeter, he sees no better reason than " general opinion and some seeming affinity of names." Yet the " affinity of names " has been laid great stress on in the case of Isacae ostia. The Isca of Ptolemy must be about 20 or 30 miles north-east of the mouth of the Exe, " on which river Exeter stands. This reaches to the Ax." Hence he suggests Ilchester as Isca Dumn.; but, as he admits that that town has a claim to be considered Ischalis (q. v.), he also admits that some of the localities about Hampden Hill (where there are the remains of a Roman camp), South Petherton (where Roman coins have been found), and Chiselboro' (not far from the Axe), have better claims. Hence, in his map, Uxela=Exeter, and Isca D. = Chiselboro'. Assuming that some, if not all, these difficulties are explained under Uxela and Muridunum, the positive evidence in favour of Exeter is something more than mere opinion and similarity of name. (1) The form Isca is nearer to Ex than Ax, and that Isaca=Exe is admitted. The Ux- in Ux-ela may better — A x. (2) There is no doubt as to the other Isca = Caerleoii-on- Usk. Now, Roger Hoveden, who wrote whilst the Cornish was a spoken language, states that the name of Exeter was the same as that of Caerleon, in British, i. e. Caerwisc — civitas aquae. (3) The statement of Horsley, that " he could never hear of any military way leading to or from " Exeter, misleads. In Polwhele (p. 182) we have a ISCA. ISIS. 67 most distinct notice of the road from Seaton, and, nine miles from Exeter, the locality called Street-way Head; the name street— road (when not through a town or village) being strong evidence of the way being Roman. Tesselated pavements and the foun¬ dations of Roman walls have been found at Exeter, as well as other remains, showing that it was not only a Roman town, but a Roman town of im¬ portance, as it continued to be in the Saxon times, and as it had probably been in the British. 2. Isca L hgionis = Caerleon-on- Usk, is men¬ tioned in the 12th Itinerary, i. e. in the one where Isca Dumnoniorum occurs. The only town given by Ptolemy to the Silures, the population of the parts to which Isca (sometimes called by later writers Isca Silurum) belongs, is Bullaeum. This = Bur- rium of the Itinerary, 8 Roman miles from Isca (= Usk, about 6 English miles from Caerleon.) Hence, Isca may have been a military station of comparatively recent date. But there is a fur¬ ther complication. It is the Devonshire Isca to which Ptolemy gives the Second Legion (Ae-yiW oeuTfpa. 2e§a) 250 stadia, and thence to that of the Isiaci 50 stadia. The 0dessus('O5rjacros) of Arrian (for lie places Odessus at Varna) is probably a false reading, and is the same as the Ordesus ('Op57](r6s) of Ptolemy (iii. 5. § 29) and Pliny (iv. 12), situated upon the river Axiaces, or the modern Teligul, a large estuary which receives a river of the same name. As the interval in Arrian between Odessus (Ordesus) and the island is too short, so the next is too large; but the errors balance one another, and the harbour of the Isiaci agrees with that of Odessa within three quarters of a mile ; the port of the Istrians may have lain to the N. of the bay of Odessa. [E. 15. J.] IS1DIS 01TIDUM (Plin. v. 10. s. 11). Near the city of Busiris, in the Aegyptian Delta, was situated a splendid temple of Isis, around which, besides the ordinary dwellings of the priests within the sacred precincts, gradually clustered a large and flourishing village, inhabited by the artisans and husbandmen who supplied the wants or tilled the lands of the inmates of the temple. These buildings formed probably the hamlet or town of Isis mentioned by Pliny. The modern village of Bahbeyt, N. of the ancient city of Busiris. is supposed to cover the ruins of the Templum Isidis. (Pococke, Travels in the East, vol. i. p. 34; Minutoi, p. 304.) [Bu¬ siris.] [W. B. D.] ISINISCA, a place in Rhaetia Seeunda, on the ancient road between Augsburg and Salzburg. (Itin. Ant. pp. 236, 251, 257 ; Tab. Pent., where it is called Isunisca.) It is identified by some with Isen, and by others with a place near Helfenclorf [L. S.] ISIONDA ('liriivSa), a town in the south-west of Pisidia, a few miles to the north-west of Ter- messus. (Polyb. Exc. de Leg. 31; Liv. xxxviii. 15.) Strabo (xii. p. 570), in enumerating the Pisidian towns, mentions one which he calls Sinda, a name which some editors believe to be a corrupt reading for Isionda; but, as there existed a town of the name of Sinda near Cibyra in Pisidian Phrygia, it would be hazardous to decide anything. (See Kramer's note on Strab. I. c.) Sir C. Fellowes (Asia Minor, p. 194) found extensive remains of an ancient town on the top and side of one of the many isolated hills of the district, which he supposes to be the ruins of Isionda, but he does not mention any coins or in¬ scriptions in support of his conjecture. [L. S.] ISIS (b "Icis), a navigable river on the east coast of the Euxine between the Aeinasis and Mogrus, from each of which its distance amounted to 90 stadia, while its mouth was 180 stadia south of that of the 1'hasis. (Arrian, Peripl. p. 7 ; Plin. vi. 4; F 2 68 ISIUM. ISSEDONES. Scylax, p. 32, where the common reading vIpis has been corrected by Gail.) This river is believed to be the modern Tshoroh. [L. S.] I'SIUM (Lsiu, Itin. Anton, p. 167 ; Isui, Not. Imp.), was a fort situated on the borders of the Thebaid and Heptanomis in Egypt, in lat. 27° 5' N., and on the eastern bank of the Nile. Isium was about 20 miles SE. from the castle of Hieracon, and nearly 24 miles NE. from that of Muthis. Under the Roman empire a troop of British infantry (ala Britonum) was stationed there. [W. B. 1).] ISIUS MONS (jb"laiou opos, Ptol. iv. 7. § 5), a mountain, or rather a ridge of highlands rising gra¬ dually on its western side, but steep and escarped towards the east, on the coast of Aethiopia, and in the Regio Troglodytica. It was seated in lat. 20° 1' N., a little to the southward of the headland Mne- mium (Mp7JfttTov ixicpov, Ptol. iv. 5. § 7), and SW. of Berenice and the Sinus Immundus (Foul Bay). Mons Isius answers to the modern Rcis-el-Dwaer. Strabo, indeed (xvii. p. 770), places this eminence further to the south, and says that it was so called from a temple of Isis near its summit. [W. B. I).] ISMARIS ('Ia-fxapls \ifj.vri'), a small lake on the south coast of Thrace, a little to the east of Maronea. (Herod, vii. 169; Steph. B. s.v. "lcr/xapos.') On its eastern side rises Mt. Ismarus. [Ismakus.] [L. S.] l'SMARUS ("Ia-fxapos), a mountain rising on the east of lake Ismaris, on the south coast of Thrace (Yirg. Eel. vi. 30, Georrj. ii. 37 ; Propert. ii. 13. 5. iii. 12. 25 : Lucret. v. 31, where it is called Is- mara, as in Virg. Aen. x. 351.) Homer (Od. ix. 40,198) speaks of Ismarus as a town of the Cicones, on or at the foot of the mountain. (Comp. Marc. Heracl. 28.) The name of the town also appears in the form Ismaron. (Plin. iv. 18.) The district about Ismarus produced wine which was highly esteemed. (Athen. i. p. 30; Ov. Met. ix. 641; Steph. B. s. v.) [L. S.] ISME'NUS. [Tiiebae.] 1 SON DAE Qladvtiai, Ptol. v. 9. § 23), a people whose position must be sought for in the valley of the river Terek or Kuma, in Lezgestdn, to the W. of the Caspian. [E. B. J.] ISPI'NUM. [Carpetani.] ISRAEL. [Palaestina.] ISSA ("Icrci, Ptol. ii. 16. § 14; Agathem. i. 5; Pomp. Mela, ii. 7. § 13; Plin. iii. 26; Steph. B.; Itin. Anton.; Peut. Tab. ; Isia, Geog. Rav.; "lvs, Const. Porph. de Adm. Imp. 36 : Eth. and Adj. "lacreus, Issaeus, Issensis, Issaicus: Lissa), one of the most well known of the islands in the Adriatic, off the coast of Liburnia. (Stiab. vii. p. 315.) It is mentioned by Scylax (p. 8) as a Grecian colony, which, according to Scymnus of Chios (1. 412), was sent from Syracuse. Diodorus (xv. 13) relates that in rs. c. 3S7 Dionysius the elder, in his attempts to secure to himself the sovereignty of the Adriatic, assisted the Parians in founding colonies at Issa and Pharos. The island was besieged by Agron, king of Illyria, and the inhabitants applied to Rome for protection, when a message was sent by the Romans to Agron, requiring him to desist from molesting the friends of the republic. In the mean time, b. c. 232, Agron died; and his widow Teuta, having succeeded to the throne, resolved on pressing the siege of Issa. The Roman envoys required her to cease from hos¬ tilities, when, in defiance of the law of nations, she put one of them to death. This brought on the First Illyrian War, b. o. 229; one of the consequences of which was the liberation of Issa. (Polyb. ii. 8; App. Illyr. 7.) That Issa remained free for a long time is proved by its coins, which also show that the island was famous for its wine (comp. Athen. i. p. 22), bearing, as they do, an "amphora" on one side, and on the other a vine with leaves. (Eckliel, vol. ii. p. 159.) The inhabitants were expert sea¬ men, and their beaked ships, " Lembi Issaici," ren¬ dered the Romans especial service in the war with Philip of Macedon. (Liv. xxxi. 45, sxxvii. 16, xlii. 48.) They were exempted from the payment of tribute (Liv. xlv. 8), and were reckoned as Roman citizens (Plin. iii. 21). In the time of Caesar the chief town of this island appears to have been very flourishing. The island now called Lissa rises from the sea, so that it is seen at a considerable distance; it has two ports, the larger one on the NE. side, with a town of the same name: the soil is barren, and wine forms its chief produce. Lissa is memorable in modern times for the victory obtained by Sir W. Hoste over the French squadron in 1811. (Sir G. Wilkinson, Dal mat in and Montenegro, vol. i. p. 110; Neige- baur, Die Sudsluveni, pp. 110—115.) [E. B. J.] ISSA. [Lesbos.] ISSACIIAR. [Palaf.stina.] ISSE'DONES ('Io'iTTjSoj'es, Steph. B. s. v. ; in the Roman writers the usual form is " Esse- dones"), a people living to the E. of the Argip- paei, and the most remote of the tribes of Cen¬ tral Asia with whom the Hellenic colonies on the Euxine had any communication. The name is found as early as the Spartan Alcman, b. c. 671 —631, who calls them "Assedones" (Fr. 94, ed. Welcker), and Hecataeus (.FV.168, ed. Klau- sen). A great movement among the nomad tribes of the N. had taken place in very remote times, fol¬ lowing a direction from NE. to SW.; the Arimaspi bad driven out the Issedones from the steppes over which they wandered, and they in turn drove out the Scythians, and the Scythians the Cim¬ merians. Traces of these migrations were indicated in the poem of Aristeas of Proconnesus, a semi- mythical personage, whose pilgrimage to the land of the Issedones was strangely disfigured after his death by the fables of the Milesian colonists. (Herod, iv. 13.) The Issedones, according to Herodotus (iv. 26), have a custom, when any one loses his father, for the kinsfolk to kill a certain number of sheep, whose flesh they hash up together with that of the dead man, and make merry over it. This done, they peel and clean out his skull, which after it has been gilded becomes a kind of idol to which yearly sacrifices are offered. In all other respects they are a righteous people, submitting to the rule of women equally with that of men ; in other words, a civilised people. Heeren (Asiat. Nat. vol. ii. p. 15, trans.), upon Dr. Levden's authority (Asiat. Res. vol. ix. p. 202), illustrates this way of carrying out the duties of ISSEDOXES. filial piety by the practice of the Battas of Sumatra. It may be remarked that a similar story is told of the Indian Fadaei. (Herod, iii. 99.) Pomponras Mela (ii. I. § 13) simpiy copies the statement of Herodotus, though he alters it so far as to assert that the Issedones used the skull as a drinking cup. The name occurs more than once in Fliny (iv. 26, vi. 7, 19) ; and Ptolemy, who has a town Issedon in Serica (''lo-ariSi&v, vi. 16. § 7, viii. 24. § 5), men¬ tions in another place (viii. 24. § 3) the Scythian Issedon. (Comp. Steph. B. s. v.-, Amm. Marc, xxiii. 6 § 66. Von Humboldt (Asie Centrale, vol. i. pp. 390— 412) lias shown that, if the relief of the countries between the Don and the Irtysh be compared with the itinerary traced by Herodotus from the Tliys- sagetae to the Issedones, it will be seen that the Father of History was acquainted with the existence of vast plains separating the Ural and Altai, chains which modern geographers have been in the habit of uniting by an imaginary range passing through the steppe of the Kirghiz. This route (Herod, iv. 23, 24) recognises the passage of the Ural from W. to E., and indicates another chain more to the E. and more elevated — that of the Altai. These chains, it is true, are not designated by any special names, but Herodotus was not acquainted even in Europe with the names of the Alps and Iihipaean moun¬ tains ; and a comparison of the order in which the peoples are arranged, as well as the relief and de¬ scription of the country, shows that much definite information had been already attained. Advancing from the Palus Macotis, which was supposed to be of far larger dimensions than it really is, in a central direction towards the XE., the first people found occupying the plains are the " Black-clothed" Me- lanchlaeni, then the Budini, Thyssagetae, the Iukcae (who have been falsely identified with the Turks), and finally, towards the E., a colony of Scythians, who had separated themselves from the " lioyal Scythians " (perhaps to barter gold and skins). Here the plains end, and the ground be¬ comes broken {\idwSt]s Kal rpr)X*v), rising into mountains, at the foot of which are the Argippaei, who have been identified from their long chins and flat noses with the Kalmucks or Mongolians by Niebuhr, Boekh, and others, to whom reference is made by Mr. Grote. {Hist, of Greece, vol. iii. p. 320.) This identification has been disputed by Humboldt (comp. Cosmos, vol. i. p. 353 note, 440, vol. ii. p. 141 note, 202, trans.), who refers these tribes to the Finnish stock, assuming as a certain fact, on evi¬ dence which it is difficult to make out, that the Mongolians who lived around Lake Baikal did not move into Central Asia till the thirteenth century. Where the data are so few, for the language (the principle upon which the families of the human race are marked off) may be said to be unknown, ethno¬ graphic analogies become very hazardous, and the more so in the case of nomad tribes, the same under such wide differences of time and climate. But if there be considerable difficulty in making out the analogy of race, the local bearings of these tribes may be laid down with tolerable certainty. The country up to the Argippaei was well known to the traders; a barrier of impassable mountains blocked up the way beyond. [Hypekborei.] The posi¬ tion of the Issedones, according to the indications of the route, must be assigned to the E. of Icliim in the steppe of the central horde of the Kirghiz, and that of the Arimaspi on the X. declivity of the ISSUS. C9 Altai. The communication between the two peoples for the purpose of carrying on the gold trade was probably made through the plains at the NW. ex¬ tremity of the Altai, where the range juts out in the form of a huce promontory. [E. B. J.l ISSICUS SIX US. [Issus.] ISSUS ('Icraos and 'lffrroi, Xen. Anab. i. 2. § 24, and i. 4. § 1), a town of Cilicia, on the gulf of Issus ('IgtctikJ)? koKttos). Herodotus calls the gulf of Issus the gulf of Myriandros (iv. 38), from the town of Myriandros, which was on it. The gulf of Issus is now named the gulf of Is- kenderun or Scanderoon, from the town of Sean- deroon, formerly Alexandria ad Issum, on the east side. It is the only large gulf on the southern side of Asia Minor and on the Syrian coast, and it is an important place in the systems of the Greek geo¬ graphers. This gulf runs in a XE. direction into the land to the distance of 47 miles, measured nearly at right angles to a line drawn from the promontory Megarsus {Cape Karadasli),on the Cilieian coast, to the Khosieus Scopulus (Rds-el-Khanzir, or Hynzyr, as it has sometimes been written), on the Syrian coast; for these two capes are respectively the limits of the gulf on the west and east, and 25 miles from one another. The width immediately north of the capes is somewhat less than 25 miles, but it does not diminish much till we approach the northern extre¬ mity of the gulf. It seems certain that the ancient outlet of the Pyramus was west of and close to Cape Karadash, where Beaufort supposes it to have been; and this is consistent with the old prophecy [Vol. I. p. 620], that the alluvium of the Pyramus would some time reach to the shore of Cyprus; for if the river had entered the gulf where it does now, 23 miles further east, the prophecy would have been that it would fill up the gulf of Issus. For the earth that the river formerly discharged into the sea is now sent into the gulf, where it " has pro¬ duced a plain of sand along the side of the gulf, somewhat similar in shape, and equal in size, to that formed by the Ghiuk Sooyoo [Calycadnus, Vol. I. p. 483] ; but the elbow where the current that sets round the gulf quits it, is obtuse and without any shoals. Perhaps the disappearance of the Ser- repolis of Ptolemy from the coast, may be accounted for by the progressive advance of the shore into the gulf, which has left the ruins of that town some miles inland" (Beaufort, Caramania, p. 296). Pto¬ lemy's Serraepolis (SeppaiVoAis), which he calls a small place (kco^tj), is between Mallus, which is a little east of Cape Megarsus, and Aegae or Ayaz. [Aegae.] The next city to Aegae on the coast is Issus, and this is the remotest city in this part of Cilicia which Ptolemy mentions. Xenophon also speaks of it as the last city of Cilicia on the road to Syria. The mountains which bound the gulf of Issus are described in the article Amanus. The bold Phosicus Scopulus (5400 feet high), where the Syrian Amanus terminates on the coast, may be distinctly seen by the sailor when he is abreast of Seleuceia (.Selefkeh), at the mouth of the Calycadnus, a distance of 85 geographical miles (Beaufort). A small stream flows into the head of the gulf of Issus, and a few from the Amanus enter the east side, one of which, the Pinarus, is the Ikli Tschai; and the other, the Carsus of Xenophon, is the J1 ferkes. The Amanus which descends to the Khosieus Scopulus, and the other branch of the Amanus which shuts in the gulf of Issus on the i 3 70 ISSUS. ISSUS. NW. and forms Strabo's Amanides Pylae, unite in the interior, as Strabo says (p. 535) ; and our mo¬ dern maps represent it so. There is a plain at the head of the gulf. Strabo gives a greater extent to the Issic gulf than we do to the gulf of Scanderoon, for he makes it extend along the Cilieian coast as far as Cilieia Trachea, and certainly to Soli (pp. 534, 664). In another passage (p. 125) he shows what extent lie gives to the gulf of Issus, by placing Cyprus in the Pampliylian sea and in the gulf of Issus,—the west part of the island being in the Pam- phylian, and the east in the Issic gulf. The gulf of lskcnderun was surveyed by Lt. Murphy in the Euphrates expedition under the command of Colonel Chesney. The ancient geographers did not agree about the position of the isthmus of the country which we call Asia Minor; by which isthmus they meant the shortest distance across the eastern part of the pen¬ insula from the Euxine to the Mediterranean. Strabo (p. 673) makes this shortest distance lie along a line joining Amisus and Tarsus. If he had said Amisus and the head of the gulf of Issus, he would have been quite right. He was nearly correct as to the longitude of the head of the gulf of Issus, which he places in the meridian of Amisus and Tliemiscyra (p. 126); and in another passage he says that the head of the gulf of Jssus is a little more cast than Amisus, or not at all more east (p. 519). Amisus is, in fact, a little further east than the most eastern part of the gulf of Issus. The longest direction of the inhabited world, according to Strabo's system (p. 118), from west to east, is measured on a line drawn through the Stelae (Straits of Gibraltar), and the Sicilian strait (Straits of Messina), to llhodus and the gulf of Issus, whence it follows the Taurus, which divides Asia into two parts, and ter¬ minates on the eastern sea. Those ancient geogra¬ phers who made the isthmus of the Asiatic peninsula extend from Issus to the Euxine, considered the shortest line across the isthmus to be a meridian line, and the dispute was whether it ran to Sinope or Amisus (Strab. p. 678). The choice of Issus as the point on the Mediterranean to reckon from, shows that Issus was the limit, or most eastern point, on the south coast of the peninsula, and that it was not on that part of the bay of Issus where the coast runs south. Consequently Issus was on or near the head of the gulf. Herodotus (iv. 38) makes the southern side of this peninsula, or Acte, as he calls it, extend from the Myriandric gulf (gulf of Issus) to the Triopian promontory, which is quite correct. On the north side he makes it extend from the mouth of the Phasis to the promontory Sigeum, which is correct as to the promontory ; but he carries the neck too far east, when lie makes it bigin at the Phasis. This mistake, however, shows that he knew something of the position of the mouth of the Phasis, for he intends to make the Acte begin at that part where the coast of the Euxine begins to lie west and east; and though the mouth of the Phasis is not exactly at this point, it was the best known river of any near it. In another passage (i. 72), which, like many others in his history, is ob¬ scurely expressed, he describes the neck (avxw) of this Acte as nearly cut through by the river Halys ; and he makes its width from the sea opposite to Cyprus to the Euxine to be five days' journey for an active man,—an estimate very much short of the truth, even if we allow Greek activity to walk 30 miles a day through a rough country. Strabo's re¬ port from hearsay (vol. i. p. 538), that the bay of Issus can be seen from the summit of Argaeus [Argaeus], is very improbable. Xenophon says that Cyrus marched 15 parasangs from the Pyramus (Jaihan) " to Issi, the uttermost city of Cilieia, on the sea, great and prosperous." From Issus to the Pylae of Cilieia and Syria, the boundary between Syria and Cilieia, was five para¬ sangs, and here was the river Carsus (Xen. Anab. i. 4. § 4). The next stage was five parasangs to Myriandrus, a town in Syria on the sea, occupied by Phoenicians, a trading place (e'uiropioj'), where many merchant ships were lying. Carsten Niebuhr, who went through the Pylae Ciliciae to Tarsus, has some remarks on the probable site of Issus, but they lead to no conclusion (vol. i. p. 116), except that we cannot certainly determine the site of Issus from Xenophon; and yet he would give us the best means of determining it, if we knew where he crossed the Pyramus, and if we were also certain that the numbers in the Greek text are correct. The nearest road to Susa from Sardis was through the Cilieian plains. The difficulties were the passage into the plains by the Ciliciae Pylae or pass [Vol. I. p. 619], and the way out of the plains along the gulf of Issus into Syria. The great road to Susa which Herodotus describes (v. 49, 52), went north of the Taurus to the Euphrates. The land forces in the expedition of Datis and Artaphernes, b.c. 490, crossed the Syrian Amanus, and went as far as the Aleian plain in Cilieia; and there they em¬ barked. (Ilerod. vi. 95.) They did not march by land through the Cilieian Pylae over the Taurus into the interior of the peninsula; but Mardonius (Ilerod. vi. 43), in the previous expedition had led his troops into Cilieia, and sent them on by land to the Hellespontus, while he took ship and sailed to Ionia. The land force of Mardonius must have passed out of Cilieia by the difficult pass in the Taurus. [Vol. I. p. 619.] Shortly before the battle of Issus (b. c. 333) Alexander was at Mallos, when he heard that Darius with all his force was at Sochi in Assyria; which place was distant two marches from the Assyrian Pylae. (Arrian, Anab. ii. 6.) " Assyria" and " As¬ syrian" here mean " Syria" and " Syrian." Darius had crossed the Euphrates, probably at Thapsacus, and was encamped in an open country in Syria, which was well suited for his cavalry. The place Sochi is unknown : but it may be the place which Curtius calls Uuchae. (Q. Curt. iv. 1.) Arrian says that Alexander left Mallos, and on the second day he passed through the Pylae and reached My¬ riandrus : he does not mention Issus on this march. Now the shortest distance that Alexander could march from Mallos to Scanderoon is at least 70 miles, and if Myriandrus was south of Scanderoon, it was more than 70 miles. This statement of Ar¬ rian as to time is therefore false. Curtius (iii. 8) says that Alexander only reached Castabalum [Cas- tabalusi] on the second day from Mallos ; that he went through Issus, and there deliberated whether he should go on or halt. Darius crossed the Amanus, which separates Syria from the bay of Issus, by a pass called the Amanicae Pylae (Arrian, ii. 7), and advancing to Issus, was in the rear of Alexander, who had passed through the Cilieian and Syrian Pylae. Darius came to the pass in the Amanus, says Curtius, on the same night that Alexander came to the pass (fauces) by which Syria is entered. The place where Darius crossed the Amanus was ISSUS. 130 situated that he came to Issus first, where he shamefully treated the sick of the Macedonians who had been left there. The next day he moved from Issus to pursue Alexander (Arrian; Curtius, iii. 8); that is, he moved towards the Pylae, and he came to the banks of the river Pinarus, where he halted. Issus was, therefore, north of the Pinarus, and some little distance from it. Kiepert's map of Asia Minor marks a pass in the range of the Syrian Amanus, which is north of the pass that leads over the same mountains from the east to Baiae (Bayas), and nearly due east of the head of the gulf of Issus. He calls it Pylae Amanides, by which he means the Pylae Amanicae of Arrian, not the Amanides of Strabo ; and he takes it to be the pass by which Darius crossed the Syrian Amanus and came down upon the gulf. This may have been his route, and it would bring him to Issus at the head of the gulf, which he came to before turning south to the Pinarus (Deli Tschai). It is certain that Darius crossed by some pass which brought him to Issus before he reached the Pinarus. Yet Kiepert has placed Issus south of the Pinarus, or rather between the two branches of this river, which he represents as uniting near the coast. Kiepert also marks a road which passes over the junction of the two branches of the Amanus [Amanus, Vol. I. p. 114] and runs to Marasli, which he supposes to be Germanicia. This is the dotted road marked as running north from the head of the gulf of Issus in the plan [Vol. I. p. 115] ; but even if there be such a road, it was not the road of Darius, which must have been the pass above men¬ tioned, in the latitude of the head of the gulf of Issus ; which is not marked in the above plan, but ought to be. This pass is probably the Amanicae Pylae of Ptolemy, which ho places 5' further south than Issus, and 10' cast of Issus. Alexander, hearing that the Persians were in his rear, turned back to the Pylae, which he reached at midnight, and halted till daybreak, when he moved on. (Arrian, Anab. ii. 8.) So long as the road was narrow, he led his army in column, but as the pass widened, he extended his column into line, part towards the mountain and part on the left towards the sea. When he came to the wide part (eupuxcopi'a), he arranged his army in order of battle, which Arrian describes very particularly. Darius was posted on the north side of the Pinarus. It is plain, from this description, that Alexander did not march very far from the Pylae before he reached the wider part of the valley, and the river. As the sea was on his left, and the mountains on his right, the river was a stream which ran down from the Syrian Amanus ; and it can be no other than the Leli Tschai, which is about 13 miles north of the Carsus (Merkes), direct distance. Polybius (xii. 17), who criticises Callisthenes's description of the battle, states, on his authority, that Darius descended into Cilicia through the Pylae Amanides, and encamped on the Pinarus, at a place where the distance between the mountains and the sea was not more than 14 stadia; and that the river ran across this place into the sea, and that in its course through the level part "it had abrupt and difficult eminences (Ao^oi/s)." This is explained by what Arrian says of the banks of the river being steep in many parts on the north side. {Amib. ii. 10.) Callisthenes further said, that when Alexander, after having passed the defile (ra crreVa), heard of Darius being in Cilicia, he was 100 stadia from him, and, accordingly, lie marched back through the defile. It is not clear, from the ISSUS. 71 extract in Polybius, whether the 100 stadia are to be reckoned to Issus or to the Pinarus. According to Arrian, when Alexander heard of Darius being behind him, he sent some men in a galley back to Issus, to see if it was so; and it is most consistent with the narrative to suppose that the men saw the Persians at Issus before they had advanced to the river; but this is not quite certain. The Per¬ sian army was visible, being near the coast, as it would be, if it were seen at Issus. Strabo (p. 676), following the historians of Alex¬ ander, adds nothing to what Arrian has got from them. Alexander, he says, led his infantry from Soli along the coast and through the Mallotis to Issus and the forces of Darius; an expression which might mislead, if we hold no other narrative. He also says, after Mallus is Aegae, a small town with a harbour, then the Amanides Pylae [Amanides Pylae], where there is a harbour; and after Aegae is Issus, a small town with a harbour, and the river Pinarus, where the fight was between Alexander and Darius. Accordingly he places Issus north of the Pinarus. Cicero, during his proconsulship of Cilicia, led his forces against the mountaineers of the Amanus, and he was saluted as imperator at Issus, " where," he says, " as I have often heard frcm you, Clitarchus told you that Darius was de¬ feated by Alexander." There is nothing to be got from this. (AdFam. ii. 10.) In another passage, he says that he occupied for a few days the same camp that Alexander had occupied at Issus against Darius. (Ad Att. v. 20.) And again (ad Fmn. xiv. 20), he says that, " he encamped for four days at the roots of the Amanus, at the Arae Alexandri." If this is the same fact that he mentions in his letter to Atticus, the Arae were at Issus, and Issus was near the foot of the Amanus. The battle between Septimius Severus and Niger was fought (a. d. 194) somewhere about Issus; but nothing can be collected from the description of Herodian (iii. 12), except that the battle was not fought on the same ground as Alexander's, though it was fought on the gulf of Issus. Stephanus (s. v. Tcrtros) describes it as " a city between Syria and Cilicia, where Alexander defeated Darius, which was called, for this reason, Nicopolis by him; and there is the bay of Issus; and there, also, is a river named Pinarus." Strabo, after speaking of Issus, men¬ tions, on the Issic gulf, Pihosus, and Myriandrus, and Alexandria, and Nicopolis, and Mopsuestia, in which description he proceeds from the Syrian side of the gulf, and terminates with Mopsuestia on the Py- ramus. According to this enumeration, Nicopolis would be between Alexandria (Scanderoon) and Mopsuestia; and it may bo near Issus, or it may not. Ptolemy (v. 8. § 7, 15. § 2) places Nicopolis exactly one degree north of Alexandria and 50'north of Issus. He places Issus and lihosus in the same longitude, and Nicopolis, Alexandria, and Myriandrus 10' further east than Issus. The absolute truth of his numbers is immaterial. A map constructed according to Ptolemy would place Issus at the head of the gulf, and Nicopolis inland. Nicopolis is one of the cities which he enumerates among the inland cities of Cilicia Proper. Issus, then, being at the head of the gulf, and Tarsus being a fixed point in the march of Cyrus, we may now see how the matter stands with Neno- phon's distances. Cyrus marched 10 parasangs from Tarsus to the river Psarus(Sarus), Sihun, and crossed at a place where it was 300 feet wide l- 4 72 ISSUS. ISTRIA. Prom the Saras the army marched 5 parasangs to the Pymmus, which was crossed where it was 600 Greek feet wide; and the march from the Pyramus to Issus was 15 parasangs. Accordingly, the whole distance marched from Tarsus to Issus was 30 parasangs. The direct distance from Tarsus to the head of the gulf is about 56 geographical miles; and these two points are very nearly in the same lati¬ tude. The modern road from Tarsus, through Adana on the Sarus, and Mopsuestia on the Py¬ ramus, to the head of the gulf, has a general direc¬ tion from W. to E. The length of Cyrus's march, from Tarsus to the Sarus, exceeds the direct dis¬ tance on the map very much, if we reckon the para- sang at 3 geographical miles; for 10 parasangs are 30 geographical miles, and the direct distance to Adana is not more than 16 miles. Mr. Ainsworth informs us that the Sarus is not fordable at Adana; and Cyrus probably crossed at some other place. The march from the Sarus to the Pyramus was 5 parasangs, or 15 geographical miles; and this appears to be very nearly the direct distance from Adana to Mopsuestia (Misis). But Cyrus may have crossed some distance below Mopsuestia, without lengthen¬ ing his march from the Sarus to the Pyramus; and he may have done this even if he had to go lower down the Sarus than Adana to find a ford. If he did not go higher up the Pyramus to seek a ford, for the reasons which Mr. Ainsworth mentions, he must have crossed lower down than Mopsuestia. The distance from the point where the supposed old bed begins to turn to the south, to the NE. end of the gulf of Issus, is 40 geographical miles; and thus the distance of 15 parasangs from the passage of the Pyramus to Issus, is more easily reconciled with the real distance than the measurement from Tarsus to the Sarus. The places not absolutely determined on or near the gulf of Issus, are: Myriandrus, Nicopolis, Epi- phaneia [Eph>haneia], Arae Alexandri, and Issus, though we know that Issus, must have been at the head of the gulf and on it. The following extract from Colonel Chesney contains the latest information on these sites:—"About 7 miles south-eastward from the borders of Syria are the remains of a con¬ siderable city, probably those of Issus or Nicopolis, with the ruins of a temple, a part of the Acropolis, an extensive aqueduct, generally with a double row of arches, running ESE. and WNW. These, in ad¬ dition to the walls of the city itself, are entirely built of lava, and still exist in considerable perfection. Nearly 14 miles southward from thence, the Deli Clia'i quits the foot of the Amanus in two branches, which, after traversing the Issic plain, unite at the foot of the mountain just previously to entering the sea. The principal of these branches makes a deep curve towards the NE., so that a body of troops occupying one side might see behind and outflank those posted on the opposite side, in which, as well as in other respects, the stream appears to answer to the Pinarus of Alexander's historians. A little southward of this river are the castle, khan, bazar, baths, and other ruins of Bayas, once Baiae, with the three villages of Kuretur in the neighbourhood, situated in the midst of groves of orange and palm trees. Again, 5 miles southward, is the pass, above noticed, of Sukal-tutan, and at nearly the same dis¬ tance onward, the fine bay and anchorage of Iwkende- riin, with an open but convenient landing-place on a bold beach; but, in consequence of the accumulation of the sand by which the mouths of the streams descending from this part of the Amanus are choked, a pestilential swamp extends from the very edge of the sea almost to the foot of the mountain. In the marsh towards the latter are some trifling ruins, which may possibly be the site of ancient Myrian-' drus; and within a mile of the shore are the remains of a castle and bridge constructed by Godfrey of Bouillon." {Expedition for the Survey of the Rivers Euphrates and Tigris, vol. i. p. 408.) There is no direct proof here that these remains are those of Issus. The aqueduct probably belongs to the Roman period. It seems most likely that the remains are those of Nicopolis, and that Issus on the coast has disappeared. Colonel Chesnev's description of the bend of one of the branches of the JJeli Tschai corresponds to Arrian's (ii. 2. § 10), who says, " Darius placed at the foot of the moun¬ tain, which was on the Persian left and opposite to Alexander's right, about 20,000 men; and some of them were on the rear of Alexander's army. For the mountain where they were posted in one place opened to some depth, and so a part became of the form of a bay on the sea. Darius then, by ad¬ vancing further to the bend, brought the men who were posted at the foot of the mountain, in the rear of the right wing of Alexander." There still seems some doubt about the site of Myriandrus, which Mr. Ainsworth (Travels in the Track of the Ten Thousand, tfc. p. 60) places about half way between Scanderoon and Rhosus (Arsus); and he has the authority of Strabo, in his enumera¬ tion of the places on this coast, and that of Ptolemy, who places Myriandrus 15' south of Alexandria ad Issum. As to Arsus, he observes, — " there are many ruins, and especially a long aqueduct leading from the foot of the mountains." [G. L.] ISTAEVONES. [Germania and Hillevi- ones.] ISTER. [Danubius.] I'STHMIA, a small district in Thessaly. [Zela- sium.] ISTHMUS. [Corintiius, p. 682, seq.] ISTO'NE. [Corcyra.] ISTO'NIUM. [Celtiberia.] I'STRIA ('Iffrpia) or HI'STKIA, was the name given by the Greeks and Romans to the country which still bears the same appellation, and forms a peninsula of somewhat triangular form near the head of the Adriatic sea, running out from the coast of Liburnia, between Tergeste (Trieste) and the Sinus Flanaticus, or Gulf of Quarnero. It is about 50 G. miles in length, and 35 in breadth, while the isthmus or strip of land between the two gulfs of Trieste and Quarnero, by which it is united to the mainland, is about 27 G. miles across. The name is derived both by Greek and Latin authors from the fabulous notion entertained at a very early period that one branch or arm of the Danube (the Ister of the Greeks) flowed into the Adriatic sea near its head. (Strab. i. p. 57; Plin. iii. 18. s. 22.) The deep inlets and narrow channels with which the coasts of the Adriatic are intersected for a consider¬ able distance below the peninsula of Istris. may have contributed to favour this notion so long as those coasts were imperfectly known; and hence we cannot wonder at Scylax speaking of a river named Istrus (which he identifies with the Danube) as flowing through the land of the Istrians (Scyl. p. 6. § 20); but it seems incredible that an author like Mela, writing- in the days of Augustus, should not only speak of a river Ister as flowing into this part of the ISTRIA. ISTRIA. Adriatic, but should assert that its waters entered that sea with a turbulence and force similar to those of the Padus. (Mel. ii. 3. § 13, 4. § 4.) In point of fact, there is no river of any magnitude flowing into the upper part of the Adriatic on its eastern shore which could afford even the slightest coun¬ tenance to such a notion; the rivers in the peninsula of Istria itself are very trifling streams, and the dry, calcareous ridges which hem in the E. shore of the Adriatic, all the way from Trieste to the southern extremity of Dalmatia, do not admit either of the formation or the outlet of any considerable body of water. It is scarcely possible to account for the origin of such a fable; but if the inhabitants of Istria were really called Istri ('Iarpoi), as their native name, which is at least highly probable, this circumstance may have first led the Greeks to assume their connection with the great river Ister, and the existence of a considerable amount of traffic up the valley of the Savus, and from thence by land across the Julian Alps, or Mount Ocra, to the head of the Adriatic (Strab. vii. p. 314), would tend to perpe¬ tuate such a notion. The Istrians are generally considered as a tribe of Illyrian race (Appian, Illyr. 8; Strab. vii. p. 314; Zeuss, Die Deutschen, p. 253), and the fact that they were immediately surrounded by other Illyrian tribes is in itself a strong argument in favour of this view. Scyinnus Chius alone calls them a Thracian tribe, but on what authority we know not. (Scymn. Ch. 398.) They first appear in history as taking part with the other Ulyrians in their piratical expeditions, and Livy ascribes to them this character as early as b.c. 301 (Liv. x. 2); but the first occasion on which they are distinctly mentioned as joining in these enterprises is just before the Second Punic War. They were, however, severely punished; the 1 toman consuls M. Minucius Ivufus and P. Cornelius were sent against them, and they were reduced to complete submission. (Eutrop. iii. 7; Oros. iv. 13; Zonar. viii. 20; Appian, Illyr. 8.) The next men¬ tion of them occurs in b. c. 183, when the consul M. Claudius Marcellus, after a successful campaign against the Gauls, asked and obtained permission to lead his legions into Istria. (Liv. xxxix. 55.) It does not, however, appear that this invasion pro¬ duced any considerable result; but their piratical expeditions, together with the opposition offered by them to the foundation of the Roman colony of Aquileia, soon became the pretext of a fresh attack. (Id. xl. 18, 26, xli. 1.) In b. c. 178 the consul A. Manlius invaded Istria with two legions ; and though he at first sustained a disaster, and narrowly escaped the capture of his camp, he recovered his position before the arrival of his colleague, M. Junius, who had been sent to his support. The two consuls now attacked and defeated the Istrians; and their successor, C. Claudius, following up this advantage, took in succession the towns of Nesact-ium, Mutila, and Faveria, and reduced the whole people to sub¬ mission. For this success he was rewarded with a triumph, b. c. 177. (Liv. xli. 1—5, 8—13; Flor. ii. 10.) The subjection of the Istrians on this occasion seems to have been real and complete; for, though a few years after we find them joining the Carni and Iapydes in complaining of the exactions of C. Cassius (Liv. xliii. 5), we hear of no subsequent revolts, and the district appears to have continued tranquil under the Roman yoke, until it was incor¬ porated by Augustus, together with Venetia and the land of the Carni, as a portion of Italy. (Strab. v. p. 215; Plin. iii. 19. s. 23.) It continued thence¬ forth to be always included under that name, though geographically connected much more closely with Dalmatia and Illyricum. Hence we find, in the Notitia Dignitatum, the " Consularis Venetiae et Histriae" placed under the jurisdiction of the Vi- carius Italiae, {Not. Dign. ii. pp. 5, 65.) The natural limits of Istria are clearly marked by those of the peninsula of which it consists, or by a line drawn across from the Gulf of Trieste to that of Quarnero, near Fiume ; but the political boundary was fixed by Augustus, when he included Istria in Italy, at the river Arsia or Arsa, which falls into the Gulf of Quarnero about 15 miles from the southern extremity of the peninsula. This river has its sources in the group of mountains of which the MonteMaggiore forms the highest point, and which constitutes the heart or nucleus of the peninsula, from which there radiate ranges of great calcareous hills, gradually declining as they approach the western coast, so that the shore of Istria along the Adriatic, though hilly and rocky, is not of any con¬ siderable elevation, or picturesque in character. But the calcareous rocks of which it is composed are indented by deep inlets, forming excellent harbours; of these, the beautiful land-locked basin of Pola is particularly remarkable, and was noted in ancient as well as modern times. The northern point of Istria was fixed by Augustus at the river Formio, a small stream falling into the Gulf of Trieste between that city and Capo d'lstria. Pliny expressly excludes Tergeste from Istria; but Ptolemy extends the limits of that province so as to include both the river Formio and Tergeste (Ptol. iii. 1. §27); and Strabo also appears to consider the Timavus as constituting the boundary of Istria (Strab. v. p. 215), though lie elsewhere calls Tergeste " a village of the Carni" (vii. p. 314). Pliny, however, repeatedly alludes to the Formio as having constituted the boundary of Italy before that name was officially extended so as to include Istria also, and there can be r.o doubt of the correctness of his statement. Istria is not a country of any great natural fertility ; but its cal¬ careous rocky soil was well adapted for the growth of olives, and its oil was reckoned by Pliny inferior only to that of Venafrum. (Plin. xv. 2. s. 3.) In the later ages of the Roman empire, when the scat of government was fixed at Ravenna, Istria became of increased importance, from its facility of com¬ munication by sea with that capital, and furnished considerable quantities of corn, as well as wine and oil. (Cassiod. Varr. xii. 23, 24.) This was pro¬ bably the most flourishing period of its history. It was subsequently ravaged in succession by the Lom¬ bards, Avars, and Sclavi (P. Diac. iv. 25, 42), but appears to have continued permanently subject to the Lombard kingdom of Italy, until its destruction in a. d. 774. The towns in Istria mentioned by ancient writers are not numerous. Much the most important was Pola, near the extreme southern promontory of the peninsula, which became a Roman colony under Augustus. Proceeding along the coast from Ter¬ geste to Pola, were Aegida (Capo d'lstria), subsequently called Justinopolis, and Pakentium (Parenzo); while on the E. coast, near the mouth of the river Arsia, was situated Nesactium, already noticed by Livy among the towns of the independent Istrians. The two other towns, Mutila and Faveria, mentioned by him in the same passage (xli. 11), are otherwise urknown. and cannot be identified. Pto- 74 ISTRIANORUM PORTUS. ITALIA. lemy also mentions three towns, which he places in the interior of the country, and names Pucinum, Piquentum ('TliKovevrov), and Alvum or Alvon ('AAovof). Of these, Piquentum may be probably identified with Pinguente, a considerable place in the heart of the mountain district of the interior; and Alvon with Albona (called Alvona in the Tabula), which is, however, E. of the Arsa, and therefore not strictly within the Roman province of Istria. In like manner the Pucinum of Ptolemy is evidently the same place with the " castellum, nobile vino, Pucinum" of Pliny (vii. 18. s. 22), which the latter places in the territory of the Carni, between the Timavus and Tergeste, and was perhaps the same with the modern Duino. Ningum, a place men¬ tioned in the Antonine Itinerary (p. 271) between Tergeste and Parentium, cannot be determined with any certainty. The Tabula also gives two names in the N\V. part of the peninsula, Quaeri and Silvo (Silvum), both of which are wholly unknown. The same authority marks three small islands off the coast of Istria, to which it gives the names of Sepo- mana (?), Orsaria, and Pullaria: the last is men¬ tioned also by Pliny (iii. 26. s. 30), and is probably the rocky island, or rather group of islets, off the harbour of Pola, now known as Li Brioni. The other two cannot be identified, any more than the Cissa of Pliny (I. c.): the Absyrtides of the same author are the larger islands in the Golfo di Quar- nero, which belong rather to Liburnia than to Istria. [AlSSYItTIDES.] The extreme southern promontory of Istria, now called Punta di Promontore, seems to have been known in ancient times as the Promontouium 1'olaticum (aKpooT^piov no\a.Tii<6i>, Steph. B. s. v. noAa). Immediately adjoining it is a deep bay or harbour, now known as the Golfo di Medolino, which must be the Portus Planaticus (probably a corruption of Flanaticus) of the Tabula. The Geographer of Ravenna, writing in the seventh century, but from earlier authorities, mentions the names of many towns in Istria unnoticed by earlier geographers, but which may probably have grown up under the Roman empire. Among these are Hu- mago, still called TJmago, Neapolis (Citta Nuova), Ruvignio (Rovigno), and Piranon (Pirano), all of them situated on the W. coast, with good ports, and which would naturally become places of some trade during the flourishing period of Istria above alluded to. (Anon. Ravenn. iv. 30. 31.) [E. H. B.] I ST HI AN 0 RUM PORTUS. [Isiacorum Portus.] ISTRIA'NUS ('Iirrpiai'ds, Ptol. iii. 6. § 3), a river of the Tauric Chersonese, which has been iden¬ tified with the Kil'tik Tep. (Forbiger, vol. iii. pp. 1117, 1121.) [E. B. J.] ISTRO'POLIS, ISTRIO'POLIS, HISTRIO'PO- LIS ('I(rrpo7roAis, 'Icrrp'ia -rro\is, or simply "Icrrpos: Istere), a town of Lower Moesia, at the southern extremity of lake Halmyris, on the coast of the Euxine. It was a colony of Miletus, and, at least in Strabo's time, a small town. (Strab. vii. p. 319 ; Plin. iv. 18. 24 ; Mela, ii. 2; Eutrop. vi. 8; Herod, ii. 33: Arrian, Perip. Eux. p. 24 ; Geog. Rav. iv. 6 ; Lycoph. 74 ; Ptol. iii. 10. § 8; Scymn. Fragm. 22 ; Steph. B. s. v.; Amm. Marc. xxii. 8; Hierocl. p. 037.) BuL the frequent mention of the place shows that it must have been a commercial town of some import¬ ance ; of its history, however, nothing is known. Some modern writers have identified it with Kiu- stenza or Kostemhje, the ancient Constantiana, which, however, was in all probability situated to the south of Istropolis. [L. S.] ISTRUS ("Icrrpos), a Cretan town which Arte- midorus also called Istrona. (Steph. B. s. v.) The latter form of the name is found in an inscription (ap. Chishidl, Antiq. Asiat. p. 110). The site is placed near Minoa: " Among the ruined edifices and columns of this ancient city are two immense marble blocks, half buried in the earth, and measuring 54 by 15 feet." (Cornelius, Creta Sacra, vol. i. p. 11; op. Mus. Class. Antiq. vol. ii. p. 273; eomp. Hock, Kreta, vol. i. pp. 17, 421.) [E. B. J.] & coin of istrus. ISTURGI (Andnjar la Vieja), a city of His- pania Baetica, in the neighbourhood of Illiturgis. (Inscr. ap. Florez, Esp. S. vol. vii. p. 137.) The Ipasturgi Triumphai.e of Pliny (iii. 1. s. 3) is probably the same place. (Ukert, vol. ii. pt. 1. pp. 380,381.) [P. S.]' ISUBRIGANTUM. [Isurium.] ISU'RIUM, in Britain, first mentioned by Pto¬ lemy (ii. 3. § 16) as a town of the Brigantes. It then occurs in two of the Itineraries, the 1st and 2nd. In each, it lies between Cataractonium and Eboracum (Catterick Bridge and York). Isubri- gantum, in the 5th Itinerary, does the same. In the time of the Saxons Isurium had already taken the name of Eald-burg (Old Toicii), out ot which has come the present name Aldborough, near Boroughbridge, with which it is undoubtedly identi¬ fied. Roman remains, both within and without the walls, are abundant and considerable at Aldborough ; the Stodhart (or Studfortli), the Red Hill, and the Borough Hill, being the chief localities. Tesselated pavements, the foundations of large and spacious buildings, ornaments, implements, Samian ware, and coins with the names of nearly all the emperors from Vespasian to Constantino, have given to Isurium an importance equal to that of York, Cirencester, and other towns of Roman importance. [R. G. L.] ISUS ("Icos), a spot in Boeotia, near Anthedon, with vestiges of a city, which some commenta¬ tors identified with the Homeric Nisa. (Strab. ix. p. 405 ; Horn. II. ii. 508.) There was apparently also a town Isus in Megaris ; but the passage in Strabo in which the name occurs is corrupt. (Strab. I. c.) ITA'LIA ('IraAia), was the name given in an¬ cient as well as in modern times to the country still called Italy; and was applied, from the time of Au¬ gustus, both by Greek and Latin writers, in almost exactly the same sense as at the present day. It was, however, at first merely a geographical term; the countries comprised under the name, though strongly defined by natural limits, and common na¬ tural features, being from the earliest ages peopled by different races, which were never politically united, till they all fell under the Roman yoke, and were gradually blended, by the pervading influence ot Roman institutions and the Latin language, into one common nationality. ITALIA. I. Name. The name of Italy was very far from being ori¬ ginally applied in the same extensive signification which it afterwards obtained. It was confined, in the first instance, to the extreme southern point of the Italian peninsula, not including even the whole of the modern Calabria, but only the southern peninsular portion of that country, bounded on the N. by the narrow isthmus which separates the Teri- naean and Scylletian gulfs. Such was the distinct statement of Antiochus of Syracuse (ap. Strab. vi. p. 255); nor have we any reason to reject his testi¬ mony upon this point, though it is certain that this usage must have ceased long before the time of that historian, and is not found in any extant ancient author. At a subsequent period, but still in very early times, the appellation was extended to the whole tract along the shores of the Tarentine gulf, as far as Metapontum, and from thence across to the gulf of Posidonia on the western sea; though, ac¬ cording to other statements, the river Laiis was its northern limit on this side. (Strab. v. p. 209, vi. p. 254 ; Antiochus, ap. Dionys. i. 73.) This appears to have been the established usage among the Greeks in the fifth century b. c. Antiochus expressly ex¬ cluded the Iapygian peninsula from Italy, and Thu- cydides clearly adopts the same distinction (vii. 33). The countries on the shores of the Tyrrhenian sea, north of the Posidonian gulf, were then known only by the names of Opica and Tyrrhenia; thus Thu- cydides calls Cumae a city in Opicia, and Aristotle spoke of Latiuin as a district of Opica. Even Theo- phrastus preserves the distinction, and speaks of the pine-trees of Italy, where those of the Brut- tian mountains only can be meant, as opposed to those of Latium. (Time. vi. 4; Arist. ap. Dionys. i. 72; Theophr. II. P. v. 8.) The name of Italia, as thus applied, seems to have been synonymous with that of Oenotria; for Antio¬ chus, in the same passage where he assigned the narrowest limits to the former appellation, confined that of Oenotria within the same boundaries, and spoke of the Oenotri and Itali as the same people (ap. Strab. vi. p. 254; ap. Dionys. i. 12). This is in perfect accordance with the statements which re¬ present the Oenotrians as assuming the name of Italians (Itali) from a chief of the name of Italus (Dionys. i. 12, 35; Virg. Aen. i. 533; Arist. Pol. vii. 10), as well as with the mythical genealogy ac¬ cording to which Italus and Oenotrus were brothers. (Serv. ad Aen. I. c.). Thucydides, who represents Italus as coming from Arcadia (vi. 2), probably adopted this last tradition, for the Oenotrians were generally represented as of Arcadian origin. Whe¬ ther the two names were originally applied to the same people, or (as is perhaps more probable) the Itali were merely a particular tribe of the Oenotrians, whose name gradually prevailed till it was extended to the whole people, we have no means of determin¬ ing. But in this case, as in most others, it is clear that the name of the people was antecedent to that of the country, and that Italia, in its original signi¬ fication, meant merely the land of the Itali; though at a later period, by its gradual extension, it had altogether lost this national meaning. It is im¬ possible for us to trace with accuracy the suc¬ cessive steps of this extension, nor do we know at what time the Romans first adopted the name of Italia as that of the whole peninsula. It would be still more interesting to know whether they received ITALIA. 75 this usage from the Greeks, or found it already pre¬ valent among the nations of Italy; but it is difficult to believe that tribes of different races, origin, and language, as the Etruscans, Umbrians, Sabellians, and Oenotrians, would have concurred in calling the Country they inhabited by one general appellation. If the Greek account already given, according to which the name was first given to the Oenotrian part of the peninsula, is worthy of confidence, it must have been a word of Pelasgic origin, and subsequently adopted by the Sabellian and Oscan races, as well as by the Romans themselves. The etymology of the name is wholly uncertain. The current tradition among the Greeks and Romans, as already noticed, derived it from an Oenotrian or Pelasgic chief, Italus; but this is evidently a mere fiction, like that of so many other eponymous heroes. A more learned, but scarcely more trustworthy, ety¬ mology derived the name from Italos or Itulos, which, in Tyrrhenian or old Greek, is said to have signified an ox; so that Italia would have meant " the land of cattle." (Timaeus, ap. Cell. xi. 1; Varr. i2.ii.ii. 1. § 9.) The ancient form here cited is evidently connected with the Latin " vi- tulus ;" and it is probable that the name of the people was originally Vitulos, or Vitalos, in its Pe¬ lasgic form; we find the same form retained by the Sabellian nations as late as the first century is. c., when the Samnite denarii (struck during the Social War. is. c. 90—88) have the inscription " Vitelu " for Italia. It is probable that the rapid extension of the Rotnan power, and the successive subjugation of the different nations of Central and Southern Italy by its victorious arms, tended also to promote the ex¬ tension of the one common name to the whole; and there seems little doubt that as early as the time of Pyrrlius, this was already applied in nearly the same sense as afterwards continued to be the usage,—as comprising the whole Italian peninsula to the fron¬ tiers of Cisalpine Gaul, but excluding the latter country, as well as Liguria. This continued to be the customary and official meaning of the name of Italy from this time till the close of the Republic. ; and hence, even after the First Triumvirate, Gallia Cisalpina, as well as Transalpina, was allotted to Caesar as his province, a term which was never ap¬ plied but to countries out of Italy; but long before the close of this period, the name of Italy would seem to have been often employed in its more exten¬ sive, and what may be termed its geographical, meaning, as including the whole land from the foot of the Alps to the Sicilian straits. Polybius cer¬ tainly uses the term in this sense, for he speaks of the Romans as having subdued all Italy, except the land of the Gauls (Gallia Cisalpina), and repeatedly describes Hannibal as crossing the Alps into Italy, and designates the plains on the banks of the Padua as in Italy. (Pol. i. 6, ii. 14, iii. 39, 54.) The natural limits of Italy are indeed so clearly marked and so obvious, that as soon as the name came to bo once received as the designation of the country in general, it was almost inevitable that it should ac¬ quire this extension; hence, though the official dis¬ tinction between Italy and Cisalpine Gaul was re¬ tained by the Romans to the very end of the Republic, it is clear that the more extended use of the name was already familiar in common usage. Thus, al¬ ready in is. c. 76, Pompeius employs the expression " in cervieibus Italiae," of the passes of the Alps into Cisalpine Gaul (Sail. Ilist. iii. 11): and Decimus Bru- 76 ITALIA, ITALIA. us, in b. c. 43, distinctly uses the phrase of quitting Italy, when he crosses the Alps. (Cic.ad Fam.xi. 20.) So also both Caesar and Cicero, in his Philippics, re¬ peatedly use the name of Italy in the wider and more general sense, though the necessity of distinguishing the province of Cisalpine Gaul, leads the latter fre¬ quently to observe the official distinction. (Caes. B. G. v. 1, vi. 44, vii. 1; Cic. Phil. iv. 4, v. 12.) But, indeed, had not this use of the name been al¬ ready common, before it came to be officially adopted, that circumstance alone would scarcely have ren¬ dered it so familiar as we find it in the Latin writers of the Augustan age. Virgil, for instance, in cele¬ brating the praises of Italy, never thought of ex¬ cluding from that appellation the plains of Cisalpine Gaul, or the lakes at the foot of the Alps. From the time, indeed, when the rights of Roman citizens were extended to all the Cisalpine Gauls, no real distinction any longer subsisted between the different parts of Italy; but Cisalpine Gaul still formed a separate province under D. Brutus in b. c. 43 (Cic. Phil. iii. 4, 5, iv. 4, v. 9, &c.), and it is probable, that the union of that province with Italy took place in the following year. Dion Cassius speaks of it, in b.c. 41. as an already established arrangement. (Dion Cass, xlviii. 12 ; Savigny, Verm. Schr. iii. p. 318.) From the time of Augustus onwards, the name of Italia continued to be applied in the same sense throughout the period of the Roman empire, though with some slight modifications of its frontiers on the side of the Alps; but during the last ages of the Western empire, a singular change took place, by which the name of Italia came to be specially ap¬ plied (in official language at least) to the northern part of what we now call Italy, comprising the five provinces of Aemilia, Flaminia, Liguria, Venetia, and Istria, together with the Cottian and Rhaetian Alps, and thus excluding nearly the whole of what had been included under the name in the days of Cicero. This usage probably arose from the division of the whole of Italy for administrative purposes into two great districts, the one of which was placed under an officer called the " Vicarius Urbis Romae," while the other, or northern portion, was subject to the " Vicarius Italiae." (Not. Dig. ii. 18; Gothofr. ad Cod. Theod. xi. 1, leg. 6; Niebuhr, vol. i. p. 21.) The practice was confirmed for a time by the cir¬ cumstance that this part of Italy became the seat of the Lombard monarchy, which assumed the title of the kingdom of Italy (*' Iiegnum Italiae ") ; but the ancient signification still prevailed, and the name of Italy was applied throughout the middle ages, as it still is at the present day, within the boundaries established by Augustus. The other names applied by ancient writers, espe¬ cially by the Latin and later Greek poets, to the Italian peninsula, may be very briefly disposed of. Dionysius tells us that in very remote ages Italy was called by the Greeks Hesperia, or Ausonia, and by the natives Saturnia. (Dionys. i. 35.) Of these three names, Hesperia ('Eairepla), or " the Land of the West," was evidently a mere vague appellation, employed in the infancy of geographical discovery, and which was sometimes limited to Italy, some¬ times used in a much wider sense as comprising the whole West of Europe, including Spain. [His-- pania.] But there is no evidence of its having been employed in the more limited sense, at a very early period. The name is not found at all in Homer or Hesiod; but, according to the Iliac Table, Stesichorus represented Aeneas as departing from Troy for Hesperia, where in all probability Italy is meant; though it is very uncertain whether the poet conducted Aeneas to Latium. (Schwegler, Horn. Gesch. vol. i. p. 298.) But even in the days of Stesichorus the appellation was probably one confined to the poets and logographers. At a later period we can trace it as used by the Alexandrian poets, from whom in all probability it passed to the Bo- mans, and was adopted, as we know, by Ennius, as well as by Virgil and the writers of the Augustan age. (Agathyllus, ap. Dionys. i. 49; Apollon. llhod. iii. 311; Ennius, Ann. Fr. p. 12; Virg. Aen. i. 530, iii. 185, &c.) The name of Ausonia, on the contrary, was one derived originally from one of the races which inha¬ bited the Italian peninsula, the Aurunci of the Romans, who were known to the Greeks as the Au- sones. These Ausonians were a tribe of Opican or Oscan race, and it is probable that the name of Ausonia was at first applied much as that of Opicia or Opica was by Thucydides and other writers of the fifth century b. c. But, as applied to the whole peninsula of Italy, the name is, so far as we know, purely poetical; nor can it be traced farther back than the Alexandrian writers Lycophron and Apollo- nius lihodius, who employed it familiarly (as did the Latin poets in imitation of them) as a poetical equivalent for Italy. [Ausonks.] As for the name of Saturnia, though it is found in a pretended Greek oracle cited by Dionysius (.'Za.Topviav alav, Dionys. i. 19), it may well be doubted whether it was ever an ancient appellation at all. Its obvious derivation from the name of the Latin god Saturnus proves it to have been of native Italian, and not of Greek, invention, and probably this was the only authority that Dionysius had for saying it was the native name of Italy. But all the traditions of the Roman mythology connect Saturnus so closely with Latium, that it seems almost certain the name of Saturnia (if it was ever more than a poetical fabrication) originally belonged to Latium only, and was thence gradually extended by the Romans to the rest of Italy. Ennius seems to have used the phrase of " Saturnia terra " only in reference to Latium; while Virgil applies it to the whole of Italy. (Ennius, ap. Varr. L.L. v. 42; Virg. Georg. ii. 173.) It is never used in either sense by Latin prose writers, though several authors state, as Dio¬ nysius does, that it was the ancient name of Italy. (Festus, v. Saturnia, p. 322; Justin, xliii. 1.) II. Boundaries and Physical Geography. There are few countries of which the boundaries are more clearly marked out by nature than those of Italy. It is well described by one of its modern poets as the land " Ch' Apennin parte e '1 mar circonda e 1'Alpe;" and this single line at once enumerates all the prin¬ cipal physical features that impart to the country its peculiar physiognomy. Italy consists of a great peninsula, projecting in a SE. direction into the Mediterranean sea, and bounded on the W. by the portions of that sea commonly known as the Tyrrhe¬ nian and Sicilian seas, but comprised by the Romans under the name of Mare Inferum, or the Lower Sea; on the E. by the Adriatic, or the Upper Sea (Mare Superum), as it was commonly termed by the Ro¬ mans; while to the N. it spreads out into a broad expanse, forming, as it were, the base or root by which it adheres to the continent of Europe, and ITALIA. around which sweeps the great chain of the Alps, forming a continuous barrier from the shores of the Mediterranean near Massilia to the head of the Adriatic at Trieste (Tergeste). From the western extremity of this vast mountain chain, where the ranges of the Maritime Alps abut immediately on the sea-shore, branches off the inferior, but still very considerable, chain of the Apennines, which, after sweeping round the Ligurian gulf, stretches in an unbroken line directly across to the shores of the Adriatic, and then, turning abruptly to the SE., di¬ vides the whole peninsula throughout its entire length, until it ends in the promontory of Lcuco- petra, on the Sicilian sea. [Aficnninus.] The precise limits of Italy can thus only be doubt¬ ful on its northern frontier, where the massive ranges of the Alps, though presenting, when viewed on the large seale, a vast natural barrier, are in fact in¬ dented and penetrated by deep and irregular valleys, which render it often difficult to determine the natural boundary; nor has this been always adopted as the political one. Along the coast of Liguria, between Massilia and Genua, the Maritime Alps send down successive ranges to the sea, forming great headlands, of which the most striking are: that be¬ tween Noli and Finale, commonly regarded by modern geographers as the termination of the Maritime Alps; and the promontory immediately W. of Mo¬ naco, which still bears the remains of the Tropaea Augusti, and the passage of which presents the greatest natural difficulties to the construction of a road along this coast. This mountain headland would probably be the best point to fix as the natural limit of Italy on this side, and appears to have been commonly regarded in ancient times as such; but when Augustus first extended the political limits of Italy to the foot of the Alps, he found it convenient to carry them somewhat further W., and fixed on the river Varus as the boundary; thus including Nicaea, which was a colony of Massilia, and had previously been considered as belonging to Gaul. (Strab. iv. pp. 178, 184, v. p. 209; Plin. iii. 4. s. 5, 5. s. 6, 7; Mela, ii. 4. § 9; Ptol. iii. 1. § 1; Lucan, i. 404.) Though this demarcation does not appear to have been always followed; for in the Itinerary of Anto¬ ninus (p. 296) we again find the Alpis Maritima (meaning the mountain headland above described) fixed as the boundary between Italy and Gaul: it was generally adopted, and has continued without alteration to the present day. The extreme NE. limit of Italy, at the head of the Adriatic Gulf, is equally susceptible of various determination, and here also Augustus certainly transgressed the natural limits by including Istria within the confines of Italy, (l'lin. iii. 18. s. 22 ; Strab. v. p. 209, vii. p. 314.) But here, also, the reasons of political convenience, which first gave rise to this extension, have led to its subsequent adoption, and Istria is still commonly reckoned a part of Italy. The little river Forniio, which flows into the Adriatic between Trieste and Capo ) the Aesis (Fsino); (f>) the Potentia (Potenza); ( 7) the Flusor (Chienti); (8) the Truentus ( Tronto); (9) the Vomanus (Fom«?io); (10) the Aternus (Aferno or rescarti); (11) the Sagrus (Sangro); (12) the Trinius (Tri/jno) ; (13) tlie Tifernus (Biferno); (14) the Frento (Fortore); (15) the Ccrhalus (Cervaro); (16) the Aufidus (Of unto), which has much the longest course of all the rivers falling into the Adriatic. Beyond this, not a single stream worthy of notice flows to the Adriatic; those which have their sources in the central Apennines of Lueania all descending towards the Tarentine gulf; these are, the Brada- nus (Bradauo), the Casuentus (Basiento), the Aciris (Agri), and the Siris (Sinno). The only rivers of Bruttium worthy of mention are the Crathis (Crat.i) and the Neaethus (Neto). (The minor streams and those noticed in history, but of no geographical importance, are enumerated in the descriptions of the several provinces.) The Italian lakes may be considered as readily arranging themselves into three groups :—1. The lakes of Northern Italy, which are on a far larger scale than any of the others, are all basins formed by the rivers which descend from the high Alps, and the waters of which are arrested just at their exit from the mountains. Hence they are, as it were, valleys filled with water, and are of elongated form and considerable depth; while their superfluous waters are carried off in deep and copious streams, which become some of the principal feeders of the Po. Such are the Lacus Verbanus (Lago Magyiore), formed by the Tieinus; the Lacus Larius (Logo di Como), by the Addua; the Lacus Sebinus (Lago disco), by the Ollius; and the Lacus Benacns {Lago di Garda), by the Mine-ins. To these Pliny adds the Lacus Eupilis, from which flows the Lamber or Ltimbro, a very trifling sheet of water (Plin. iii. 19. s. 2.'?) ; while neither he, nor any other ancient writer, mentions the Logo di Lvgano, situated be¬ tween the LaJce of Como and Lctgo Maggiore, though it is inferior in magnitude only to the three great lakes. It is first mentioned by Gregory of Tours in the 6th century, under the name of Cere- sins Lacus, an appellation probably ancient, though not now found in any earlier author. 2. The lakes of Central Italy are, with few exceptions, of volcanic origin, and occupy the craters of long extinct vol¬ canoes. Hence they are mostly of circular or oval form, of no great extent, and, not being fed by perennial streams, either require no natural outlet, or have their surplus waters carried off by very in¬ considerable streams. The largest of these vol¬ canic lakes is the Lacus Vulsiniensis, or Lugo di BoLiena, in Southern Etruria, a basin of about 30 miles in circumference. Of similar character and origin are, the Lacus Sabatinus {Logo di Bruc- ciano) and Lacus Ciminus (La go di 1 rico), in the same district; the Lacus Albanus (Logo cVAlbano) and Lacus Nemorensis (Lago di Nemi), in Latium; and the Lake Avemus in Campania. 3. Wholly differing from the preceding are the two most con¬ siderable lakes in this portion of Italy, the Lacus Trasimenus (Lago di Perugia') and Lacus Fucinus (Lago Fucino or Lago di Celano); both of which are basins surrounded by hills or mountains, leaving no natural outlet for their waters, but wholly un¬ connected with volcanic agency. The mountains of Italy belong almost exclusively either to the great chain of the Alps, which bounds it on the N., or to that of the Apennines. The prin¬ cipal summits of the latter range have been already noticed under the article Apenninus. The few out¬ lying or detached summits, which do not properly be¬ long to the Apennines are :—(1) the Monte Amiata or Monte di Santa Flora, in the heart of Etruria, which rises to a height of 5794 feet above the sea ; (2) the Hons Ciminus, a volcanic group of very inferior elevation ; (3) the Moxs Albanus, rising to above 3000 feet ; (4) the Mons Vesuvius, in Campania, attaining between 3000 and 4000 feet ; (5) the Mons Vultuu, on the opposite side of the Apennines, which measures 4433 feet; and (6) the Mons Gakganus, an isolated mass, but geologically connected with the Apennines, while all the pre¬ ceding are of volcanic origin, and therefore geo¬ logically, as well as geographically, distinct from the neighbouring Apennines. To these may be added the two isolated mountain promontories of the Mons Argentarius (Monte Ar- gentaro) on the coast of Etruria, and Mons Circeius (Monte Circello) on that of Latium,— both of them rising like rocky islands, joined to the mainland only by low strips of alluvial soil. IV. Ethnography of Ancient Italy. The inquiry into the origin and affinities of the different races which peopled the Italian peninsula before it fell altogether under the dominion of Lome, and the national relations of the different tribes with which the rising republic came successively into con¬ tact, is a problem which has more or less attracted the attention of scholars ever since the revival of letters. But it is especially of late years that the impulse given to comparative philology, combined with the spirit of historical criticism, has directed their researches to this subject. Yet, after all that has been written on it, from the time of Niebuhr to the present day, it must be admitted that it is still enveloped in great obscurity. The scantiness of the monuments that remain to us of the languages of these different nations; the various and contradictory statements of ancient authors concerning them; and the uncertainty, even with regard to the most ap¬ parently authentic of these statements, on what authority they were really founded; combine to em¬ barrass our inquiries, and lead us to mistrust our con¬ clusions. It will be impossible, within the limits of an article like the present, to enter fully into the discussion of these topics, or examine the arguments that have been brought forward by different writers upon the subject. All that can be attempted is to give such a summary view of the most probable re¬ sults, as will assist the student in forming a con¬ nected idea of the whole subject, and enable him to follow with advantage the researches of other writers. Many of the particular points here briefly referred to will be more fully investigated in the several articles of the different regions and races to which they re¬ late. Leaving out of view for the present the inhabitants of Northern Italy, the Gauls, Ligurians, and Veneti, the different nations of the peninsula may be grouped under five heads:—(1) the Pelasgians; (2) the Os- cans; (3) the Sabellians; (4) the Unibrians; (5) the Etruscans. 1. Pelasgians.—All ancient writers concur in ascribing a Pelasgic origin to many of the most ancient tribes of Italy, and there seems no reason to doubt that a large part of the population of the peninsula was really of Pelasgic race, that is to fay, that it belonged to the same great nation or family g 2 84 ITALIA. which formed the original population of Greece, as well as that of Epirus and Macedonia, and of a part at least of Thrace and Asia Minor. The statements and arguments upon which this inference is based are more fully discussed under the article Pe- lasgi. It may here suffice to say that the general fact is put forward prominently by Dionysius and Strabo, and has been generally adopted by modern writers from Niebuhr downwards. The Pelasgian population of Italy appears in historical times prin¬ cipally, and in its unmixed form solely, in the southern part of the peninsula. But it is not im¬ probable that it had, as was reported by traditions still current in the days of the earliest historians, at one time extended much more widely, and that the Pelasgian tribes had been gradually pressed towards the south by the successively advancing waves of population, which appear under the name of the Oscans or Ausonians, and the Sabellians. At the time when the first Greek colonies were esta¬ blished in Southern Italy, the whole of the country subsequently known as Lucania and Bruttium was occupied by a people whom the Greeks called Oexo- tkians (Olvctirpoi), and who are generally repre¬ sented as a Pelasgic race. Indeed we learn that the colonists themselves continued to call this people, whom they had reduced to a state of serfdom, Pe- lasgi. (Steph. B. .9. v. X?os.) We find, however, traces of the tradition that this part of Italy was at one time peopled by a tribe called Siculi, who are represented as passing over from thence into the island to which they gave the name of Sicily, and where alone they are found in historical times. [Sicilia.] The name of these Siculi is found also in connection with the earliest population of Latiurn [Latium] : both there and in Oenotria they are represented by some authorities as a branch of the Pelasgic race, while others regard them as a distinct people. In the latter case we have no clue whatever to their origin or national affinities. Next to the Oenotrians come the Messapians or Iapvgians, who are represented by the Greek legends and traditions as of Pelasgic or Greek descent: and there seem reasonable grounds for assuming that the conelu-ion was correct, though no value can be at¬ tached to the mythical legends connected with it by the logographers and early Greek historians. The tribes to whom a Peiasgic origin is thus assigned an-,, the Messapians and Salentines, in the Iapygian peninsula; and the Peucetians and Daunians, in the country called by the Eomans Apulia. A strong confirmation of the inference derived in this case from other authorities is found in the traces still re¬ maining of the Messapian dialect, which appears to have borne a close affinity to Greek, and to have differed from it only in much the same degree as the Macedonian and other cognate dialects. (Mommsen, Uliter Italhsche Diahkten, pp. 41—98.) It is far more difficult to trace with any security the Pelasgic population of Central Italy, where it appears to have been very early blended with other national elements, and did not anywhere subsist in an unmingled form within the period of historical record. But various as have been the theories and suggestions with regard to the population of Etruria, there seems to be good ground for assuming that one important element, both of the people and lan¬ guage, was Pelasgic, and that this element was pre¬ dominant in the southern part of Etruria, while it was more feeble, and had been comparatively effaced in the more northern districts. [Etruria.] The ITALIA. very name of Tyrrhenians, universally given by the Greeks to the inhabitants of Etruria, appears indis- solubly connected with that ot Pelasgians ; and the evidence of language affords some curious and in¬ teresting facts in corroboration of the same view. (Donaldson, Varronianus, 2d edit, pp.166—170 ; Lepsius, Tyrrhen. Pelasger, pp. 40—43.) If the Pelasgic element was thus prevalent in Southern Etruria, it might naturally be expected that its existence would be traceable in Latium also; and accordingly we find abundant evidence that one of the component ingredients in the population of Latium was of Pelasgic extraction, though this did not subsist within the historical period in a separate form, but was already indissolubly blended with the other elements of the Latin nationality. [Latium.] The evidence of the Latin language, as pointed out by Niebuhr, in itself indicates the combination of a Greek or Pelasgic race with one of a different origin, and closely akin to the other nations which we find predominant in Central Italy, the Umbrians, Oscans, and Sabines. There seems to be also sufficient proof that a Pe¬ lasgic or Tyrrhenian population was at an early period settled along the coasts of Campania, and was pro¬ bably at one time conterminous and connected with that of Lucania, or Oenotria; but the notices of these Tyrrhenian settlements are rendered obscure and confused by the circumstance that the Greeks ap¬ plied the same name of Tyrrhenians to the Etrus¬ cans, who subsequently made themselves masters for some time of the whole of this country. [Cam¬ pania.] The notices of any Pelasgic population in the in¬ terior of Central Italy are so few and vague as to be scarcely worthy of investigation; but the traditions collected by Dionysius from the early Greek his¬ torians distinctly represent them as having been at one time settled in Northern Italy, and especially point to Spina on the Adriatic as a Pelasgic city. (Dionys. i. 17—21; Strab. v. p. 214.) Nevertheless it hardly appears probable that this Pelasgic race formed a permanent part of the population of those regions. The traditions in question are more fully investigated under the article Pelasgi. There is some evidence also, though very vague and in¬ definite, of the existence of a Pelasgic population on the coast of the Adriatic, especially on the shores of Picenum. (These notices are collected by Niebuhr, vol. i. pp. 49, 50, and are discussed under Pice¬ num.) 2. Oscans. — At a very early period, and cer¬ tainly before the commencement of historical record, a considerable portion of Central Italy appears to have been in the possession of a people who were called by the Greeks Opicans, and by the Latins Oscans, and whom we are led to identify also with the Ausonians [Ausones] of the Greeks, and the Auruncans of Koman writers. From them was derived the name of Opicia or Opica, which appears to have been the usual appellation, in the days both of Thucydides and Aristotle, for the central portion of the peninsula, or the country north of what was then called Italy. (Time. vi. 4; Arist. Put. vii. 10.) All the earliest authorities concur in representing the Opicans as the earliest inhabitants of Campania, and they were still in possession of that fertile dis¬ trict when the Greek colonies were planted there. (Strab. v. p. 242.) We find also statements, which have every character of authenticity, that this same people then occupied the mountainous region after- ITALIA. wards called Samnium, until they were expelled, or rather subdued, by the Sabine colonists, who as¬ sumed the name of Samriites. (Id. v. p. 250.) [Samnium.] Whether' they were more widely ex¬ tended we have no positive evidence; but there seems a strong presumption that they had already spread themselves through the neighbouring districts of Italy. Thus the Hirpini, who are represented as a Sanmite or Sabellian colony, in all probability found an Oscan population established in that country, as did the Samnites proper in the more northern pro¬ vince. There are also strong arguments for re¬ garding the Volscians as of Oscan race, as well as their neighbours and inseparable allies the Aequians. (Niebuhr, vol. i. pp. 70—73; Donaldson, Vctrro- ninnus, pp. 4, 5.) It was probably also an Oscan tribe that was settled in the highlands of the Apen¬ nines about Keate, and which from thence descended into the plains of Latium, and constituted one im¬ portant element of the Latin nation. [Latium.] It is certain that, if that people was, as already mentioned, in part of l'elasgic origin, it contained also a very strong admixture of a non-Pelasgic race: and the analogy of language leads us to derive this latter element from the Oscan. (Donaldson, I.e.) Indeed the extant monuments of the Oscan lan¬ guage are sufficient to prove that it bore a very close relation to the oldest form of the Latin; and Niebuhr justly remarks, that, had a single book in the Oscan language been preserved, we should have had little difficulty in deciphering it. (Niebuhr, vol. i. p. 68.) It is difficult to determine the precise relation which this primitive Oscan race bore to the Sabines or Sabellians. The latter are represented as con¬ querors, making themselves masters of the countries previously occupied by the Oscans; but, both in Sainnrum and Campania, we know that the language spoken in historical times, and even long after the Roman conquest, was still called Oscan; and we even find the Samnites carrying the same language with them, as they gradually extended their con¬ quests, into the furthest recesses of Bruttium. (Fest. s. v. Bilingues Brutates, p. 35.) There seems little doubt that the Samnite conquerors were a com¬ paratively small body of warriors, who readily adopted the language of the people whom they subdued, like the Normans in France, and the Lombards in Northern Italy. (Niebuhr, vol. i. p. 67.) But, at the same time, there are strong reasons for sup¬ posing that the language of the Sabines themselves, and therefore that of the conquering Sabellian race, was not radically distinct from that of the Oscans, but that they were in fact cognate dialects, and that the two nations were members of the same family or race. The questions concerning the Oscan lan¬ guage, so far as it is known to us from existing monu¬ ments, are more fully adverted to under the article Osci*; but it must be borne in mind that all such monuments are of a comparatively late period, and represent only the Sabello-Oscan, or the language spoken by the combined people, long after the two races had been blended into one ; and that we are almost wholly without the means of distinguishing what portion was derived from the one source or the other. * See also Moinmsen, Oskiscke Studien, 8vo. Berlin, 1845, and Nachtrage, Berl. 1846, and his Unter Italischen JJialelcte, Leipzig, 1850, pp. 99— 316; Klenze, Philoloyische Abhandlungen, 8vo. Berlin, 1839. ITALIA. 85 3. The Sarellians.— This name, which is sometimes used by ancient writers as synonymous with that of the Sabines, sometimes to designate the Samnites in particular (I'lin. iii. 12. s. 17 ; Virgil, Georg. ii. 167 ; Hor. Sat. i. 9. 29, ii. 1. 36 ; Hein- dorf. ad loc.), is commonly adopted by modern his¬ torians as a general appellation, including the Sabines and all those races or tribes which, according to the distinct tradition of antiquity, derived their origin from them. These traditions are of a very different character from most of those transmitted to us, and have apparently every claim to be received as histo¬ rical. And though we have no means of fixing the date of the migrations to which they refer, it seems certain that these cannot be carried back to a very remote age ; but that the Sabellian races had not very long been established in the extensive regions of Central Italy, where we find them in tiie historical period. Their extension still further to the S. be¬ longs distinctly to the historical age, and did not take place till long after the establishment of the Greek colonics in Southern Italy. The Sabines, properly so called, had their original abodes, according to Cato (op, Diunys. ii. 49), in the lofty ranges of the central Apennines and the upland valleys about Amiternum. It was from thence that, descending towards the western sea, they first began to press upon the Aborigines, an Oscan race, whom they expelled from the valleys about Keate, and thus gradually extended themselves into the country which they inhabited under the Romans, and which still preserves its ancient name of La Sabina. But, while the nation itself had thus shifted its quarters nearer to the Tyrrhenian Sea, it had sent out at different periods colonies or bodies of emigrants, which had established themselves to the E. and S. of their original abodes. Of these, the most powerful and celebrated were the Samnites ('Sauwrai), a people who are universally represented by ancient historians as descended from the Sabines (Strab. v. p. 250 ; Fest. v. Samnites ; Varr. L. L. vii. § 29) ; and this tradition, in itself sufficiently trustworthy, derives the strongest confirmation from the fact already no¬ ticed, that the Romans applied the name of Sabelli (obviously only another form of Sabini) to both na¬ tions indiscriminately. It is even probable that the Samnites called themselves Sabini, or Savini, for the Oscan name " Safinim" is found on coins struck during the Social War, which in all probability be¬ long to the Samnites, and certainly not to the Sa¬ bines proper. Equally distinct and uniform are the testimonies to the Sabine origin of the Piceni or Picentes (Plin. iii. 13. s. 18 ; Strab. v. p. 240), who are found in historical times in possession of the fertile district of Picenum, extending from the cen¬ tral chain of the Apennines to the Adriatic. The Peligni also, as we learn from the evidence of their native poet (Ovid, Fast. iii. 95), claimed to be of Sabine descent; and the same may fairly be as¬ sumed with regard to the Vestini, a tribe whom we find in historical times occupying the very valleys which arc represented as the original abodes of the Sabines. We know nothing historically of the origin of this people, any more than of their neighbours the Marrucini; but we find them both associated so frequently with the l'eligni and the Marsi, that it is probable the four constituted a common league or confederation, and this in itself raises a presumption that they were kindred races. Cato already re¬ marked, and without doubt correctly, that the name of the Marrucini was directly derived from that of g 3 80 ITALIA. the Marsi (Cato, up. Priscian. ix. 0) ; and there can be no doubt that the same relation subsisted be¬ tween the two nations: but we are wholly in the dark as to the origin of the Marsi themselves. Several circumstances, however, combine to render it probable that they were closely connected with the Sabines, but whether as a distinct offset from that people, or that the two proceeded from one common stock, we have no means of determining. [Marsi.] The Frentani, on the other hand, are generally re¬ presented as a Samnite race ; indeed, both they and the Ilirpini were so closely connected with the Sam- nites, that they are often considered as forming only a part of that people, though at other times they figure as independent and separate nations. But the traditions with regard to the establishment of the Ilirpini and the origin of their name [Hmrixi], seem to indicate that they were the result of a sepa¬ rate migration, subsequent to that of the body of the Samnites. South of the Ilirpini, again, the Lu- eanians are universally described as a Samnite co¬ lony, or rather a branch of the Samnites, who ex¬ tended their conquering arms over the greater part ot' the country called by the Greeks Oenotria, and thus came into direct collision with the Greek colo¬ nies on the southern coasts of Italy. [Magna Ghaecia.] At the height of their power the Lu- canians even made themselves masters of the Brut- tian peninsula; and the subsequent revolt of the Bruttii did not clear that country of these Sabellian invaders, the Bruttian people being apparently a mixed population, made up of the Lucanian con¬ querors and their Oenotrian serfs. [Bruttii.] While the Samnites and their Lucanian progeny were thus extending their power on the S. to the Sicilian strait, they did not omit to make themselves masters of the fertile plains of Campania, which, together with the flourishing cities of Capua and Cumae, fell into their hands between 440 and 420 a. c. [Cam- tan i a.] The dominion of the Sabellian race was thus esta¬ blished from the neighbourhood of Ancona to the southern extremity of Bruttium : but it must not be supposed that throughout this wide extent the popu¬ lation was become essentially, or even mainly, Sa¬ bellian. That people appears rather to have been a race of conquering warriors ; but the rapidity with which they became blended with the Oscan popula¬ tions that they found previously established in some parts at least of the countries they subdued, seems to point to the conclusion that there was no very wide difference between the two. Even in Samnium itself (which probably formed their stronghold, and where they were doubtless more numerous in pro¬ portion) we know that they adopted the Oscan lan¬ guage ; and that, while the Romans speak of the people and their territory as Sabellian, they designate their speech as Oscan. (Liv. viii. 1, x. 19, 20.) In like manner, we know that the Lucanian invaders carried with them the same language into the wilds of Bruttium; where the double origin of the people was shown at a late period by their continuing to speak both Greek and Oscan. (Fest. p. 35.) The relations between these Sabellian conquerors and the Oscan inhabitants of Central Italy render it, on the whole probable, that the two nations were only branches from one common stock (Niebuhr, vol. i. p. 104), related to one another very much like the Normans, Danes, and Saxons. Of the language of- the Sabines themselves we have unfortunately scarcely any remains : but there are some words quoted by :m- I TALI A. cicnt authors as being at once Sabine and Oscan ; and Varro (himself a native of Reate) bears distinct tes¬ timony to a connection between the two. (Varr. L. L. vii. § 28, ed. Miiller.) On the other hand, there are evidences that the Sabine language had considerable affinity with the Uinbrian (Donaldson, Varron. p. 8); and this was probably the reason why Zenodotus of Troezen (ap. Dtonys. ii. 49) de¬ rived the Sabines from an Umbrian stock. But, in fact, the Umbrian and Oscan languages were them¬ selves by no means so distinct as to exclude the supposition that the Sabine dialect may have been intermediate between the two, and have partaken largely of the characters of both. 4. Umbiiians.— The general tradition of anti¬ quity appears to have fixed upon the Umbrians as the most ancient of all the races inhabiting the Italian peninsula. (Plin. iii. 14. s. 19 ; Flor. i. 17 ; Dionys. i. 19.) AVe are expressly told that at the earliest period of which any memory was preserved, they occupied not only the district where we find them in historical times, but the greater part of Etruria also; while, across the Apennines, they held the fertile plains (subsequently wrested from them by the Etruscans and the Gauls) from the neigh¬ bourhood of Ravenna to that of Ancona, and appa¬ rently a large part of l'icenum also. Thus, at this time, the Umbrians extended from the Adriatic to the Tyrrhenian sea, and from the mouths of the Padus nearly to those of the Tiber. Of their origin or national affinities we learn but little from ancient authors; a notion appears to have arisen among the Romans at a late period, though not alluded to by any writer of authority, that they were a Celtic or Gaulish race (Solin. 2. § 11; Serv. ad Aen. xii. 753; Isidor. Orig. ix. 2), and this view has been adopted by many modern authors. (Walckenaer, Geogr. ties Gaules. vol. i. p. 10 ; Thierry, Hist, cles Gaulois, vol. i.) But, in this instance, we have a much safer guide in the still extant remains of the Umbrian language, preserved to us in the celebrated Tabulae Eugubinae [Iguvium] ; and the researches of mo¬ dern philologers, which have been of late years espe¬ cially directed to that interesting monument, have sufficiently proved that it has no such close affinity with the Celtic as to lead us to derive the Umbrians from a Gaulish stock. On the other hand, these inquiries have fully established the existence of a general resemblance between the Umbrian, Oscan, and oldest Latin languages ; a resemblance not con¬ fined to particular words, but extending to the gram¬ matical forms, and the whole structure of the lan¬ guage. Hence we are fairly warranted in concluding that the Umbrians, Oscans, and Latins (one im¬ portant element of the nation at least), as well as the Sabines and their descendants, were only branches of one race, belonging, not merely to the same great family of the Indo-Teutonic nations, but to the same subdivision of that family. The Umbrian may very probably have been, as believed by the Romans, the most ancient branch of these kindred tribes; and its language would thus bear much the same rela¬ tion to Latin and the later Oscan dialects that Moeso-Gothic does to the several Teutonic tongues. (Donaldson, Varron. pp. 78, 104, 105; Schwegler, Rumische Geschichte, vol. i. p. 176.) 5. Etruscans.—While there is good reason to suppose a general and even close affinity between the nations of Central Italy which have just been re¬ viewed, there are equally strong grounds for re¬ garding the Etruscans as a people of wholly dif- ITALIA. ITALIA. 87 ftrent race and origin from those by which they were surrounded. This strongly marked distinctness from the other Italian races appears to have been recog¬ nised both by Roman and Greek writers. Dionysius even affirms that the Etruscans did not resemble, either in language or manners, any other people whatsoever (Dionys. i. 30); and, however we may question the generality of this assertion, the fact in regard to their language seems to be borne out by the still existing remains of it. The various theories that have been proposed concerning their origin, and the views of modern philologers in regard to their language, are more fully discussed under the article Etruria. It may suffice here to state that two points may be considered as fairly established: — 1. That a considerable part of the population of Etruria, and especially of the more southern portions of that country, was (as already mentioned) of Pe- lasgic extraction, and continued to speak a dialect closely akin to the Greek. 2. That, besides this, there existed in Etruria a people (probably a con¬ quering race) of wholly different origin, who were the proper Etruscans or Tuscans, but who called themselves Rasena; and that this race was wholly distinct from the other nations of Central Italy. A.s to the ethnical affinities of this pure Etruscan race, we are almost as much in the dark as was Dionysius; but recent philological inquiries appear to have established the fact that it may be referred to the same great family of the Indo-Teutonic na¬ tions, though widely separated from all the other branches of that family which we find settled in Italy. There are not wanting, indeed, evidences of many points of contact and similarity, with the Umbrians on the one hand and the Pelasgians on the other; but it is probable that these are no more than would naturally result from their close juxta¬ position, and that mixture of the different races which had certainly taken place to a large extent before the period from which all our extant monu¬ ments are derived. It may, indeed, reasonably be assumed, that the Umbrians, who appear to have been at one time in possession of the greater part, if not the whole, of Etruria, would never be altogether expelled, and that there must always have remained, especially in the N. and E., a subject population of Umbrian race, as there was in the more southern districts of Pelasgian. The statement of Livy, which represents the Rhaetians as of the same race with the Etruscans (v. 33), even if its accuracy be admitted, throws but little light on the national affinities of the latter; for we know, in fact, nothing of the Rhaetians, either as to their language or origin. It only remains to advert briefly to the several branches of the population of Northern Italy. Of these, by far the most numerous and important were the Gauls, who gave to the whole basin of the Po the name of Gallia Cisalpina. They were universally admitted to be of the same race with the Gauls who inhabited the countries beyond the Alps, and their migration and settlement in Italy were referred by the Roman historians to a comparatively recent period. The history of these is fully given under Gallia Cisaliuna. Adjoining the Gauls on the SW., both slopes of the Apennines, as well as of the Maritime Alps and a part of the plain of the Po, were occupied by the Ligurians, a people as to whose national affinities we are almost wholly in the dark. [Liguiua.] It is certain, however, from the positive testimony of ancient writers, that they were a distinct race from the Gauls (Strab. ii. p. 128), and there seems no doubt that they were established in Northern Italy long before the Gallic invasion. Nor were they by any means confined to the part of Italy which ultimately retained their name. At a very early period we learn that they occupied the whole coast of the Mediterranean, from the foot of the Pyrenees to the frontiers of Etruria, and the Greek writers uniformly speak of the people who occupied the neighbourhood of Massilia, or the modern Provence, as Ligurians, and not Gauls. (Strab. iv. p. 203.) At the same period, it is probable that they were more widely spread also in the basin of the Po than we find them when they appear in Roman history. At that time the Taurini, at the foot of the Cottian Alps, were the most northern of the Ligurian tribes; while S. of the Padus they ex¬ tended probably as far as the Trebia. Along the shores of the Mediterranean they possessed in the time of Poly bins the whole country as far as Pisae and the mouths of the Arnus, while they held the fastnesses of the Apennines as far to the E. as the frontiers of the Arretine territory. (Pol. ii. 1G.) It was not till a later period that the Macra became the established boundary between the Roman pro¬ vince of Liguria and that of Etruria. Bordering on the Gauls on the E., and separated from them by the river Athesis (Aclige), were the Veneti, a people of whom we are distinctly told that their language was different from that of the Gauls (Pol. ii. 17), but of whom, as of the Ligurians, we know rather what they were not, than what they were. The most probable hypothesis is, that they were an Illyrian race (Zeuss, Die Deitlschen, p. 251), and there is good reason for referring their neigh¬ bours the Istkians to the same stock. On the other hand, the Carni, a mountain tribe in the extreme NE. of Italy, who immediately bordered both on the Venetians and Istrians, were more pro¬ bably a Celtic race [Carni]. Another name which we meet with in this part of Italy is that of the Euganei, a people who had dwindled into insignificance in historical times, but whom Livy describes as once great and power¬ ful, and occupying the whole tracts from the Alps to the sea. (Liv. i. 1.) Of their national affinities we know nothing. It is possible that where Livy speaks of other Alpine races besides the Rhaetians, as being of common origin with the Etruscans (v. 33), that he had the Euganeans in view; but this is mere conjecture. He certainly seems to have re¬ garded them as distinct both from the Venetians and Gauls, and as a more ancient people in Italy than either of those races. V. History. The history of ancient Italy is for the most part inseparably connected with that of Rome, and cannot be considered apart from it. It is impossible here to attempt to give even an outline of that history; but it may be useful to the student to present at one view a brief sketch of the progress of the Roman arms, and the period at which the several nations of Italy successively fell under their yoke, as well as the measures by which they were gradually con¬ solidated into one homogeneous whole, in the form that Italy assumed under the rule of Augustus. The few facts known to us concerning the history of the several nations, before their conquest by the Romans, will be found in their respective articles; that of the Greek colonies in Southern Italy, and g 4 83 ITALIA. ITALIA. their relations with the surrounding tribes, are given under the head of Magna Gkaecia. 1. Conquest of Italy by the Romans, rt. c. 509— 264.—The earliest wars of the Romans with their immediate neighbours scarcely come here under our consideration. Placed on the very frontier of three powerful nations, the infant city was from the very first engaged in perpetual hostilities with the Latins, the Sabines, and the Etruscans. And, however little dependence can be placed upon the details of these wars, as related to us, there seems no doubt that, even under the kings, Home had risen to a superiority over most of her neighbours, and had extended her actual dominion over a considerable part of Latium. The earliest period of the Republic, on the other hand (from the expulsion of the Tarquins to the Gaulish invasion, b. c. 509—390), when stripped of the romantic garb in which it has been clothed by (Roman writers, presents the spectacle of a difficult and often dubious struggle, with the Etruscans on the one hand, and the Volscians on the other. The capture of Veii, in b. c. 39G, and the permanent an¬ nexation of its territory to that of Rome, was the first decisive advantage acquired by the rising re¬ public, and may be looked upon as the first step to the domination of Italy. Even the great calamity sustained by the Romans, when their city was taken and in part destroyed by the Gauls, b. c. 390, was so far from permanently checking their progress, that it would rather seem to have been the means of opening out to them a career of conquest. It is probable that that event, or rather the series of pre¬ datory invasions by the Gauls of which it formed a part, gave a serious shock to the nations of Central Italy, and produced among them much disorganisa¬ tion and consequent weakness. The attention of the Etruscans was naturally drawn off towards the N., and the Romans were able to establish colonies at Sutrium and Nepete; while the power of the Vol¬ scians appears to have been greatly enfeebled, and the series of triumphs over them recorded in the Fasti now marks real progress. That of M. Valerius Corvus, after the destruction of Satricum in b. c. 346 (Liv. vii. 27; Fast. Capit.), seems to indicate the total subjugation of the Volscian people, who never again appear in history as an independent power. !Shortly after this, in b.c. 343, the Romans for the first time came into collision with the Samnites. That people were then undoubtedly at the height of their power: they and their kindred Sabellian tribes had recently extended their conquests over almost the whole southern portion of the peninsula (see above, p. 86); and it cannot be doubted, that when the Romans and Samnites first found them¬ selves opposed in arms, the contest between them was one for the supremacy of Italy. Meanwhile, a still more formidable danger, though of much briefer duration, threatened the rising power of Rome. The revolt of the Latins, who had hitherto been among the main instruments and supports of that power, threatened to shake it to its foundation; and the victory of the Romans at the foot of Mt. Vesuvius, under T. Manlius and P. Decius (n. c. 340), was perhaps the most important in their whole history. Three campaigns sufficed to terminate this formid¬ able war (b. c. 340—338). The Latins were now reduced from the condition of dependent allies to that of subjects, whether under the name of Roman citizens or on less favourable terms [Latium] ; and the greater part of Campania was placed in the same condition. At this time, therefore, only seventy years before the First Punic War, the Roman dominion still com¬ prised only Latium, in the more limited sense of the name (for the Aequi and Hernici were still inde¬ pendent), together with the southern part of Etruria, the territory of the Volscians, and a part of Cam¬ pania. During the next fifty years, which was the period of the great extension of the Roman arms and influence, the contest between Rome and Samnium was the main point of interest ; but almost all the surrounding nations of Italy were gradually drawn in to take part in the struggle. Thus, in the Second Samnite War (n. c. 326—304), the names of the Lucanians and Apulians — nations with which (as Livy observes, viii. 25) the Roman people had, up to that period, had nothing to do-—appear as taking an active part in the contest. In another part of Italy, the Marsi, Vestini, and Peligni, all of them, as we have seen, probably kindred races with the Samnites, took up arms at one time or another in support of that people, and were thus for the first time brought into collision with Rome. It was not till b.c. 311 that the Etruscans on their side joined in the con¬ test: but the Etruscan War at once assumed a character and dimensions scarcely less formidable than that with the Samnites. It was now that the Romans for the first time carried their arms beyond the Ciminian Hills; and the northern cities of Etruria, Perusia, Cortona, and Arretium, now first appear as taking part in the war. [Etuuria.] Before the close of the contest, the Umbrians also took up arms for the first time against the Romans. The peace which put an end to the Second Sam¬ nite War (b. c. 304) added nothing to the territorial extent of the Roman power; but nearly contemporary with it, was the revolt of the Hernicans, which ended in the complete subjugation of that people (n.c. 306); and a few years later the Aequians, who followed their example, shared the same fate, u. c. 302. About the same time (b. c. 304) a treaty was con¬ cluded with the Marsi, Marruc.ini, Peligni, and Frentani, by which those nations appear to have passed into the condition of dependent allies of Rome, in which we always subsequently find tbein. A similar treaty was granted to the Vestini in b. c. 301. In b. c. 298, the contest between Pome and Samnium was renewed, but in this Third Samnite War the people of that name was only one member of a powerful confederacy, consisting of the Samnites, Etruscans, Umbrians, and Gauls; nevertheless, their united forces were defeated by the Romans, who, after several successful campaigns, compelled both Etrus¬ cans and Samnites to sue for peace (b. c. 290). The same year in which this was concluded wit¬ nessed also the subjugation of the Sabines, who had been so long the faithful allies of Rome, and now appear, for the first time after a long interval, in arms : they were admitted to the Roman franchise. (Liv. Epit. xi.; Veil. Pat. i. 14.) The short in¬ terval which elapsed before hostilities were generally renewed, afforded an opportunity for the subjugation of the Galli Senones, whose territory was wasted with fire and sword by the consul Dolabella, in 283; and the Roman colony of Sena (Sena Gallica) esta¬ blished there, to secure their permanent submission. Already in b. c. 282, the war was renewed both with the Etruscans and the Samnites; but this Fourth Samnite War, as it is often called, was soon merged in one of a more extensive character. The Samnites were at first assisted by the Lucanians ITALIA. and Bruttians, the latter of whom now occur for the first time in Roman history (Liv. Epit. xii.); but cir¬ cumstances soon arose which led the Romans to de¬ clare war against the Tarentines; and these called in the assistance of Pyrrhus, king of Epirus. The war with that monarch (the first in which the Romans were engaged with any non-Italian enemy) was at the same time decisive of the fate of the Italian peninsula. It was, indeed, the last struggle of the nations of Southern Italy against the power of Rome: on the side of Pyrrhus were ranged, besides the Tarentines and their mercenaries, the Samnites, Lucanians, and Bruttians; while the Latins, Cam- panians, Sabines, Umbrians, Volscians, Marrucini, Peligni, and Frentani, are enumerated among the troops which swelled the ranks of the Romans. (Dinnys. xx. Fr. Didot.) Hence, the final defeat of Pyrrhus near Beneventum (b. c. 275) was speedily followed by the complete subjugation of Italy. Ta- rentum fell into the hands of the Romans in b. c. 272, and, in the same year, the consuls Sp. Carvilius and l'apirius Cursor celebrated the last of the many Roman triumphs over the Samnites, as well as the Lucanians and Bruttians. Few particulars have been transmitted to us of the petty wars which fol¬ lowed, and served to complete the conquest of the peninsula. The 1'icentes, who were throughout the Samnite wars on friendly terms with Rome, now appear for the first time as enemies; but they were defeated and reduced to submission in b. c. 268. The subjection of the Sallentines followed, b. c. 266. and the same year records the conquest of the Sarsinates, probably including the other mountain tribes of the Umbrians. A revolt of the Volsinians, in the following year (b. c. 265), apparently arising out of civil dissensions, gave occasion to the last of these petty wars, and earned for that people the credit of being the last of the Italians that sub¬ mitted to the Roman power. (Floras, i. 21.) It was not till long after that the nations of Northern Italy shared the same fate. Cisalpine Gaul and Liguria were still regarded as foreign provinces; and, with the exception of the Senones, whose territory had been already reduced, none of the Gaulish nations had been assailed in their own abodes. In b. c. 232 the distribution of the " Gal- lieus ager" (the territory of the Senones) became the occasion of a great and formidable war, which, however, ultimately ended in the victory of the Romans, who immediately proceeded to plant the two colonics of Placentia and Cremona in the ter¬ ritory of the Gauls, b. c. 218. The history of this war, as well as of those which followed, is fully related under Gallia Cisalpina. It may here suffice to mention, that the final conquest of the Boii, in b. c. 191, completed the subjection of Gaul, south of the Padus; and that of the Trans- padane Gauls appears to have been accomplished soon after, though there is some uncertainty as to the exact period. The Venetians had generally been the allies of the Romans during these contests with the Gauls, and appear to have passed gradually and quietly from the condition of independent allies to that of dependents, and ultimately of subjects. The Istrians, on the contrary, were reduced by force of arms, and submitted in b. e. 177. The last people of Italy that fell under the yoke of Rome were the Ligurians. This hardy race of moun¬ taineers was not subdued till after a long series of campaigns; and, while the Roman arms were over¬ throwing the Macedonian and Syrian empires in the ITALIA. 89 East, they were still constantly engaged in an inglo¬ rious, but arduous, struggle with the Ligurians, on their own immediate frontiers. Strabo observes, that it cost them eighty years of war to secure the coast¬ line of Liguria for the space of 12 stadia in width (iv. p. 203); a statement nearly correct, for the first triumph over the Ligurians was celebrated in b. c. 236, and the last in b. c. 158. Even after this last period it appears to have been a long time before the people were finally reduced to a state of tran¬ quillity, and lapsed into the condition of ordinary Roman subjects. 2. Italy tinder the Romans. — It would be a great mistake to suppose that the several nations of Italy, from the periods at which they successively yielded to the Roman arms and acknowledged the supremacy of the Republic, became her subjects, in the strict sense of the word, or were reduced under any uniform system of administration. The rela¬ tions of every people, and often even of every city, with the supreme head, were regulated by special agreements or decrees, arising out of the circum¬ stances of their conquest or submission. How various and different these relations were, is sufficiently seen by the instances of the Latins, the Campanians, and the Hernicans, as given in detail by Livy (viii. 11 —14, ix. 43). From the loss of the second decade of that author, we are unfortunately deprived of all similar details in regard to the other nations of- Italy; and hence our information as to the relations established between them and Rome in the third century b. c., and which continued, with little alteration, till the outbreak of the Social War, b. c. 90, is unfortunately very imperfect. We may, how¬ ever, clearly distinguish two principal classes into which the Italians were then divided ; those who possessed the rights of Roman citizens, and were thus incorporated into the Roman state, and those who still retained their separate national existence as dependent allies, rather than subjects properly so called. The first class comprised all those com¬ munities which had received, whether as nations or separate cities, the gift of the Roman franchise; a right sometimes conferred as a boon, but often also imposed as a penalty, with a view to break up more effectually the national spirit and organisation, and bring the people into closer dependence upon the supreme authority. In these cases the citizenship was conferred without the right of suffrage; but in most, and perhaps in all such instances, the latter privilege was ultimately conceded. Thus we find the Sabines, who in b. c. 290 obtained only the " civitas sine suffragio," admitted in p.. <:. 268 to the full enjoyment of the franchise (Veil. Pat. i. 14): the same was the case also, though at a much longer interval, with Formiae, Fundi, and Arpinum, which did not receive the right of suffrage till b. c. 188 (Liv. viii. 41, x. 1, xxxviii. 36), though they had borne the title of Roman citizens for more than a century. To the same class belonged those of the Roman colonies which were called " coloniae civiiun Romanorum," and which, though less numerous and powerful than the Latin colonies, were scattered through all parts of Italy, and included some wealthy and important towns. (A list of them is given by Madvig,c7e Coloniis, pp.295—303, and by Marquardt, Handb. der Rvmischen Alterthumer, vol. iii. pt. i. p. 18.) To the second class, the " Socii" or " Civitates Foederatae," which, down to the period of the Social War, included by far the largest part of the Italian 90 ITALIA. people, belonged all tho.se nations that had submitted to Rome upon any other terms than those of citizen¬ ship; and the treaties (foedera), which determined their relations to the central power, included almost every variety, from a condition of nominal equality and independence (aequum foedus), to one of the most complete subjection. Thus we find Heraclea in Lucania, Neapolis in Campania, and the Camertes in Umbria, noticed as possessing particularly favour¬ able treaties (Cic. pro Bcdb. 8, 20, 22); and even some of the cities of Latium itself, which had not received the Roman civitas, continued to maintain this nominal independence long after they had be¬ come virtually subject to the power of Rome. Thus, even in the days of Polybius, a Roman citizen might retire into exile at Tibur or Praeneste (Pol. vi. 14; Liv. xliii. 2), and the poor and decayed town of Laurentum went through the form of annually renewing its treaty with Rome down to the close of the Republic. (Liv. viii. 11.) Xor was this in¬ dependence merely nominal: though politically de¬ pendent upon Rome, and compelled to follow her lead in their external relations, and to furnish their con¬ tingent of troops for the wars, of which the dominant republic alone reaped the benefit, many of the cities of Italy continued to enjoy the absolute control of their own affairs and internal regulations; the troops which they were bound by their treaty to furnish were not enrolled with the legions, but fought under their own standards as auxiliaries ; they retained their own laws as well as courts of judicature, and, even when the Lex Julia conferred upon all the Italian allies the privileges of the Roman civitas, it was necessary that each city should adopt it by an act of its own. (Cic. pro Balb. 8.) Nearly in the same position with the dependent allies, however different in their origin, were the so-called " Coloniae Latinae;" that is, Roman colonies which did not enjoy the rights of Roman citizenship, but stood in the same relation to the Roman state that the cities of the Latin League had formerly done. The name was, doubtless, derived from a period when these colonies were actually sent out in common by the Romans and Latins; but settlements on similar terms continued to be founded by the Romans alone, long after the extinction of the Latin League; and, before the Social War, the Latin colonies included many of the most flourishing and important towns of Italy. (For a list of them, with the dates of their foundation, see Madvig, de Colotriis, I. c. ; Mommsen, Rumische Miinz-Wesen, pp. 230—234; and Marquardt, I. c. p. 33.) These colonies are justly regarded by Livy as one of the main supports of the Republic during the Second Punic War (Liv. xxvii. 9, 10), and, doubtless, proved one of the most effectual means of consolidating the Roman dominion in Italy. After the dissolution of the Latin League, is. c. 338, these Latin colonies (with the few cities of Latium that, like Tibur and Praeneste, still re¬ tained their separate organisation) formed the " no- men Lat'num," or body of the Latins. The close connection of these with the allies explains the fre¬ quent recurrence of the phrase socii et nomen Latinum " throughout the later books of Livy, and in other authors in reference to the same period. A great and general change in the relations pre¬ viously subsisting between the Italian states and Rome was introduced by the Social War (b. c. 90— 89), and the settlement which took place in conse¬ quence of it. Great as were the dangers with which Rome was threatened by the formidable coalition of ITALIA. those who had so long been her bravest defenders, they would have been still more alarming had the whole Italian people taken part in it. But the allies who then rose in arms against Rome were almost exclusively the Sabellians and their kindred races. The Etruscans and Umbrians stood aloof, while the Sabines, Latins, Yolscians, and other tribes who had already received the Roman franchise, supported the Republic, and furnished the materials of her armies. But the senate hastened to secure those who were wavering, as well as to disarm a portion at least of the openly disaffected, by the gift of the Roman franchise, including the full privileges of citizens: and this was subsequently extended to every one of the allies in succession as they submitted. There is some uncertainty as to the precise steps by which this was effected, but the Lex Julia, passed in the year 90 b.c., appears to have conferred the franchise upon the Latins (the " nomen Latinum," as above defined) and all the allies who were willing to accept the boon. The Lex Plautia Papiria, passed the following year, b. c. 89, completed the arrangement thus begun. (Cic. pro Balb. 8, pro Arch. 4 ; A. Cell. iv. 4; Appian, B. C. i. 49 ; Yell. Pat. ii. 16.) By the change thus effected the distinction be¬ tween the Latins and the allies, as well as between those two classes and the Roman citizens, was entirely done away with ; and the Latin colonies lapsed into the condition of ordinary municipia. At the same time that all the free inhabitants of Italy, as the term was then understood (i. e. Italy S. of the Macra and Rubicon), thus received the full rights of Roman citizens, the same boon was granted to the inhabit¬ ants of Gallia Cispadana, while the Transpadani appear to have been at the same time raised to the condition and privileges of Latins, that is to say, were placed on the same footing as if all their towns had been Latin colonies. (Ascon. in Pison. p. 3, ed. Orell. ; Savigny, Vermischte Schriften, vol. iii. pp. 290—308 ; Marquardt, Hanclb. vol. iii. pt. i. p. 48.) This peculiar arrangement, by which the Jus Latii was revived at the very time that it became naturally extinct in the rest of Italy, is more fully explained under Gallia Cisalpina. In b. c. 49, after the outbreak of the Civil War, Caesar bestowed the full franchise upon the Transpadani also (Dion Cass, xli. 3G); and from this time all the free inhabitants of Italy became united under one common class as citizens of Rome. The Italians thus admitted to the franchise were all ultimately enrolled in the thirty-five Roman tribes. The principle on which this was done we know not; but we learn that each municipium, and sometimes even a larger district, was assigned to a particular tribe: so that every citizen of Arpinum, for instance, would belong to the Cornelian tribe, of Beneventum to the Stellatine, of Brixia to the Fa¬ bian, of Ticinum to the Papian, and so on.* But in so doing, all regard to that geographical distribution of the tribes which was undoubtedly kept in view in their first institution was necessarily lost; and we have not sufficient materials for attempting to determine how the distribution was made. A know¬ ledge of it must, however, have been of essential importance so long as the Republic continued ; and * This did not, however, interfere with the per¬ sonal right, where this previously existed, so that a Roman citizen already belonging to another tribe, who settled himself in any municipium, retained his own tribe. ITALIA. in this sense we find Cicero alluding to " Italia tri- butim descripta " as a matter of interest to the can¬ didates for public offices. (Q. Cic. de Petit. Cons. 8.) 3. Italy under the Roman Empire.—No material change was introduced into the political condition of Italy by the establishment of the imperial authority at Home; the constitution and regulations that ex¬ isted before the end of the Republic continued, with only a few modifications, in full force. The most important of these was the system of municipal or¬ ganisation, which pervaded every part of the country, and which was directly derived from the days of Italian freedom, when every town had really pos¬ sessed an independent government. Italy, as it existed under the Romans, may be still regarded as an aggregate of individual communities, though these had lost all pretensions to national independence, and retained only their separate municipal existence. Every municipium had its own internal organisation, presenting very nearly a miniature copy of that of the Koman republic. It had its senate or council, the members of which were called Decuriones, and the council itself Ordo Decurionum, or often simply Ordo; its popular assemblies, which, however, soon fell into disuse under the Empire; and its local magistrates, of whom the principal were the Duum¬ viri, or sometimes Quatuorviri, answering to the Ro- man consuls and praetors : the Quinquennales, with functions analogous to those of the censors; the Aediles and Quaestors, whose duties nearly corre¬ sponded with those of the same magistrates at Rome. These different magistrates were annually elected, at first by the popular assembly, subsequently by the Senate or Deeurions : the members of the latter body held their offices for life. Nor was this municipal government confined to the town in which it was resident: every such Municipium possessed a terri¬ tory or Ager, of which it was as it were the capital, and over which it exercised the same municipal jurisdiction as within its own walls. This district of course varied much in extent, but in many in¬ stances comprised a very considerable territory, in¬ cluding many smaller towns and villages, all which were dependent, for municipal purposes, upon the central and chief town. Thus we are told by Pliny, that many of the tribes that inhabited the Alpine valleys bordering on the plains of Gallia Cisalpina, were by the Lex Pompeia assigned to certain neigh¬ bouring municipia (Le'je Pompeia attributi muni- cipiis, Plin. iii. 20. s. 24), that is to say, they were included in their territory, and subjected to their jurisdiction. Again, we know that the terri¬ tories of Cremona and Mantua adjoined one another, though the cities were at a considerable distance. In like manner, the territory of Beneventuin com¬ prised a large part of the land of the Hirpini. It is this point which gives a great importance to the distinction between municipal towns and those which were not so ; that the former were not only them¬ selves more important places, but were, in fact, the capitals of districts, into which the whole country was divided. The villages and minor towns in¬ cluded within these districts were distinguished by the terms " fora, conciliabula, vici, castella," and were dependent upon the chief town, though sometimes possessing a subordinate and imperfect local organi¬ sation of their own. In some cases it even happened that, from local circumstances, one of these subordi¬ nate places would rise to a condition of wealth and prosperity far surpassing those of the municipium, on which it nevertheless continued dependent. Thus, ITALIA. 91 the opulent watering-place of Baiae always remained, in a municipal sense, a mere dependency of Cumae The distinction between coloniae and municipia, which had been of great importance under the Bo- man republic, lost its real significance, when the citizens of both alike possessed the Roman franchise. But the title of colonia was still retained by those towns which had received fresh colonies towards the close of the Republic under Caesar or the Trium¬ virate, as well as under the Empire. It appears to have been regarded as an honorary distinction, and as giving a special claim upon the favour and pro¬ tection of the founder and his descendants ; though it conferred no real political superiority. (Gull, xvi. 13.) On the other hand, the Praefecturae — a name also derived from the early republican period—• were distinguished from the colonies and municipia by the circumstance that the juridical functions were there exercised by a Praefectus, an officer sent direct from Rome, instead of by the Duumviri or Qua¬ tuorviri (whose legal title was Ilviri or Illlviri Juri dicundo) elected by the municipality. But as these distinctions were comparatively unimportant, the name of " municipia" is not unfrequently applied in a generic sense, so as to include all towns which had a local self-government. " Oppida" is sometimes employed with the same meaning. Pliny, however, generally uses "oppida" as equivalent to "muni¬ cipia," but exclusive of colonics: thus, in describing the eighth region, he says, " Coloniae Bononia, Brixillum, Mutina, etc Oppida Caesena, Claterna, Forum Clodi, etc." (iii. 15. s. 20, et passim). It is important to observe that, in all such passages, the list of " oppida " is certainly meant to include only municipal towns ; and the lists thus given by Pliny, though disfigured by corruption and carelessness, were probably in the first instance, derived from official sources. Hence the marked agreement which may be traced between them and the lists given in the Liber Coloniarum, which, not¬ withstanding the corruptions it has suffered, is un¬ questionably based upon good materials. (Concerning the municipal institutions of Italy, see Savigny, Vermischte Schriften, vol. iii. pp. 279—412. and Gesch. des Rum. Rechts, vol. i. ; Marquardt, Ilundb. d. Rum. Alterthiimer, vol. iii. pt. i. pp. 44—55 ; Hoeck, Rom. Geschichte, book 5, chap. 3 ; and the article Gallia Cisalpina.) The municipal organisation of Italy, and the ter¬ ritorial distribution connected with it, lasted through¬ out the Roman empire, though there was always a strong tendency on the part of the central authority and its officers to encroach upon the municipal powers : and in one important point, that of their legal jurisdiction, those powers were materially cir¬ cumscribed. But the municipal constitution itself naturally acquired increased importance as the cen¬ tral power became feeble and disorganised : it sur¬ vived the fall of the Western Empire, and continued to subsist under the Gothic and Lombard conquerors, until the cities of Italy gradually assumed a position of independence, and the municipal constitutions which had existed under the Roman empire, became the foundation of the free republics of the middle ages. (Savigny, Gesch. des Romischen Rechts im jilittel Alter, vol. i.) The ecclesiastical arrangements introduced after the establishment of Christianity in the Roman em¬ pire, appear to have stood in close connection with the municipal limits. Almost every town which was then a flourishing municipium became the see of a 92 ITALIA. ITALIA. bishop, and the limits of the diocese in general co¬ incided with those of the municipal territory.* But in the period of decay and confusion that followed, the episcopal see often remained after the city had been ruined or fallen into complete decay: hence the ecclesiastical records of the early ages of Chris¬ tianity are often of material assistance in enabling us to trace the existence of ancient cities, and identify ancient localities. 4. Political and Administrative Division under the Roman Empire. — It is not till the reign of Augustus that any division of Italy for adminis¬ trative purposes occurs, and the reason is obvious. So long as the different nations of Italy preserved the semblance of independence, which they main¬ tained till the period of the Social War, no uniform system of administration was possible. Even after that period, when they were all merged in the condition of Roman citizens, the municipal insti¬ tutions, which were still in full force, appear to have been regarded as sufficient for all purposes of in¬ ternal management; and the general objects of the State were confided to the ordinary Roman magis¬ trates, or to extraordinary officers appointed for particular purposes. The first division of Italy into eleven regions by Augustus, appears to have been designed in the first instance merely to facilitate the arrangements of the census; but, as the taking of this was closely coupled with the levying of taxes, the same di¬ visions were soon adopted for financial and other administrative purposes, and continued to be the basis of all subsequent arrangements. The divisions established by Augustus, and which have fortunately been preserved to us by Pliny (the only author who mentions their institution), were as follows: — I. The First Region comprised Latium (in the more extended sense of that name, including the land of the Hernicans and Volscians), together with Campania, and the district of the Picentini. It thus extended from the mouth of the Tiber to that of the Silarus ; and the Anio formed its boundary on the N. II. The Second Region, which adjoined the pre¬ ceding on the SE., included Apulia, Calabria, and the land of the Hirpini, which was thus separated from the rest of Samnium. III. The Third Region contained Lucania and Brutiium: it was bounded by the Silarus on the NW. and by the Bradanus on the XE. IV. The Fourth Region contained all Samnium, except the Hirpini, together with the Frentani, Marrucini, Marsi, Peligni, Aequieuli, Vestini, and Sahini. It thus extended from the Anio to the frontiers of Piecnum, and from the boundary of Uni- bria on the X. to Apulia on the S. It was sepa¬ rated from the latter district by the river Tifernus, and from I'icenum by the Aternus. V. The Fifth Region was composed solely of the ancient Picenum (including under that name the territory of Hadria and of the Praetutii), and ex¬ tended along the Adriatic from the mouth of the Aternus to that of the Aesis. * A glance at the list of bishoprics existing in any of the provinces of Central Italy (Etruria, for instance, or Umbria), as compared with the names of the towns enumerated by Pliny in the same dis¬ trict, will at once show the connection between the two. (Bingham's Ecclesiastical Antiquities, book ix. chap. v. VI. The Sixth Region contained Umbria, to¬ gether with the land N. of the Apennines, once occupied by the Senonian Gauls, and which ex¬ tended along the coast of the Adriatic from the Aesis to the Ariminus. On the W. it was sepa¬ rated from Etruria by the Tiber, along the left bank of which it extended as far as Ocriculum. VII. The Seventh Region consisted of the ancient Etruria, and preserved the ancient limits of that country: viz. the Tiber on the E., the Apennines on the X., and the Tyrrhenian sea on the W., from the mouth of the Tiber to that of the Macra. VIII. The Eighth Region, or Gallia Cispadana, extended from the frontiers of Liguria near Pla- centia, to Ariminum on the Adriatic, and was bounded by the Apennines on the S., and by the Padus on the X. IX. The Xinth Region comprised Liguria, ex¬ tending along the sea-coast from the Macra to the Varus, and inland as far as the Padus, which formed its northern boundary from the confluence of the Trebia to its sources in Mt. Vesulus. X. The Tenth Region was composed of Venetia, including the land of the Carni, with the addition of Istria, and a part of Gallia Cisalpina, previously occupied by the Genomani, extending as far W. as the Addua. XL The Eleventh Region comprised the re¬ mainder of Gallia Transpadana, or the whole tract between the Alps and the Padus, from the sources of the latter river to its confluence with the Addua. It is probable, both from the silence of Pliny, and from the limited scope with which these divisions were first instituted, that the regions had origi¬ nally no distinctive names applied to them : but these would be gradually adopted, as the division acquired increased political importance. No diffi¬ culty could arise, where the limits of the Region coincided (or nearly so) with those of a previously existing people, as in the cases of Etruria, Liguria, Picenum, &c. In other instances the name of a part was given to the whole : thus, the first region came to be called Iiegio Campaniae; and hence, in the Liber Coloniarum, the " Civitates Campaniae" include all Latium also. [Campania.] The name of Iiegio Samnii or Samnium was in like manner given to the fourth region, though perhaps not till after the northern part of it had been separated from the rest under the name of Valeria. The division introduced by Augustus continued with but little alteration till the time of Con- stantine. The changes introduced by Hadrian and SI. Aurelius regarded only the administration of justice in Italy generally (Spartian. JIadr. 22 ; Capit. J\r. Ant. 11); but in this, as well as in various other regulations, there was a marked ap¬ proach to the assimilating the government of Italy to that of the provinces; and the term " Consu- laris," applied to the judicial officers appointed by Hadrian merely to denote their dignity, soon came to be used as an official designation for the governor of a district, as we find it in the Xotitia. But the distinction between Italy and the provinces is still strongly marked by Ulpian, and it was not till the fourth century that the term " Provincia" came to be applied to the regions or districts of Italy (Mommsen, ad Lib. Col. pp. "193, 194.) The changes introduced into the divisions of Augustus, either before the time of Constantine or under that emperor, were the following:—1. The fourth region was divided into two, the southern ITALIA. ITALIA. 93 portion containing Samnium (to which the land of the Hirpini, included by Augustus in the second region, was reunited), together with the Frentani and Peligni; while the land of the Sabines, the Marsi, and the Vestini, constituted a separate district, which bore the name of Valeria, from the great highway, the Via Valeria, by which it was traversed. 2. The portion of the sixth region which lay between the Apennines and the Adriatic (originally inhabited by the Gauls) was separated from Umbria properly so called, and distinguished by the name of Picenum Annonarium, while the true Picenum was called, for the sake of distinction, Picenum Suburbicarium. 3. The eighth region, or Gallia Cispadana, was di¬ vided into two, of which the westernmost portion assumed the name of Aemilia, from the highroad of that name; an appellation which seems to have come into common use as early as the time of Martial (iii. 4, vi. 85): while the eastern portion, much the smaller of the two, received that of Flaminia, though the highroad of that name only extended to Ari- lninum, on the very frontier of this district. This new division seems to have been generally united with Picenum Annonarium, though retaining its separate name. 4. The Alpes Cottiae, a mountain district which in the time of Augustus had still retained its nominal independence, though incor¬ porated with the Roman empire by Nero, seems to have continued to form a separate district till the time of Constantine, who united it with the ninth region, the whole of which now came to be known as the Alpes Cottiae: while, still more strangely, the name of Liguria was transferred from this region, to which it properly belonged, to the eleventh region, or Gallia Transpadana; so that late writers speak of Mediolanum as the capital of Liguria. [Liguria.] 5. The only other change that re¬ quires notice was tiie division of Etruria into two portions, called Tuscia Annonaria and Tuscia Urbi- caria. This, as well as the similar distinction be¬ tween the two Picenums, had its origin in the ad¬ ministrative arrangements introduced by Maximian, who, when he established the imperial residence at Milan, imposed upon the northern and adjoining provinces the task of finding supplies (annonae) for the imperial court and followers, while the other portions of Italy were charged with similar burdens for the supply of Rome. (Mommsen, ad Lib. Col pp. 198—200.) Hence Trebellius Pollio, writing in the reign of Diocletian, after enumerating the districts of Southern and Central Itxily, comprises all that lay N. of Flaminia and Etruria under the general appellation of " omnis annonaria regio." (Treb. Poll. Trig. Tyr. 24.) In addition to these changes, Constantine, in the general reorganisation of his empire, united to Italy the two provinces of Rhaetia (including Vindelicia), as well as the three great islands of Sicily, Sar¬ dinia, and Corsica. These last, together with all the central and southern provinces of Italy, were placed under the jurisdiction of the Vicarius Urbis Roinae, while all the northern provinces were subject to the Vicarius Italiae. The minor arrangements seem to have frequently varied in detail, but the seventeen provinces into which the " Dioecesis Italiae" was now divided, are thus enumerated in the Notitia Dignitatum (ii. pp. 9, 10): — 1. Venetia. 2. Aemilia. 3. Liguria (i.e. Gallia, Transpadana). 4. Flaminia et Picenum Annonarium. 5. Tuscia et Umbria. 6. Picenum Suburbicarium. 7. Campania. 8. Sicilia. 9. Apulia et Calabria. 10. Lucania et Bruttii. 11. Alpes Cottiae (Liguria). 12. Raetia Prima. 13. Raetia Secunda. 14. Samnium. 15. Valeria. 16. Sardinia. 17. Corsica. This list substantially agrees with that in the Libellus Provinciarum (published by Gronovius, Lugd. Bat. 1739), a document of the time of Theodosius I., as well as with that given by Paulus Diaeonus in his geographical description of Italy (Hist. Lang. ii. 14—22), though he has added an eighteenth province, to which he gives the name of •' Alpes Apennini;" which can be no other than the northern part of Etruria, or Tuscia Annonaria. Of the seventeen provinces enumerated in the Notitia eight were placed under governors who bore the title of Consulares, seven under Praesides, and the two southernmost under Correctores, a title which appears to have been at one time common to them all. (For further details on the administrative divisions of Italy during the latter period of the Roman empire, see the Notitia Dignitatum in Partibus Occidentis, Bonn, 1840, with Booking's valuable commentary; Mommsen, iiber die Lib. Colon, in the Schriften der Rbmischen Feldmesser, vol. ii. Berlin, 1852; Marquardt, Handb. der Rom. Alterthiimer, vol. iii. pt. i. pp. 55—71.) The divisions thus established before the close of the Western Empire, were continued after its fall under the Gothic monarchy, and we find them fre¬ quently alluded to as subsisting under their old names in Cassiodorus and Proeopius. It was not till the establishment of the Lombards in Italy that this division gave place to one wholly different, which became the foundation of that which subsisted in the middle ages. The Lombards divided the part of Italy in which they established their power, including all the N., or what is now called Lom- bardg, together with a part of Tuscany and Umbria, into a number of military fiefs or governments, under the name of Duchies (Dueatus) : the Duchy of Friuli, Duchy of Verona, Duchy of Pavia, &c. Be¬ sides those immediately subject to the Lombard kings, two of these were established further to the S., — the Duchy of Spoleto and Duchy of Benevento, which enjoyed a semi-independent position: and the last of these was extended by successive conquests from the Greek Empire, till it comprised almost the whole of the S. of Italy, or the modern kingdom of Naples. The Greek emperors, however, still re¬ tained possession of the Exarchate of Ravenna, to¬ gether with the district called the Pentapolis, com¬ prising a considerable part of Picenum, and what was called the Duchy of Rome, including a part of Etruria and Umbria, as well as Latium. In the S. also they always kept possession of some of the maritime places of Campania, Naples, Cai'ta, and Salerno, as well as of a part of Calabria, and the cities of Otranto and Gallipoli. After the fall of the Lombard kingdom, in a. i). 7"4, though they had now lost their possessions in the X., the Exar¬ chate and the Pentapolis, the Byzantine emperors 94 ITALIA. for a long time extended their dominion over a con¬ siderable part of the S., and wrested from the dukes of Benevento the districts to which they gave the names of the Capitanata and the Basilicata (a part of the ancient Apulia and Lucania), and of which they retained possession till the 11th century. It was then that a new enemy first appeared on the scene, and the Normans, under Robert Guiscard, completed the final expulsion of the Greek emperors from Italy. The capture of Bari in 1071, and of Salerno in 1077, destroyed the last vestiges of the dominion that had been founded bv the generals of Justinian. (D'Anville, E'tats formes en Europe, apres la Chute de [Empire Jiomain, 4to. Paris, 1771.) VI. Population of Italy under the Pom AN s. The statements transmitted to us from antiquity concerning the amount of the population in different cities and countries are for the most part of so vague a character and such uncertain authority as to be little worthy of consideration ; but we have two facts recorded in connection with that of Italy, which may lead us to form at least an approximate estimate of its numbers. The first of these data is the statement given by Polybius, as well as by several Roman writers on the authority of Pabius, and which there is every reason to believe based on authentic documents, of the total amount of the forces which the ltomans and their allies were able to oppose to the threatened invasion of the Gauls in as. c. 225. According to the detailed enumeration given by Polybius, the total number of men capable of bearing arms which appeared on the registers of the Romans and their allies, amounted to above 700,000 foot and 70,000 horsemen. Pliny gives them at 700,000 foot and 80,000 horse; while Eutropius and Orosius state the whole amount in round numbers at 800,000. (Pol. ii. 24; Plin. iii. 20. s. 24; Eutrop. iii. 5; Oros. iv. 13.) It is evident, from the precise statements of Polybius, that this was the total amount of the free population of military age (tb avfj-irav rjdos twv Ovva.fj.ivwv SwAa PuaTa&iv), and not that which could be actually brought into the field. If we estimate the proportion of these to the total free population as 1 to 4, which appears to have been the ratio cur¬ rently adopted in ancient times, we should obtain a total of 3,200,000 for the free population of the Italian peninsula, exclusive of the greater part of Cisalpine Gaul, and the whole of Liguria* : and even if we adopt the proportion of 1 to 5, more commonly received in modern times, this would still give a total of only 4,000,000, an amount by no means very large, as the population of the same parts of Italy at the present day considerably ex¬ ceeds 9,000,000. (Serristori, Statistica d'Italia.) Of the amount of the servile population we have no means of forming an estimate : but it was pro¬ bably not large at this period of the Roman history; and its subsequent rapid increase was contempo¬ raneous with the diminution of the free population. The complaints of the extent to which this had * The Cenomani and Veneti were among the allies who sent assistance to the Romans on this occasion, but their actual contingent of 20,000 men is all that is included in the estimate of Polybius. They did not, like the Italian allies, and doubtless could not, send registers of their total available resources. ITALIA. taken place as early as the time of the Gracchi, and their lamentations over the depopulation of Italy (Plut. T. Gracch. 8), would lead us to suppose that the number of free citizens had greatly fallen off. If this was the case in b. c. 133, the events of the next half century —• the sanguinary struggle of the Social War, which swept off, according to Yelleius Paterculus (ii. 15), more than 300,000 men in the vigour of their age, and the cruel devastation of Samnium and Etruria by Sulla—were certainly not calculated to repair the deficiency. But, notwith¬ standing this, we find that the census of b.c. 70, which included all the new citizens recently ad¬ mitted to the Roman franchise, and did not yet comprise any population out of Italy, nor even the Transpadane Gauls, gave a result of 910,000 lio¬ man citizens (capita civium); from which we may fairly infer a free population of at least 4,500,000. (Liv. Epit. xcviii. ed. Jahn, compared with Phlegon, ap. Phot. Bibl. p. 84. ed. Bekker.) The rapid ex¬ tension of a Roman population in Gallia Cispadana, as well as Venetia and Liguria, had evidently more than compensated for the diminution in the central provinces of the peninsula. Of the populousness of Italy under the Empire, we have no data on which to found an estimate. But there are certainly no reasons to suppose that it ever exceeded the amount which it had attained under the Republic. Complaints of its depopu¬ lation, of the decay of flourishing towns, and the desolation of whole districts, are frequent in the writers of the Augustan age and the first century of the Christian era. We are told that Caesar in b. c. 46, already found a dreadful diminution of the population (5ei.viiv dAiyavdpwTriixv, Dion Cass, xliii. 25); and the period of the Triumvirate must have tended greatly to aggravate the evil. Augustus seems to have used every means to recruit the exhausted population: but that his efforts were but partially successful is evident from the picture which Strabo (writing in the reign of Tiberius) gives us of the state of decay and desolation to which the once populous provinces of Samnium, Apulia, and Lucania, were in his day reduced; while Livy confirms his statement, in regard even to dis¬ tricts nearer Rome, such as the land of the Aequians and Volscians. (Strab. v. p. 249, vi. pp. 253, 281; Liv. vi. 12.) Pliny, writing under Vespasian, speaks of the " latifundia" as having been ''the ruin of Italy;" and there seems no reason to suppose that this evil was afterwards checked in any material degree. The splendour of many of the municipal towns, and especially the magnificent public build¬ ings with which they were adorned, is apt to convey a notion of wealth and opulence which it seems hard to combine with that of a declining population. But it must be remembered that these great works were in many, probably in most instances, erected by the munificence either of the emperors or of private in¬ dividuals ; and the vast wealth of a few nobles was so far from being the sign of general prosperity, that it was looked upon as one of the main causes of decay. Many of the towns and cities of Italy were, however, no doubt very flourishing and populous: but numerous testimonies of ancient writers seem to prove that this was far from being the case with the country at large ; and it is certain that no ancient author lends any countenance to the notion enter¬ tained by some modern writers, of " the incredible multitudes of people with which Italy abounded during the reigns of the Roman emperors" (Ad- ITALIA. dison, Remarks on Italy). (See this question fully discussed and investigated by Zumpt, iiber den Stand der Bevolkerung im Alterthum. 4to. Berlin, 1841.) Gallia Cisalpina, including Venetia and the part of Liguria N. of the Apennines, seems to have been by far the most flourishing and populous part of Italy under the Roman empire. Its extraordinary natural resources had been brought into cultivation at a comparatively late period, and were still unex¬ hausted : nor had it suffered so much from the civil wars which had given a fatal blow to the prosperity of the rest of Italy. It would appear also to have been comparatively free from the system of culti¬ vation by slave labour which had proved so ruinous to the more southern regions. The younger Pliny, indeed, mentions that his estate near Comum, and all those in its neighbourhood, were cultivated wholly by free labourers. (I'lin. Ep. iii. 19.) In the latter ages of the Empire, also, the establishment of the imperial court at Mediolanum (which continued from the time of Maximian to that of Honorius) must have given a fresh stimulus to the prosperity of this favoured region. But when the Empire was no longer able to guard the barrier of the Alps against the irruptions of barbarians, it was on Northern Italy that the first brunt of their devas¬ tations naturally fell; and the numerous and opu¬ lent cities in the plains of the Padus were plundered in succession by the Goths, the Huns, and the Lombards. VII. Authorities. Considering the celebrity of Italy, and the im¬ portance which it enjoyed, not only under the Ro¬ mans but during the middle ages, and the facility of access which has rendered it so favourite a resort of travellers in modern times, it seems strange that our knowledge of its ancient geography should be still very imperfect. Yet it cannot be denied that this is the ease. The first disadvantage under which we labour is, that our ancient authorities themselves are far from being as copious or satis¬ factory as might be expected. The account given by Strabo, though marked by much of his usual good sense and judgment, is by no means sufficiently ample or detailed to meet all our requirements. He had also comparatively little interest in, and was probably himself but imperfectly acquainted with, the early history of Rome, and therefore did not care to notice, or inquire after, places which had figured in that history, but were in his time sunk into decay or oblivion. Mela dismisses the geo¬ graphy of Italy very hastily, as being too well known to require a detailed description (ii. 4. § 1): while Pliny, on the contrary, apologises for passing but lightly over so important and interesting a subject, on account of the impossibility of doing it justice (iii. 5. s. 6). His enumeration of the different regions and the towns they contained is nevertheless of the greatest value, and in all probability based upon authentic materials. But he almost wholly neglects the physical geography, and enumerates the inland towns of each district in alphabetical order, so that his mention of them gives us no assistance in determining their position. Ptolemy's lists of names are far less authentic and trustworthy than those of l'liny; and the positions which he professes to give are often but little to be depended on. The Itineraries afford valuable assistance, and perhaps there is no country for which they are more useful ITALIA. 95 and trustworthy guides; but they foil us exactly where we are the most in want of assistance,—in the more remote and unfrequented parts of Italy, or those districts which in the latter ages of the' Em¬ pire had fallen into a state of decay and desolation. One of the most important aids to the determination of ancient localities is unquestionably the preserva¬ tion of the ancient names, which have often been transmitted almost without change to the present day; and even where the name is now altered, we are often enabled by ecclesiastical records to trace the ancient appellation down to the middle ages, and prove both the fact and the origin of its altera¬ tion. In numerous instances (such as Aletium, Sipontum, &c.) an ancient church alone records the existence and preserves the name of the decayed city. But two circumstances must guard us against too hasty an inference from the mere evidence of name: the one, that it not unfrequently happened, during the disturbed periods of the middle ages, that the inhabitants of an ancient town would mi¬ grate to another site, whether for security or other reasons, and transfer their old name to their new abode. Instances of this will be found in the cases of Abf.llindm, Aufidena, &c., and the most re¬ markable of all in that of Capua. Another source of occasional error is that the present appellations of localities are sometimes derived from erroneous tra¬ ditions of the middle ages, or even from the misap¬ plication of ancient names by local writers on the first revival of learning. One of the most important and trustworthy auxi¬ liaries in the determination of ancient names and localities, that of inscriptions, unfortunately requires, in the ca^e of Italy, to be received with much care and caution. The perverted ingenuity or misguided patriotism of many of the earlier Italian antiquarians frequently led them either to fabricate or interpolate such documents, and this with so much skill and show of learning, that many such fictitious or apo¬ cryphal inscriptions have found their way into the collections of Gruter, Muratori, and Orelli, and have been cited in succession by numerous modern writers. Mommsen has conferred a great service upon the student of Italian antiquities by subjecting all the recorded inscriptions belonging to the kingdom of Naples to a searching critical inquiry, and dis¬ carding from his valuable collection (Inscriptiones Regni Neapolitans Latinae, fol. Lips. 1852) all those of dubious authenticity. It is much to bo desired that the same task may be undertaken for those of the rest of Italy. The comparative geography of ancient and mo¬ dern Italy had more or less engaged the attention of scholars from the first revival of learning. But of the general works on the subject, those before the time of Cluverius may be regarded more as objects of cu¬ riosity than as of much real use to the student. Biondo Flavio (Blondus Flavius) is the earliest writer who has left us a complete and connected view of Italian topography, in his Italia lllustrata (first published in 1474, afterwards with his other works at Basle, in 1531 and 1559): after him came Leandro Alberti, whose Descrizione di tutta Italia (Venice, 1551) contains some valuable no¬ tices. But the great work of Cluverius (Italia Antigua, 2 vols. fol. Lugd. Bat. 1G24) altogether superseded those which had preceded him, and became the foundation of all subsequent inquiries. Cluverius has not only brought together, with the most praiseworthy diligence, all the passages of 96 ITALIA. ITALICA. ancient authors bearing upon his subject, but he I had himself travelled over a great part of Italy, noting the distances and observing the remains of ancient towns. It is to be regretted that he has not left us more detailed accounts of these remains of antiquity, which have in many cases since disap¬ peared, or have not been visited by any more recent traveller. Lucas Holstenius, the contemporary and friend of Cluver, who had also visited in person nany of the more unfrequented districts of Italy, has left us, in his notes 011 Cluverius (Adnotationes ad Cluverii Italiam Antiquum, 8vo. Romae, 1666), a valuable supplement to the larger work, as well as many important corrections on particular points. It is singular how little we owe to the researches of modern travellers in Italy. Not a single book of travels has ever appeared on that country which can be compared with those of Leake or Dodwell in Greece. Swinburne's Travels in the Two Sicilies is one of the best, and greatly superior to the more recent works of Keppel Craven on the same part of Italy (Tour through the Southern Produces of the Kingdom of Naples, 4to. Lond. 1821; Excursions ■in the Abruzzi and Northern Provinces of Naples, 2 vols. 8vo. Lond. 1838). Eustace's well-known book (Classical Tour through Italy in 1802) is almost wholly worthless in an antiquarian point of view. Sir 1!. Hoare's Classical Tour, intended as a sort of supplement to the preceding, contains some valuable notes from personal observation. Dennis's recent work on Etruria (Cities and Cemeteries of the Etruscans, 2 vols. 8vo. Lond. 1848) contains a far more complete account of the antiquities and topography of that interesting district than we pos¬ sess concerning any other part of Italy. Sir W. (Jell's Topography of Rome and its Vicinity (2 vols. 8vo. Lond. 1834; 2nd edit. 1 vol. 1846*), taken in conjunction with the more elaborate work of Nibby 011 the same district (Analisi della Carta dei Dintorni di Roma, 3 vols. 8vo. Lome, 1S49), sup¬ plies much valuable information, especially what is derived from the personal researches of the author, but is far from fulfilling all that we require. The work of Westphal on the same subject (Die Romische Kampagne, 4to. Berlin, 1829) is still more imper¬ fect, though valuable for the care which the author bestowed on tracing out the direction and remains of the ancient roads throughout the district in ques¬ tion. Abeken's Mittel Itulien (8ro. Stuttgart, 1843) contains a good sketch of the physical geo¬ graphy of Central Italy, and much information con¬ cerning the antiquities of the different nations that inhabited it; but enters very little into the topo¬ graphy of the regions he describes. The publi¬ cations of the In>tituto Archeologico at Rome (first commenced in 1829, and continued down to the present time), though directed more to archaeo¬ logical than topographical researches, still contain many valuable memoirs in illustration of the topo¬ graphy of certain districts, as well as the still ex¬ isting remains in ancient localities. The local works and histories of particular dis¬ tricts and cities in Italy are innumerable. But very few of them will be found to be of any real service to the student of ancient geography. The earlier works of this description are with few ex¬ ceptions characterised by very imperfect scholarship, an almost total want of criticism, and a blind cre- * It is this edition which is always referred to in the present work. dulity, or still blinder partiality to the native city of each particular author. Even on those points on which their testimony would appear most likely to be valuable,—such as notices of ruins, inscriptions, and other remains of antiquity,—it must too often be received with caution, if not with suspicion. A striking exception to this general remark will be found in the treatise of Galateo, Be Situ Japygiae (8vo. Basel, 1551; republished by Graevius in the The¬ saurus Antiquitatum Italiae, vol. ix. part v.) : those of Barrio 011 Calabria (the modern province of the name) and Antonini 011 Lueania (Barrius, de Antiquitate et Situ Calabriae, fol. Romae, 1737; Antonini, La Lueania, 4to. Naples, 1741), though not without their merit, are of far inferior value. The results of these local researches, and the con¬ clusions of their authors, will be for the most part found, in a condensed form, in the work of the Abate Romanelli (Antica Topografia Istorica del Regno di Napoli, 3 vols. 4to. Naples, 1815), which, notwithstanding the defects of imperfect scholarship and great want of critical sagacity, will still be found of the greatest service to the student for the part of Italy to which it relates. Cramer, in his well-known work, has almost implicitly followed Romanelli, as far as the latter extends; as for the rest of Italy he has done little more than abridge the work of Cluverius, with the corrections of his commentator Holstenius. Mannert, on the con¬ trary, appears to have composed his Geographie von Italien without consulting any of the local writers at all, and consequently without that de¬ tailed acquaintance with the actual geography of the country which is the indispensable foundation of all inquiries into its ancient topography. Reichard's work, which appears to enjoy some reputation in Germany, is liable in a still greater degree to the same charge:* while that of Forbiger is a valuable index of references both to ancient and modern writers, but aspires to little more. Kra¬ mer's monograph}- of the Lake Fucinus (Der Fu- ciner See, 4to. Berlin, 1839) may be mentioned as a perfect model of its kind, and stands unrivalled as a contribution to the geography of Italy. Nie- buhr's Lectures on the Geography of Italy (in his Vortriige iiber Alte Lander u. Volker-kunde, pp. 318—576) contain many valuable and important views, especially of the physical geography in its connection with the history of the inhabitants, and should be read by every student of antiquity, though by no means free from errors of detail. [E. H. B.] ITA'LICA ('IraAf/ca, Strab. iii. p. 141; Ptol. ii. 4. §13; 'IraAuci], Appian, Hisp. 38; Steph. B. s.v.), a Roman city, in the country of the Tur- detani, in Hispania Baetica, on the right bank of the Baetis, opposite IIisi'ALis (Seville), from which it was distant only 6 M. 1'. to the NW. (Jtin. Ant. p. 413, comp. p. 432.) It was founded by Scipio Africanus, on the site of the old Iberian town of Sancios, in the Second Punic War (b. c. 207), and peopled with his disabled veterans; whence its name, " the Italian city." It had the rank of a muni- cipium : it is mentioned more than once in the his¬ tory of the Civil Wars : and it was the native place of the emperors Trajan, Hadrian, and Theodosius the Great, and, as some say, of the poet Silius Italicus. (See Diet, of Greek and Rom. Biog. s. v.) * Some severe, but well merited, strictures on this work are contained in Niebuhr!s Lectures on Roman History (vol. iii. p. xciv. 2d edit.). ITALICA. Its coins, all of the imperial age, bear military emblems which attest the story of its origin, and on some of them is the title julia Augusta. The city flourished under the Gotljs, and, for some time, under the Moors, who preserved the old name, in the form Tallica or Talca; but, in consequence of a change in the bed of the river, its inhabitants aban¬ doned it, and migrated to Seville. Hence, in con¬ tradistinction to the city which (although far more ancient, see Hispalis) became thus its virtual successor, Italiea received the name of Old Seville (Sevilla la Vieja), under which name its ruins still exist near the wretched village of Santi Ponce, while the surrounding country retains the ancient name, los campos de Talca. The chief object in the ruins is the amphitheatre, which was in good preservation till 1774, " when it was used by the corporation of Seville for river dikes, and for making the road to Badajoz." (Ford.) Mr. Ford also states, that " on Dec. 12, 1799, a fine mosaic pavement was dis¬ covered, which a poor monk, named Jose Moscoso, to his honour, enclosed with a wall, in order to save it from the usual fate in Spain. Didot, in 1802, pnblished for Laborde a splendid folio, with en¬ gravings and description Now, this work is all that remains, for the soldiers of Soult converted the enclosure into a goat-pen." The only other portion of the ruins of Italiea to be seen above- ground consists of some vaulted brick tanks, called La Casa de los Barios, which were the reservoirs of the aqueduct brought by Adrian from Tejada, 7 leagues distant. (Caes. B. C. ii. 20; Bell. Alex. 53 ; Gell. Noct. Att. xv. 13 ; Oros. v. 23 ; Geog. Rav.; Florez, Esp. S. vol. xii. pp. 227, foil.; Coins, ap. Florez, Med. de Esp. vol. ii. p. 477 ; Mionnet, vol. i. p. 17, Suppl. vol. i. p. 31; Sestini, p. 61; Eckhel, vol. i. p. 23 ; Ukert, vol. ii. pt. 1. p. 372 ; Ford, llundbook of Spain, pp. 63, 64.) [P. S.] ITA'LICA. [Corfinium.] ITANUM PR. [Itanus.] IT ANUS ("Iravos, Ptol. iii. 17. § 4; Steph. B.: Eth. 'itanos), a town on the E. coast of Crete, near the promontory which bore the name of Itanum. (Plin. iv. 12.) In Coronelli's map there is a place called Itagnia, with a Paleolcastron in the neigh¬ bourhood, which is probably the site of Itanus; the position of the headland must be looked for near Xac.ro fiume (Hock, Kreta, vol. i. p. 426), unless it be placed further N. at Capo Salomon, in which case the GrAndes islands would correspond with the Onisia and Lkuck of Pliny (I. c.; comp. Mus. Class. Anti<[. vol. ii. p. 303). According to Herodotus (iv. 151), the Theraeans, when founding Cyrene, were indebted for their knowledge of the Libyan coast to Corobius, a seller of purple at Itanus. Some of the coins of this city present the type of a woman terminating in the tail of a fish. (Eckhel, vol. ii. p. 314.) This type, recalling the figure of the Syrian goddess, coupled with the trade in purple, suggests a Phoe¬ nician origin. [E. B. J.] coin of itanus ITABGUS. [Ilakgus.J vol. ii. ITHACA. 97 I'TIIACA ('lOdicr]: Eth.. 'Wcua'iirios and 'Idaicos: Ithacensis and lthacus: Thidki, Qidici7, vulgarly; but this is merely an alteration, by a simple meta¬ thesis of the two first letters, from 'Watcy, which is known to be the correct orthography by the Ithaeans themselves, and is the name used by all educated Greeks. Leake, Northern Greece, chap, xxii.) This island, so celebrated as the scene of a large portion of the Homeric poems, lies oif the coast of Aear- nania, and is separated from Cephallenia by a channel about 3 or 4 miles wide. Its name is said by Eustatbius (ad 11. ii. 632) to have been derived from the eponymous hero lthacus, mentioned in Od. xviii. 207. Strabo (x. 2) reckons the circumfe¬ rence of Ithaca at only 80 stadia: but this measure¬ ment is very short of the truth; its extreme length from north to south being about 17 miles, its great¬ est breadth about 4 miles, and its area nearly 45 sq. miles. The island may be described as a ridge of limestone rock, divided by the deep and wide Gulf of Molo into two nearly equal parts, connected by a narrow isthmus not more than half-a-mile across, and on which stands the Paleocastro of Actos ('Ae-ros), traditionally known as the " Castle of Ulysses." Ithaca everywhere rises into rugged hills, of which the chief is the mountain of Anoge ('Avuiyri: Pal. And), in the northern division, which is identified with the Nekitos of Virgil (A en. iii. 271) and the Nijpiror eii>oa'i(pvWov of Homer (Od. ix. 21). Its forests have now disappeared; and this is, doubtless, the reason why rain and dew are not so common here in the present as in Homer's age, and why the island no longer abounds in hogs fattened on acorns like those guarded by Eumaeus. In all other points, the poet's descriptions (Od. iv. 603, seq., xiii. 242, seq., ix. 27, seq.) exhibit a perfect picture of the island as it now appears, the general aspect being one of ruggedness and sterility, rendered striking by the bold and broken outline of the mountains and cliffs, indented by numerous harbours and creeks (Ai/xeVes irdvop/xoi, Od. xiii. 193). The climate is healthy (ayo.Otj Kovporpotpos, Od. ix. 27). It may here be observed, that the expressions applied to Ithaca, in Od. ix. 25, 26, have puzzled all the com¬ mentators ancient and modern: — avTT] de x^ajuaAr; TravviripTaTrj elu d\l icelrai irpbs at Se auevde irpbs t)5> t' ije'Aiov re. (Cf. Nitzsch, ad loc.; also Od. x. 196.) Strabo (x. 2) gives perhaps the most satisfactory explanation: he supposes that by the epithet xSap.a\ri the poet intended to express how Ithaca lies under, as it were, the neighbouring mountains of Acarnania; while by that of TravvTTepTaTT] he meant to denote its position at the extremity of the group of islands formed by Zacynthus, Cephallenia, and the Echinades. For another explanation, see Wordsworth, Greece, Pic¬ torial, cj-c., pp. 355, seq. Ithaca is now divided into four districts (BaOv, 'Aer6s, 'Avaiyri, 'E^coyri, i. e. 1Deep Bay, Eagle's Cliff, Highland, Outland)-, and, as natural causes are likely to produce in all ages similar efFects, Leake (I. c.) thinks it probable, from the peculiar conformation ot the island, that the four divisions of the present day nearly correspond with those noticed by Ileracleon, an author cited by Stephanus B. (s. v. KponvKtLov). The name of one of these districts is lost by a defect in the text; the others were named Neium, Crocy- leium, and Aegireus. The Aegilips of Homer (11. ii. 633) is probably the same with Aegireus, and is placed by Leake at the modern village of Anoge; it 98 ITHACA. ITHACA. while he believes the modern capital town of Batlnj to occupy the site of Crocyleia. (II. I. e.) It is true that Strabo (pp. 37 6, 453) places Aegilips and Crocyleia in Leucas; but this appears inconsistent with Homer and other ancient authorities. (See Leake, I. c.) Plutarch (Quaest,. Graec. 43) and Stephanas B. (s. v.~) state that the proper name of the ancient capital of Itluica was Alcomenae or Alalcomenae, and that Ulysses bestowed this appellation upon it from his having been himself born near Alalcomenae in Boeotia. But this name is not found in Homer; and a passage in Strabo tends to identify it with the ruins on the isthmus of AStos, where the fortress and royal residence of the Ithacan chieftains pro¬ bably stood, on account of the advantages of a posi¬ tion so easily accessible to the sea both on the eastern and western sides. It is argued by Leake (I. c.) that the Homeric capital city was at Polis, a little harbour on the N\V. coast of the island, where some Hellenic remains may still be traced. For the poet (Oil. iv. 844, seq.) represents the suitors as lying in wait for Telemachus on his return from Peloponnesus at Asteris, " a small island in the channel between Ithaca and Samos (Ceplialonia)," where the only island is that now called AacrKaMov, situated exactly opposite the entrance to Port Polis. The traditional name of Polis is alone a strong argument that the town, of which the remains are still visible there, was that which Scylax (in Acar- nani(i), and still more especially Ptolemy (iii. 14), mentions as having borne the same name as the island. It seems highly probable that r\ itbXis, or the city, was among the Ithacans the most common designation of their chief town. And if the Homeric capital was at Polis, it will follow that Mt. Neium, under which it stood ('IOaK-qs 'Tnovritou, Od. iii. 81), was the mountain of Exoge (Ital. Exoi), at the northern extremity of the island, and that one of its summits was the Ilermaean hill ('Ep/xaios \ocpos, Od. xvi. 471) from which Eumaeus saw the ship of Telemachus entering the harbour. It becomes pro¬ bable, also, that the harbour Rlieithrum ('Pe70pov), which was " under Neium" but " apart from the city" (voaa£), and is, doubtless, that alluded to at Od. xiii. 407, seq., xiv. 5, seq., xiv. 398. (See, especially on this point, Leake, I. c., and Mure, Tour in Greece, vol. i. p. 67, seq.) The most remarkable natural feature of Ithaca is the Gulf of Molo, that inlet of the sea which nearly divides the island into two portions; and the most remarkable relic of antiquity is the so- called " Castle of Ulysses," placed, as has been already intimated, on the sides and summit of the steep hill of Aetos, on the connecting isthmus. Here may be traced several lines of inclosure, testi¬ fying the highest antiquity in the rude structure of massive stones which compose them. The position of several gates is distinctly marked; there arc also traces of a" tower and of two large subterranean cis¬ terns. There can be little doubt that this is the spot to which Cicero (cle Orat. i. 44) alludes in praising the patriotism of Ulysses —" ut Ithacam illam in asperrimis saxis tanquam nidulam affixam sapientissimus vir immortalitati anteponeret." The name of Actus, moreover, recalls the striking scene in Od. ii. 146, seq. At the base of this hill there have been discovered several ancient tombs, sepul¬ chral inscriptions, vases, rings, medals, &e. The coins of Ithaca usually bear the head of Ulysses, with the pileus, or conical cap, and the legend 'IdaK&v-, the reverse exhibiting a cock, an emblem of the hero's vigilance, Athena, his tutelar deity, or other devices of like import. (See Eckhel.) The Homeric port of Phorcys (Od. xiii. 345) is supposed to bo represented by a small creek now called Dexia (probably because it is on the right of the entrance to the harbour of Bathy), or by another creek now called Skhinos, both on the southern side of the Gulf of Molo. (Leake, I. c.) At a cave on the side of Mount Stephanos or Meromigli, above this gulf, and at some short distance from the sea, is placed the " Grotto of the Nymphs," in which the sleeping Ulysses was deposited by the Phoenicians who brought him from Scheria. (Od. xiii. 1.16, seq.) Leake (I. c.) considers this to be " the only point in the island exactly corresponding to the poet's data." The modern capital of Ithaca extends in a narrow strip of white houses round the southern extremity of the horse-shoe port, or " deep " (BafW), from which it derives its name, and which is itself but an inlet of the Gulf of Molo, often mentioned already. After passing through similar vicissitudes to those of its neighbours, Ithaca is now one of the seven Ionian Islands under the protectorate of Great Britain, and contains a population exceeding 10,000 souls,—an industrious and prosperous community. It has been truly observed that there is, perhaps, no spot in the world where the influence of classical associations is more lively or more pure; for Ithaca is indebted for no part of its interest to the rival distinctions of modern annals, — so much as its name scarcely occurring in the page of any writer of historical ages, unless with reference to its poetical celebrity. Indeed, in A. i). 1504, it was nearly, if not quite, uninhabited, having been depopulated by the incursions of Corsairs; and record is still extant of the privileges accorded by the Venetian government to the settlers (probably from the neighbouring islands and from the mainland of Greece) by whom it was repeopled. (Leake, I. c.; Bowen, Ithaca in 1850, p. 1.) It has been assumed throughout this article that the island still called Ithaca is identical with the Homeric Ithaca. Of that fact there is ample testi¬ mony in its geographical position, as well as in its internal features, when compared with the Odyssey. To every sceptic we may say, in the words of Athena to Ulysses (Od. xiii. 344), — &AA' aye rot Seifa 'Waters eSos orppa. TeTroldt]S. (The arguments on the sceptical side of the question have been collected by Volcker, Homer. Geogr. 46 COIN OF ITHACA. ITIIACESIAE INSULAE. —74, but they have been successfully confuted by Ruble von Lilienstern, Utber das Homerische Ithaca. The fullest authorities on the subject of this article are Gell, Geography and Antiquities of Ithaca, London, 1807; Leake, Northern Greece, vol.iii. pp. 24—55; Mure, Tour in Greece, vol. i. pp. 38—81; Bowen, Itluicn in 1850, London, 1852.) [G. F. B.] ITHACE'SIAE INSULAE, is the name given by Pliny (iii. 7. s. 13) to some small islets opposite to Vibo on the W. coast of Bruttium. These can be no other than some mere rocks (too small to be marked on ordinary maps) which lie just opposite to the remains of Bivona, in the Golfo di Sta. Eu- femia, and on which some traces of ancient build¬ ings (probably connected with that port) were still visible in the days of Barrio. (Barrius, de Situ Calabr. ii. 13; Romanelli, vol. i. p. 57). [E. II. B.] ITHO'ME CldcofXT]: Eth. 'I0a>fj.v]t7]s, 'Wccfiatos). I. A town of Histiaeotis in Thessaly, described by Homer as the " rocky Ithome " ('Wccftri KAajuaKueacra, II. ii. 729), is placed by Strabo within a quadrangle formed by the four cities, Tricca, Metropolis, Pelin- naeum, and Gomphi. (Strab. ix. p. 437.) It pro¬ bably occupied the site of the castle which stands on the summit above the village of Fandri. Leake observed, near the north-western face of the castle, some remains of a very ancient Hellenic wall, consist¬ ing of a few large masses of stone, roughly hewn on the outside, but accurately joined to one another without cement. (Leake, Northern Greece, vol. iv. p. 510.) 2. A mountain fortress in Messenia, where the Messenians long maintained themselves against the Spartans in the First Messenian War. It was after¬ wards the citadel of Messene, when this city was founded by Epaminondas. For details, see Mes- skxh. ITIIOTJA ('Idcvpla), a town in Aetolia, near the Achelous, and a short distance south of Conope. It was situated at the entrance of a pass, and was strongly fortified both by nature and by art. It was taken by Philip V., and levelled to the ground, is. c. 219. (Pol. iv. G4.) I'TIUM PROMONTO'RIUM, is placed by Ptolemy (ii. 9. § 1) in Celtogalatia Belgica. After the mouths of tho.SV;/«e, he mentions the outlet of the river l'liru- dis [Fkudis], Icium ("\kiov ti.Kpov'), and then Ge- soriucum (Triaopta.KQi' eViVeioj/), which is Boulogne. One of the old Latin versions of Ptolemy has Itium Promontorium, and others may have it too. He places Gesoriacuin and Itium in the same latitude, and Itium due west of Gesoriacuin. This is a great mis¬ take, for, Itium being Cap Grisnez, the relative po¬ sition of the two places is north and south, instead of east and west. There is no promontory on this part of the French coast north or south of Boulogne except Grisnez, at which point the coast changes its direction from south to north, and runs in a general ENE. direction to Calais, Gravelines, and iJurt- kerqne. It is therefore certain that there is a great mistake in Ptolemy, both in the direction of the coast and the relative position of Gesoriacum and Itium. Cap Grisnez is a chalk clitf, the termination on the coast of the chalk hills which cross the department of I'as de Calais. The chalk cliffs extend a few miles on each side of Cap Grisnez, and are clearly seen from the English coast on a fine day. This cape is the nearest point of the French coast to the opposite coast of Kent. [G. L.] 1'TIUS PORTUS (rb "Inov, Strab. p. 199). When Caesar was preparing for his second British ex- ITIUS PORTUS. 99 pedition (b. c. 54), he says (B. G. v. 2) that he or¬ dered his forces to meet at " Portus Itius, from which port lie had found that there was the most conve¬ nient passage to Britannia, — about 30,000 passus." In his first expedition, b. c. 55, he says that he marched, with all his forces, into the country of the Morini, because the passage from that coast to Bri¬ tannia was the shortest (B. G. iv. 21) ; but lie does not name the port from which he sailed in his first expedition ; and this is an omission which a man can easily understand who has formed a correct no¬ tion of the Commentaries. It seems a plain conclu¬ sion, from Caesar's words (v. 2) that lie sailed from the Itius on his first expedition ; for lie marched into the country of the Morini, in order to make the shortest passage (iv. 21) ; and he made a good pas¬ sage (iv. 23). In the fifth book he gives the distance from the Itius to the British coast, but not in the fourth book ; and we conclude that he ascertained this distance in his first voyage. Drumann (6'e- schichte Roms, vol. iii. p. 294) thinks that the pas¬ sage in the fifth book rather proves that Caesar did not sail from Itius on his first voyage. We must ac¬ cordingly suppose that, having had a good passage on his first voyage to Britannia, and back to the place from which he had sailed, he chose to try a different passage the second time, which passage he had learned (cognoverat) to be the most convenient (commodissimutn). Yet he landed at the same place in Britannia in both his voyages (v. 8) ; and lie had ascertained (cognoverat) in the first voyage, as he says, that this was the best landing-place. So Dru¬ mann, in his way, may prove, if he likes, that Caesar did not land at the same place in both voyages. The name Itius gives some reason for supposing that Portus Itius was near the Promontorium Itium; and the opinion now generally accepted is, that Portus Itius is Wissant or Witsand, a few miles east of Cap Grisnez. The critics have fixed Portus Itius at va¬ rious places ; but not one of these guesses, and Ihey are all guesses, is worth notice, except the guess that Itius is Gesoriacum or Boulogne. But the name Gesoriacum is not Itius, which is one objection to the supposition. The only argument in favour of Boulogne is, that it was the usual place from which the Romans sailed for Britannia after the time of Claudius, and that it is in the country of the Mo¬ rini. Gesoriacum was the best spot that the Romans could choose for a regular place of embarkation, for it is adapted to be the site of a town and a fortified place, and has a small river. Accordingly it became the chief Roman position on this part of the French coast. [Gesokiacuai.] The distance of Portus Itius from the nearest port of Britannia, 30 M. P., is too much. It seems to be a just conclusion, that Caesar estimated the distance from his own experience, and therefore that he esti¬ mated it either to the cliffs about the South Foreland, where he anchored, or to the place seven or eight miles (for the MSS. of Caesar vary here) further along the coast, where he landed. It is certain that he first approached the British coast under the high chalk cliffs between Folkestone and 11 'aimer. It is a disputed point whether he went from his anchorage under the cliffs northwards to Deal, or southward to Sandgate or llythe. This matter does not affect the position of Itius, and it is not discussed here; but the writer maintains that Caesar landed on the beach at Veal. There are difliculties in this question, which the reader may examine by referring to the autho¬ rities mentioned at the end of this article. The pas- ii 2 100 1TIUS PORTUS. ITIUS PORTUS. sage in the fifth book (v. 8), in which Caesar describes his second voyage, shows very clearly where he landed. He sailed from Portus Itius, on his second expedition, at sunset, with a wind about SW. by W.; about mid¬ night the wind failed him, he could not keep his course, and, being carried too far by the tide, at day¬ break, when he looked about him, he saw Britannia on his left hand behind him. Taking advantage of the change of the tide, he used his oars to reach " that part of the island where he had found in the previous summer that there was the best landing." He had been carried a few miles past the Cantium Promontorium, or North Foreland but not out of sight, and he could easily find his way to the beach at Deal. There are many arguments to show that Deal was Caesar's landing-place, as it was for the Romans under the empire, who built near it the strong place of Rutupiae (Richborough), on the Stour, near Sandwich. D'Anville makes out Caesar's distance of 30 M. P. thus. He reckons 22 or 24 M. P., at most, from Portus Itius to the English cliff's, and 8 miles from his anchorage under the cliffs to his landing- place make up 30. Perhaps Caesar means to estimate the whole distance that he sailed to his land¬ ing place ; and if this is so, his estimate of " about 30 Roman miles" is not far from the truth, and quite as near as we can expect. Strabo (p. 199) makes the distance 320 stadia, or only 300, according to a note of Eustathius on Dionysius Periegetes (v. 566), who either found 300 in his copy of Strabo, or made a mistake about the number; for he derived his in¬ formation about Caesar's passage only from Strabo. It may be observed here that Strabo mentions two expeditions of Caesar, and only one port of embark¬ ation, the Itius. He understood Caesar in the same way as all people will do who can draw a conclusion from premises. But even 300 stadia is too great a distance from Wissant to the British coast, if we reckon 8 stadia to the Roman mile ; but there is good reason, as D'Anville says, for making 10 stadia to the mile here. Pliny gives the distance from Boulogne to Britannia, that is, we must assume, to the usual landing place, Rutupiae, at 50 M. P., which is too much ; but it seems to be some evidence that he could not suppose Boulogne to be Caesar's place of embarkation. Caesar mentions another port near Itius. He calls it the Ulterior Portus (iv. 22, 23, 28), or Superior, and it was 8 M.P. from Itius. We might assume from the term Ulterior, which has reference to Itius, that this port was further to the north and east than Itius ; and this is proved by what he says of the wind. For the wind which carried him to Britannia on his first expedition, his direct course being nearly north, prevented the ships at the Ulterior Portus from coming to the place where Caesar embarked (iv. 23). The Ulterior, or Superior, Portus is between Wissant and Calais, and may be Sangatte. Calais is too far off. When Caesar was returning from his first expe¬ dition (iv. 36, 37) two transport ships could not make the same portus—the Itius and the Ulterior or Superior—that the rest of the ships did, but were carried a little lower down (paulo infra), that is, farther south, which we know to be Caesar's mean¬ ing by comparing this with another passage (iv. 28). Caesar does not say that these two ships landed at a "portus," as Ukert supposes (Gallien, p. 554), who makes a port unknown to Caesar, and gives it the name " Inferior." Du Cange, Camden, and others, correctly took Portus Itius to be Wit sand. Besides the resem¬ blance of name, Du Cange and Gibson have shown ITIUS. A. A. Strait of Dover, or Pits de Calais. 1. Portus Itius {Wissant). 2. Itium Pr. {Cap. Grisnez). 3. Ge- soriacum, afterwards Bononia {Boulogne). 4. Calais. 5. Sandgate. G. Portus Dubris {Dover). 7. Rutupiae (Richborough). 8. River Stour. ' 9. Cantium Pr. (North Foreland). 10. Regulbium (lieculver). that of two middle age Latin writers who mention the passage of Alfred, brother of St. Edward, into England, one calls Wissant Portus Iccius, and the other Portus Wisanti. D'Anville conjectures that Wissant means " white sand," and accordingly the promontory Itium would be the White, a very good name for it. But the word " white," and its various forms, is Teutonic, and not a Celtic word, so far as the writer knows ; and the word " Itius" existed in Cae¬ sar's time on the coast of the Morini, a Celtic people, where we do not expect to see a Teutonic name. Wissant \\ as known to the Romans, for there are traces of a road from it to Taruenna (Therouenne). It is no port now, and never was a port in the modern sense, but it was very well suited for Caesar to draw his ships up on the beach, as he did when he landed in England ; for Wissant is a wide, sheltered, sandy bay. Froissart speaks of Wissant as a large town in 1346. A great deal has been written about Caesar's voy¬ ages. The first and the best attempt to explain it, though it is not free from some mistakes, is Dr. Hal- ley's, of which an exposition is given in the Classical Museum, No. xiii., by G. Long. D'Anville, with his usual judgment, saw that Itius must be Wissant, but he supposed that Caesar landed at Ilythe, south of Dover. Walckenaer ( Geog. des Gaules, vol. i. pp. 448, 452) has some remarks on Itius, which he takes to be Wissant; and there are remarks on Portus Itius in the Gentleman's Magazine for September. 1846, by H. L. Long, Esq. Perhaps the latest examination of the matter is in G. Long's edition of Caesar, Note on Caesar's British Expeditions, pp. 248—257. What the later German geographers and critics, Ukert and others, have said of these voyages is of no value at all. [G. L.] ITON. ITON or ITO'NUS ("Iron',Horn. ;vItwos,Strab.), a town of Phthiotis in Thessaly, called by Homer " mother of flocks " (II. ii. 696), was situated 60 stadia from Alus, upon the river Cuarius or Coralius, and above the Crocian plain. (Strab. ix. p. 435.) Leake supposes the Klwlu to be the Cuarius, and places Itonus near the spot where the river issues from the mountains ; and as, in that case, Iton pos¬ sessed a portion of the pastoral highlands of Othrys, the epithet " mother of flocks " appears to have been well adapted to it. (Leake, Northern Greece, vol. iv. pp. 356, 357.) Iton had a celebrated temple of Athena, whose worship, under the name of the Itonian Athena, was carried by the Boeotians, when they were expelled from Thessaly, into the country named after them. (Strab. I. c.; Steph. B. s. v.; Apollod. ii. 7. § 7.; Appollon. i. 551, with Schol.; Callim. Hymn, in Cer. 74.; Paus. i. 13. § 2, iii. 9. § 13, ix. 34. § 1, x. 1. § 10 ; Plut. Pyrrh. 26.) ITONE ('Itdivri), a town in Lydia of unknown site, (l)ionys. Per. 465; Steph. B. s. w.) [L. S.] 1TUCCI (Plin. iii. 1. s. 3), or ITUCI (Coins; 'Itu/ctj, Appian, Ilisp. 66, 68), a city in the W. of Ilispania Baetica. Under the Romans, it was a colonia immunis, with the surname Virtus Julia, and it belonged to the conventus of Hispalis. Its probable site, in the opinion of Ukert, was between Martos and Espejo, near Valenzuelci. (Ukert, vol. ii. pt. 1. p. 369 ; Coins, op. Florez, Med. de Esp. vol. ii. p. 487; Mionnet, vol. i. p. 18, Suppl. vol. i. p. 32 ; Sestini, p. 63 ; Eekhel, vol. i. p. 24.) [P. S.] ITUNA, in Britain, mentioned by Ptolemy (ii. 3. § 2) as an aestuary immediately to the north of the Moricambe aestuary = Morecambe Bay. This identifies it with the Solway Firth. [K. G. L.] ITURAEA (Irovpaia), a district in the NE. of Palestine (Strab. xvi. p. 755 ; Plin. v. 19), which, with Trachonitis, belonged to the tetrarchy of Philip. (St. Luke, iii. 1 ; comp. Joseph. Ant. xv. 10. § 1.) The name is so loosely applied by the ancient writers that it is difficult to fix its boundaries with precision, but it may be said roughly to be traversed by a line drawn from the Lake of Tiberias to Damascus. It was a mountainous district, and full of caverns (Strab. I.e.): the inhabitants, a wild race (Cic.P/«7.ii. 24), favoured by the natural features of the country, were in the habit of robbing the traders from Da¬ mascus (Strab. xvi. p. 756), and were famed as archers. (Virg. Georg. ii. 448 ; Lucan.vii. 230, 514.) At an early period it was occupied by the tribe of Jetur (1 Chron.v. 19; 'Irovpcuot, LXX.), whose name is connected with that of Jetur, a son of Ishmael. (1 Chron. i. 31.) The Ituraeans—either the de¬ scendants of the original possessor, or, as is more probable, of new comers, who had occupied this district after the exile, and assumed the original name ■—were eventually subdued by king Aristobulus, b.c. 100, who compelled them to be circumcised, and incorporated them in his dominions. (Joseph. Ant. xiii. 11. § 3.) The mountain district was in the hands of Ptolemaeus, tetrarch of Chalcis (Strab. xvi. p. 753); but when I'ompcius came into Syria, Ituraea was ceded to the Romans (Appian. Mithr. 106), though probably it retained a certain amount of independence under native vassal princes : M. An- tonius imposed a heavy tribute upon it. (Appian, B. C. v. 7.) Finally, under Claudius, it became part of the province of Syria. (Tac. Ann. xii. 23; Dion Cass. lix. 12.) The district El-lJjedur, to the E. of Ilermon (Djebel-esh-Scheikh), and lying W. of the Lladj road, which according to Burckhardt JULIACUM. 101 (Trav. p. 286) now contains only twenty inhabited villages, comprehended the whole or the greater part of ancient Ituraea. (Miinter, de Reb. Ituraeor. Havn. 1824 ; comp. Winer, Realworterbuch, s. v. • Ritter, Erdkunde, vol. xv. pt. ii. pp. 354—357, 899.) [E. B. J.] ITURISSA. [Turissa.] ITYCA. [Itucci.] ITYS, in Britain, mentioned by Ptolemy (ii. 3. § 1) as a river lying north of the Epidian promon¬ tory (Midi of Cantyre), with the river Longus be¬ tween. As this latter == Loch Linnlie, the Jtys is probably the Sound of Sleat, between the Isle of Skye and the mainland. In the Monumenta Bri- tannica we have Loch Torridon. Loch Duicli, Loch Eu. ' [R. G. L.] JUDAEA. [Palaestina.] JUDAH. [Palaestina.] IVERNIA. [Ierne.] IVERNIS ('louepvls), mentioned by Ptolemy (ii. 2. § 10) as one of the inland towns of Ireland, the others being Rhigia, Rhaeba, Laberus, Macolicum, another Rhaeba, Dunum. Of these, Dunum has been identified with Down, and Macolicum with Mallow, on the strength of the names. Laberus, on similar but less satisfactory ground, = Kil-fair in West Meath. Ivernus is identified by O'Connor with Dun-keron, on the Kenmare river; but the grounds on which this has been done are unstated. [~R. G. L.] IVIA or JUVIA. [Gallaecia.} JULIA CONSTANT!A. [Osset.] JULIA EIDENTIA. [Ulia.] JULIA JOZA ('IouAi'a 'Id{a), a city on the coast of Hispania Baetica, between Gades and Belon, colonized by a population of Romans mixed with the removed inhabitants of the town of Zelis, near Tingis, on the Libyan shore of the Straits. Thus far Strabo (iii. p. 140) : later writers speak of a place named Julia Transducta, or simply Transducta ('Ioi/- Ai'a TpavaSovKra, Ptol. ii. 4. § 6 ; Marcian. Heracl. p. 39; Geog. Rav.), E. of Mellaria; and coins are extant with the epigraph julia traducta (Elorez, Med. de Esp. vol. ii. p. 596, Esp. S. vol. x. p. 50; Mionnet, vol. i. p. 26, Suppl. vol. i. pp. 19, 45 ; Sestini, Med. Isp. p. 90 ; Num. Goth.; Eckhel. vol. i. pp. 29—31). Mela does not mention the place by either of these names ; but, after speaking of Carteia, he adds the following remarkable words: et quam iransvecti ex Africa Phoenices habitant, atque unde nos sumus, Tingentera. (Mela, ii. 6.) It can hardly be doubted that all these statements refer to the same place; nay, the very names are identical, Transducta being only the Latin trans¬ lation of the word Joza (from nv> egressus est) used by the Phoenician inhabitants to describe the origin of the city. Its site must have been at or near Tar/fa, in the middle of the European shore of the Straits, and on the S.-most point of the pen¬ insula. (Mem. de VAcad. des Inscr. p. 103 ; Philos. Trans, xxx. p. 919 ; Mentelle, Geog. Comp. Esp. Anc. p. 229 ; Ukert, ii. 1. p. 344.) [P. S.] JULIA LIBYCA. [Cerretani.] JULIA MYRTILIS. [Myrtilis.] JULIA ROMULA. [Hispalis.] JULIA TRANSDUCTA. [Julia Joza.] JULIA YICTRIX. [Tarraco.] JULIACUM, a town in Gallia Belgica. In the Antonine Itin. a road runs from Castellum (Casseiy through Tongern to Juliacum, and thence to Co¬ lonia (Cologne). Juliacum is 18 leagues from Co¬ lonia. Another road runs from Colonia Trajana to ii 3 102 JULIANOPOLIS. Juliacum, and from Juliacum through Tiberiacum to Cologne. On this road also Juliacum is placed 18 leagues from Cologne. Juliacum is Juliers, or Jiilich, as the Germans call it, on the river Roer, on the carriage road from Cologne to Aix-la-Chapelle. The first part of the word seems to be the Roman name Juli-, which is rendered more probable by finding between Juliacum and Colonia a place Ti¬ beriacum (Bercheim or Bergheri). A cum is a common ending of the names of towns in North Gallia. [G. L.] JULIAXO'POLIS ('lovAiavovwoAis), a town in Lydia which is not mentioned until the time of Hierocles (p. 670), according to whom it was situ¬ ated close':o Maeonia, and must be looked for in the southern parts of Mount Tmolus, between Phila¬ delphia and Tralles. (Comp. Plin. v. 29.) [L. S.] JULIAS. [Bethsaida.] JULIO'BONA ('Iou/VioSova), a town in Gallia Belgica, is the city of the Caleti, or Caleitae as Pto¬ lemy writes the name (ii. 8. § 5), who occupied the Pays cle Caux. [Caleti.] The place is Lillebone, on the little river Bolbec, near the north bank of the Seine, between Havre and Caudebec, in the present department of Seine Inferieuse. The Itins. show several roads from Juliobona; one to Rotomagus (Rouen), through Breviodurum; and another through Breviodurum to Noviomagus (Lisieux), on the south side of the Seine. The road from Juliobona to the west terminated at Carocotinum. [Carocotinum:.] The place has the name Juliabona in the Latin middle age writings. It was a favourite residence of the dukes of Normandie, and William, named the Conqueror, had a castle here, where he often resided. The name Juliobona is one of many examples of a word formed by a Roman prefix (Julio) and a Celtic termination (Bona), like Augustobona, Julio- magus. The word Divona or Bibona [Divona] has the same termination. It appears from a middle age Latin writer, cited by D'Anville (Notice, . 69. (Joseph. B. J. iv. 9. § 9.) [E. B. J.] KEDEMOTH (BaKeSfx.u>6, LXX.), a city in the tribe of Reuben (Josh. xiii. 18), which gave its name to the wilderness of Kedemoth, on the borders of the river Arnon, from whence Moses sent mes¬ sengers of peace to Sihon king of Heshbon (Pent. ii. 26.) Its site has not been made out. (Ritter, Erdkunde, vol. xv. pt. i. pp. 574, 1208; Winer, s. v.) [E. 11. J.] ii 4 10-1 KEDESII. KIEJATH. IvEDESII (Kaorjs, LXX.). 1. A town of Naplitali, 20 M. P. from Tyre. (Euseb. Onomast. s. v. Cedes.') Its Canaanitish chieftain was slain at the conquest of the land {Josh. xii. 22); afterwards it belonged to the Levites, and was one of the cities of refuge. (Josh. xx. 7, xxi. 32; 1 Chron. vi. 76.) Barak was born here (Judges, iv. 6): and Tiglatli-Pileser made the conquest of it (2 Kings, xv. 29). It was the scene of the victory of Jonathan Maccabaeus over the princes of Demetrius (1 Macc.yj.. 63—73), and was the birthplace of Tobias (KuSis ttjs NetpQaAei/j., Tvbit, i. 2). In Josephus, Ku5ia-a (Antiq. ix. 11. § 1) or Kedacra (Antiq. xiii. 5. § 1) is spoken of as the boundary between Tyre and Galilee: during the war it appears to have been hostile to Galilee (B.J. ii. 18. § 1). The strongly fortified place in this district, called KvSoicrcro't by the same writer (B. J. iv. 2. § 3), is probably the same as Kedesh. A village on the hills opposite the marshes of Ilulet- Bdnids, still called Kedes, is identified by Dr. Robinson with the ancient city. (Bibl. lies. vol. iii. ]>. 355.) Kedes was visited in 1844 by the Rev. Eli Smith, who has a full account of it in MS. (Biblioth. Sacra, vol. iii. p. 203.) 2. A town in the S. district of the tribe of Judah. (Josh. xv. 23.) 3. A town of Issachar, belonging to the Levites. (I Chron. vi. 72; Reland, Palaest. p. 668; Winer, Biblisch. Reclivurt. s.v.; Von Raumer, Palest, p. 129; Ritter, £ragne, pp. 78—80; Gell's Topogr. of Rome, p. 279.) On the left of the Via Labicana, about thirteen miles and a half from Rome, is a small crater-formed lake, which has often been considered as the ancient Lacus Regillus : but the similar basin of the Lago di Cornufelle, near Tusculum, appears to have a better claim to that celebrated name. [Regillus Lacus.] The course of the Via Labicana in the immediate neighbourhood of Pome was bordered, like the other highways that issued from the city, with numerous sepulchres, many of them on a large scale, and of massive construction. Of these, the one now known as the Torre Pignatara, about three miles from the Porta Maggiore, is represented by very ancient tradition, but with no other authority, as the mau¬ soleum of Helena, the mother of Constantine the Great. (Nibby, vol. iii. p. 243.) We learn, also, that the family tomb of the emperor Didius Julianus was situated on the same road, at the distance of 5 miles from Rome. (Spartian. Did. Jul. 8.) LABISCO. [Lavisco.] LABISCUM. [Lavisco.] LABO'TAS (Aagcoras), a small river of the plain of Antioch. (Strab. xvi. p. 751.) It runs from the north, parallel to the Aeceuthus, and, mixing with its waters and those of the Oenoparas coming from the east, in a small lake, they flow off in one stream and join the Orontes a little above Antioch. It is the western of the two rivers shown in map, Vol. I. p. 115, and Pagrae (Bagras) is situated on its western bank near its mouth. [G. W.] LABRANDA (ra AdSpavSa or Ad§pavvSa), a village in the west of Caria, about 60 stadia from the town of Mylasa, to which the village belonged, and with which it was connected by a road called the sacred. Labranda was situated in the mountains, and was celebrated for its sanctuary of Zeus Stratios, to which processions went along the sacred road from Mylasa. Herodotus describes (v. 119) the sanctuary as an extensive grove of plane trees, within which a body of Carians, in their war against the Persians, retreated for safety. Strabo (xiv. p. 659) speaks of an ancient temple with a luavov of Zeus Stratios, who was also surnamed " Labrandenus " or " Labrandeus." Aelian (//. A. xii. 30), who states that the temple of Labranda was 70 stadia from Mylasa, relates that a spring of clear water, within the sanctuary, contained fishes, with golden neck¬ laces and rings. Chandler (Antiq. of Ionia, pt. 1. c. 4, and Asia Minor, c. 58) was the first who stated his belief, that the ruins at laJdi, south of Kizeljih, consisting of a theatre and a ruined temple of the Ionian order, of which 16 columns, with the entablature, were then still standing, were those of ancient Labranda and of the temple of Zeus Stratios. But Choiseul Gouffier, Barbie' du Bocage, and Leake (Asia Minor, p. 232), agree in thinking that these ruins belong to Euromus rather than Labranda. Their view is supported by the fact that the ruins of the temple have nothing very ancient about them, but rather show that they belong to a structure of the Roman period. The remains of Labranda must be looked for in the hills to the north-east of Mylasa. Sir C. Fellows (Journal, p. 261), apparently not knowing what had been done by his predecessors, unhesitatingly speaks of the ruins at lakli as those of Labranda, and gives an engraving of the remains of the temple under the name of the " Temple at Labranda." [L. S.] LABRONIS POPTUS. [Libuenum.] LABUS or LABU'TAS (AdSos or Aagoimts), a mountain range in the N. of Parthia, mentioned by Polybius (x. 29). It seems to have a part of the greater range of M. Coronus, and is probably represented now by the Sobad-Koh, a part of the Elburz mountains. [V-] LACANI'TIS (Act/cawm), the name of a district in Cilicia Proper, above Tarsus, between the rivers Cydnus and Sarus, and containing the town of Irenopolis. (Ptol. v. 8. § 6.) [L. S.] LACCU'RIS. [Oretani.] LACEA. [Lusitania.] LACEDAEMON (AaKeSai/j.aiv, Steph. B. s. v.; Eustath. ad. II. ii. 582), a town in the interior of Cyprus. (Engel, Kypros, vol. i. p. 158.) [E. B. J.] LACEDAEMON, LACEDAEMO'NII. [Laco- nia.] LACEREIA. [Dotius Campus.] LACETA'-NI (Aci-tceravo'i~), one of the small peoples of Hispania Tarraconensis, who occupied the valleys at the S. foot of the Pyrenees. (Lace- LACIIISIL fa»ia quae snbjecta I'/jrenaeis montibm est, Liv.). Their " pathless forests " (rlevla et silvestris gens, Liv.) lay S. of the Ckrrktam, \V. of the Lndi- c;ictus, and N. of the Laletani. (It is impossible to avoid the suspicion that these names are identical, especially as we have the intermediate form Lae- a et an i, and that Lacetania is only the N. part of Laletania. Moreover, the name is confounded with the Jacetani in the MSS. of Caes. B. C. i. GO.) Only one town is mentioned as belonging to them, and that without a name, but simply as having been taken by M. Cato. (Plut. Cat. Maj. 11 ; Liv. xxi. 23, 26, CO, et seq,, xxviii. 24, 26, et seq., xxxiii. 34, xxxiv. 20 ; Dion Cass. xlv. 10 ; Martial, i. 49. 22.) [P. S.] LACHISH (Aaxl's> LXX.; Aaxeis, Aaxetva, Joseph.), a city to the south of the tribe of Judah (Josh. xv. 39), the capital of one of the petty kings or sheikhs of the Canaanites (x. 3). It was taken and destroyed by Joshua (iv. 31—33), and is joined with Adoraim and Azekah (2 Cliron. xi. 9) as one of the cities built, or rather fortified, by Rehoboam. It was besieged by Sennacherib on his invasion of Judaea, is. c. 713. (2 Kings, xviii. 14,17, xix. 8.) It is placed by Eusebius and St. Jerome ( Onomast. s. v.) seven miles south of Eleutheropolis, in Daroma or " the valley." (Josh. xv. 39.) But for this it might have been identified with Urn Ldkis, on the left of the road between Gaza and Hebron, about five hours from the former, where is an ancient site " now covered confusedly with heaps of small round stones, among which are seen two or three fragments of marble columns." (Robinson, Bill. lies. vol. ii. p. 388.) The objections to the identification are not, perhaps, so gre.it as is represented: the title Um, equi¬ valent to metropolis, would seem to mark it as a place of importance; and there is no other vestige of a town in those parts that can be referred to Lachish. It is considerably south of west from Beit Jebrin (Eleutheropolis), which is near enough to satisfy the description of Eusebius, who is not remarkable for precise accuracy in his bearings, nor, indeed, in his distances, except in the parts with which he was familiar, and on the more frequented thoroughfares. No argument can be drawn from its juxtaposition with Adoraim and Azekah, in 2 Cliron. xi. 9, as it might be near enough to group with them in a list of names which, it is evident, does not pretend to geographical precision. [G. W.] LAC I AC A or LACIACUM (in the Peut. Table it is called Laciacis), a town in the north-west of Koricum (It. Ant. pp. 235, 258). The name seems to be connected with " lacus," and thus to point to the lake district in upper Austria; hence some have identified the place with Seewalchen, or St. Georgen on the Attersee. But Muchar (Noricum, p. 267) is probably right in identifying it with Franlcen- markt. [L. S.] LA'CIBI (Plin. iii. 1. s. 3 ; AaKi§ts, Ptol. ii. 4. § 11), a tributary town of Hispania Baetica, which l'liny assigns to the conventus of Gades, while Pto¬ lemy places it among the cities of the Turduli, in in the neighbourhood of Hispalis. [P. S.] LACIBU'RGIUM (Aa.Ki6ovpyt.ov), a German town on the south coast of the Baltic, between the rivers Ghalusus, and Suevus or Suebus. It is mentioned only by Ptolemy (ii. 11. § 27). and it is certain that its site must be looked for to the west of Warnemundc, but the precise spot cannot be ascertained, whence some have identified it with Wismar, others with Ratzcburg, and others again with Lauenburg. [L.S.] LACIPPO. 107 LACIDAE. [Attica, p. 326, a.] LACI'NIA. [Iapydia.] LACl'NIUM (tb Aclk'iviov iiicpui': Capo delle Colonne), a promontory on the E. coast of the Bruttian peninsula, about 6 miles S. of Crotona. It formed the southern limit of the gulf of Ta- rentum, as the Iapygian promontory did the northern one: the distance between the two is stated by Strabo, on the authority of Polybius, at 700 stadia, while Pliny apparently (for the passage in its present state is obviously corrupt) reckons it at 75 Roman miles, or GOO stadia; both of which estimates are a fair approximation to the truth, the real interval being 65 geog. miles, or 650 stadia. (Strab. vi. p. 261 ; Plin. iii. 11. s. 15 ; Wei. ii. 4. § 8.) The Lacinian promontory is a bold and rocky headland, forming the termination of one of the offshoots or branches of the great range of the Apennines (Lucan. ii. 434 ; Plin. iii. 5. s. 6) : it was crowned in ancient times by the celebrated temple of the Lacinian Juno, the ruins of which, surviving through the middle ages, have given to the promontory its modern appellation of Capo delle Colonne. It is also known by that of Capo Nau, a name evidently derived from the Greek Naos, a temple ; and which seems to date from an early period, as the promontory is already designated in the Maritime Itinerary (p. 490) by the name of Naus. That Itinerary reckons it 100 stadia from thence to Crotona : Strabo gives the same distance as 150 stadia ; but both are greatly overrated. Livy correctly says that the temple (which stood at the extreme point of the promontory) was only about 6 miles from the city. (Liv. xxiv. 3.) For the history and description of this famous temple, see Ckotona. Pliny tells us (iii. 10. s. 15) that opposite to the Lacinian promontory, at a distance of 10 miles from the land, was an island called Dioscoron (the island of the Dioscuri), and another called the island of Calypso, supposed to be the Ogygia of Homer. Scylax also mentions the island of Calypso immediately after the Lacinian promontory (§ 13, p. 5). But there is at the present day no island at all that will answer to either of those mentioned by Pliny : there is, in fact, no islet, however small, off the Lacinian cape, and lience modern writers have been reduced to seek for the abode of Calypso in a small and barren rock, close to the shore, near Capo Rizzuto, about 12 miles S. of Lacinium. Swinburne, who visited it, remarks how little it corresponded with the idea of the Homeric Ogygia : but it is difficult to believe that so trifling a rock (which is not even marked on Zannoni's elaborate map) could have been that meant by Scylax and Pliny.* The statement of the latter concerning the island which he calls Dioscoron is still more precise, and still more difficult to account for. On the other hand, he adds the names of three others, Tiris, Eranusa, and Meloessa, which he introduces somewhat vaguely, as if he were himself not clear of their position. Their names were probably taken from some poet now lost to us. [E. H. B.J LACIPEA. [Lusitania.] LACIPPO (Aa/cnr7r&>, Ptol. ii. 4. § 11; LACiro, coin ap. Sestini, Med. Jsp. p. 57 ; Mionnet, Suppl. * The different positions that have been assigned to the island of Calypso, and the degree of pro¬ bability of their claims, will be discussed under tho article Ogygia. JOS LACMON LACONIA, vol. i. p. 34), a tributary town of the Turduli in Hispania Baetica, near the shore of the Mediter¬ ranean, where its ruins are still seen at Alecippe, near Casares. Ptolemy places it too far inland. (Mela, ii. 6. § 7 ; Plin. iii. 1. s. 3 ; Carter, Travels, p. 128 ; Ukert, vol. ii. pt, 1. p. 348.) [P. S.] LACMON (Aa/c^coi/, Hecat. Fr. 70; Herod, ix. 92 ; Steph. B. s. v.) or LACMUS (Actios, Strab. vi. p. 271, vii. p. 316), the highest summit of Mount Pindus, the Zijgos or ridge of Mctzovo. This is geographically the most remarkable moun¬ tain in Greece ; situated in the heart of Pindus as to its breadth, and centrally also in the longitudinal chain which pervades the continent from N. to S. : it gives rise to five principal rivers, in fact to all the great streams of Northern Greece except the Spercheius ; north-eastward to the Haliacmon, south-eastward to the Peneius, southward to the Achelous, south-westward to the Arachthus, and north-westward to the Aous. (Leake, Northern Greece, vol. i. pp. 294, 411—415, vol. iv. pp.240, 261,276.) [E. B. J.] LACOBRI'GA. [1. Lusitania ; 2. Vaccaei.] LACO'NIA, LACO'NICA, or LACEDAEMON, the south-easterly district of Peloponnesus. I. Name. Its most ancient name was Laeedaemon (Aa/ce- Scdfxcov'), which is the only form found in Homer, who applies this name as well to the country, as to its capital. (II. ii. 581, iii. 239, 244, &c.) The usual name in the Greek writers was Laconica (jl AaKwviKri, sc. 77?), though the form Laeedaemon still continued to be used. (Herod, vi. 58.) The Romans called the country Laconica (Plin. xxv. 8. s. 53 ; Laconice, Mela, ii. 3) or Laconia (Plin. vi. 34. s. 39, xvii. 18. s. 30), the latter of which is the form usually employed by modern writers. Mela (I. c.) also uses Laconis, which is borrowed from the Greek (J] AaKwvls ycua, Horn. II//mn. in Apoll. 410.) The Ethnic names are A&kwv, -wvos, Aa.feSaiiUOJ'ios', Lat. Laco or Lacon, -nis, Laoedaemonius ; fem. Aa/caim, AaKwvis, La¬ conis. These names are applied to the whole free population of Laconia, both to the Spartan citizens and to the Perioeci, spoken of below (for authori¬ ties, sec Clinton, F. II. vol. ii. pp. 405, 406). They are usually derived from a mythical hero, Lacon or Laeedaemon; but some modem writers think that the root Lac is connected with Xukos, Aaxicos, lacus, lacuna, and was given originally to the central district from its being deeply sunk between moun¬ tains. (Curtius, Feloponnesos, vol. ii. p. 309.) II. General Description of the Country. The natural features of Laconia are strongly marked, and exercised a powerful influence upr>n the history of the people. It is a long valley, surrounded on three sides by mountains, and open only on the fourth to the sea. On the north it is bounded by the southern barrier of the Arcadian mountains, from which run in a parallel direction towards the south, the two lofty mountain ranges of Taygetus and Parnon,— the former dividing Laconia and Messenia, and terminating in the promontory of Taenarum, now C. Matapan, the southernmost ex¬ tremity of Greece and of Europe, the latter stretch- in"- along the eastern coast, and terminating in the promontory of Malea. The river Eurotas flows through the entire length of the valley lying between these'mountain masses, and falls into the sea, which was called the Laconian gulf. Laconia is well de¬ scribed by Euripides as a country " hollow, sur¬ rounded by mountains, rugged, and difficult of access to an enemy" (ap. Strab. viii. p. 366); and the difficulty of invading it made even Epaminondas hesitate to enter it with his army. (Xen. Hell. v. 5. § 10.) On the northern side there are only two natural passes by which the plain of Sparta can be invaded. (See below.) On the western side the lofty masses of Taygetus form an almost insurmountable barrier; and the pass across them, which leads into the plain of Sparta, is so difficult as scarcely to be practicable for an army. On the eastern side the rocky character of the coast protects it from invasion by sea. III. Mountains, Rivers, and Plains. Mount Taygetus (Tavytrov, to Trjiiyerov upos, the common forms; Tai576Tos, Lucian, Icarom. 19 ; to. TavytTa, Polyaen. vii. 49 ; Taygeta, Virg. Georg. ii. 487 : the first half of this word is said by Hesychius to signify great). This mountain is the loftiest in Peloponnesus, and extends in an almost unbroken line for the space of 70 miles from Leondari in Arcadia to C. Matapan. Its vast height, unbroken length, and majestic form, have been celebrated by both ancient and modern writers. Homer gives it the epithet of irtpinrtKiTov (Od. vi. 103), and a modern traveller remarks that, " whether from its real height, from the grandeur of its outline, or the abruptness of its rise from the plain, it created in his mind a stronger impression of stupendous bulk and loftiness than any mountain he had seen in Greece, or perhaps in any other part of Europe." (Mure, Tour in Greece, vol. ii. p. 221.) Taygetus rises to its greatest height immediately above Sparta. Its principal summit was called Taletum (taaetop) in antiquity : it was sacred to the Sun, and horses and other victims were here sacrificed to this god. (Paus. iii. 20. § 4.) It is now called S. Elias, to whose chapel on the summit an annual pilgrimage is made in the middle of the summer. Its height has been ascertained by the French Commission to be 2409 metres, or 7902 English feet. Another summit near Taletum was called Evoras (Evopas, Belvedere, Paus. I. c.), which Leake identifies with Mt. Paximadhi, the highest summit next to St. Elias, from which it is distant 5J geographical miles. The ancient names of none of the other heights are mentioned. By the Byzantine writers Taygetus was called Pentedactylum (to Ilej/tesa/cTuAoc), or the " Five Fingers," 011 account of its various sum¬ mits above the Spartan plain. (Constant. Porphyr. de Adm. Imp. c. 50.) In the 13th century it bore the name of Melingus (o Quybs roC Me- Aiyyav, see Leake, Peloponnesiaca, p. 138). At the base of Taygetus, immediately above the Spar¬ tan plain, there is a lower ridge running parallel to the higher summits. This lower ridge consists of huge projecting masses of precipitous rocks, some of which are more than 2000 feet high, though they appear insignificant when compared with the lofty barrier of Taygetus behind them. After at¬ taining its greatest elevation, Mt. Taygetus sinks gradually down towards the south, and sends forth a long and lofty counterfork towards the Eurotas, now called LyJcobuni (AvicoSuvvi, Wolfs-mountain), which bounds the Spartan plain 011 the south. It there contracts again, and runs down, as the back¬ bone of a small peninsula, to the southernmost ex- LAC ONI A. tremity of Greece. This mountainous district between the Laconian and Messenian gulfs is now called Mani, and is inhabited by the Manidtes, who always maintained their independence, while the rest of Greece was subject to the Turks : the southern part of the peninsula, as well as the promontory, bore the name of Taenaruin in antiquity. [Taenarum.] Although there is no trace of any volcanic action in Jit. Taygetus, many of its chasms and the rent forms of its rocks have been produced by the nume¬ rous and violent earthquakes to which the district has been subjected. Hence Laconia is called by Homer ''full of hollows" (KrjTcotcrcra, II. ii. 581, Oil. iv. 1), and Strabo describes it as a country easily shaken by earthquakes (Strab. viii. p. 367). In the fearful earthquake, which laid Sparta in ruins in b. c. 464, and killed more than 20,000 Lacedaemonians, huge masses of rocks were rolled down from the highest peaks of Taygetus. (l'lut. Cim. 1G.) On the sides of Jit. Taygetus are forests of deep green pine, which abounded in ancient times with game and wild animals, among which Pausanias mentions wild goats, wild boars, stags, and bears. The district between the summits of Taletum and Evoras was called Theras (©ijpas), or the hunting ground. (I'aus. iii. 20. §§ 4, 5.) Hence Taygetus was one of the favourite haunts of the huntress Artemis (Od. vi. 103), and the excellence of the Laconian dogs was proverbial in antiquity. (Aristot. Hist. An. vi. 20; Xen. de Veil. 10. § 1; Virg. Georg. iii. 405; Hor. Epod. vi. 5.) Modern travellers tell us that the dogs of the country still support their ancient character for ferocity and courage. (Mure, vol. ii. p. 231.) The southern part of Mount Taygetus is rich in marble and iron. Near Croceae there were quarries of green porphyry, which was extensively employed by the Romans. [Croceae.] There was also another kind of marble obtained from quarries more to the south, called by the Romans Taenarian marble. The whetstones of Mount Taygetus were likewise in much request. (Strab.viii.p. 367; "Taenarius lapis," l'lin. xxxvi. 22. s. 43; "cotes Laconicae ex Taygeto rnonte," l'lin. xxxvi. 22. s. 47.) The iron found in the mountain was considered very good, and was much used in the manufacture of warlike weapons and agricultural instruments. (Steph. B. s. v. AaKidaifj-cov; Xen. Hell. iii. 3. § 7; Plin. vii. 57; Eustath. ad II. p. 298, ed. Pom.) Mount Parnon (<5 ndpuuiu, Paus. ii. 38. § 7) is of an entirely different character from the opposite range of Taygetus. It does not form one uninter¬ rupted line of mountains, but is broken up into various detached masses of less elevation, which form a striking contrast to the unbroken and ma¬ jestic barrier of Taygetus. The mass to which the name of Parnon was more especially applied was the range of mountains, now called Malevo, forming the natural boundary between Arcadia, Laconia, and Argolis. It is 6355 feet high, and its summit is nearly equidistant from the Eurotas and the eastern coast. This mountain is continued in a general south-easterly direction, but how far south¬ wards it continued to bear the name of Parnon is unknown. Its eastern declivities, which extend as far as the coast at a considerable elevation, contain the district now called Tzahmia, a corruption of the word Laconia, the inhabitants of which speak a dialect closely resembling the ancient Greek: of this an account has been given elsewhere. [Vol. I. LACONIA. 109 p. 728.] On its western side Jit. Tarnon sinks down more rapidly, and divides itself into separate hills, which bear the names of Barbosthknks Olympus, Ossa, Tiiornax, and JIenelaium; the two last are opposite Sparta, and a modern observer describes Jlenelaium as not remarkable either for height or variety of outline, but rising gradually in a succession of gentle ridges. (Mure, vol. ii. p. 223.) In its southern continuation, Jit. Parnon still con¬ tinues of moderate height till near the commence¬ ment of the peninsula between the Jlyrtoan and Laconian gulfs, where it rises under the name of Jlount Zarax (Zapa|) to a height of 3500 feet, and runs along the eastern coast at a considerable elevation, till it reaches the promontory of JIalea. The Eurotas (Eupdras) flows, as already ob¬ served, throughout the entire length of the valley between the ranges of Taygetus and Parnon. Its more ancient names were Bomycas (Bw/xvkixs, Etym. JI. s. v.) and Himerus ("i/iepos, l'lut. de Fluv. 17): it is now called Iris and Niris in its upper and middle course, and Easili-potamo from the time it leaves the Spartan plain till it reaches the sea. In its course three districts may be dis¬ tinguished;— the vale of the upper Eurotas; the vale of the middle Eurotas, or the plain of Sparta; and the vale of the lower Eurotas, or the maritime plain. 1. The Vale of the Upper Eurotas. The river Eurotas rises in the mountains which form the southern boundary of the Arcadian plains of Asea and Jlegalopolis. It was believed by both Pausanias and Strabo that the Alpheius and the Eurotas had a common origin, and that, after flowing together for a short distance, they sank under ground; the Alpheius reappearing at Pegae, in the territory of Jlegalopolis in Arcadia, and the Eurotas in the Bleminatis in Laconia; but for a fuller account of their statements upon this subject the reader is referred to the article Alpheius. All that we know for certain is that the Eurotas is formed by the union of several copious springs rising on the southern side of the mountain above mentioned, and that it flows from a narrow glen, which gradually opens towards the SSW. On the eastern side it keeps close to the mountains, while on the western side there is a little level ground and some moun¬ tain slopes between the river and the heights of Taygetus. At the distance of little more than a mile from Sparta, the Eurotas receives the Oenus (OiIvovs, Polyb. ii. 65,66; Athen. i. p. 31; Liv. xxxiv. 28), now called Kelefma, which rises in the watershed of Jit. Parnon, and flows in a general south-westerly direction: the principal tri¬ butary of the Oenus was the Gorgylus (r6pyv\os, Polyb. ii. 66), probably the river of Vrextend. (Leake, Peloponnesiaca, p. 347.) Nearly opposite the union of the Oenus and the Eurotas, the moun¬ tains of Taygetus press close upon the river, but again almost immediately withdraw to a greater distance than before, and the river emerges into the Spartan plain. 2. The Vale of the Middle Eurotas. Sparta is situated at the commencement of this vale on the right bank of the Eurotas. Between the river and Jit. Taygetus the plain is of considerable extent. Its soil is particularly adapted for the growth of olives, which arc in the present day preferred to those of Athens; and the silk of the Spartan plain is superior to the silk of every other district of Greece. (JIure, vol. ii. p. 224.) The soil, however, cannot be compared with that of the rich Jlcssenian no LACONIA. plain, and hence Euripides, in contrasting the two countries, describes Laconia as a poor land, in which there is a large tract of arable, but of laborious tillage (ap. Strab. viii. p. 366). This is in ac¬ cordance with the account of Leake, who says that the soil of the plain is in general a poor mixture of white clay and stones, difficult to plough, and better suited to olives than corn. (Morea, vol. i. p. 148.) The vale, however, possesses a genial climate, being sheltered on every side by mountains, and the scenery is of the most beautiful description. Hence Lacedaemon has been aptly characterised by Homer as "a hollow pleasant valley" (noi\ri iparsivlj, II. ii. 581, iii. 443, Oil, iv. 1). The climate is favour¬ able to beauty; and the women of the Spartan plain are at present taller and more robust than the other Greeks, have more colour in general, and look healthier; which agrees also with Homer's Aa/ce- Saifxova Ka.Wryvva.iKa, (Leake, Morea, vol. iii. p. 149). The security of the Spartan plain against hostile attacks has been briefly alluded to. There were only two roads practicable for an invading army; one by the upper Eurotas, leading from southern Arcadia and Stenyclarus; the other by the long and narrow valley of the Ocnus, in which the roads from Tegea and Argos united near Sellasia. 3. Vale of the Lower Eurotas. At the southern extremity of the Spartan plain, the mountains again approach so close, as to leave scarcely space for the passage of the Eurotas. The mountains on the western side are the long and lofty counterfork of Mt. Taygetus, called Lykobuni, which has been already mentioned. This gorge, through which the Eurotas issues from the vale of Sparta into the maritime plain, is mentioned by Strabo (o Eupccras — 8ie£icov av\Siva. riva fiaKpbv, viii. p. 343). It is about 12 miles in length. The maritime plain, which is sometimes called the plain of Helos, from the town of this name upon the coast, is fertile and of some extent. In the lower part of it the Eurotas flows through marshes and sandbanks into the La- conian gulf. The banks of the Eurotas and the dry parts of its bed are overgrown with a profusion of reeds. Hence the epithets of 8ova.Korp6i' MaAeaTTjy, Paus. iii. 12. § 8.) South of Malea was the island Cythera. Following the eastern coast we first come to Side, already men¬ tioned; then to Epidelium, 100 stadia from Malea; next to Epidaurus Limera, and successively to Zarax, Cyphanta, and Prasiae or Brasiae, of which the last is near the confines of Argolis. The numbers in Pausanias, giving the distances of these places from one another, are corrupt: see Cyphanta. In the interior, between the Eurotas and the south-western slopes of Parnon, Pausanias mentions Geronthrae, situated 120 stadia north of Acriae; Marius, 100 stadia east of Geronthrae; Glyppia, also called Glympia, north of Marius; and Selinus, 20 stadia from Geronthrae. Returning now to Gythium, we proceed to enu¬ merate the towns to the right, that is, west and south, of this place, according to the plan of Pau¬ sanias (iii. 24. § 6, seq.); in other words, the towns in the peninsula through which Mount Taygetus runs. Forty stadia south of Gythium was Las upon the coast, which some writers call Asine. Thirty stadia from a hill near Las was Hypsi, in LACRINGI. the interior; and a little below Las was the river Smenus (2/J.rjvos), rising in Mt. Taygetus, which Pausanias praises for the excellence of its water, now the river of Passavd. Immediately south of this river was the temple of Artemis Dictynna, on a promontory now called Aglieranos ; and in the same neighbourhood was a village called by Pausanias Araenus or Araenum, where Las, the founder of the city of Las, was said to have been buried. South of the promontory of Aglieranos is a stream, now called the river of Dhikova, the Scykas (2,Kvpas) of Pausanias (iii. 25. § 1), beyond which were an altar and temple of Zeus: there are still some ancient remains on the right side of the river near its mouth. Further south is the peninsula of Skutdri, inclosing a bay of the same name, which is conjectured to be the Sinus Aegilodes of Pliny (iv. 5. s. 8); if so, we must place here Aegila. which is mentioned incidentally by Pausanias (iv. 17. § 1) as a town of Laconia. Inland 40 stadia from the river Scyras lay Pyrrhichus. SE. of Pyrrhichus on the coast was Teuthrone. Between Teuthrone and the Taenarian peninsula no town is mentioned, but at a place on the coast called Kikonia there are considerable remains of two temples. The Taenarian peninsula is connected with that of Taygetus by an isthmus half a mile across, and contains two har¬ bours, named Psamathus and Aciiilleius Portus [see Taenarum] : the extremity of the peninsula is C. Matapdn. Rounding the latter point, and ascending southwards, we come to the town of Tae¬ narum, afterwards called Caenepolis, 40 stadia above the Taenarian isthmus. Thirty stadia N. of Caenepolis was the commencement of the promontory Thyrides, nearly as large as the Taenarian penin¬ sula, but connected with the mainland by a much wider isthmus. On this promontory were the towns of Hippola and Messa. North of Messa was Oetylus; but the distance of 150 stadia, assigned by Pausanias between the two places, is too much. [Oetylus.] Eighty stadia north of Oetylus was Tiialamae. situated inland, and 20 stadia from Thalamae was Pephnus, upon the coast. Both these towns were upon the lesser Pamisus, now called the Milea, which the Messenians said was originally the boundary of their territory. (Strab. viii. p. 361; Paus. iii. 26. § 3.) The districts north of this river were taken away from the Lacedae¬ monians by Philip in B.C. 338, and granted to the Messenians; but it is probable that the latter did not long retain possession of them. In the time of the Roman empire they formed part of Eleuthero- Laconia. (Leake, Peloponnesiaca, p. 179.) Twenty stadia north of Pephnus, upon the coast, was Leuctra or Leuctrum ; and 60 stadia north of the latter, Cardamyi.e, at the distance of 8 stadia from the sea. North of Cardamyle was Gerenia, the most northerly of the Eleuthero-Laconian towns. Thirty stadia from Gerenia, in the interior, was Alagonia. (On the geography of Laconia, see Leake, Morea and Peloponnesiaca; Boblaye, Recherches, cfc.; Ross, Reisen im Peloponnes and Wanderungen in Griechenland; Curtius, Peloponnesos.) LACO'NICUS SINUS. [Laconia.] LACONIMUliGL [Celtica ; Vettones.] LACRINGI, mentioned by Capitolinus (M. Jn- tonin. c. 22), by Dion Cassius (lxxxi. 12), and by Petrus Patricius (Excerpt. Leg at. p. 124, ed. Bonn), along with the Astingi and Buri. They were either Dacian or on the Dacian frontier, and LACTARIUS HONS. LAEDEEATA. 11.5 are known only from having, in the Marcomannic war, opposed a body of invading A stings, and, having so done, contracted an alliance with Home. [R. G. L.] LACTA'RIUS MONS (raAa/cros opoa). [P. S.] LAERON FL. [Gallaecia.] LAESTRY'GONES {Aaiarpvyivei), a fabulous people of giants, who are mentioned by Homer in the Odyssey (x. 80—132), and described as governed by a king named Lamus. They were a pastoral people, but had a city (acrru) which Homer calls Aatveia, Aa/xirciyiov), an Aeolian town in the south-west of Troas, of which no particulars are known, except that it was annexed to Persia by the satrap Otanes in the reign of Darius Hystaspis. It is mentioned only by the earliest writers. (Herod, v. 26 ; Strab. xiii. p. 610 ; Steph. B. s. v.) [L. S.] LAMPRA. [Attica, p. 331, a.] LA'MPSACUS (Ad/Uij/aKos : Eth. Aau\paKT}f6s), sometimes also called Lampsacum (Cic. in Verr. i. 24 ; Pomp. Mela, i. 19), was one of the most cele¬ brated Greek settlements in Mysia on the Hellespont. It was known to have existed under the name of Pityusa or Pitvussa before it received colonists from the Ionian cities of Phocaea and Miletus. (Strab. xiii. p. 589 ; Steph. B. s. v.-, Plin. v. 40 ; Horn. II. ii. 829 ; Plut. de Virt. Mid. 18.) It was situated, opposite to Callipolis, in the Thracian Chersonesus, and possessed an excellent harbour. Herodotus (vi. 37) relates that the elder Miltiades, who was settled in the Thracian Chersonesus, made war upon the Lampsaceni, but that they took him by surprise, and made him their prisoner. Being threatened, however, by Croesus, who supported Miltiades, they set him free. During the Ionian revolt, the town fell into the hands of the Persians. (Herod, v. 117.) The territory about Lampsacus produced excellent wine, whence the king of Persia bestowed it upon Themistocles, that he might thence provide himself with wine. (Tliucyd. i. 138; Atben. i. p. 29; Diod. xi. 57 ; Plut. Them. 29 ; Nepos, Them. 10; Amm. Marc. xxii. 8.) But even while Lampsacus acknowledged the supremacy of Persia, it continued to be governed by a native prince or tyrant, of the name of Hippocles. His son Aeantides married Archedice, a daughter of Pisistratus, whose tomb, commemorating her virtues, was seen there in the time of Thucydides (vi. 59). The attempt of LAMPSUS. LANGOBARDI. 119 Euagon to seize the citadel, and thereby to make him¬ self tyrant, seems to belong to the same period. (Athen. xi. p. 508.) After the battle of Mycale, in is. c. 479, Lainpsacus joined Athens, but revolted after the failure of the great Athenian expedition to Sicily ; being, however, unfortified, it was easily re¬ conquered by a fleet under Strombichides. (Thuc. viii. 62.) After the time of Alexander the Great, the Lampsaceni had to defend their city against the attacks of Antiochus of Syria ; they voted a crown of gold to the Romans, and were received by them as allies. (Liv. xxxiii. 38, xxxv. 42, xliii. 6; Polyb. xxi. 10.) In the time of Strabo, Lampsacus was still a flourishing city. It was the birthplace of many distinguished authors and philosophers, such as Charon the historian, Anaximenes the orator, and Metrodorus the disciple of Epicurus, who himself resided there for many years, and reckoned some of its citizens among his intimate friends. (Strab. I. c. ; l)iog. Laiirt. x. 11.) Lampsacus possessed a fine statue by Lysippus, representing a prostrate lion, but it was removed by Agrippa to Rome to adorn the Campus Martius. (Strab. I. c.) Lampsacus, as is well known, was the chief seat of the obscene worship of Priapus, who was believed to have been bom there of Aphrodite. (Athen. i. p. 30 ; Paus. ix. 31. § 2 ; Apollon. Rhod. i. 983 ; Ov. Fast. vi. 345; Virg. Georg.iv. 110.) From this circum¬ stance the whole district was believed to have de¬ rived the name of Abarnis or Aparnis (a7rapv^adai), because Aphrodite denied that she had given birth to him. (Theophr. Hist. Plant, i. 6, 13.) The an¬ cient name of the district had been Bebrycia, pro¬ bably from the Thracian Bebryces, who had settled there. (Comp. Hecat. Fragm. 207; Charon, Fragm. 115, 119; Xenoph. Anab. vii. 8. § 1; Polyb. v. 77; Plin. iv. 18, v. 40 ; Ptol. v. 2. § 2 ; Steph. B. s. v.) The name of Lamsaki is still attached to a small town, near which Lampsacus probably stood, as Lamsaki itself contains no remains of antiquity. There are gold and silver staters of Lampsacus in different collections ; the imperial coins have been traced from Augustus to Gallienus. (Sestini, Mon. Vet. p. 73.) [L. S.] coin of lampsacus. LAMPSUS, a town of Histiaeotis in Thessaly, on the borders of Athamania. (Liv. xxxii. 14.) LAMPTRA. [Attica, p. 331, a."| LAMUS (Aa/xos), a village of Cilicia, at the mouth of the river Lamus, from which the whole district derived the name of Lamotis. The river is mentioned by Stephanus B. (from Alexander Polyhistor), and both the river and the village by Strabo (xiv. p. 671) and Ptolemy (v. 8. §§ 4, 6). The river, which is otherwise of no importance, formed the boundary between Cilicia Aspera and Cilicia Propria, and still bears the name of Lamas or Lamuzo. About the village of Lamus no particulars are known. (Comp. Nonnus, Dionys. xxiv. 50; Ilierocl. p. 709.) [L S.j | LAMYRON (Aa/xupcor), a great harbour near Cape Heraclium, on the coast of Pontus, not far from Themiscyra. (Anonym. Peripl. Pont. F.ux. p. 10.) [L.S.], LANCE (Itin. Ant. p. 395), or LA'NCIA (Aay- Kia, Dion Cass. liii. 25,29; Flor. iv. 12; Oros. vi. 21), or LANCIATUM (AayKiarov, Ptol. ii. 6. § 29), the chief city of the Lanceati (Aa.yicia.roi, Ptol. I. c.) or Lancienses (Plin. iii. 3. s. 4), a tribe of the Astures, in Hispania Tarraconensis. It was strongly fortified, and was the most important city of that region, even more so than Legio VII. Ge- mina, at least before the settlement of the latter by the Romans, by whom Lancia was destroyed, though it was again restored. It lay on the high road from Caesaraugusta to Legio VII. (Leon), only 9 M. P. from the latter, where its name is still to be traced in that of Sollanco or Sollancia. (Florez, Esp. S. vol. xvi. p. 16; Ukert, vol. ii. pt. 1. p. 441.) [P. S.] LA'NCIA, LANCIA'TI, L ANCIA'TUM. [Lance.] LA'NCIA OPPIDA'NA. [Vettones.] LANCIENSES. [Lance.] LANCIENSES OCELENSES or TRANSCU- DANI. [Ocelum.] LANGOBARDI, LONGOBARDI (Aayyo§dPSo<, AoyyoSapSoi, also AayyoSdpSai and AoyyoSdphai), a tribe of Germans whom we first meet with in the plain, south of the lower Elbe, and who belonged to the Suevi (Strab. vii. p. 290, where Kramer reads AayK6§ap8oL; Ptol. ii. 11. §§ 9, 17). According to Paulus Diaconus, himself a Langobard, or Lombard (Ilist. Longob. i. 3,8; comp. Isidor. Orig. ix. 2; Etym. M. s. v. yereiov), the tribe derived its name from the long beards, by which they distinguished themselves from the other Germans, who generally shaved their beards. But it seems to be more pro¬ bable that they derived the name from the country they inhabited on the banks of the Elbe, where Horde (or Borcl) still signifies " a fertile plain by the side of a river;" and a district near Magdeburg is still called the lange Borde (Wilhelm, Germanien, p. 286). According to this, Langobardi would sig¬ nify " inhabitants of the long bord of the river." The district in which we first meet with them, is the left bank of the Elbe, from the point where the Sala empties itself into it, to the frontiers of the Chauci Minores, so that they were bounded in the north by the Elbe, in the east by the Semnones, in the south by the Cherusci, and in the west by the Fosi and Angrivarii. Traces of the name of the Langobardi still occur in that country in such names as Bardengau, BardeiviJc. The earliest writer who mentions the Langobardi as inhabiting those parts, is Velleius Paterculus (ii. 106). But notwithstanding the unanimous testimony of the ancients that they were a branch of the Suevi, their own historian (Paul. Diac. I c.; comp. Euseb. Chron. ad an. 380) states that the Langobardi originally did not inhabit any part of Germany, but had migrated south from Scandinavia, where they had borne the name ot' Vinili, and that they assumed the name Langobardi after their arrival in Germany. It is impossible to say what value is to be attributed to this statement, which has found as many advocates as it has had opponents. From Strabo (Z. c.) it is clear that they occupied the northern bank of the Elbe, and it is possible that they were among those Germans whom Tiberius, in the reign of Augustus drove across the Elbe (Suet. Aug. 21). In their new country they were soon reduced to submission by Maroboduus, but I 4 120 LANGOBARDI. LANUVTUM. afterwards they shook off the yoke, and, in conjunc¬ tion with the Semnones, joined the confederacy of the Cheruscans against the Marcomanni. (Tac. Ann. ii. 4 5,) When, in consequence of the murder of Anni- nius, the power of the Cheruscans was decaying more and more, the Langobardi not only supported and restored Italus, the king of the Cheruscans who had been expelled, but seem to have extended their own territory in the south, so as to occupy the country between Halle, Magdeburg, and Leipzig. (T&c.Ami. xi. 17.) They were not a numerous tribe, but their want of numbers was made up for by their natural bravery (Tac. Germ. 40), and Velleius describes them as a " gens etiam Germana feritate ferocior." Shortly after these events the Langobardi disappear from history, until they are mentioned again by Ptolemy (/. c.), who places them in the extensive territory between the Rhine and Weser, and even beyond the latter river almost as far as the Elbe. They thus occupied the country which hud formerly been inhabited by the tribes forming the Cheruscan confederacy. This great extension of their territory shows that their power must have been increasing ever since their liberation from the yoke of Maro- boduus. After this time we again hear nothing of the Longobardi for a considerable period. They are indeed mentioned, in an excerpt from the history of Petrus Patricius (Exc. de Legat. p. 124), as allies of the Obii on the frontiers of Pannonia; but other¬ wise history is silent about them, until, in the second half of the 5th century, they appear on the north of the Danube in Upper Hungary as tributary to the Heruli (Procop. de Bell. Goth. ii. 15, who describes them as Christians). Whether these Langobardi, however, were the same people whom we last met with between the Rhine and the Elbe, or whether they were only a band of emigrants who had in the course of time become so numerous as to form a distinct tribe, is a question which cannot be answered with certainty, although the latter seems to be the more probable supposition. Their natural love of freedom could not bear to submit to the rule of the Heruli, and after having defeated the king of the latter in a great battle, they subdued the neighbouring Quadi, likewise a Suevian tribe, and henceforth they were for a long time the terror of their neighbours and the Roman province of Pannonia. (Paul. Diac. i. 22.) For, being the most powerful nation in those parts, they extended their dominion down the Danube, and occupied the extensive plains in the north of Dacia on the river Theiss, where they first came in conflict with the Gepidae, and entered Pannonia. (Paul. Diac. i. 20.) The emperor Justinian, wanting their support against the Gepidae, gave them lands and supplied them with money (Procop. Bell. Goth. iii. 33), and under their king Audoin they gained a great victory over the Gepidae. (Paul. Diac. i. 25; Procop. Bell Goth. iii. 34, iv. 18, 25.) Alboin, Audoin's successor, after having, in conjunction with the Avari, completely overthrown the empire of the Gepidae, led the Langobardi, in a. d. 568, into Italy, where they permanently established themselves, and founded the kingdom from which down to this day the north-east of Italy bears the name of Lombardy. {Exc. de Legat. pp. 303, 304; Marius Episc. Chron. Rone. ii. 412.) The occasion of their invading Italy is related as follows. When Alboin had concluded his alliance with the Avari, and had ceded to them his own dominions, Narses, to take revenge upon Justin, invited them to quit their poor country and take possession of the fertile plains of Italy. Alboin accordingly crossed the Alps, and as the north of Italy was badly defended, lie succeeded in a short time in establishing his kingdom, which continued to flourish until it was overpowered and destroyed by Charlemagne. (Paul. Diac. ii. 5; Eginhard, Vit. Carol. M. 6.) The history of this singular people whose name still survives, has been written in Latin by Paulus Diaconus (Warnefried), in the reign of Charlemagne, and by another Lombard of the 9th century, whose name is unknown. (Comp. Wilhelm, Germanien, p. 281, foil.; Zeuss, die DeuUclien und die Nachbarstamme, p. 109, foil.; F. Duft't, Quaes- tiones de Antiquissima Long obar dor •um Ilistoria, Berlin, 1830, 8vo.; Koch-Sternfeld, das Reich der Longobai-den in Jtalien, Munich, 1839; Latham, Tac. Germ. p. 139, and Epileg. p. lxxxiv.) [L.S.] LANGOBRI'GA. [Lusitania.J LANU'VIUM (Aavoviov, Strab. ; AavovSiof. Ptol.: Eth. Aavovios, Lanuvinus: Civita Lavinia), an ancient and important city of Latium, situated on a lofty hill forming a projecting spur or promontory of the Alban Hills towards the S. It was distant about 20 miles from Rome, on the right of the Appian Way, rather more than a mile from the road. The name is often written in inscriptions, even of a good time, Laniuium; hence the confusion which has arisen in all our MSS. of ancient authors between it and Lavinium: the two names are so frequently interchanged as to leave constant doubt which of the two is really meant, and in the middle ages they appear to have been actually regarded as the same place; whence the name of " Civitas Lavinia" by which Lanuvium is still known, and which can be traced as far back as the fourteenth century. The foundation of Lanuvium was ascribed by a tra¬ dition recorded by Appian (5. C. ii. 20) to Diomed; a legend probably arising from some fancied con¬ nection with the worship of Juno at Argos. A tra¬ dition that has a more historical aspect, though perhaps little more historical worth, represented it as one of the colonies of Alba. (Diod. vii. ap. Euseb. A rm. p. 185.) The statement of Cato (ap. Priscian. iv. 4. § 2 i) that it was one of the cities which co-operated in the consecration of the cele¬ brated temple of Diana at Aricia, is the first fact concerning it that can be looked upon as historical, and shows that Lanuvium was already a city of consideration and power. Its name appears also in the list given by Dionysius of the cities that formed the league against Rome in b. c. 496, and there is no doubt that it was in fact one of the thirty cities of the Latin League. (Dionys. v. 61 ; Niebuhr, vol. ii. p. 17.) But from this time we hear little of it, except that it was the faithful ally of Rome during her long wars with the Volscians and Aequians (Liv. vi. 21): the position of Lanuvium would indeed cause it to be one of the cities most immediately interested in opposing the progress of the Volscians, and render it as it were the natural rival of Antium. We have no explanation of the causes which, in b. c. 383, led the Lanuvians sud¬ denly to change their policy, and take up arms, to¬ gether with some other Latin cities, in favour of the Volscians (Liv. vi. 21). They must have shared in the defeat of their allies near Satricum; but ap¬ parently were admitted to submission on favourable terms, and we hear no more of them till the great Latin War in b. c. 340, in which they took an active and important part. At first, indeed, they seem to have hesitated and delayed to take the field; but in the two last campaigns their forces are LANUVIUM. LAKUVIUM. 121 particularly mentioned, both among those that fought at Pedum in b. c. 339, and the next year at Astura (Liy. viii. 12, 13).* In the general settlement of affairs at the close of the war La- liuvium obtained the Roman civitas, but apparently in the first instance without the right of suffrage; for Festus, in a well-known passage, enumerates the Lanuvini among the communities who at one time enjoyed all the other privileges of Roman citi¬ zens except the suffrage and the Jus Magis- tratuum (Liv. viii. 14 ; Festus, v. Municipium), a statement which can only refer to this period. We know from Cicero that they subsequently ob¬ tained the full franchise and right of suffrage, but the time when they were admitted to these privileges is unknown. (Cic.pro Balb. 13.) From this time Lanuvium lapsed into the con¬ dition of an ordinary municipal town, and is men¬ tioned chiefly in relation to its celebrated temple of Juno Sospita. It did not, however, fall into decay, like so many of the early Latin cities, and is men¬ tioned by Cicero among the more populous and flourishing munieipia of Latium, in the same class with Aricia and Tusculum, which he contrasts with such poor and decayed places as Labicum and Col- Jatia (Cic. de Leg. Agr. ii. 35). Its chief magi¬ strate retained the ancient Latin title of Dictator, which was borne by T. Annius Milo, the celebrated adversary of Clodius, in the days of Cicero. (Cic. pro Mil. 10; Orell. Inscr. 3786.) Previous to this period Lanuvium had suffered severely in the civil wars of Marius and Sulla, having been taken by the former at the same time with Antium and Aricia, just before the capture of Rome itself, is. c. 87. (Appian, B. C. i. 69; Liv. Epit. 80.) Nor did it escape in the later civil wars : the treasures of its temple were seized by Octavian, and a part at least of its territory was divided among a colony of veterans by the dictator Caesar. (Appian, B. C. v. 24; Lib. Colon, p. 235.) It subsequently received another colony, and a part of its territory was at one time allotted to the vestal virgins at Rome. (Ibid.) Lanuvium, however, never bore the title of a colony, but continued only to rank as a municipium, though it seems to have been a flourishing place throughout the period of the Roman Fmpire. It was the birthplace of the emperor Antoninus Pius, who in consequence frequently made it his residence, as did also his successors, M. Aurelius and Commodus: the last of these three is mentioned as having frequently dis¬ played his skill as a gladiator in the amphitheatre at Lanuvium, the construction of which may pro¬ bably be referred to this epoch. Inscriptions attest its continued prosperity under the reigns of Alex¬ ander Severus and Philippus. (Suet. Aug. 72 ; Tac. Ann. iii. 48; Capit. Ant. rius, 1; Lamprid. Coin mod. 1,8; Vict, de Cues. 15 ; Orell. Inscr. 884, 3740, &c.) Lanuvium was the place from which several illus¬ trious Roman families derived their origin. Among ti.e>e were the Annia, to which Milo, the adversary * In the Fasti Capitolini (ad ami. cdxv.; Gruter, ]>. 297) the consul C. Maenius is represented as celebrating a triumph over the Lavinians, together with the Antiates and Veliterni, where it appears certain from Livy's narrative that the Lanuvians are the people really meant: a remarkable instance at how eaily a period the confusion between the two names had arisen. of Clodius, belonged by adoption, as well as the Fapia, from which he was originally descended; the Roscia, and the Thoria (Cic. pro Mil. 10; Ascon. ad Milan, pp. 32, 53; Cic. de Divin. i. 36, ii. 31, de Fin. ii. 20), to which may probably be added, on the authority of coins, the Procilia and Mettia. (Eckhel, vol. v. pp. 253, 267, 289, 293.) We learn from Cicero that not only did the Roscia Gens derive its origin from Lanuvium, but the celebrated actor Roscius was himself born in the territory of that city. (Cic. de Liv. i. 36.) But the chief celebrity of Lanuvium was derived from its temple of Juno Sospita, which enjoyed a peculiar sanctity, so that after the Latin War in is. c. 338 it was stipulated that the Romans should enjoy free participation with the Lanuvians them¬ selves in her worship and sacred rites (Liv. viii. 14): and although at a later period a temple was erected at Rome itself to the goddess under the same de¬ nomination, the consuls still continued to repair annually to Lanuvium for the purpose of offering solemn sacrifices. (Liv. xxxii. 30, xxxiv. 53; Cic. pro Muren. 41.) The peculiar garb and attributes of the Lanuvian Juno are described by Cicero (de Nat. Deor. i. 29), and attested by the evidence of numerous Roman coins: she was always represented with a goat's skin, drawn over her head like a helmet, with a spear in her hand, and a small shield on the left arm, and wore peculiar shoes with the points turned up (calceoli repandi). On coins we find her also constantly associated with a serpent; and we learn from Propertius and Aelian that there was a kind of oracle in the sacred grove attached to her temple, where a serpent was fed with fruits and cakes by virgins, whose chastity was considered to be thus put to the test. (Propert. iv. 8 ; Aelian, H. A. xi. 16, where the true reading is undoubtedly Aavov'iw, and not Aaouiv'tcp ; Eckhel, vol. v. p. 294.) The frequent notices in Livy and elsewhere of prodigies occurring in the temple and sacred grove of Juno at Lanuvium, as well as the allusions toiler worship at that place scattered through the Roman poets, sufficiently show how important a part the latter had assumed in the Roman religion. (Liv. xxiv. 10, xxix. 14, xxxi. 12, xl. 19 ; Cic. de Divin. i. 44, ii. 27 ; Ovid. Fast. vi. 60 ; Sil. Ital. xiii. 364.) We learn from Appian that a large treasure had gradually accumulated in her temple, as was the case with most celebrated sanctuaries; and Pliny mentions that it was adorned with very ancient, but excellent, paintings of Helen and Ata- lanta, which the emperor Caligula in vain attefnpted to remove. (Plin. xxxv. 3. s. 6.) It appears from a passage in Cicero (de Fin. ii. 20) that Juno was far from being the only deity especially worshipped at Lanuvium, but that the city was noted as abound¬ ing in ancient temples and religious rites, and was probably one of the chief seats of the old Latin re¬ ligion. A temple of Jupiter adjoining the forum is the only one of which we find any special men¬ tion. (Liv. xxxii. 9.) Though there is no doubt that Civita Lavinia occupies the original site of Lanuvium, the position of which is well described by Strabo and Silius Italicus (Strab. v. p. 239 ; Sil. Ital. viii. 360), and we know from inscriptions that the ancient city con¬ tinued in a flourishing condition down to a late period of the Roman empire, it is curious that scarcely any ruins now remain. A few shapeless masses of masonry, principally substructions ard foundations, of which those that crown the summit 122 LAODICEIA. LAODICEIA. of the hill may possibly have belonged to the temple of Juno Sospita; and a small portion of a theatre, brought to light by excavations in 1832, are all that are now visible. The inscriptions discovered on the spot belong principally to the time of the Antonines, and excavations in the last century brought to light many statues of the same period. (Nibby, Dintorni di Roma, vol. ii. pp. 173—187 ; Abeken, Mittel Italien, p. 215.) Lanuviutn, as already observed, was situated at a short distance from the Appian Way, on the right of that road: the station " Sub Lanuvio," marked in the Tabula Peutingeriana between Aricia and Tres Tabernae, was evidently situated on the high road, probably at the eighteenth milestone from Rome, from which point a branch road led directly to the ancient city. (Westphal, Rom. Kamp. p. 28; Nibby, I. c.) The remains of two other ancient roads may be traced, leading from the W. and S. of the city in the direction of Antium and Astura. The existence of this line of communication in ancient times is incidentally referred to by Cicero (ad Att. xii. 41, 43, 46). The tract of country extending S. of Lanuvium in the direction of Antium and the Pon¬ tine marshes, was even in the time of Strabo very unhealthy (Strab. v. p. 231), and is now almost wholly depopulated. [E. H. B.] LAODICEIA COMBUSTA (AaoSi'/ceia karaice- Kav/j.evr) or KtKa.if.UvT)), one of the five cities built by Seleucus I., and named after his mother Seleuca. Its surname (Lat. Combusta) is derived by Strabo (xii. pp. 576, 579, xiii. pp. 626, 628, 637) from the volcanic nature of the surrounding country, but Hamilton (Researches, ii. p. 194) asserts that there is " not a particle of volcanic or igneous rock in the neighbourhood ;" and it may be added that if such were the case, the town would rather have been called A. rrjs KaraKeKavfj.4i>7;s. The most probable solution undoubtedly is, that the town was at one time destroyed by fire, and that on being rebuilt it received the distinguishing surname. It was si¬ tuated on the north-west of Iconium, on the high road leading from the west coast to Melitene on the Euphrates. Some describe it as situated in Lycaonia (Steph. B. 5. v. ; Strab. xiv. p. 663), and others as a town of Pisidia (Socrat. Hist. Feel. vi. 18; Hierocl. p. 672), and Ptolemy (v. 4. § 10) places it in Galatia ; but this discrepancy is easily explained by recollecting that the territories just mentioned were often extended or reduced in extent, so that at one time the town belonged to Lycaonia, while at another it formed part of Pisidia. Its foundation is not men¬ tioned by any ancient writer. Both Leake (Asia Minor, p. 44) and Hamil¬ ton identify Laodiceia with the modern Ladik ; and the former of these geographers states that at Ladik lie saw more numerous fragments of ancient architecture and sculpture than at any other place on his route through that country. Inscribed marbles, altars, columns, capitals, friezes, cornices, were dispersed throughout the streets, and among the houses and burying grounds. From this it would appear that Laodiceia must once have been a very considerable town. There are a few imperial coins of Laodiceia, belonging to the reigns of Titus and Domitian. (Sestini, Mon. Ant. p. 95 ; comp. Droysen, Gesch. des Hellen. i. p. 663, foil.) [L. S.] LAODICEIA AD LYCUM (AaoS'aceia. irpbs rw Amcf>: Eski Hissar), a city in the south-west of Phrygia*, about a mile from the rapid river Lycus, is situated on the long spur of a hill between the narrow valleys of the small rivers Asopus and Caprus, which discharge their waters into the Lycus. The town was originally called Diospolis, and afterwards Rhoas (Plin. v. 29), and Laodiceia, the building of which is ascribed to Antiochus Theos, in honour of his wife Laodice, was probably fomnded on the site of the older town. It was not far west from Colossae, and only six miles to the west of Hierapolis. (It. Ant. p. 337; Tab. Peut.; Strab. xiii. p. 629.) At first Laodiceia was not a place of much importance, but it soon acquired a high degree of prosperity. It suffered greatly during the Mithridatic War (Appian, Bell. Mithr. 20; Strab. xii. p. 578), but quickly recovered under the dominion of Rome ; and towards the end of the Republic and under the first emperors, Laodiceia became one of the most important and flourishing commercial cities of Asia Minor, in which large money transactions and an extensive trade in wood were carried on. (Cic. ad Fam. ii. 17, iii. 5 ; Strab. xii. p. 577 ; comp. Vitruv. viii. 3.) The place often suffered from earthquakes, especially from the great shock in the reign of Tiberius, in which it was completely destroyed. But the inha¬ bitants restored it from their own means. (Tac. Ann. xiv. 27.) The wealth of its inhabitants created among them a taste for the arts of the Greeks, as is manifest from its ruins ; and that it did not remain behind-hand in science and literature is attested by the names of the sceptics Antiochus and Theiodas, the successors of Aenesidemus (Diog. Laert. ix. 11. § 106, 12. § 116), and by the existence of a great medical school. (Strab. xii. p. 580.) During the Roman period Laodiceia was the chief city of a Roman conventus. (Cic. ad Fam. iii. 7, ix. 25, xiii. 54, 67, xv. 4, ad Att. v. 15, 16, 20, 21, vi. 1, 2, 3, 7, in Verr. i. 30.) Many of its inhabitants were Jews, and it was probably owing to this cir¬ cumstance, that at a very early period it became one of the chief seats of Christianity, and the see of a bishop. (St. Paul, Ep. ad Coloss. ii. 1, iv. 15, foil. ; Apocal. iii. 14, foil.; Joseph. Ant. Jud. xiv. 10,20; Hierocl. p. 665.) The Byzantine writers often mention it, especially in the time of the Com- neni; and it was fortified by the emperor Manuel. (Nicet. Clion. Ann. pp. 9, 81.) During the invasion of the Turks and Mongols the city was much ex¬ posed to ravages, and fell into decay, but the exist¬ ing remains still attest its former greatness. The ruins near Denisli are fully described in Pococke's, Chandler's, Cockerell's, Arundel's and Leake's works. " Nothing," says Hamilton (Researches, vol. i. p. 515), "can exceed the desolation and melancholy appearance of the site of Laodiceia ; no picturesque features in the nature of the ground on which it stands relieve the dull uniformity of its undulating and barren hills; and with few exceptions, its grey and widely scattered ruins possess no architectural merit to attract the attention of the traveller. Yet it is impossible to view them without interest, when we consider what Laodiceia once was, and how it is connected with the early history of Christianity. Its stadium, gymnasium, and theatres (one of which is in a state of great preservation, with its * Ptolemy (v. 2. § 18) and Philostratus (Vit. Soph. i. 25) call it a town of Caria, while Stephanus B. (.?. v.) describes it as belonging to Lydia; which arises from the uncertain frontiers of these countries. LAODICEIA. LAPATHUS. 123 seats still perfectly horizontal, though merely laid upon the gravel), are well deserving of notice. Other buildings, also, on the top of the hill, are full of interest; and on the east the line of the ancient wall may be distinctly traced, with the remains of a gateway ; there is also a street within and without the town, flanked by the ruins of a colonnade and numerous pedestals, leading to a confused heap of fallen ruins on the brow of the hill, about 200 yards outside the walls. North of the town, towards the Lycus, are many sarcophagi, with their covers lying near them, partly imbedded in the ground, and all having been long since rifled. " Amongst other interesting objects are the remains of an aqueduct, commencing near the summit of a low hill to the south, whence it is carried on arches of small square stones to the edge of the hill. The water must have been much charged with calcareous matter, as several of the arches are covered with a thick incrustation. From this hill the aqueduct crossed a valley before it reached the town, but, instead of being carried over it on lofty arches, as was the usual practice of the Romans, the water was conveyed down the hill in stone barrel-pipes ; some of these also are much incrusted, and some completely choked up. It traversed the plain in pipes of the same kind ; and I was enabled to trace them the whole way, quite up to its former level in the town The aqueduct appears to have been overthrown by an earthquake, as the remaining arches lean bodily on one side, without being much broken " The stadium, which is in a good state of pre¬ servation, is near the southern extremity of the city. The seats, almost perfect, are arranged along two sides of a narrow valley, which appears to have been taken advantage of for this purpose, and to have been closed up at both ends. Towards the west are considerable remains of a subterranean passage, by which chariots and horses were admitted into the arena, with a long inscription over the entrance. .... The whole area of the ancient city is covered with ruined buildings, and I could distinguish the sites of several temples, with the bases of the columns still in situ The ruins bear the stamp of Human extravagance and luxury, rather than of the stern and massive solidity of the Greeks. Strabo attributes the celebrity of the place to the fertility of the soil and the wealth of some of its inhabitants: amongst whom Hiero, having adorned the city with many beautiful buildings, bequeathed to it more than 2000 talents at his death." (Comp. Fellows, Journal written in Asia Minor, p. 280, foil.; Leake, Asia Minor, p. 251, foil.) [L. S.] LAODICEIA AD LIBANUM (AaoSt'/ceia r) rpbs AigaVai), mentioned by Strabo (xvi. p. 755) as the commencement of the Marsyas Campus, which extended along the west side of the Orontes, near its source. [Marsyas Campus.] It is called Cabiosa Laodiceia by Ptolemy (KagiWa AaoSiWeia, v. 15), and gives its name to a district (AaoSi/njW;), in which he places two other towns, Paradisus (Ilapa- Seitros) and Jabruda ('IdS^ovSa). Pliny (v. 23), among other people of Syria, reckons " ad orientem Laodicenos, qui ad Libanum cognominantur." [G.W.] LAODICEIA AD MARE, a city of Syria, south of Heracleia [Vol. I. p. 1050], described by Strabo (xvi. pp. 751, 752) as admirably built, with an ex¬ cellent. harbour, surrounded by a rich country spe¬ cially fruitful in vines, the wine of which furnished its chief supply to Alexandria. The vineyards were planted on the sides of gently-sloping hills, which were cultivated almost to their summits, and ex¬ tended far to the east, nearly to Apameia. Strabo mentions that Dolabella, when he fled to this city before Cassius, distressed it greatly, and that, being besieged there until his death, he destroyed many parts of the city with him, a. d. 43. [Diet. of Biog. Vol. I. p. 1059.] It was built by Seleucus Nicator, and named after his mother. It was furnished with an aqueduct by Herod the Great (Joseph. B.J. i. 21. § 11), a large fragment of which is still to be seen. (Shaw, Travels, p. 262.) The modern city is named Ladihiyeh, and still exhibits faint traces of its former importance, not¬ withstanding the frequent earthquakes with which it has been visited. Irby and Mangles noticed that " the Marina is built upon foundations of ancient columns," and " there are in the town, an old gate¬ way and other antiquities," as also sarcophagi and sepulchral caves in the neighbourhood. (Travels, p. 223.) This gateway has been more fully de¬ scribed by Shaw (I. c.) and Pococke, as " a remark¬ able triumphal arch, at the SE. corner of the town, almost entire: it is built with four entrances, like the Forum Jani at Rome. It is conjectured that this arch was built in honour of Lucius Verus, or of Sep- timius Severus." (Description of the East, vol. ii. p. 197.) Shaw noticed several fragments of Greek and Latin inscriptions,dispersed all over the ruins, but entirely defaced. Pococke states that it was a very inconsiderable place till within fifty years of his visit, when it opened a tobacco trade with Damietta, and it has now an enormous traffic in that article, for which it is far more celebrated than ever it was for its wine. The port is half an hour distant from the town, very small, but better sheltered than any on the coast. Shaw noticed, a furlong to the west of the town, " the ruins of a beautiful cothon, in figure like an amphitheatre, and capacious enough to receive the whole British navy. The mouth of it opens to the westward, and is about 40 feet wide." [G. W.] coin of laodiceia ad mare. LAODICEIA (AaoSi'/feia). 1. A town in Media, founded by Seleucus Nicator, along with the two other Hellenic cities of Apameia and Heracleia. (Strab. xi. p. 524 ; Steph. B. s. v.~) Pliny (vi. 29) describes it as being in the extreme limits of Media, and founded by Antiochus. The site has not yet been identified. (Ritter, Erdhunde, vol. viii. p. 599.) 2. A town which Pliny (vi. 30) places along with Seleuceia and Artemita in Mesopotamia. [E. B. J.] LAPATHUS, a fortress near Mount Olympus. [Ascijris.] LAPATHUS, LAPETHUS {Aa^aSos, Strab. xiv. p. G82; Adm]dos, Ptol. v. 14. § 4; Plin. v. 31; Arj7r?)0i'y, Scyl. p. 41; Ad-nidus, Hierocl.: Etli. Aa- irrjdevs, Aaxridios : Lapitho,Lapta),a town of Cyprus, the foundation of which was assigned to the Phoeni¬ cians (Steph. B. s. v.), and which, accoi'ding to Nonnus 124 LAPATHUS. LAPPA. (Dionys. xiii. 447), owed its name to the legendary Lapathus, a follower of Dionysus. Strabo (I. c.) says that it received a Spartan colony, headed by Praxander. He adds, that it was situated opposite to the town of Nagidus, in Cilicia, and possessed a harbour and docks. It was situated in the N. of the island, on a river of the same name, with a district called LapethiA (Au7T7j0:'a, Ptol. v. 14. § 5). Ill the war between Ptolemy and Antigonus, Lapathus, with its king 1'raxippus, sided with the latter. (Diod. xix. 59.) The name of this place was synonymous with stupidity. (Suid. s. v. AanaSiou) Pococke (Trap. in the East, vol. ii. pt. 1. p. 223) saw at Lapitho several walls that were cut out of the rock, and one entire room, over the sea: there were also remains of some towers and walls. (Mariti, Viaggi, vol. i. p. 125 ; Engel, Kypros, vol. i. pp. 37, 78, 174, 224, 364. 507.) [E. B. J.J LAPATHUS, a fortress in the north of Thessaly, near Tempe, which Leake identifies with the an¬ cient castle near Rdpsani. (Liv. xliv. 2, 6; Leake, Northern Greece, vol. iii. pp. 397, 418.) LAPHY'STIUM. [Boeotia, p. 412, b.] LAPIDEI CAMPI or LAP1DEUS CAMPUS (irediov AiSoSSes, \l6lvov ireS'iov), in Gallia Narbo- nensis. Strabo (p. 182) says: "Between Massalia and the mouths of the Rhone there is a plain, about 100 stadia from the sea, and as much in diameter, being of a circular form ; and it is called the Stony, from its character; for it is full of stones, of the' size of a man's fist, which have grass growing among them, which furnishes abundant food for animals : and in the middle there is standing water, and salt springs, and salt. Now all the country that lies above is windy, but on this plain especially the Melamborian (La Bise) comes down in squalls, — a violent and chilling wind: accordingly, they say that some of the stones are moved and rolled about, and that men are thrown down from vehicles, and stripped both of arms and clothing by the blast." This is the plain called La Crau, near the east side of the east branch of the delta of the Rhone, and near the E'tang de Berre. It is described by Arthur Young (Travels, tioned by Homer (77. ii. 841), but Strabo (xiii. p. 620) controverts this opinion, because it is not far enough from Troy. (Comp. Steph. B. s. v.) The town is mentioned as still existing by Thu cydides (viii. 101) and Xenophon (Ilellen. iii 1. §13; comp. Scylax, p. 36; Strab. ix. p. 440, xiii. p. 604). Athenaeus (ii. p. 43) mentions some hot springs near Larissa in Troas, which are still known to exist a little above the site of Alexandria Troas. ( Voyage Pittoresque, vol. ii. p. 438.) 3. Larissa, surnamed Phriconis, a 1'elasgiar town in Aeolis, but subsequently taken possession of by the Aeolians, who constituted it one of the towns of their confederacy. It was situated near the coast, about 70 stadia to the south-east of Cyme (j) irepl rrju Kv/x^v, Strab. xiii. p. 621 ; Herod, i. 149). Strabo, apparently for good reasons, considers this to be the Larissa mentioned in the Iliad (ii. 840). Xenophon {Ilellen. iii. 1. § 7, comp. Cyrop. vii. 1. § 45) distinguishes this town from others of the same name by the epithet of " the Egyptian," because the elder Cyrus had esta¬ blished there a colony of Egyptian soldiers. From the same historian we must infer that Larissa was a place of considerable strength, as it was besieged in vain by Thimbrom ; but in Strabo's time the place was deserted. (Comp. Plin. v. 32 ; Veil. Pat. i. 4 ; Vit. Horn. c. 11; Steph. B. s. v. ; Ptol. v. 2. §5.) [L.S.] LARISSA (Aapiaaa, Xen. Anab. iii. 4. § 7), a town of Assyria, at no great distance from the left bank of the Tigris, observed by Xenophon on the 128 LARISSA. LARIX. retreat of the Ten Thousand Greeks. It appears to have been situated a little to the north of the junction of the Lycus (Zdb) and the Tigris. Xenophon describes it as a deserted city, formerly built by the Medes, with a wall 25 feet broad, and 100 high, and extending in circumference two parasangs. The wall itself was constructed of bricks, but had a foundation of stone, 20 feet in height (probably a casing in stone over the lower portion of the bricks). He adds, that when the Persians conquered the Medes, they were not at first able to take this city, but at last captured it. during a dense fog. Adjoin¬ ing the town was a pyramid of stone, one plethron broad, and two plethra in height. It has been con¬ jectured that this was the site of the city of Resen, mentioned in Genesis (x. 12); and there can be little doubt, that these ruins represent those of Nimrud, now so well known by the excavations which Mr. Layard has conducted. LARISSA (Aapicraa), a city of Syria, placed by Ptolemy in the district of Cassiotis, in which An- tioch was situated (v. 15. § 16), but probably iden¬ tical with the place of the same name which, according to Strabo, was reckoned to Apamia (xvi. p. 572), and which is placed in the Itinerary of Antoninus 16 M. P. from Apamia, on the road to Emesa. D'Anville identifies it with the mo¬ dern Kalciat Shyzar, on the left bank of the Oroiites, between Ilamah and Kalaat el-Medyk or Apamia. [G. W.] LARISSUS or LARISUS, a river of Achaia. [Vol. I. p. 14, a.] LA'RIUS LACUS (y Aaptos \itiv7): Lago di Como), one of the largest of the great lakes of Northern Italy, situated at the foot of the Alps, and formed by the river Addua. (Strab. iv. p. 192 ; Plin. iii. 19. s. 23.) It is of a peculiar form, long and narrow, but divided in its southern portion into two great arms or branches, forming a kind of fork. The S\V. of these, at the extremity of which is situated the city of Como, has no natural outlet; the Addua, which carries off the superfluous waters of the lake, flowing from its SE. extremity, where stands the modern town of Lecco. Virgil, where he is speaking of the great lakes of Northern Italy, gives to the Larius the epithet of " maximus" (Georg. ii. 159); and Servius, in his note on the passage, tells us that, according to Cato, it was 60 miles long. This estimate, though greatly overrated, seems to have acquired a sort of tra¬ ditionary authority: it is repeated by Cassiodorus (Far. Ep. xi. 14), and even in the Itinerary of Antoninus (p. 278), and is at the present day still a prevalent notion among the boatmen on the lake. The real distance from Como to the head of the lake does not exceed 27 Italian, or 34 Roman miles, to which five or six more may be added for the distance by water to Riva, the Lago di Riva being often regarded as only a portion of the larger lake. Strabo, therefore, is not far from the truth in estimating the Larius as 300 stadia (37^ Roman miles) in length, and 30 in breadth. (Strab. iv. p. 209.) But it is only in a few places that it at¬ tains this width; and, owing to its inferior breadth, it is really much smaller than the Benacus (Lago di Gcirda) or Verbanus (Lago Maggiore). Its waters are of great depth, and surrounded on all sides by high mountains, rising in many places very abruptly from the shore: notwithstanding which their lower slopes were clothed in ancient times, as they still are at the present day, with rich groves of olives, and afforded space for numerous villas. Among these the most celebrated are those of the younger l'liny, who was himself a native of Comum, and whose paternal estate was situated on the banks of the lake, of which last he always speaks with affection as " Larius noster." {Ep. ii. 8, vi. 24, vii. 11.) But, besides this, he had two villas of a" more ornamental character, of which he gives some account in his letters {Ep. ix. 7): the one situated on a lofty promontory projecting out into the waters of the lake, over which it commanded a very exten¬ sive prospect, the other close to the water's edge. The description of the former would suit well with the site of the modern Villa Serbelloni near Bellagr/io; but there are not sufficient grounds upon which to identify it. The name of Villa Pliniana is given at the present day to a villa about a mile beyond the village of Torno (on the right side of the lake going from Como), where there is a remarkable intermit¬ ting spring, which is also described by Pliny (Ep. iv. 30) ; but there is no reason to suppose that this was the site of either of his villas. Claudian briefly characterises the scenery of the Larius Lacus in a few lines (B. Get. 319—322); and Cassiodorus gives an elaborate, but very accurate, description of its beauties. The immediate banks of the lake were adorned with villas or palaces (praetoria), above which spread, as it were, a girdle of olive woods; over these again were vineyards, climbing up the sides of the mountains, the bare and rocky summits of which rose above the thick chesnut-woods that encircled them. Streams of water fell into the lake on all sides, in cascades of snowy whiteness. (Cas- siod. Var. xi. 14.) It would be difficult to de¬ scribe more correctly the present aspect of the Lake of Como, the beautiful scenery of which is the theme of admiration of all modern travellers. Cassiodorus repeats the tale told by the elder Pliny, that the course of the Addua could be traced throughout the length of the lake, with which it did not mix its waters. (Plin. ii. lOo. s. 106; Cassiod. I. c.) The same fable is told of the Lacus Leman- nus, or Lake of Geneva, and of many other lakes formed-in a similar manner by the stagnation of a large river, which enters them at one end and flows out at the other. It is remarkable that we have no trace of an ancient town as existing on the site of the modern Lecco, where the Addua issues from the lake. We learn, from the Itinerary of Antoninus (p. 278), that the usual course in proceeding from Curia over the Rhaetian Alps to Mediolanum, was to take boat at the head of the lake and proceed by water to Comum. This was the route by which Stilicho is represented by Claudian as proceeding across the Alps (B. Get. I. c.) ; and Cassiodorus speaks of Comum as a place of gieat traffic of tra¬ vellers (I. c.) In the latter ages of the Roman empire, a fleet was maintained upon the lake, the head-quarters of which were at Comum. (Not. Dign. ii. p. 118.) The name of Lacus Larius seems to have been early superseded in common usage by that of Lacus Comacin us, which is already found in the Itinerary, as well as in Paulus Diaconus, although the latter author uses also the more classical appellation. (Itin. Ant. I. c.; P. Diac. Hist. v. 38, 39.) [E.H.B.] LARIX or LARICE, a place on the southern frontier of Noricum, at the foot of the Julian Alps, and on the road from Aquileia to Lauriacum. The town seems to have owed its name to the forests of larch trees which abound in that district, and its site LATixmr. LAS. 129 must be looked for between Llriu and Krniiilitrf/, in lllyrieum. (It. Ant. p. 270; comp. Muchar, Nori- ct/m, p. 247.) [L. S.] LAIINUM (Torfle.ru), a small coast river in the territory of the Laeetant, in Ilispania Tarra- conensis, falling into the sea between Iluro and Blanda. (l'lin. iii. -3. s. 4.) It lias boon inferred that there was a town of the same name on the river, from I'liny's mention of the Launenses in the conventus of Caesaraugusta: but it is plain that the Laeetani belonged to the conventus of '1'arraco. (Ukerfc, vol. ii. pt. 1. p. 45G, assigns these Lamenses to the Arevacae.) [P. S.] LARTOLAEA ETAE. [Laeetani.] LAliYMNA (Ad.puf.iva), the name of two towns in Boeotia, on the river Cephissus, distinguished as Upper and Lower Larymna. (Strab. ix. pp. 405, 40(5.) Strabo relates that the Cephissus emerged from its subterranean channel at the Upper Larymna, and joined the sea at the Lower Larymna ; and that I'pper Larymna had belonged to Phocis until it was annexed to the Lower or Boeotian Larymna by the Pomans. Upper Larymna belonged originally to the Opuntian Locris, and Lycopliron mentions it as one of the towns of Ajax Oi'leus. (Lycophr. 1146.) Pausanias also states, that it was originally Locrian; and he adds, that it voluntarily joined the Boeotians on the increase of the power of the Thebans. (Paus. ix. 2.'!. § 7.) This, however, probably did not take place in the time of Epaminondas, as Scylax, who lived subsequently, still calls it a Locrian town (p. 2.'!). Ulrichs conjectures that it joined the Boeotian league after Thebes had been rebuilt by Cassander. In b. c. 230, Larymna is described as a Boeotian town (Polyb. xx. 5, where Aapvfxvav should be read instead of Aagpvvav); and in the time of Sulla it is again spoken of as a Boeotian town. We may conclude from the preceding statements that the more ancient town was the Locrian La¬ rymna, situated at a spot, called Anchoe by Strabo, where the Cephissus emerged from its subterranean channel. At the distance of a mile and a half Larymna had a port upon the coast, which gra¬ dually rose into importance, especially from the time when Larymna joined the Boeotian League, as its port then became the most convenient communication with the eastern sea for Lebadeia, Chaeroneia, Or- chomenos, Copae, and other Boeotian towns. The port-town was called, from its position, Lower Larymna, to distinguish it from the Upper city. The former may also have been called more espe¬ cially the Boeotian Larymna, as it became the sea¬ port of so many Boeotian towns. Upper Larymna, though it had joined the Boeotian League, continued to lie frequently called the Locrian, on account of its ancient connection with Locris. When the Ilomans united Upper Larymna to Lower Larymna, the in¬ habitants of the fomer place were probably trans¬ ferred to the latter ; and Upper Larymna was henceforth abandoned. This accounts for Pausanias mentioning only one Larymna, which must have been the Lower city ; for if he had visited Upper Larymna, lie could hardly have failed to mention the emissary of the Cephissus at this spot. More¬ over, the ruins at Lower Larymna show that it be¬ came a place of much more importance than Upper Larymna. These ruins, which are called Kastri, like those of Delphi, are situated on the shore of the J'xi;/ of Larmcx, on a level covered with bushes, ten minutes to the left of the mouth of the Cephissus. vol. ii. The circuit of the walls is less than a mile. The annexed plan of the remains is taken from Leake. plan of larymna. 1. A small port, anciently closed in the manner here described. 2. The town wall, traceable all around. :S. Another wall along the sea, likewise traceable. 4, A mole, in the sea. 5. Various ancient foundations in the tower and acro¬ polis. (i. A Sorus. 7. Gh/foncro, or Salt Source. 8. An oblong foundation of an ancient building. Leake adds, that the walls, which in one place are extant to nearly half their height, are of a red soft stone, very much corroded by the sea air, and in some places are constructed of rough masses. The sorus is high, with comparison to its length and breadth, and stands in its original place upon the rocks : there was an inscription upon it, and some ornaments of sculpture, which are now quite defaced. The Ghjfone.ro is a small deep pool of water, impregnated with salt, and is considered by the peasants as sacred water, because it is cathartic. The sea in the bay south of the ruins is very deep ; and hence we ought probably to read in Pausanias (ix. 23. § 7), Ai/xTjy 5e crtyicriv iarlu ayxigafWj?, instead of Ai^vr], since there is no land-lake at this place. The ruins of Upper Larymna lie at Bazaraki, on the right bank of the Cephissus, at the place where it issues from its subterranean channel, (Leake, Northern Greece, vol. ii. p. 287, seq.; Ulrichs, Reisen in Grieclienland, p. 229, seq.) LAKY'SIUM. [Gythium.] LAS (A das, Horn.; Act?, Seyl., Paus., Strab.; A a, Steph. B. s. v.: Eth. Afsos), one of the most ancient towns of Laconia, situated upon the western coast of the Laconian gulf. It is the only town on the coast mentioned by Scylax (p. 17) between Tae- narus and Gythium. Scylax speaks of its port; but, according to Pausanias, the town itself was dis¬ tant 10 stadia from the sea, and 40 stadia from Gythium. (Paus. iii. 24. § G.) In the time of Pausanias the town lay in a hollow between the three mountains, Asia, Ilium, and Cnacadium; but the old town stood on the summit of Mt. Asia. The name of Las signified the rock on which it originally stood. It is mentioned by Homer (II. ii K 130 LASAEA. LATHON. 585), and is said to have been destroyed by the Dioscuri, who hence derived the surname of Lapersae. (Strab. viii. p. 364; Steph. B. .. C. ii. 26; Ilerodian, i. 16.) From the same cause it must have proceeded that when the Latini ceased to K 2 132 LATIUM, have any national existence, the name of Latium is still not unfrequently used, as equivalent to " nomen Latinum," to designate the whole body of those who possessed the rights of Latins, and were therefore still called Latini, though no longer in a national tense. The suggestion of a modern writer (Abeken, Mittel Italien, p. 42) that Latium is derived from " latus," broad, and means the broad plain or ex¬ panse of the Campagna (like Campania from " Campus "), appears to be untenable, on account of the difference in the quantity of the first syllable, notwithstanding the analogy of ffAarvs, which has the first syllable short. II. Extent and Boundaries. The name of Latium was applied at different periods in a very different extent and signification. Originally, as already pointed out, it meant the land of the Latini; and as long as that people retained their independent national existence, the name of Latium could only be applied to the territory possessed by them, exclu¬ sive of that of the Hernici, Aequians, Volscians,&c., who were at that period independent and often hos¬ tile nations. It was not till these separate nationali¬ ties had been merged into the common condition of subjects and citizens of Koine that the name of Latium came to be extended to all the territory which they had previously occupied; and was thus applied, first in common parlance, and afterwards in official usage, to the whole region from the borders of Etruria to those of Campania, or from the Tiber to the Liris. Hence we must carefully distinguish be¬ tween Latium in the original sense of the name, in which alone it occurs throughout the early Roman history, and Latium in this later or geographical sense; and it will be necessary here to treat of the two quite separately. The period at which the latter usage of the name came into vogue we have no means of determining: we know only that it was fully established before the time of Augustus, and is recognised by all the geographers. (Strab. v. pp. 22S, 231; Plin. iii. 5. s. 9; Ptol. iii. 1. §§ 5, 6.) Pliny designates the original Latium, or Latium properly so called, as Latium Antiquum, to which he opposes the newly added portions, as Latium Adjeetum. It may, however, bo doubted whether these appellations were ever adopted in common use,though convenient as geographical distinctions. 1. Latium Antiquum, or Latium in the original and historical sense, was a country of small extent, bounded by the Tiber on the N., by the Apennines on the E., and by the Tyrrhenian sea on the W.; while on the S. its limits were not defined by any natural boundaries, and appear to have fluctuated considerably at different periods. Pliny defines it as extending from the mouth of the Tiber to the Cir- ceian promontory, a statement confirmed by Strabo (Plin. iii. 5. s. 9; Strab. v. p. 231); and we have other authority also for the fact that at an early period all the tract of marshy plain, known as the Pontine Marshes or " Pomptinus Ager," extending from Velitrae and Antium to Circeii, was inhabited by Latins, and regarded as a part of Latium. (Cato, ap. Priscian. v. p. 668.) Even of the adjoining moun¬ tain tract, subsequently occupied by the Volscians, a part at least must have been originally Latin, for Cora, Norba, and Setia were all of them Latin cities (Dionys. v. 61),—though, at a somewhat later period, not only had these towns, as well as the plain be¬ neath, fallen into the hands of the Volscians, but LATIUM. that people had made themselves masters of Antium and Velitrae, which are in consequence repeatedly called Volscian cities. The manner in which the early Roman history has been distorted by poetical legends and the exaggerations of national vanity renders it very difficult to trace the course of these changes, and the alterations in the frontiers conse¬ quent upon the alternate progress of the Volscian and the Roman arms. But there seems no reason to doubt the fact that such changes repeatedly took place, and that we may thus explain the apparent inconsistency of ancient historians in calling the same places at one time Volscian, at another Latin, cities. We may also clearly discern two different periods, during the first of which the Volscian arms were gradually gaining upon those of the Latins, and extending their dominion over cities of Latin origin; while, in the second, the Volscians were in their turn giving way before the preponderating power of Rome. The Gaulish invasion (b.c. 390) may be taken, ap¬ proximately at least, as the turning point between the two periods. The case appears to have been somewhat similar, though to a less degree, on the northern frontier, where the Latins adjoined the Sabines. Here, also, we find the same places at different times, and by different authors, termed sometimes Latin and some¬ times Sabine, cities; and though in some of these cases the discrepancy may have arisen from mere in¬ advertence or error, it is probable that in some in¬ stances both statements are equally correct, but refer to different periods. The circumstance that the Anio was fixed by Augustus as the boundary of the First Region seems to have soon led to the notion that it was the northern limit of Latium also; and hence all the towns beyond it were regarded as Sabine, though several of them were, according to the general tradition of earlier times, originally Latin cities. Such was the confusion resulting from this cause that Piny in one passage enumerates Nomen- tum, Fidenae, and even Tibur among the Sabine towns, while lie elsewhere mentions the two former as Latin cities,—and the Latin origin of Tibur is too well established to admit of a doubt. (Plin. iii. 5. s. 9, 12. s. 17.) In the absence of natural boundaries it is only by means of the names of the towns that we can trace the extent of Latium; and here fortunately the lists that have been transmitted to us by Dionysius and Pliny, as well as those of the colonies of Alba, afford us material assistance. The latter, indeed, cannot be regarded as of historical value, but they were un¬ questionably meant to represent the fact, with which their authors were probably well acquainted, that the places there enumerated were properly Latin cities, and not of Sabine or Volscian origin. Taking these authorities for our guides, we may trace the limits of ancient Latium as follows:—1. From the mouth of the Tiber to the confluence of the Anio, the former river constituted the boundary between Latium and Etruria. The Romans, indeed, from an early period, extended their territory beyond the Tiber, and held the Janiculum and Campus Vati- canus on its right bank, as well as the so-called Septem Pagi, which they wrested from the Veientes; and it is probable that the Etruscans, on the other hand, had at one period extended their power over a part of the district on the left bank of the Tiber, but that river nevertheless constituted the generally recognised geographical limit between Etruria and Latium. 2. North of the Anio the Latin territory LAT1UM. comprised Fidenae, Crustumerium, and Nomentum, all of which are clearly established as Latin towns, while Eretum, only 3 miles from Nomentum, is equally well made out to be of Sabine origin. This line of demarcation is confirmed by Strabo, who speaks of the Sabines as extending from the Tiber and Nomentum to the Vestini. (Strab. v. p. 223.) From Nomentum to Tibur the frontier cannot be traced with accuracy, from our uncertainty as to the position of several of the towns in this part of Latiurn—Corniculum, Medullia, Cameria, and Ame- riola; but we may feel assured that it comprised the outlying group of the Montes Corniculani (Mte. S. Anfjtlo and MonticelU), and from thence stretched across to the foot of Monte Gennaro (Mons Lucre- tilis), around the lower slopes of which are the ruins or sites of more than one ancient city. Probably the whole of this face of the mountains, fronting the plain of the Campayna, was always regarded as be¬ longing to Latium, though the inner valleys and re¬ verse of the same range were inhabited by the Sabines. Tibur itself was unquestionably Latin, though how far its territory extended into the interior of tlie moun¬ tains is difficult to determine. But if Empulum and Sassula (two of its dependent towns) be correctly placed at Ampiglione and near Siciliano, it must have comprised a considerable tract of the mountain country on the left bank of the Anio. Varia, on the other hand, and the valley of the Digentia, were un¬ questionably Sabine. 3. Returning to the Anio at Tibur, the whole of the W. front of the range of the Apennines from thence to Praeneste (Palestrina) was certainly Latin ; but the limits which separated the Latins from the Aequians are very difficult to determine. We know that Bola, Pedum, Tolerium, and Vitellia, all of which were situated in this neigh¬ bourhood, were Latin cities ; though, from their prox¬ imity to the frontier, several of them fell at one time or other into the hands of the Aequians ; in like manner we cannot doubt that the whole group of the Alban llills, including the range of Mount Al- gidus, was included in the original Latium, though the Aequians at one time were able to occupy the heights of Algidus at the opening of almost every campaign. Valmontone, whether it represent To- leriuin or Vitellia, must have been about the most advanced point of the Latin frontier on this side. 4. The Volscian frontier, as already observed, ap¬ pears to have undergone much fluctuation. On the one hand, we find, in the list of the cities forming the Latin League, as given by Dionysius (v. 61), not only Velitrae, which at a later period is called a Volscian city, but Cora, Norba, and Setia, all of which were situated on the western front of the range of mountains which formed in later times the stronghold of the Volscian nation; but looking on the Pontine Marshes. Even as late as the outbreak of the great Latin War, 13. c. 340, we find L. Annius of Set in, and L. Numicius of Circeii, holding the chief magistracy among the Latins, from whom at the same time Livy expressly distinguishes the Vol- scians (Liv. viii. 3). These statements, combined with those of Pliny and Strabo already cited, seem to leave no doubt that Latium was properly regarded as extending as far as Circeii and the promontory of the same name, and comprising the whole plain of the Pontine Marshes, as well as the towns of Cora, Norba, and Setia, on the E. side of that plain. On the other hand, Tarracina (or Anxur) and Pri- vernum were certainly Volscian cities; and there can he no doubt that during the period of the Volscian LATIUM. f:;3 power they had wrested a great part of the tract just described from the dominion of the Latins. Antium, which for some reason or other did not form a member of the Latin League, was from an early period a Volscian city, and became one of the chief strongholds of that people during the filth century ii. c. The extent of Latium Antiquum, as thus limited, was far from considerable; the coast-line, from the mouth of the Tiber to the Circeian promontory, does not exceed 52 geographical or G5 Roman miles (Pliny erroneously calls it only 50 Roman miles) ; while the greatest length, from the Circeian promontory to the Sabine frontier, near Eretum, is little more than 70 Roman miles; and its breadth, from the mouth of the Tiber to the Sabine frontier, is just about 30 Roman miles, or 240 stadia, as correctly stated by Dionysius on the authority of Cato. (Dionys. ii. 49.) 2. Latium Novum. The boundaries of La¬ tium in the enlarged or geographical sense of the name are much more easily determined. The term, as thus employed, comprehended, besides the original territory of the Latins, that of the Aequians, the Hernicans, the Volscians, and the Auruncans or Ausonians. Its northern frontiers thus remained un¬ changed, while on the E.and S. it was extended so as to border on the Marsi, the Samnites, and Campania. Some confusion is nevertheless created by the new line of demarcation established by Augustus, who, while he constituted the first division of Italy out of Latium in this wider sense together with Campania, excluded from it the part of the old Latin territory N. of the Anio, adjoining the Sabines, as well as a part of that of the Aequians or Aeqniculani, including Carseoli and the valley of the Turano. The upper valley of the Anio about Subiaco, on the other hand, together with the mountainous district extending from thence to the valley of the Sacco, constituting the chief abode of the Aequi during their wars with Rome, was wholly comprised in the newly extended Latium. To this was added the mountain district of the Hernici, extending nearly to the valley of the Liris, as well as that of the Volsci, who occupied the country for a considerable extent on both sides of the Liris, including the mountain district around Arpiuum and Atina, where they bordered on the territory of the Samnites. The limits of Latium towards the S., where its frontiers adjoined those of Campania, are clearly marked by Strabo, who tells us that Casinum was the last Latin city on the lino of the Via Latina,-—-Teanum being already in Campania; while oil the line of the Via Appia, near the sea-coast, Siuuessa was the frontier town of Latium. (Strab. v. pp. 231, 233, 237 ; Plin. iii. 5. s. 9.) Pliny, in one passage, appears to speak of the Liris as constituting the boundary of this enlarged Latium (/&. § 5G), while shortly after (§ 59) he terms Sinuessa "oppidum extremum in adjecto Latio," whence it has been supposed that the boundary of Latium was at first extended only to the Liris, and subsequently carried a step further so as to include Sinuessa and its territory. (Cramer's Italy, vol. ii. p. 11.) But we have no evidence of any such successive stages. Pliny in all probability uses the term " adjectum Latium" only as contra¬ distinguished from " Latium antiquum;'' and the expression in the previous passage, " undo nonien Latii proccssit ad Lirim amnein," need not be con¬ strued too strictly. It is certain, at least, that, in the days of Strabo, as well as those of Pliny, Si¬ lk. 3 134 LATIUM. LATIUM. nuessa was already regarded as included in Latium; and the former author nowhere alludes to the Liris as the boundary. III. Physical Geography. The land of the Latins, or Latium in its original sense, formed the southern part of the great basin through which the Tiber flows to the sea, and which is bounded by the Ciminian Hills,and other ranges of vol¬ canic hills connected with them, towards the N.,by the Apennines on the E., and by the Alban Hills on the S. The latter, however, do not form a continuous barrier, being in fact an isolated group of volcanic origin, separated by a considerable gap from the Apennines on the one side, while on the other they leave a broad strip of low plain between their lowest slopes and the sea, which is continued on in the broad expanse of level and marshy ground, com¬ monly known as the Pontine Marshes, extending in a broad band between the Volscian mountains and the sea, until it is suddenly and abruptly terminated by the isolated mass of the Circeian promontory. The great basin-like tract thus bounded is divided into two portions by the Tiber, of which the one on the X. of that river belongs to Southern Etruria, and is not comprised in our present subject. [Ethuhia.] The southern part, now known as the Campagna di Roma, may be regarded as a broad ex¬ panse of undulatory plain, extending from the sea- coast to the foot of the Apennines, which rise from it abruptly like a gigantic wall to a height of from 3000 to 4000 feet, their highest summits even ex¬ ceeding the latter elevation. The Monte Gennaro, (4285 English feet in height) is one of the loftiest summits of this range, and, from the boldness with which it rises from the subjacent plain, and its advanced position, appears, when viewed from the Campagna, the most elevated of all; but, according to Sir W. Gell, it is exceeded in actual height both by the Monte Pennecchio, a little to the NE. of it, and by the Monte di Gnadagnolo, the central peak of the group of mountains which rise immediately above Praeneste or Palestrina. The citadel of Prae- neste itself occupies a very elevated position, forming a kind of outwork or advanced post of the chain of Apennines, which here trends away suddenly to the eastward, sweeping round by Genazzano, Olevano, and llojate, till it resumes its general SE. direction, and is continued on by the lofty ranges of the Her- nican mountains, which bound the valley of the Succo on the E. and continue unbroken to the valley of the Liris. Opposite to Praeneste, and separated from it by a breadth of nearly 5 miles of intervening plain, rises the isolated group of the Alban mountains, the form of which at once proves its volcanic origin. [Albanus Mons.] It is a nearly circular mass, of about 40 miles in circumference ; and may be conceived as forming a great crater, the outer ridge of which has been broken up into numerous more or less detached summits, several of which were crowned in ancient times by towns or fortresses, such as Tusculum, Corbio, &c. ; while at a lower level it throws out detached offshoots, or outlying ridges, affording ad¬ vantageous sites for towns, and which were accord¬ ingly occupied by those of Velitrae, Lanuvium, Alba Longa, &c. The group of the Alban mountains is wholly detached on all sides: on the S. a strip of plain, of much the same breadth as that which sepa¬ rated it from the Apennines of Praeneste, divides it from the subordinate, but very lofty mass of moun¬ tains, commonly known as the Monti Lepini, or Volscian mountains. This group, which forms an outlying mass of the Apennines, separated from the main chain of those mountains by the broad valley of the Trerus or Sacco, rises in a bold and imposing mass from the level of the Pontine Marshes, which it borders throughout their whole extent, until it reaches the sea at Tarracina, and from that place to the mouth of the Liris sends down a succession of mountain headlands to the sea, constituting a great natural barrier between the plains of Latium and those of Campania. The highest summits of this group, which consists, like the more central Apennines, wholly of limestone, attain an elevation of nearly 5000 feet above the sea : the whole mass fills up almost the entire space between the valley of the Trerus and the Pontine Marshes, a breadth of from 12 to 16 miles ; with a length of near 40 miles from Monte Fortino at its N. extremity to the sea at Terracina : but the whole distance, from Monte Fortino to the end of the mountain chain near the mouth of the Liris, exceeds 60 miles. The greater part of this rugged mountain tract belonged from a very early period to the Volscians, but the Latins, as already mentioned, possessed several towns, as Sigma, Cora, Norba, &c., which were built on projecting points or underfalls of the main chain. But though the plains of Latium are thus strongly characterised, when compared with the groups of mountains just described, it must not be supposed that they constitute an unbroken plain, still less a level alluvial tract like those of Northern Italy. The Campagna of Pome, as it is called at the present day, is a country of wholly different character from the ancient Campania. It is a broad undulating tract, never rising into considerable elevations, but presenting much more variety of ground than would be suspected from the general uniformity of its ap¬ pearance, and irregularly intersected in all directions by numerous streams, which have cut for themselves deep channels or ravines through the soft volcanic tufo of which the soil is composed, leaving on each side steep and often precipitous banks. The height of these, and the depth of the valleys or ravines which are bounded by them, vary greatly in different parts of the Campagna ; but besides these local and irregular fluctuations, there is a general rise (though so gradual as to be imperceptible to the eye) in the level of the plain towards the E. and SE.; so that, as it approaches Praeneste, it really attains to a considerable elevation, and the river courses which intersect the plain in nearly parallel lines between that city and the Anio become deep and narrow ravines of the most formidable description. Even in the lower and more level parts of the Campagna the sites of ancient cities will be generally found to occupy spaces bounded to a considerable extent— frequently on three sides out of four—by steep banks of tufo rock, affording natural means of defence, which could be easily strengthened by the simple expedient of cutting away the face of the rocky bank, so as to render it altogether inaccessible. The pe¬ culiar configuration of the Campagna resulting from these causes is well represented on Sir W. Gell's map, the only one which gives at all a faithful idea of the physical geography of Latium. The volcanic origin of the greater part of Latium has a material influence upon its physical character and condition. The Alban mountains, as already mentioned, are unquestionably a great volcanic mass LATIUM. LATIUM. 135 which must at a distant period have hccn the centre of volcanic outbursts on a great scale. Besides the central or principal crater of this group, there are several minor craters, or crater-shaped hollows, at a much lower level around its ridges, which were in all probability at different periods centres of erup¬ tion. Some of these have been filled with water, and thus constitute the beautiful basin-shaped lakes of Albnno and Nemi, while others have been drained at, periods more or less remote. Such is the case with the Vallis Aricina, which appears to have at one time constituted a lake [Akicia], as well as with the now dry basin of Cornufelle, below Tus- cuhun, supposed, with good reason, to be the ancient Lake Iiegillus, and with the somewhat more con¬ siderable Lago di Castiglione, adjoining the an¬ cient Gabii, which has been of late years either wholly or partially drained. Besides these distinct foci of volcanic action, there remain in several parts of the Campagna spots where sulphureous and other vapours are still evolved in considerable quantities, so as to constitute deposits of sulphur available for economic purposes. Such are the Lago di Sol- j'atara near Tivoli (the Aquae Albulae of the Ro- mans), and the Solfatara on the road to Ardea, supposed to bo the site of the ancient Oracle of Faunus. Numerous allusions to these sulphureous and mcphitic exhalations are found in the ancient writers, and there is reason to suppose that they were in ancient times more numerous than at pre¬ sent. But the evidences of volcanic action are not confined to these local phenomena; the whole plain of the Campagna itself, as well as the portion of Southern litruria which adjoins it, is a deposit of volcanic origin, consisting of the peculiar substance called by Italian geologists tufo, — an aggregate of volcanic materials, sand, small stones, and scoriae or cinders, together with pumice, varying in consis¬ tency from an almost incoherent sand to a stone sufficiently hard to be well adapted for building pur¬ poses. The hardest varieties are those now called peperino, to which belong the Lapis Gabinus and Lapis Albanus of the ancients. But even the com¬ mon tufo was in many cases quarried for building purposes, as at the Lapidicinae Rubrae, a few miles from the city near the bank of the Tiber, and many other spots in the immediate neighbourhood of Rome. (Vitruv. ii. 7.) Beds ot true lava are rare, but by 110 means wanting : the most considerable are two streams which have flowed from the foot of the Alban Mount; the one in the direction of Ardea, the other on the line of the Appian Way (which runs along the ridge of it for many miles) extending as far as a spot called Capo di Bove, little more than two miles from the gates of Rome. It was exten¬ sively quarried by the Romans, who derived from thence their principal supplies of the hard basaltic lava (called by them silex) with which they paved their high roads. Smaller beds of the same mate¬ rial occur near the Lago di Castiglione, and at other spots in the Campagna. (Concerning the geological phenomena of Latium see Daubeny On Volcanoes, pp. 1G2—173; and an Essay by Hoff¬ mann in the Beschreibung der Stadt Rom. vol. i. jij). 45—81.) llie strip of country immediately adjoining the sea-coast of Latium differs materially from the rest of the district. Between the borders of the volcanic deposit just described and the sea there intervenes a broad strip of sandy plain, evidently formed merely by successive accumulations of sand from the sea, and constituting a barren tract, still covered, as it was in ancient times, almost wholly with wood. This broad belt of forest region extends without inter¬ ruption from the mouth of the Tiber near Ostia to the promontory of Antium. The parts of it nearest the sea are rendered marshy by the stagnation of the streams that flow through it, the outlets of which to the sea are blocked up by the accumula¬ tions of sand. The headland of Antium is formed by a mass of limestone rock, forming a remarkable break in the otherwise uniform line of the coast, though itself of small elevation. A bay of about 8 miles across separates this headland from the low point or promontory of Astura: beyond which com¬ mences the far more extensive bay that stretches from the latter point to the mountain headland of Circeii. The whole of this line of coast from Astura to Circeii is bordered by a narrow strip of sand-hills, within which the waters accumulate into stagnant pools or lagoons. Beyond this again is a broad sandy tract, covered with dense forest and brushwood, but almost perfectly level, and in many places marshy; while from thence to the foot of the Volscian moun¬ tains extends a tract of a still more marshy cha¬ racter, forming the celebrated district known as the Pontine Marshes, and noted in ancient as well as modern times for its insalubrity. The whole of this region, which, from its N. extremity at Cisterna to the sea near Terracina, is about 30 Roman miles in length, with an average breadth of 12 miles, is perfectly flat, and, from the stagnation of the waters which descend to it from the mountains on the E., has been in all ages so marshy as to be almost unin¬ habitable. l'liny, indeed, records a tradition that there once existed no less than 2-t cities on the site of what was in his days an unpeopled marsh, but a careful inspection of the locality is sufficient to prove that this must be a mere fable. (Plin. iii. 5. s. 9.) The dry land adjoining the marshes was doubtless occupied in ancient times by the cities or towns of Satricum, Ulubrae, and Suessa Pometia; while on the mountain ridges overlooking them rose those of Cora, Norba, Setia and Privernum; but not even the name of any town has been preserved to us as situated in the marshy region itself. Equally unfounded is the statement hastily adopted by Pliny, though obviously inconsistent with the last, that the whole of this allu¬ vial tract had been formed within the historical period, a notion that appears to have arisen in consequence of the identification of the Mons Circeius with the island of Circe, described by Homer as situated in the midst of an open sea. This remarkable head¬ land is indeed a perfectly insulated mountain, being separated from the Apennines near Terracina by a strip of level sandy coast above 8 miles in breadth, forming the southern extremity of the plain of the Pontine Marshes; but this alluvial deposit, which alone connects the two, must have been formed at a period long anterior to the historical age. The Circeian promontory formed the southern limit of Latium in the original sense. On the opposite side of the Pontine Marshes rises the lofty group of the Volscian mountains already described: and these arc separated by the valley of the Trerus or Sacco from the ridges more immediately connected with the central Apennines, which were inhabited by the Aequians and llernicans. All these mountain dis¬ tricts, as well as those inhabited by the Volscians on the S. of the Liris, around Arpinuin and Atina, partake of the same general character: they are occupied almost entirely by masses and groups of 136 LATIUM. LATIUM. limestone mountains, frequently rising to a great height, and very abruptly, while in other cases their sides are clothed with magnificent forests of oak and chestnut trees, and their lower slopes are well adapted for the growth of vines, olives, and corn. The broad valley of the Trerus, which extends from the foot of the hill of Praeneste to the valley of the Liris, is bordered on both sides by hills, covered with the richest vegetation, at the back of which rise the lofty ranges of the Volscian and Hernican mountains. This valley,which is followed throughout by the course of the Via Latina, forms a natural line of communica¬ tion from the interior of Latium to the valley of the Liris, and so to Campania; the importance of which in a military point of view is apparent on many occa¬ sions in Roman history. The broad valley of the Liris itself opens an easy and unbroken communica¬ tion from the heart of the Apennines near the Lake Fucinus with the plains of Campania. On the other side, the Anio, which has its sources in the rugged mountains near Trevi, not far from those of the Liris, flows in a SW. direction, and after changing its course abruptly two or three times, emerges through the gorge at Tivoli into the plain of the Roman Campagna. The greater part of Latium is not (as compared with some other parts of Italy) a country of great natural fertility. On the other hand, the barren and desolate aspect which the Campagna now presents is apt to convey a very erroneous impression as to its character and resources. The greater part of the volcanic plain not only affords good pasturage for .sheep and cattle, but is capable of producing con¬ siderable quantities of corn, while the slopes of the hills on all sides are well adapted to the growth of vines, olives, and other fruit-trees. The wine of the Alban Hills was celebrated in the days of Horace (llor. Carm. iv. 11. 2, Sat. ii. 8. 1G), while the figs of Tusculum, the hazel-nuts of Praeneste, and the pears of Crustumium and Tibur were equally noted for their excellence. (Macrob. Sat. ii. 14, 15; Cato, R. R. 8.) In the early ages of the Roman history the culti¬ vation of corn must, from the number of small towns scattered over the plain of Latium, have been carried to a far greater extent than we find it at the present day; but under the Roman Empire, and even before the close of the Republic, there appears to have been a continually increasing tendency to diminish the amount of arable cultivation, and increase that of pasture. Nevertheless the attempts that have been made even in modern times to promote agriculture in the neighbourhood of Rome have sufficiently proved that its decline is more to be attributed to other causes than to the sterility of the soil itself. The tract near the sea-coast alone is sandy and barren, and fully justifies the language of Fabius, who called it " agruin macerrimum, littorosissimumque " (Serv. adAen. i. 3). On the other hand, the slopes of the Alban Hills are of great fertility, and are still studded, as they were in ancient times, with the villas of Roman nobles, and with gardens of the greatest richness. The climate of Latium was very far from being a healthy one, even in the most flourishing times of Rome, though the greater amount of population and cultivation tended to diminish the effects of the malaria which at the present day is the scourge of the district. Strabo tells us that the territory of Ardea, as well as the tract between Antium and Lanuvium, and extending from thence to the Pontine Marshes, was marshy and unwholesome (v. p. 231). The Pontine plains themselves are described as " pes¬ tiferous" (Sil. Ital. viii. 379), and all the attempts made to drain them seem to have produced but little effect. The unhealthiness of Ardea is noticed both by Martial and Seneca as something proverbial (Mart. iv. GO ; Seneca, Ep. 105) : but, besides this, expressions occur which point to a much more general diffusion of malaria. Livy in one passage represents the Roman soldiers as complaining that they had to maintain a constant struggle " in arido atque pestilenti, circa urbem, solo" (Liv. vii. 38); and Cicero, in a passage where there was much less room for rhetorical exaggeration, praises the choice of Romulus in fixing his city " in a healthy spot in the midst of a pestilential region." (" Locum delegit in regione pestilenti salubrem," Cic. de Rep. ii. G.) But we learn also, from abundant allusions in ancient writers, that it was only by comparison that Rome itself could be considered healthy ; even in the city malaria fevers were of frequent occurrence in summer and autumn, and Horace speaks of the heats of summer as bringing in " fresh figs and funerals." (llor. Ep.i. 7.1—9.) Frontinus also extols the increased supply of water as tending to remove the causes which had previously rendered Rome notorious for its unhealthy climate (" causae gravioris coeli, quibus apud veteres urbis infamis aer fuit," Frontin. de Aquaed. § 88). But the great accu¬ mulation of the population at Rome itself must have operated as a powerful check ; for even at the present day malaria is unknown in the most densely popu¬ lated parts of the city, though these are the lowest in point of position, while the hills, which were then thickly peopled, but are now almost uninhabited, are all subject to its ravages. In like manner in the Campagna, wherever a considerable nucleus of population was once formed, with a certain extent of cultivation around it, this would in itself tend to keep down the mischief; and it is probable that, even in the most flourishing times of the Roman Empire, this evil was considerably greater than it had been in the earlier ages, when the numerous free cities formed so many centres of population and agricultural industry. It is in accordance with this view that we find the malaria extending its ravages with frightful rapidity after the fall of the Roman Empire and the devastation of the Campagna ; and a writer of the 11th century speaks of the deadly climate of Rome in terms which at the present day would appear greatly exaggerated. (Petrus I)a- mianus, cited by Bunsen.) The unhealthiness arising from this cause is, however, entirely confined to the plains. It is found at the present day that an elevation of 350 or 400 feet above their level gives complete immunity; and hence Tibur, Tus¬ culum, Aricia, Lanuvium, and all the other cities that were built at a considerable height above the plain were perfectly healthy, and were resorted to during the summer (in ancient as well as modern times) by all who could afford to retreat from the city and its immediate neighbourhood. (See on this subject Tournon, E'tudes Statistiques sur Rome, liv. i. chap. 9; Bunsen, Bcschreibung dtr Stadt Rom. vol. i. pp. 98—108.) IV. History. 1. Origin and Affinities of the Latins. — All ancient writers are agreed in representing the Latins, properly so called, or the inhabitants of Latium in the restricted sense of the term, as a distinct people LATIUM. LATIUM. 137 from those wliich surrounded them, from the Vol- seians and Aequians on the one hand, as well as from the Sabines and Etruscans on the other. But the views and traditions recorded by the same writers concur also in representing them as a mixed people, produced by the blending of different races, and not as the pure descendants of one common stock. The legend most commonly adopted, and which gradually became firmly established in the popular belief, was that which represented Latiurn as inhabited by a people termed Aborigines, who received, shortly after the Trojan War, a colony or band of emigrant Trojans under their king Aeneas. At the time of the arrival of these strangers the Aborigines were governed by a king named Lati- nus, and it was not till after the death of Latinus and the union of the two races under the rule of Aeneas, that the combined people assumed the name of Latini. (Liv. i. 1,2; Dionys. i. 45, CO ; Strab. v. p. 229; Appian, Rom. i. 1.) But a tra¬ dition, which lias much more the character of a national one, preserved to us on the authority both of Varro and Cato, represents the population of Latium, as it existed previous to the Trojan colony, as already of a mixed character, and resulting from the union of a conquering race, who descended from the Central Apennines about Reate, with a people whom they found already established in the plains of Latium, and who bore the name of Siculi. It is strange that Varro (according to Dionysius) gave the name of Aborigines, which must originally have been applied or adopted in the sense of Autochthones, as the indigenous inhabitants of the country [Abo¬ rigines], to these foreign invaders from the north. Cato apparently used it in the more natural signi¬ fication as applied to the previously existing popula¬ tion, the same which were called by Dionysius and Varro, Siculi. (Varr. op. Dionys. i. 9, 10; Cato, op. 1'riscian. v. 12. § 65.) But though it is impossible to receive the statement of Varro with regard to the name of the invading population, the fact of such a migration having taken place may be fairly ad¬ mitted as worthy of credit, and is in accordance with all else that we know of the progress of the popula¬ tion of Central Italy, and the course of the several successive waves of emigration that descended along the central line of the Apennines. [Italia, pp. 84, 85.] The authority of Varro is here also confirmed by the result of modern philological researches. Niebulir was the first to point out that the Latin language bore in itself the traces of a composite character, and was made up of two distinct elements; the one nearly resembling the Greek, and therefore probably derived from a Pelasgic source; the other closely connected with the Oscan and Umbrian dialects of Central Italy. To this he adds the important observation, that the terms connected with war and arms belong almost exclusively to the latter class, while those of agriculture and domestic life have for the most part a strong resemblance to the corresponding Greek terms. (Niebulir, vol. i. pp. 82, 83; Donaldson, Var- ronianus, p. 3.) We may hence fairly infer that the conquering people from the north was a ra^e akin to the Oscans, Sabines and Umbrians, whom we find in historical times settled in the same or adjoining re¬ gions of the Apennines: and that the inhabitants of the plains whom they reduced to subjection, and with whom they became gradually mingled (like the Nor¬ mans with the Saxons in England) were a race of Pelasgic extraction. This last circumstance is in accordance with the inferences to be drawn from several of the historical traditions or statements trans¬ mitted to us. Thus Cato represented the Aborigines (whom he appears to have identified with the Siculi) as of Hellenic or Greek extraction (Cato, ap. Dionys. i. 11, 13), by which Roman writers often mean no¬ thing more than Pelasgic: and the Siculi, where they reappear in the S. of Italy, are found indissolubly connected with the Oenotrians, a race whose Pelasgic origin is well established. [Siculi.] The Latin people may thus be regarded as com¬ posed of two distinct races, both of them members of the great Indo-Teutonic family, but belonging to dif¬ ferent branches of that family, the one more closely related to the Greek or Pelasgic stock, the other to that race which, under the various forms of Umbrian, Oscan and Sabellian, constituted the basis of the greater part of the population of Central Italy. [Italia.] But whatever value may be attached to the his¬ torical traditions above cited, it is certain that the two elements of the Latin people had become indissolubly blended before the period when it first appears in his¬ tory : the Latin nation, as well as the Latin language, is always regarded by Iloman writers as one organic whole. We may safely refuse to admit the existence of a third element, as representing the Trojan settlers, who, according to the tradition commonly adopted by the Romans themselves, formed an integral portion of the Latin nation. The legend of the arrival of Aeneas and the Trojan colony is, in all probability, a mere fiction adopted from the Greeks (Schwegler, Horn. Gesch. vol. i. pp. 310—32G) : though it may have found some adventitious support from the existence of usages and religious rites which, being of Pelasgic origin, recalled those found among the Pelasgic races on the shores of the Aegean Sea. And it is in ac¬ cordance with this view that we find traces of similar legends connected with the worship of Aeneas and the Penates at different points along the coasts of the Aegean and Mediterranean seas, all the way from the Troad to Latium. (Dionys. i. 4G—55 ; Klausen, Aeneas u. die Penaten, book 3.) The worship of the Penates at Lavinium in particular would seem to have been closely connected with the Cabeiric wor¬ ship so prevalent among the Pelasgians, and hence probably that city was selected as the supposed ca¬ pital of the Trojans on their first settlement in Italy. But though these traditions, as well as the sacred rites which continued to be practised down to a late period of the Roman power, point to Lavinium as the ancient metropolis of Latium, which retained its sa¬ cred character as such long after its political power had disappeared, all the earliest traditions represent Alba, and not Lavinium, as the chief city of the La¬ tins when that people first appears in connection with Rome. It is possible that Alba was the capital of the conquering Oscan race, as Lavinium had been that of the conquered Pelasgians, and that there was thus some historical foundation for the legend of the trans¬ ference of the supreme power from the one to the other: but no such supposition can claim to rank as more than a conjecture. On the other hand, we may fairly admit as historical the fact, that, at the period of the foundation or first origin of Rome, the Latin people constituted a national league, composed of nu¬ merous independent cities, at the head of which stood Alba, which exercised a certain supremacy over the rest. This vague superiority, arising probably from its greater actual power, appears to have given rise !38 LATIUM. to the notion that Alba was in another sense the me¬ tropolis of Latium, and that all, or at any rate the greater part, of the cities of Latium were merely co¬ lonies of Alba. So far was this idea carried, that we find expressly enumerated in the list of such colonies places like Ardea, Tusculum, and Praeneste, which, according to other traditions generally received, were more ancient than Alba itself. (Liv. i. 52 ; Dionys. iii. 34; Diod. vii. ap. Euseb. Arm. p. 185; Vict. Orvj. Gent. Norn. 17.) [Alba Longa.] Pliny has, however, preserved to us a statement of a very different stamp, according to which there were thirty towns or communities, which he terms the " populi Albenses," that were accustomed to share in the sacrifices on the Alban Mount. Many of these names are now obscure or unknown, several others appear to have been always inconsiderable places, while a few only subsequently figure among the well-known cities of Latium. It is therefore highly probable that we have here an authentic record, preserved from ancient times, of a league which actually subsisted at a very early period, before Alba became the head of the more important and better known confederacy of the Latins in general. Of the towns thus enumerated, those whose situation can be determined with any cer¬ tainty were all (with the remarkable exception of Fidenae) situated in the immediate neighbourhood of the Alban Hills; and thus appear to have been grouped around Alba as their natural centre. Among them we find Dola, Pedum, Toleria, and Vitellia on thi- N. of the Alban Hills, and Corioli, Longula, and Pollusca on the S. of the same group. On the other hand, the more powerful cities of Aricia, Lanu- vium, and Tusculum, though so much nearer to Alba, are not included in this list. But there is a remarkable statement of Cato (ap. Priscian. iv. p. 029), in which he speaks of the celebrated temple of Diana at Aricia, as founded in common by the people of Tusculum, Aricia, Lanuvium, Laurentum, Cora, Tibur, Pometia, Ardea, and the Putuli, that seems to point to the existence of a separate, and, as it were, counter league, subsisting at the same time with that of which Alba was the head. All these minor unions would seem, however, to have ultimately been merged in the general confederacy of the La¬ tins, of which, according to the tradition universally adopted by Poman writers, Alba was the acknow¬ ledged head. Another people whose name appears in all the earliest historical traditions of Latium, but who had become completely merged in the general body of the Latin nation, before we arrive at the historical period, was that of the Putuli. Their capital was Ardea, a city to which a Greek or Argive origin was ascribed [Aiidea] ; if any value can be attached to such traditions, they may be regarded as pointing to a Pelasgie origin of the Putuli; and Niebuhr ex¬ plains the traditionary greatness of. Ardea by sup¬ posing it to have been the chief city of maritime Latium, while it was still in the hands of the Pe- lasgians. (Niebuhr, vol. i. p. 44, vol. ii. p. 21.) One of the most difficult questions connected with the early history of Latium is the meaning and origin of the term " Prisci Latini," which we find applied by many Roman writers to the cities of the Latin League, and which occurs in a formula given by Livy that has every appearance of being very ancient. (Liv. i. 32.) It may safely be assumed that the term means "Old Latins," and Niebuhr's idea that Prisci was itself a national appellation LATIUM. has been generally rejected as untenable. But it is difficult to believe that a people could ever have called themselves " the old Latins:" and yet it seems certain that the name was so used, both from its occurrence in the formula just referred to (which was in all probability borrowed from the old law books of the Fetiales), and from the circumstance that we find the name almost solely in connection with the wars of Ancus Marcius and Tarquinius Priscus (Liv. i. 32, 33, 38) ; and it never occurs at a later period. Hence it seems impossible to suppose that it was used as a term of distinction for the Latins properly so called, or inhabitants of Latium Antiquum, as contradis¬ tinguished from the Aequians, Volscians, and other nations subsequently included in Latium: a supposition adopted by several modern writers. On the other hand the name does not occur in the Poman history, prior to the destruction of Alba, and perhaps the most plausible conjecture is that the name was one assumed by a league or con¬ federacy of the Latin cities, established after the fall of Alba, but who thus asserted their claim to represent the original and ancient Latin people. It must be admitted that this explanation seems wholly at variance with the statement that the Prisci Latini were the colonies of Alba, which is found both in LiVy and Dionysius (Liv. i. 3; Dio¬ nys. i. 45), but this probably meant to convey nothing more than the notion already noticed, that all the cities of Latium were founded by such colo¬ nies. Livy, at least, seems certainly to regard the " Prisci Latini" as equivalent to the whole Latin nation, and not as a part contradistinguished from the rest. (Liv. i. 38.) 2. Relations of the Lathis with Rome.—As the first historical appearance of the Latins is that of a confederation of different cities, of which Alba was the head, so the fall and destruction of Alba may be regarded as the first event in their annals which can be termed historical. The circumstances transmitted to us in connection with this are undoubtedly poetical fictions ; but the main fact of the destruction of the city and downfal of its power is well "established. This event must have been followed by a complete derangement in the previously existing relations. Rome appears to have speedily put forth a claim to the supremacy which Alba had previously exercised (Dionys. iii. 34); but it is evident that this was not acknowledged by the other cities of Latium ; and the Prisci Latini, whose name appears in history only during this period, probably formed a separate league of their own. It was not long, however, be¬ fore the Romans succeeded in establishing their supe¬ riority: and the statement of the Roman annals, that the Latin league was renewed under Tarquinius Su- perbus, and the supremacy of that monarch acknow¬ ledged by all the other cities that composed it, derives a strong confirmation from the more authentic testi¬ mony of the treaty between Rome and Carthage, preserved to us by Polybius (iii. 22). In this im¬ portant document, which dates from the year immedi¬ ately following the expulsion of the kings (b.c. 509), Rome appears as stipulating on behalf of the people of Ardea, Antium, Laurentum, Circeii, Tarracina, and the other subject (or dependent) cities of Latium, and even making conditions in regard to the whole Latin territory, as if it was subject to its rule. But the state of things which appears to have been at this time fully established, was broken up soon after ; whether in consequence of the revolution at LATIUM. L ATI mi. 139 Home which led to tlie abolition of the kingly power, or from some other cause, we know not. The Latin cities became wholly independent of Rome ; and though the war which was marked by the great battle at the lake Eegillus has been dressed up in the legendary history with so much of fiction as to render it difficult to attach any historical value to the traditions connected with it, there is no reason to doubt the fact that the Latins had at this time shaken off the supremacy of Rome, and that a war between the two powers was the result. Not long after this, in b. c. 493, a treaty was concluded with them by Sp. Cassius, which determined their relations with Home for a long period of time. (Liv. ii. 33; Dio¬ nys. vi. 9G; Cic. j>ro Balb. 23.) I5y the treaty thus concluded the Romans and Latins entered into an alliance as equal and inde¬ pendent states, both for offence and defence: all booty or conquered territory was to be shared be¬ tween them; and there is much reason to believe that the supreme command of the allied armies was to be held in alternate years by the Roman and Latin generals. (Dionys. I. c.\ Nieb. vol. ii. p. 40.) The Latin cities, which at this time composed the league or confederacy, were thirty in number: a list of them is given by Dionysius in another passage (v. CI), but which, in all probability, was derived from the treaty in question (Niebuhr, vol. ii. p. 23). They were :—Ardea, Aricia, Bovillae, Bubentum, Corniculum, Carventum, Circeii, Corioli, Corbio, Cora, Fortinei (?), Gabii, Laurentum, Lavinium, Lanuvium, Labicum, Nomentum, Norba, Praeneste, Pedum, Querquetulum, Satricum, Scaptia, Setia, Tellenae, Tibur, Tuxculum, Toleria, Tricrinum (?), Velitrae. The number thirty appears to have been a recognised and established one. not dependent upon accidental changes and fluctuations: the cities which composed the old league under the supremacy of Alba are also represented as thirty in number (Dionys. iii. 34), and the " populi Albenses/' which formed the smaller and closer union under the same head, were, according to Pliny's list, just thirty. It is therefore quite in accordance with the usages of ancient nations that the league when formed anew should consist as before of thirty cities, though these could not have been ihe same as previously composed it. The object cf this alliance between Rome and Latium was r.o doubt to oppose a barrier to the rapidly advancing power of the Aequians and Vol¬ scians. With the same view the Hernicans were soon after admitted to participate in it (r». c. 486); and from this time for more than a century the Latins continued to be the faithful allies of Rome, and shared alike in her victories and reverses during her long and arduous struggle with their warlike neighbours. (Liv. vi. 2.) A shock was given to these fiiendly relations by the Gaulish War and the capture of Rome in b.c. 390: the calamity which then befel the city appears to have incited some of her nearest neighbours and most faithful allies to take up arms against her. (Varr. L. L. vi. 18; Liv. vi. 2.) The Latins and Hernicans are repre¬ sented as not only refusing their contingent to the Roman armies, but supporting and assisting the Volscians against them; and though they still avoided as long as possible an open breach with Rome, it seems evident that the former close alliance between them was virtually at an end. (Liv. vi. 6, 7, 10, 11. 17.) But it would appear that the bond i if union of the Latin League itself was, by this time, very much weakened. The more powerful cities are found acting with a degree of independence to which there is no parallel in earlier times: thus, in b. c. 383, the Lanuvians formed an alliance with the Volscians, and Praeneste declared itself hostile to Rome, while Tusculum, Gabii, and Labicum con¬ tinued on friendly terms with the republic. (Id. vi. 21.) In b. c. 380 the Romans were at open war with the Praenestines, and in b. c. 360 with the Tiburtines, but in neither instance do the other cities of Latium appear to have joined in the war. (Id. vi. 27—29, vii. 10—12, 18, 19.) The repeated invasions of the Gauls, whose armies traversed the Latin territory year after year, tended to increase the confusion and disorder: nevertheless the Latin League, though much disorganised, was never broken up; and the cities composing it still con¬ tinued to hold their meetings at the Lucus Feren- tinae, to deliberate on their common interests and policy. (Id. vii. 25.) In b. c. 358 the league with Rome appears to have been renewed upon the same terms as before; and in that year the Latins, for the first time after a long interval, sent their contingent to the Roman armies. (Liv. vii. 12.) At length, in b. c. 340, the Latins, who had adhered faithfully to their alliance during the First Samnite War, appear to have been roused to a sense of the increasing power of Rome, and became conscious that, under the shadow of an equal alliance, they were gradually passing into a state of depen¬ dence and servitude. (Id. viii. 4.) Hence, after a vain appeal to Rome for the establishment of a more equitable arrangement, the Latins, as well as the Volscians, took part with the Campanians in the war of that year, and shared in their memorable defeat at the foot of Mount Vesuvius. Even on this occasion, however, the councils of the Latins were divided: the Laurentes at least, and probably the Lavinians also, remained faithful to the Roman cause, while Signia, Setia, Circeii, and Velitrae, though regarded as Roman colonies, were among the most prominent in the war. (Id. viii. 3—11.) The contest was renewed the next year with various suc¬ cess; but in b.c. 338 Furius Camillus defeated the forces of the Latins in a great battle at Pedum, while the other consul, C. Maenius, obtained a not less decisive victory on the river Astura. The struggle was now at an end ; the Latin cities sub¬ mitted one after the other, and the Roman senate pronounced separately on the fate of each. The first great object of the arrangements now made was to deprive the Latins of all bonds of national or social unity: for this purpose not only were they prohibited from holding general councils or assem¬ blies, but the several cities were deprived of the mutual rights of "connubium" and " commercium," so as to isolate each little community from its neigh¬ bours. Tibur and Praeneste, the two most powerful cities of the confederacy, and which had taken a prominent part in the war, were deprived of a large portion of their territory, but continued to exist as nominally independent communities, retaining their own laws, and the old treaties with them were re¬ newed, so that as late as the time of Polybius a Roman citizen might choose Tibur or Praeneste as a place of exile. (Liv. xliii. 2; Pol. vi. 14.) Tus¬ culum, on the contrary, received the Roman fran¬ chise ; as did Lanuvium, Aricia, Pedum, and No¬ mentum, though these last appear to have, in the first instance, received only the imperfect citizen¬ ship without the right of suffrage. Velitrae was 140 LATIUM. LATIUM. more severely punished; but the people of this city also were soon after admitted to the Roman fran¬ chise, and the creation shortly after of the Maecian and Seaptian tribes was designed to include the new citizens added to the republic as the result of these arrangements. (Liv. viii. 14,17; Niebuhr, vol. iii. pp. 140—145.) From this time the Latins as a nation may be said to disappear from history: they became gradu¬ ally more and more blended into one mass with the Roman people; and though the formula of "the allies and Latin nation" (socii et nomen Latinum) is one of perpetual occurrence from this time forth in the Roman history, it must be remembered that this phrase includes also the citizens of the so-called Latin colonies, who formed a body far superior in importance and numbers to the remains of the old Latin people. [Italia, p. 90.] In the above historical review, the history of the old Latins, or the Latins properly so called, has been studiously kept separate from that of the other nations which were subsequently included under the general appellation of Latium,—the Aequians, Her- nicans, Volscians, and Ausonians. The history of these several tribes, as long as they sustained a separate national existence, will be found under their respective names. It may suffice here to mention that the Ilernicans were reduced to complete sub¬ jection to Rome in b. c. 300, and the Aequians in is. c. .'504; the period of the final subjugation of the Volscians is more uncertain, but we meet with no mention of them in arms after the capture of Pri- vcrnum in u. c. 329 ; and it seems certain that they, as well as the Ausonian cities which adjoined them, had fallen into the power of Rome before the com¬ mencement of the Second Samnite War, b. c. 326. [Volsci.] Hence, the whole of the country sub¬ sequently known as Latium had become finally subject to Rome before the year 300 b. c. 3. Latium under the Romans.—The history of Latium, properly speaking, ends with the breaking up of the Latin League. Although some of the cities continued, as already mentioned, to retain a no¬ minal independence down to a late period, and it was not till after the outbreak of the Social War, in b.c. 90, that the Lex Julia at length conferred upon all the Latins, without exception, the rights of Roman citizens, they had long before lost all traces of na¬ tional distinction. The only events in the interven¬ ing period which belong to the history of Latium are inseparably bound up with that of Home. Such was the invasion by Pyrrhus in is.c. 2S0, who advanced however only as far as Praeneste, from whence he looked down upon the plain around Iiome, but with¬ out venturing to descend into it. (Eutrop. ii„ 12 ; Flor. i. 18. §24.) In the Second Punic War, how¬ ever, Hannibal, advancing like l'yrrhus by the line of the Via Latina, established his camp within four miles of the city, and carried his ravages up to the very gates of Rome. (Lir. xxvi. 9—11 ; Pol. ix. 6.) This was the last time for many centuries that La¬ tium witnessed the presence of a foreign hostile army; but it suffered severely in the civil wars of Marius and Sulla, and the whole tract near the sea-coast especially was ravaged by the Samnite auxiliaries of the former in a manner that it seems never to have recovered. (Strab. v. p. 232.) Before the close of the Republic Latium appears to have lapsed almost completely into the condition of the mere suburban district of Rome. Tibur, Tus- culum, and Praeneste became the favourite resorts of the Reman nobles, and the fertile slopes of the Alban Hills and the Apennines were studded with villas and gardens, to which the wealthier citizens of the metro¬ polis used to retire in order to avoid the heat or bustle of Rome. But the plain immediately around the city, or the Campayna, as it is now called, seems to have lost rather than gained by its prox¬ imity to the capital. Livy, in more than one pas¬ sage, speaks with astonishment of the inexhaustible resources which the infant republic appears to have possessed, as compared with the condition of the same territory in his own time. (Liv. vi. 12, vii. 25.) We learn from Cicero that Gabii, Labicum, Collatia, Fi- denae, and Bovillae were in his time sunk into almost complete decay, while even those towns, such as Aricia and Lanuvium, which were in a comparatively flourishing condition, were still very inferior to the opulent municipal towns of Campania. (Cic. pro Plane. 9, de Leg. Agrar. ii. 35.) Nor did this state of things become materially improved even under the Roman Empire. The whole Laurentine tract, or the woody district adjoining the sea-coast, as well as the adjacent territory of Ardea, had already come to be regarded as unhealthy, and was therefore thinly in¬ habited. In other parts of the Campayna single farms or villages already occupied the sites of an¬ cient cities, such as Antemnae, Collatia, Fidenae, &c. (Strab. v. p. 230); and Pliny gives a long list of cities of ancient Latium which in his time had al¬ together ceased to exist. (Plin. iii. 6. s. 9.) The great lines of highway, the Appian, Latin, Salarian, and Valerian Ways, became the means of collecting a considerable population along their immediate lines, but appear to have had rather a contrary effect in regard to all intermediate tracts. The notices that we find of the attempts made by successive emperors to recruit the decaying population of many of the towns of Latium with fresh colonies, sufficiently show how far they were from sharing in the prospe¬ rity of the capital; while, on the other hand, these colonies seem to have for the most part succeeded only in giving a delusive air of splendour to the towns in question, without laying the foundation of any real and permanent improvement. For many ages its immediate proximity to the capital at least secured Latium from the ravages of. foreign invaders; but when, towards the decline of the Empire, this ceased to be the case, and each suc¬ cessive swarm of barbarians carried their arms up to the very gates and walls of Rome, the district immediately round the city probably suffered more severely than any other. Before the fall of the Western Empire the Campagna seems to have been reduced almost to a desert, and the evil must have been continually augmented after that period by the long continued wars with the Gothic kings, as well as subsequently with the Lombards, who, though they never made themselves masters of Rome itself, repeatedly laid waste the surrounding territory. All the records of the middle ages represent to us the Roman Campagna as reduced to a state of com¬ plete desolation, from which it has never more than partially recovered. In the division of Italy under Augustus, Latium, in the wider sense of the term, together with Cam¬ pania, constituted the First Region. (Plin. iii. 5. s. 9.) But gradually, for what reason we know not, the name of Campania came to be generally employed to designate the whole region; while that of Latium fell completely into disuse. Hence the origin of the name of La Campagna di Roma, by latium. which the ancient Latium is known in modern times. [Campania, p. 494.] V. Political and Religious Institutions. It is for the most part impossible to separate the Latin element of the Roman character and insti¬ tutions from that which they derived from the Sa- bincs: at the same time we know that the con¬ nection between the Romans and the Latins was so intimate, that we may generally regard the Roman sacred rites, as well as their political institutions, in the absence of all evidence to the contrary, as of Latin origin. But it would be obviously here out of place to enter into any detail as to those parts of the Latin institutions which were common to the two nations. A few words may, however, be added, concerning the constitution of the Latin League, as it existed in its independent form. This was com¬ posed, as lias been already stated, of thirty cities, all apparently, in name at least, equal and inde¬ pendent, though they certainly at one time admitted a kind of presiding authority or supremacy on the part of Alba, and at a later period 011 that of Rome. The general councils or assemblies of deputies from the several cities were held at the Lucus Fe- rentinae, in the immediate neighbourhood of Alba ; a custom which was evidently connected in the first instance with the supremacy of that city, but which was retained after the presidency had devolved on liiinie, and down to the great Latin War of b.c. .340. (Cincius, ap. Fast. v. Praetor, p. 241.) Each city had undoubtedly the sole direction of its own affairs: the chief magistrate was termed a Dictator, a title borrowed from the Latins by the Romans, and which continued to be employed as the name of a municipal magistracy by the Latin cities long after they had lost their independence. It is remarkable that, with the exception of the mythical or fictitious kings of Alba, we meet with no trace of monarchical government in Latium; and if the ac¬ count given by Cato of the consecration of the temple of Diana at Aricia can be trusted, even at that early period each city had its chief magistrate, with the title of dictator. (Cato, ap. Priscian. iv. p. 029.) They must necessarily have had a chief magistrate, on whom the command of the forces of the whole League would devolve in time of war, as is represented as being the case with Mamilius Oc- tavius at the battle of Regillus. Rut such a com¬ mander may probably have been specially chosen for each particular occasion. On the other hand, Livy speaks in n. c. 340 of C. Annius of Setia and L. Numisius of Circeii, as the two " praetors of the Latins,-' as if this were a customary and regular magistracy. (Liv. viii. 3.) Of the internal govern¬ ment or constitution of the individual Latin cities we have 110 knowledge at all, except what we may gather from the analogy of those of Rome or of their later municipal institutions. As the Lucus Ferentinae, in the neighbourhood of Alba, was the established place of meeting for po¬ litical purposes of all the Latin cities, so the temple of Jupiter, on the summit of the Alban Mount (Monte Cavo), was the central sanctuary of the whole Latin people, where sacrifices were offered on their behalf at the Feriae Latinae, in which every city was bound to participate, a custom retained down to a very late period by the Romans themselves. (Liv. xxxii. 1; Cie. pro Plane. 9; Plin. iii. 6. s. 9.) In like manner there can be no doubt that the cus¬ tom sometimes adopted by Roman generals of cele- LATIUM. 141 brating a triumph on the Alban Mount was derived from the times of Latin independence, when the temple of Jupiter Latiaris was the natural end of such a procession, just as that of Jupiter Capitolinus was at Rome. Among the deities especially worshipped by the Romans, it may sutlice to mention, as apparently of peculiarly Latin origin, Janus, Saturnus, Faunus, and 1'icus. The latter seems to have been so closely connected with Mars, that he was probably only ano¬ ther form of the same deity. Janus was originally a god of the sun, answering to Jana or Diana, the goddess of the moon. Saturnus was a terrestrial deity, regarded as the inventor of agriculture and of all the most essential improvements of life. Hence ho came to be regarded by the pragmatical mytlio- logers of later times as a very ancient king of Latium; and by degrees Janus, Saturnus, Picus, and Faunus became established as successive kings of the earliest Latins or Aborigines. To complete the series Latinus was made the son of Faunus. This last appears as a gloomy and mysterious being, probably originally connected with the infernal deities; but who figures in the mythology received in later times partly as a patron of agriculture, partly as a giver of oracles. (Hartung, Religion dor Romer. vol. ii. ; Schwegler, R. G. vol. i. pp. 212—234.) The worship of the Penates also, though not pe¬ culiar to Latium, seems to have formed an integral and important part of the Latin religion. The Penates at Lavinium were regarded as the tutelary gods of the whole Latin people, and as such continued to be the object of the most scrupulous reverence to the Romans themselves down quite to the extinction of Paganism. Every Roman consul or praetor, upon first entering 011 his magistracy, was bound to re¬ pair to Lavinium, and there offer sacrifices to the Penates, as well as to Vesta, whose worship was closely connected with them. (Macrob. Sat. iii. 4; Varr. L.L. v. 144.) This custom points to Lavinium as having been at one time, probably before the rise of Alba, the sacred metropolis of Latium: and it may very probably have been, at the same early period, the political capital or head of the Latin con¬ federacy. VI. Topography. The principal physical features of Latium have already been described ; but it remains here to notice the minor rivers and streams, as well as the names of some particular hills or mountain heights which have been transmitted to us. Of the several small rivers which have their rise at the foot of the Alban hills, and flow from thence to the sea between the mouth of the Tiber and Antium, the only one of which the ancient name is preserved is the Numicius, which may be iden¬ tified with the stream now called Rio Torto, between Lavinium and Ardea. The Astura, rising also at the foot of the Alban hills near Velletri, and flowing from thence in a SW. direction, enters the sea a little to the S. of the promontory of Astura: it is now known in the lower part of its course as the Fiume di Conca, but the several small streams by the confluence of which it is formed have each their separate appellation. The Nympiiaeus, mentioned by Pliny (iii. 5. s. 9), and still called La Ainjii, rises immediately at the foot of the Volscian moun¬ tains, just below the city of Norba: in Pliny's time it appears to have had an independent course to the sea, but now loses itself in the Pontine Marshes, 142 LATIUM. LATIUM. where its waters add to the stagnation. But the principal agents in the formation of those extensive marshes are the Ufexs and the Amasenus, both ot them flowing from the Volscian mountains and uniting their waters before they reach the sea. They still retain their ancient names. Of the lesser streams of Latium, which flow into the Tiber, we need only mention the celebrated Allia, which falls into that river about 11 miles above Rome; the Almo, a still smaller stream, which joins it just below the city, having previously received the waters of the Aqua Ferextina (now called the Murrana degli Orti), which have their source at the foot of the Allan Hills, near Marino; and the Rivus Alba¬ nia (stillcalled the Rioo Albano), which carries off the superfluous waters of the Alban lake to the Tiber, about four miles below Home. The mountains of Latium, as already mentioned, may be classed into three principal groups:—(1) the Apennines, properly so called, including the ranges at the back of Tibur and Praeneste, as well as the mountains of the Aequians and Hernicans; (2) the group of the Alban Hills, of which the central and loftiest summit (the Monte Cava) was the proper Mons Albanus of the ancients, while the part which faced Praeneste and the Volscian Mountains was known as the Mons Algidus; (3) the lofty group or mass of the Volscian Mountains, frequently called by modern geographers the Monti Lepini, though we have no ancient authority for this use of the word. The name of Mons Lepixus occurs only in Co¬ lumella (x. 131), as that of a mountain in the neigh¬ bourhood of Sigma. The Montes Cornicueaxi (to. Kipvikxa ijfjea, Dionys. i. 16) must evidently have been the detached group of outlying peaks, wholly .separate from the main range of the Apen¬ nines, now known as the Monticelli, situated between the Tiber and the Monte Gennaro. The Moxs Saoer, so celebrated in Roman history, was a mere hill of trifling elevation above the adjoining plain, .situated on the right bank of the Anio, close to the Via Nomentana. It only remains to enumerate the towns or cities which existed within the limits of Latium; but as many of these had disappeared at a very early period, and all trace of their geographical position is lost, it will be necessary in the first instance to confine this list to places of which the site is known, approxi¬ mately at least, reserving the more obscure names for subsequent consideration. Beginning from the mouth of the Tiber, the first place is Ostia, situated on the left bank of the river, and, as its name imports, originally close to its mouth, though it is now three miles distant from it. A short distance from the coast, and about 8 miles from Ostia, was Laurentum, the reputed capital of the Aborigines, situated probably at Torre ill Paterno, or at least in that immediate neighbour¬ hood. A few miles further S., but considerably more inland, being near 4 miles from the sea, was Lavixium, the site of which may be clearly re¬ cognised at Pratica. S. of this again, and about the same distance from the sea, was Ardea, which retains its ancient name: and 15 miles further, on a projecting point of the coast, was Antium, still called Porto d Anzo. Between 9 and 10 miles further on along the coast, was the town or village of Astura, with the islet of the same name; and from thence a long tract of barren sandy coast, without a village and almost without inhabitants, extended to the Oirccian promontory and the town ot Ciuceii, which was generally reckoned the last place in Latium Proper. Returning to Rome as a centre, we find N. of the city, and between it, and the Sabine frontier, the cities of Antemnae, Fidenae, Gkus- tumerium, and Nomentum. On or around the group of the Montes Corniculani, were situated Cobniculum, Medullia, and Ameriola: Ca- meuia, also, may probably be placed in the same neighbourhood; and a little nearer Rome, on the road leading to Nomentum, was Ficulea. At the foot, or rather on the lower slopes and underfalls of the main range of the Apennines, were Tibur, Aesula, and Praeneste, the latter occupying a lofty spur or projecting point of the Apennines, standing out towards the Alban Hills. This latter group was surrounded as it were with a crown or circle of ancient towns, beginning with Corbio (liocca Priore), nearly opposite to Praeneste, and continued on by Tuscceum, Alba, and Aiiicia, to Lanuvium and Velitrae, the last two situated on projecting offshoots from the central group, standing out towards the Pontine Plains. On the skirts of the Volscian mountains or Monti Lephu, were situated Signia, Cora, Norba, and Setia, the last three all standing on commanding heights, looking down upon the plain of the Pontine Marshes. In that plain, and immediately adjoining the marshes themselves, was Ulubrae, and in all probability Suessa Pometia also, the city which gave name both to the marshes and plain, but the precise site of which is unknown. The other places within the marshy tract, such as Foruji Appii, Tees Tabek- nae, and Tripontium, owed their existence to the construction of the Via Appia, and did not represent or replace ancient Latin towns. In the level tract bordering on the Pontine Plains on the N., and ex¬ tending from the foot of the Alban Hills towards Antium and Ardea, were situated Satriccm, Longula, Pollusca and Corioli; all of them places of which the exact site is still a matter of doubt, but which must certainly be sought in this neighbourhood. Between the Laurentine region (Laurens traetus), as the forest district near the sea was often called, and the Via Appia, was an open level tract, to which (or to a part of which) the name of Campus Solonius was given; and within the limits of this district were situated Teleexae and Politorium, as well as probably Apiolae. Bovillae, at the foot of the Alban hills, and just on the S. of the Appian Way, was at one ex¬ tremity of the same tract, while Ficana stood at the other, immediately adjoining the Tiber. In the portion of the plain of the Campagna extending from the line of the Via Appia to the foot of the Apennines, between the Anio and the Alban Hills, the only city of which the site is known was Gabii, 12 miles distant from Rome, and the same distance from Praeneste. Nearer the Apennines were Scap- tia and Pedum, as well as probably Querque- tula; while Labicum occupied the hill of La Co- lonna, nearly at the foot of the Alban group. In the tract which extends southwards between the Apennines at Praeneste and the Alban Hills, so as to connect the plain of the Campagna with the land of the Hernicans in the valley of the Trerus or Sacco, were situated Vitellia, Tolerium, and pro¬ bably also Bola and Ortona; though the exact site of all four is a matter of doubt. Ecetra, which ap¬ pears in history as a Volscian city, and is never men¬ tioned as a Latin one, must nevertheless have been situated within the limits of the Latin territory, ap- LAT1U.M. LATMICUS SINUS. 143 parently at the foot, of the Mons Lepinus, or northern extremity of the Volscian mountains, [Ecktra.] Besides these cities, which in the early ages of Latium formed members of the Latin League, or are otherwise conspicuous in Roman history, we find men¬ tion in Pliny of some smaller towns still existing in his time; of which the " Fabienses in Monte Albano" may certainly be placed at Eocca di Papa, the highest village on the Alhan Mount, and the Castri- monienses at Marino, near the site of Alba Longa. The list of the thirty cities of the League given by Dionysius (v. 61) has been already cited (p. 139). Of the names included in it, Bubentum is wholly unknown, and must have disappeared at an early pe¬ riod. Carventum is known only from the mention of the Arx Carventana in Livy during the wars with the Aequians (iv. 53, 55), and was probably situated somewhere on the frontier of that people; while two of the names, the Fortineii (Qoprivehi) and Tri- crini (Tputpwoi), are utterly unknown, and in all pro¬ bability corrupt. The former may probably be the same with the Foretii of Pliny, or perhaps with the Forentani of the same author, but both these are equally unknown to us. Besides these Pliny has given a long list of towns or cities (clara oppida, iii. 5. s. 9. § 68) which once existed in Latium, but had wholly disappeared in his time. Among these we find many that are well known in history and have been already noticed, viz. Satrieum, Pometia, Scaptia, Politorium, Tellenae, Caenina. Ficana, Crustumerium, Ameriola, Medul- lia, Corniculum, Antemnae, Cameria, Collatia. With these he joins two cities which are certainly of my¬ thical character: Saturnia, which was alleged to have previously existed on the site of Rome, and Antipolis, on the hill of the Janiculum ; and adds three other names, Sulmo, a place not mentioned by any other writer, but the name of which may probably be recog¬ nised in the modern Scrmoneta; Norbe, which seems to be an erroneous repetition of the well-known Norba, already mentioned by him among the existing cities of Latium (lb. §04); and Amitinum or Ami- ternuin, of which no trace is found elsewhere, except the well-known city of the name in the Vestini, which cannot possibly be meant. But, after mentioning these cities as extinct, Pliny adds another list of " populi" or communities, which had been accustomed to share with them in the sacrifices on the Alban Mount, and which were all equally decayed. Ac¬ cording to the punctuation proposed by Niebuhr and adopted by the latest editors of Pliny, he classes these collectively as " populi Albenses," and enu¬ merates them as follows: Albani, Aesulani, Ac- cienses, Abolani, Bubetani, Bolani, Cusuetani, Co- riolani, Fidenates, Foretii, Hortenscs, Latinienses, Longulani, Manates, Macrales, Mutucumenses, Mu- rienses, Numinienses, Olliculani, Octulani, Pedani, Polluscini, Querquetulani, Sicani, Sisoienses, Tole- rienses, Tutienses, Vimitellarii, Velienses, Venetulani, Vitellenses. Of the names here given, eleven relate to well-known towns (Alba, Aesula, Bola, Corioli, Fidenae, Longula, Pedum, Pollusca, Querquetula, Tolerium and Vitellia): the Bubetani are evidently the same with the Bubentani of Dionysius already noticed; the Foretii may perhaps bo the same with the Fortineii of that author; the Hortenses may pro¬ bably be the inhabitants of the town called by Livv Ortona; the Munienses are very possibly the people of the town afterwards called Castrimoenium : but there still remain sixteen wholly unknown. At the same time there are several indications (sucli as the agreement with Dionysius in regard to the otherwise unknown Bubentani, and the notice of Aesula anil Querquetula, towns which do not figure in history) that the list is derived from an authentic source; and was probably copied as a whole by Pliny from some more ancient authority. The conjecture of Niebuhr, therefore, that we have here a list of the subject or dependent cities of Alba, derived from a period when they formed a separate and closer league with Alba, itself, is at least highly plausible. The notice in the list of the Velienses is a strong confirmation of this view, if we can suppose them to be the inhabitants of the hill at Rome called the Velia, which is known to us as bearing an important part in the ancient sacri¬ fices of the Septimontiuin. [Roma.] The works on the topography of Latium, as might he expected from the peculiar interest of the subject, are sufficiently numerous: hut the older ones are of little value. Cluverius, as usual, laid a safe and solid foundation, which, with the criticisms and corrections of llolstenius, must be considered as the basis of all subsequent researches. The special works of Kircher (Vetus Latium, fol. Amst. 1G71) and Yolpi (Yetus Latium Profaniim et Sacrum, Romae, 1704—1748,10 vols.4to.) contain very little of real value. After the ancient authorities had been carefully brought together and revised by Cluverius, the great requisite was a careful and systematic examination of the localities and existing remains, and the geographical survey of the country. These objects were to a great extent carried out by Sir W. Gell (whose excellent map of the country around Rome is an invaluable guide to the historical inquirer) and by Professor Nibby. (Sir W. Gell, Topography of Rome and its Vicinity; with a large map to accompany it, 2 vols. 8vo. Lond. 1834; 2d edit. 1 vol. Lond. 1846. Nibby, Anaiisi Storico- Topografico-Antiqnaria della Carta dei Dintorni di Roma, 3 vols. 8vo. Rome, 1837; 2d edit. Ib. 1849. The former work by the same author, Viaggio Antiquario net Contorni di Roma, 2 vols. 8vo. Rome, 1819, is a very inferior performance.) It is unfortunate that both their works are deficient in accurate scholarship, and still more in the spirit of historical criticism, so absolutely necessary in all inquiries into the early history of Rome. Westphal, in his work (Vie Romische Kampagne in Topo- graphischer u. Antiquarischer Jlinsicht dargcstellt, 4to. Berlin, 1829) published before the survey of Sir W. Gell, and consequently with imperfect geo¬ graphical resources, attached himself especially to tracing out the ancient roads, and his work is in this respect of the greatest importance. The recent work of Bormann (Alt-Latinische Cltorographie mid Stiidtn- GcscJiichte, 8vo. Halle, 1852) contains a careful review of the historical statements of ancient authors, as well as of the researches of modern inquirers, but is not based upon any new topographical researches. Notwithstanding the labours of Gell and Nibbv, much still remains to be done in this respect, and a work that should combine the results of such in¬ quiries with sound scholarship and a judicious spirit of criticism would be a valuable contribution to ancient geography. [E. 11. B.] LATMICUS SINUS (<5 Aarfxncbs koAttos), a bay on the western coast of Caria, deriving its name from Mount Latnius, which rises at the head of the gulf. It was formed by the mouth of the river Maeander which flowed into it from the north-east. Its breadth, between Miletus, on the southern head¬ land, and l'yrrha ill the north, amounted to 30 144 LATMUS. stadia, and its whole length, from Miletus to He- racleia,_ 100 stadia. (Strab. xiv. p. 635.) The bay now exists only as an inland lake, its mouth having been closed up by the deposits brought down by the Maeander, a circumstance which has misled some modern travellers in those parts to confound the lake of Bctffi, the ancient Latmic gulf, with the lake of Myus. (Leake, Asia Minor, p. 239 ; Chandler, c. 53.) ^ ^ - [L.S.] LATMUS (Adr^ios), a mountain of Caria, rising at the head of the Latmic bay, and stretching along in a north-western direction. (Strab. xiv. p. 635 ; Apollon. Rhod. iv. 57 ; Plin. v. 31 ; Pomp. Mel. i. 17.) It is properly the western offshoot of Mount Albanus or Albaeus. This mountain is probably alluded to by Homer (//. ii. 868), when he speaks of the mountain of the Phthirians, in the neighbour¬ hood of Miletus. In Greek mythology, Mount Latmus is a place of some celebrity, being described as the place where Artemis (Luna) kissed the sleeping Endymion. In later times there existed on the mountain a sanctuary of Endymion, and his tomb was shown in a cave. (Apollod. i. 7. § 5 ; Hvgin. Fab. 271 ; Ov. Tri.it. ii. 299 ; Val. Place, iii. 28 ; Paus. v. 1. § 4 ; Stat. Silo. iii. 4. § 40.) [L. S.] LATO. [Camara.] LATOBRIGI When the Helvetii determined to leave their country (is. c. 58), they persuaded " the Pauraci, and Tulingi and Latobrigi, who were their neighbours, to adopt the same resolution, and after burning their towns and villages to join their ex¬ pedition." (Caes. B. G. i. 5.) The number of the Tulingi was 36,000 ; and of the Latobrigi 14,000. (B. <1. i. 29.) As there is no place for the Tulingi and Latobrigi within the limits of Gallia, we must look east of the Rhine for their country. Walckenaer (Grog. &e., vol. i. p. 559) supposes, or rather con¬ siders it certain, that the Tulingi were in the district of Tkiengen and Stuhlingen in Baden, and the La¬ tobrigi about Tkmaneschingcn, where the Briggach and the Bregge join the Danube. This opinion is founded on resemblance of names, and on the fact that these two tribes must have been cast of the Rhine. If the Latobrigi were Celtae, the name of the people may denote a position on a river, for the Celtic word '' brig" is a ford or the passage of a river. If the Latobrigi were a Germanic people, then the word " brig " ought to have some modern name corresponding to it, and Walckenaer finds this correspondence in the name Brugge, a small place on the Bregge. [G. L.] LATO'l'OLIS or LATO {AutotvoXis, Strab. xvii. pp. 812, 817; ttoXis Aarccv, Ptol. iv. 5. § 71; Ao.ttwv, Hierocl. p. 732; I tin. Antonin. p. 160), the modern Esneh, was a city of Upper Egypt, seated upon the western bank of the Nile, in lat. 25° 30' N. It derived its name from the fish Lato, the largest of the fifty-two species which inhabit the Nile (Russegger, Keisen, vol. i. p. 300), and which appears in sculptures, among the symbols of the goddess Neith, Pallas-Athene, surrounded by the oval shield or ring indicative of royalty or divinity (Wilkinson, M. and C. vol. v. p. 253). The tute¬ lary deities of Latopolis seem to have been the triad, —Ivnepli or Chnuphis, Neith or Sate, and Hak, their offspring. The temple was remarkable for the beauty of its site and the magnificence of its architecture. It was built of red sandstone; and its portico con¬ sisted of six rows of four columns each, with lotus- leaf capitals, all of which however differ from each other. (Denon, Voyage, vol. i. p. 148.) But with LAVIANESINE. the exception of the jamb of a gateway—now con¬ verted into a door-sill—of the reign of Thothmes lid. (xviiith dynasty), the remains of Latopolis belong to the Macedonian or Roman eras. Ptolemy Ever- getes, the restorer of so many temples in Upper Egypt, was a benefactor to Latopolis, and he is painted upon the walls of its temple followed by a tame lion, and in the act of striking down the chiefs of his enemies. The name of Ptolemy Epiphanes is found also inscribed upon a doorway. Yet, although from their scale these ruins are imposing, their sculptures and hieroglyphics attest the decline of Aegyptian art. The pronaos, which alone exists, resembles in style that of Apollinopolis Magna (.EJfoo), and was begun not earlier than the reign of Claudius (a. x>. 41 — 54), and completed in that of Vespasian, whose name and titles are carved on the dedicatory inscription over the ent ance. On the ceiling of the pronaos is the larger Latopolitan Zodiac. The name of the emperor Geta, the last that is read in hieroglyphics, although partially erased by his brother and murderer Caracalla (a. i>. 212), is still legible on the walls of Latopolis. Before raising their own edifice, the Romans seem to have destroyed even the basements of the earlier Aegyptian temple. There was a smaller temple, de¬ dicated to the same deities, about two miles and a half N. of Latopolis, at a village now called E'Dayr. Here, too, is a small Zodiac of the age of Ptolemy Evergetes (b. c. 246—221). This latter building has been destroyed within a few years, as it stood in the way of a new canal. The temple of Esneh has been cleared of the soil and rubbish which filled its area when Denon visited it, and now serves for a cotton warehouse. (Lepsius, Einleitung, p. 63.) The modern town of Esneh iis the emporium of the Abyssinian trade. Its camel-market is much resorted to, and it contains manufactories of cot¬ tons, shawls, and pottery. Its population is about 4000. [W. B. D.] LATOYICI (A- pevTov, Dion. Hal.: Eth. Aavpti/r'ii'os, Laurentinus: Torre diPaternb),an ancient city ofLatium, situated near the sea-coast between Ostia and Lavinium, about 16 miles from Rome. It was represented by the legendary history universally adopted by Roman writers as the ancient capital of Latium, and the residence of king Latinus, at the time when Aeneas and the Trojan colony landed in that country. All writers also concur in representing the latter as first landing on the shores of the Laurentine territory. (Liv. i. 1; Dionys. i. 45, 53; Strab. v. p. 229; Appian. Rom. i. 1 ; Vict. Orig. Gent. Rom. 13; Virg. Aen. vii. 45, &c.) But the same legendary history related that after the death of Latinus, the seat of government was transferred first to Lavinium, and subsequently to Alba; hence we cannot wonder that, when Laurentum appears in historical times, it holds but a very subordinate place, and appears to have fallen at a very early period into a state of comparative insignificance. The historical notices of the city are indeed extremely few and scanty; the LAURENTUM. most important is the occurrence of its name (or that of the Laurentini at least), together with those of Ardea, Antium, Circeii, and Tarracina, among the allies or dependants of Rome, in the celebrated treaty of the Romans with Carthage in b. c. 509. (Pol. iii. 22.) From this document we may infer that Laurentum was then still a place of some con¬ sideration as a maritime town, though the proximity of the Roman port and colony of Ostia must have tended much to its disadvantage. Dionysius tells us that some of the Tarquins had retired to Laurentum on their expulsion from Rome: and he subsequently notices the Laurentines among the cities which composed the Latin League in b. c. 496. (Dionys. v. 54, 61.) We learn, also, from an incidental notice in Livy, that they belonged to that confederacy, and retained, in consequence, down to a late period the right of participating in the sacrifices on the Alban Mount. (Liv. xxxvii. 3.) It is clear, therefore, that though no longer a powerful or important city, Laurentum continued to retain its independent posi¬ tion down to the great Latin War in is. c. 340. On that occasion the Laurentines are expressly men¬ tioned as having been the only people who took no share in- the war; and, in consequence, the treaty with them which previously existed was renewed without alteration. (Liv. viii. 11.) " From thence¬ forth " (adds Livy) " it is renewed always from year to year on the 10th day of the Feriae Latinae." Thus, the poor and decayed city of Laurentum continued down to the Augustan age to retain the nominal position of an independent ally of the imperial Rome. No further notice of it occurs in history during the Roman Republic. Lucan appears to reckon it as one of the places that had fallen into decay in con¬ sequence of the Civil Wars (vii. 394), but it is probable that it had long before that dwindled into a very small place. The existence of a town of the name (" oppidum Laurentum ") is, however, attested by Mela, Strabo, and Pliny (Mel. ii. 4. § 9; Strab. v. p. 232; Plin. iii. 5. s. 9); and the sea-coast in its vicinity was adorned with numerous villas, among which that of the younger Pliny was conspicuous. (Plin. Ep. ii. 17.) It is remarkable that that author, in describing the situation of his villa and its neighbourhood, makes no allusion to Laurentum itself, though he mentions the neighbouring colony of Ostia, and a village or " vicus" immediately adjoining his villa: this last may probably be the same which we find called in an inscription " Vicus Augustus Laurentium." (Grnter, Inscr. p. 398, No. 7.) Hence, it seems probable that Laurentum itself had fallen into a state of great decay; and this must have been the cause that, shortly after, the two communities of Laurentum and Lavinium were united into one municipal body, which assumed the appellation of Lauro-Lavinium, and the inhabitants that of Lauro-Lavinates, or Laurentes Lavinates. Sometimes, however, the united "populus" calls itself in inscriptions simply '• Senatus populusque Laurens," and in one case we find mention of a '' Colonia Augusta Laurentium." (Orell. Inscr. 124; Gruter, p. 484, No. 3.) Nevertheless it is at least very doubtful whether there was any fresh colony established on the site of the ancient Lau¬ rentum: the only one mentioned in the Liber Colo- niaruin is that of Lauro-Lavinium, which was undoubtedly fixed at Lavinium (Pratica). [La¬ vinium.] The existence of a place bearing the name of Laurentum, though probably a mere LAURENTUM. 147 village, down to the latter ages of the Empire, is, however, clearly proved by the Itineraries and Tabula (Itin. Ant. p. 301; Tab. Pent.); and it appears from ecclesiastical documents that the locality still retained its ancient name as late as the 8th century (Anastas. Vit. Pontif. ap. Nibby, vol. ii. p. 201). From that time all trace of it disappears, and the site seems to have been entirely forgotten. Laurentum seems to have, from an early period, given name to an extensive territory, extending from the mouth of the Tiber nearly, if not quite, to Ardea, and forming a part of the broad littoral tract of Latium, which is distinguished from the rest of that country by very marked natural characteristics. [Latium.] Hence, we find the Laurentine territory much more frequently referred to than the city itself; and the place where Aeneas is represented as landing is uniformly described as " in agro Laurenti;" though we know from Virgil that ho conceived the Trojans as arriving and first establishing themselves at the mouth of the Tiber. But it is clear that, previous to the foundation of Ostia, the territory of Laurentum was considered to extend to that river. (Serv. ad Aen. vii. 661, xi. 316.) The name of " ager Laurens " seems to have continued in common use to be applied, even under the Roman Empire, to the whole district extending as far as the river Numi- cius, so as to include Lavinium as well as Lauren¬ tum. It was, like the rest of this part of Latium near the sea-coast, a sandy tract of no natural fertility, whence Aeneas is represented as com¬ plaining that he had arrived " in agrum macer- rimum, littorosissimumque." (Fab. Max. ap. Serv. ad Aen. i. 3.) In the immediate neighbourhood of Laurentum were considerable marshes, while the tract a little further inland was covered with wood, forming an extensive forest, known as the Silva Laurentina. (Jul. Obseq. 24.) The existence of this at the time of the landing of Aeneas is alluded to by Virgil (Aen. xi. 133, &c.). Under the Roman Empire it was a favourite haunt of wild-boars, which grew to a large size, but were considered by epicures to be of inferior flavour on account of the marshy character of the ground in which they fed. (Virg. Aen. x. 709; Iior. Sat. ii. 4. 42; Martial, ix. 495.) Varro also tells us that the orator Hor- tensius had a farm or villa in the Laurentine dis¬ trict, with a park stocked with wild-boars, deer, and other game. ( Varr. R. R. iii. 13.) The existence of extensive marshes near Laurentum is noticed also by Virgil (Aen. x. 107) as well as by Martial (x. 37. 5), and it is evident that even in ancient times they rendered this tract of country unhealthy, though it could not have suffered from malaria to the same extent as in modern times. The villas which, according to Pliny, lined the shore, were built close to the sea, and were probably frequented only in winter. At an earlier period, we are told that Scipio and Laelius used to repair to the seaside on the Laurentine coast, where they amused themselves by gathering shells and pebbles. (Cic. de Or. ii. 6; Val. Max. viii. 8. § 4.) On the other hand, the bay-trees (lauri) with which the Silva Laurentina was said to abound were thought to have a benefi¬ cial effect on the health, and on this account the emperor Commodus was advised to retire to a villa near Laurentum during a pestilence at Rome. (Hero- dian. i. 12.) The name of Laurentum itself was generally considered to be derived from the number of these trees, though Virgil would derive it from a particular and celebrated tree of the kind. (Vict. L 2 148 LAURENTUM. Orig. G. Rom.. 10; Varr. L. L. v. 152; Virg.Aen. vii. 59.) The precise site of Laurentum has been a subject of much doubt; though it may be placed approxi¬ mately without question between Ostia and Pratica, the latter being clearly established as the site of Lavinium. It has been generally fixed at Torre di Paterno, and Gell asserts positively that there is no other position within the required limits "where either ruins or the traces of ruins exist, or where they can be supposed to have existed." The Itinerary gives the distance of Laurentum from Rome at 16 M. P., which is somewhat less than the truth, if we place it at Torre di Paterno, the latter being rather more than 17 M. P. from Rome by the Via Lauren- tina ; but the same remark applies to Lavinium also, which is called in the Itinerary 16 miles from Pome, though it is full 18 miles in real distance. On the other hand, the distance of 6 miles given in the Table between Lavinium and Laurentum coin¬ cides well with the interval between Pratica and Torre di Paterno. Nibby, who places Laurentum at Capo Cotto, considerably nearer to Pratica, ad¬ mits that there are no ruins on the site. Those at Torre di Paterno are wholly of Roman and imperial times, and may perhaps indicate nothing more than the site of a villa, though the traces of an aqueduct leading to it prove that it must have been a place of some importance. There can indeed be no doubt that the spot was a part of the dependencies of Lau¬ rentum under the Roman Empire; though it may still be questioned whether it marks the actual site of the ancient Latin city. (Gell, Top. of Home, pp. 294—298; Nibby, Dintorni di Roma, vol. ii. pp. 187—205 ; Abeken, Mittelitalien, p. 62 ; Bor- mann, Alt Latin. Corographie, pp. 94—97.) It is hardly necessary to notice the attempts which have been made to determine the site of Pliny's Laurentine villa, of which he has left us a detailed description, familiar to all scholars (Plin. Ep. ii. 17). As it appears from his own account that it was only one of a series of villas which adorned this part of the coast, and many of them probably of equal, if not greater, pretensions, it is evidently idle to give the name to a mass of brick ruins which there is nothing to identify. In their zeal to do this, antiquarians have overlooked the circumstance that his villa was evidently close to the sea, which at once excludes almost all the sites that have been suggested for it. The road which led from Rome direct to Laurentum retained, down to a late period, the name of Via Laurentina. (Ovid, Fast. ii. 679; Val. Max. viii. 5. § 6.) It was only a branch of the Via Os- tiensis, from which it .diverged about 3 miles from the gates of Rome, and proceeded nearly in a direct line towards Torre di Paterno. At about 10 miles from Rome it crossed a small brook or stream by a bridge, which appears to have been called the Pons ad Decimum, and subsequently Pons Decimus: hence the name of Decimo now given to a casale or farm a mile further on; though this was situated at the 11 til mile from Rome, as is proved by the dis¬ covery on the spot of the Roman milestone, as well as by the measurement on the map. Remains of the ancient pavement mark the course of the Via Laurentina both before and after passing this bridge. (Nibby, Dintorni, vol. i. p. 539, vol. iii. p. 621.) Roman authors generally agree in stating that the place where the Trojans first lauded and established LAURIUM. their camp was still called Troja (Liv. i. 1; Cato, ap. Serv. ad Aen. i. 5; Fest. v. Troia, p. 367), and that it was in the Laurentine territory; but Virgil is the only writer from whom we learn that it was on the banks of the Tiber, near its mouth (Aen. vii. 30, ix. 469, 790, &c.). Hence it must have been in the part of the " ager Laurens " which was assigned to Ostia after the foundation of the colony; and Servius is therefore correct in placing the camp of the Trojans " circa Ostiam." (Serv. ad Aen. vii. 31.) The name, however, would appear to have been the only thing that marked the spot. [E. H. B.] LAURETAnUS PORTUS, a seaport on the coast of Etruria, mentioned only by Livy (xxx. 39). From this passage it appears to have been situated between Cosa and Populoniuni; but its precise posi¬ tion is unknown. [E. II. B.] LAURI, a place in North Gallia, on a road from Lugdunum Batavorum (Leiden) to Noviomagus (Nymeguen), and between Fletio (Vleuten) and Niger Pullus. It is 5 M. P. from Niger Pullus to Lauri, and 12 M. P. from Lauri to Fletio. No more is known of the place. [G. L.] LAURIACUM or LAUREACUM, a town in the north of Noricum, at the point where the river Anisius empties itself into the Danube. (Amm. Marc. xxxi. 10; It. Ant. pp. 231, 235, 241, 277; Gruter, Inscr. p. clxiv. 3; Not. Imp.: in the Tab. Peat, its name is misspelt Blaboriciacum.) In a doubtful inscription in Gruter (p. 484. 3) it is called a Roman colony, with the surname Augusta: Laureacum was the largest town of Noricum Ripense, and was connected by high roads with Sirmium and Taurunum in Pan- nonia. According to the Antonine Itinerary, it was the head-quarters of the third legion, for which the Notitia, perhaps more correctly, mentions the second. It was, moreover, one of the chief stations of the Danubian fleet, and the residence of its praefect, and contained considerable manufactures of arms, and especially of shields. As the town is not mentioned by any earlier writers, it was probably built, or at least extended, in the reign of M. Aurelius. It was one of the earliest seats of Christianity in those parts, a bishop of Lauriacum being mentioned as early as the middle of the third century. In the fifth century the place was still so well fortified that the people of the surrounding country took refuge in it, and protected themselves against the attacks of the Ale- mannians and Thuringians; but in the 6th century it was destroyed by the Avari, and although it was restored as a frontier fortress, it afterwards fell into decay. Its name is still preserved in the modem village of Lorch, and the celebrated convent of the same name, around which numerous remains of the Roman town may be seen extending as far as Ens, which is about a mile distant. (Comp. Muchar, Noric. i. p. 362, 268, 163, ii. p. 75.) [L.S.] LAURIUM (Aaupeior, Herod, vii. 144; Aavpiov, Tliuc. ii. 55 : Adj. AavpiuTiKos; lience ai y\awes AavpicoriKat, Aristoph. Av. 1106, silver coins, with the Athenian figure of an owl), a range of hills in the south of Attica, celebrated for their silver mines. These hills are not high, and are covered for the most part with trees and brushwood. The name is probably derived from the shafts which were sunk for obtaining the ore, since Aavpa in Greek sig¬ nifies a street or lane, and \avpelov would therefore mean a place formed of such lanes,—i. e., a mine of shafts, cut as it were into streets, like a catacomb. (Wordsworth, Athens and Attica, p. 209.) The mining district extended a little way north of LAURIUM. Sunium to Thoricus, on the eastern coast. Its pre¬ sent condition is thus described by Mr. Dodwell:—* " One hour from Thorikos brought us to one of the ancient shafts of the silver mines; and a few hun¬ dred yards further we came to several others, which are of a square form, and cut in the rock. We ob¬ served only one round shaft, which was larger than the others, and of considerable depth, as we conjec¬ tured, from the time that the stones, which were thrown in, took to reach the bottom. Near this are the foundations of a large round tower, and several remains of ancient walls, of regular construction. The traces are so extensive, that they seem to indi¬ cate, not only the buildings attached to the mines, but the town of Laurium itself, which was probably strongly fortified, and inhabited principally by the people belonging to the mines." Some modern writers doubt whether there was a town of the name of Laurium; but the grammarians (Suidas and Photius) who call Laurium a place (t6ttos) in Attica appear to have meant something more than a mountain; and Dodwell is probably correct in regarding the ruins which he describes as those of the town of Laurium. Near these ruins Dodwell observed several large heaps of scoria scattered about. Dr. Wordsworth, in passing along the shore from Sunium to Thoricus, observes:—" The ground which we tread is strewed with rusty heaps of scoria from the silver ore which once enriched the soil. On our left is a hill, called Score, so named from these heaps of scoria, with which it is covered. Here the shafts which have been sunk for working the ore are visible." The ores of this district have been ascertained to contain lead as well as silver (Walpole's Turkey, p. 426). This confirms the emendations of a passage in the Aristotelian Oeconomics proposed by Bockh and Wordsworth, where, instead of Tvp'iwv in riu0oKA7js 'AOrjvaios 'AOr/va'tois <7W(@ov\evae rbv fxoAuSSov rbv gk tHov Tvplaiu Trapa\a/x§dyeiV, Bockh sug¬ gests Aavpiuv, and Wordsworth apyvpiwu, which ought rather to be apyvpeluy, as Mr. Lewis observes. The name of Laurium is preserved in the corrupt form of Leyrana or Alegrana, which is the name of a inetokhi of the monastery of Mendtli. The mines of Laurium, according to Xenophon (de Veciig. iv. 2), were worked in remote antiquity; and thore can be no doubt that the possession of a large supply of silver was one of the main causes of the early prosperity of Athens. They are alluded to by Aeschylus (Pers. 235) in the line — apyvpov irriyf] tis avrols e'en, drjeravphs xSwoj. They were the property of the state, which sold or let for a long term of years, to individuals or com¬ panies, particular districts, partly in consideration of a sum or fine paid down, partly of a reserved rent equal to one twenty-fourth of the gross produce. Shortly before the Persian wars there was a large sum in the Athenian treasury, arising out of the Laurian mines, from which a distribution of ten drachmae a head was going to be made among the Athenian citizens, when Themistpclcs persuaded them to apply the money to the increase of their fleet. (Herod, vii. 144; Plut. Them. 4.) Bockh supposes that the distribution of ten drachmae a head, which Themistocles persuaded the Athenians to forego, was made annually, from which he pro¬ ceeds to calculate the total produce of the mines. But it has been justly observed by Mr. Grote, that we are not authorised to conclude from the passage in Herodotus that all the money received from the LAUS. L19 mines w;is about to be distributed ; nor moreover is there any proof that there was a regular annual dis¬ tribution. In addition to which the large sum lying in the treasury Was probably derived from the ori¬ ginal purchase money paid down, and not from the reserved annual rent. Even in the time of Xenophon (Mem. iii. G. § 12) the mines yielded much less than at an early period; and in the age of Philip, there were loud complaints of unsuccessful speculations in mining. In the first century of the Christian era the mines were exhausted, and the old scoriae were smelted a se¬ cond time. (Strab. ix. p. 399.) In the following century Laurium is mentioned by Pausanias (i. 1), who adds that it had once been the seat of the Athenian silver mines. (Dodwell, Tour through Greece, vol. i. p. 537, seq.; Wordsworth, A thens and Attica, p. 208, seq.; Walpole's Turkey, p. 425, seq.; Fiedler,ReisedurchGriechenland, vol. i. p. 36, seq. ; Leake, Demi of Attica, p. 65; Bockh, Dissertation on the Silver Mines of Laurion, appended to the English translation of his Public Economy of Athens; Grote's Greece, vol. v. p. 71, seq.) LAU'RIUM, a village in Etruria, more correctly written Lorium. [Lorium.] LAURON (Aavpaiv: prob. Laury, W. of Xucar, in Valencia), a town of Hispania Tarraconensis, near Sucro, and not far from the sea. Though apparently an insignificant place, it is invested with great in¬ terest in history, both for the siege it endured in the Sertorian War, and as the scene of the death of Cn. Pompeius the Younger, after his flight from the de¬ feat of Munda. (Liv. xxxiv. 17 ; Appian, B. C. i. 109 ; Plut. Sert. 18, Pomp. 18 ; Flor. iii. 22, iv. 2, comp. Bell. Ilisp. 37 ; Oros. v. 23 ; Ukert, vol. ii. pt. 1. p. 404.) [P.S.] LAUS(Aaos: Etli. Aaivos : near Scalea), a city on the W. coast of Lucania, at the mouth of the river of the same name, which formed the boundary between Lucania and BruUium. (Strab. vi. pp. 253, 254.) It was a Greek city, and a colony of Sybaris; but the date of its foundation is unknown, and we have very little information as to its history. He¬ rodotus tells us that, after the destruction of Sybaris in b.c. 510, the inhabitants who survived the catas¬ trophe took refuge in Laiis and Scidrus (Herod, vi. 20); but he does not say, as has been supposed, that these cities were then founded by the Sybarites : it is far more probable that they had been settled long before, during the greatness of Sybaris, when Posi- donia also was planted by that city on the coast of the Tyrrhenian sea. The only other mention of Laiis in history is on occasion of a great defeat sus¬ tained there by the allied forces of the Greek cities in southern Italy, who had apparently united their arms in order to check the progress of the Lueanians, who were at this period rapidly extending their power towards the south. The Greeks were defeated with great slaughter, and it is probable that Laiis itself fell into the hands of the barbarians. (Strab. vi. p. 253.) From this time we hear no more of the city; and though Strabo speaks of it as still in ex¬ istence in his time, it seems to have disappeared be¬ fore the days of Pliny. The latter author, however (as well as Ptolemy), notices the river Laiis, which Pliny concurs with Strabo in fixing as the boundary between Lucania and Bruttium. (Strab. I. c.; l'lin. iii. 5. s. 10 ; Ptol. iii. 1. § 9 ; Steph. B. s. v.) The river Laiis still retains its ancient name as, the Lao, or Laino : it is a considerable stream, falling into the Gulf of Policastro. Near its sources L 3 150 LAUS POMPEIA. about 10 miles from the sea, is the town of Laino, supposed by Cluverius to represent tlie ancient Laiis; but the latter would appear, from Strabo's descrip¬ tion, to have been nearer the sea. Romanelli would place it at Scalea, a small town with a good port, about three miles N. of the mouth of the river ; but it is more probable that the ancient city is to be looked for between this and the river Lao. (Cluver. Ital. p. 1262 ; Romanelli, vol. i. p. 383.) Accord¬ ing to Strabo there was, near the river and city, a temple or Heroum of a hero named Dracon, close to which was the actual scene of the great battle be¬ tween the Greeks and Lucanians. (Strab. I. c.) Strabo speaks of a gulf of Laiis, by which he can hardly mean any other than the extensive bay now called the Gulf of Policastro, which may bo con¬ sidered as extending from the promontory of Pynus (Capo degli Infreschi) to near Cirella. There exist coins of Laiis, of ancient style, with tlie in¬ scription AAINON : they were struck after the de¬ struction of Sybaris, which was probably the most flourishing time in the history of Laiis. [E. H. B.] coin of laus. LAUS POMPEIA, sometimes also called simply Laus (Etli. Laudensis : Lodi Vecchio), a city of Gallia Transpadana, situated 16 miles to the SE. of Milan, on the highroad from that city to Pla- centia. {Itin. Ant. pp. 98, 127.) According to Pliny it was an ancient Gaulish city founded by the Boians soon after they crossed the Alps. (Plin. lii. 17. s. 21.) It afterwards became a Roman municipal town, and probably assumed the epithet of Pompeia in compliment to Pompeius Strabo, who conferred the rights of Latin citizens upon the mu¬ nicipalities of Transpadane Gaul; but we find no special mention of the fact. Nor does any his¬ torical notice of Laus occur under the Roman Em¬ pire : though it seems to have been at that period a considerable town, and is termed in the Itineraries " Laude civitas," and by P. Diaeonus " Laudensis civitas." {Itin. Ant. p. 98; ltin. Hier. p. 617; P. Diac. v. 2.) In the middle ages Lodi became an important city, and an independent republic; but was taken and destroyed in a. d. 1112 by the Mi¬ lanese, and in 1158 the emperor Frederic Barba- rossa having undertaken to restore it, transferred the new city to the site of the modern Lodi, on the right bank of the Adda. The ancient site is still occupied by a large village called Lodi Vecchio, about 5 miles due W. of the modern city. It is correctly placed by the Itineraries 16 M. P. from Mediolanum, and 24 from Placentia. {Itin. Ant. p. 98.) [E. H. B.] LAUSO'NIUS LACUS, in the country of the Helvetii. The Antonine Itin. has a road from Me¬ diolanum {Milan) through Geneva to Argentoratum (Strassburg). Sixteen Roman miles from Geneva, on the road to Strassburg, the Itin. has Equestris, ■which is Colonia Equestris or Noviodunum (Nyon); and the next place is Lacus Lausonius, 20 Roman miles from Equestris. To the next station, Urba (Orbe), is 18 Roman miles. In the Table the name LAZI. is " Lacum Losonne," and the distances from Geneva to Colonia Equestris and Lacum Losonne are respec- tively 18 M. P., or 36 together. The Lacus Lauso¬ nius is supposed to be Lausanne, on the Lake of Geneva; or rather a place or district, as D'Anville calls it, named Vidi. The distance from Geneva to Nyon, along the lake, is about 15 English miles; and from Nyon to Lausanne, about 22 or 23 miles. The distance from Geneva to Nyon is nearly exact; bivt the 20 miles from Equestris to the Lacus Lau¬ sonius is not enough. If Vidi, which is west of Lau¬ sanne, is assumed to be the place, the measures will agree better. D'Anville cites M. Bochat as authority for an inscription, with the name Lousonnenses, hav¬ ing been dug up at Vidi, in 1739; and he adds that there are remains there. (Comp. Ukert's note, Gal- lien, p. 491.) [G. L.l LAU'TULAE or AD LAU'TULAS {at Ao.ira- Xai, Diod.). is the name given by Livy to the pass between Tarracina and Fundi, where the road winds round the foot of the mountains, between them and the sea, so as to form a narrow pass, easily defensible against a hostile force. This spot figures on two oc¬ casions in Roman history. In b. c. 342 it was here that the mutiny of the Roman army under C. Mar- cius Rutilus first broke out; one of the discontented cohorts having seized and occupied the pass at Lau- tulae, and thus formed a nucleus around which the rest of the malcontents quickly assembled, until they thought themselves strong enough to march upon Rome. (Liv. vii. 39.) At a later period, in b. c. 315, it was at Lautulae that a great battle was fought between the Romans, under the dictator Q. Fabius, and the Samnites. Livy represents this as a drawn battle, with no decisive results ; but he himself admits that some annalists related it as a defeat on the part of the Romans, in which the master of the horse, Q. Aulius, was slain (ix. 23). Diodorus has evidently followed the annalists thus re¬ ferred to (xix. 72), and the incidental remark of Livy himself shortly after, that it caused great agitation throughout Campania, and led to the revolt of the neighbouring Ausonian cities, would seem to prove that the reverse must really have been much more serious than he has chosen to represent it. (Liv. ix. 25; Niebuhr, vol. iii. pp. 228—231.) The locality is always designated by Livy as " ad Lautulas:" it is probable that this was the name of the pass, but whether there was a village or other place called Lautulae, we are unable to tell. The name was probably derived from the existence of warm springs upon the spot. (Niebuhr, I. c., note 399.) It is evidently the same pass which was occupied by Minucius in the Second Punic War, in order to guard the approach to Latium from Campania (Liv. xxii. ] 5), though its name is not there men¬ tioned. The spot is now called Passo di Portella, and is guarded by a tower with a gate, forming the barrier between the Roman and Neapolitan terri¬ tories. (Eustace, vol. ii. p. 309.) [E. H. B.] LAXTA. [Celtiberia.] LAZI (Aa{ot, Arrian, Peripl. p. 11; Plin. vi. 4; Aafai, Ptol. v. 10. § 5), one among the many tribes which composed the indigenous population which clustered round tlie great range of the Caucasus. This people, whose original seats were, according to Procopius (B. G. iv. 2), on the N. side of the river Phasis, gave their name, in later times, to the country which was known to the Greeks and Romans as Colchis, but which henceforth was called " Regio Lazica." They are frequently mentioned in the LEA. LEBADEIA. 151 Byzantine writers; the first time that they appear in history was a. d. 456, during the reign of the emperor Marcian, who was successful against their king Gobazes. (Prise. Exc. de Leg. Rom. p. 71; comp. Le Beau, Bas Empire, vol. vi. p. 385.) The Lazic war, the contest of Justinian and Chosroes on the banks of the Phasis, has been minutely described by contemporary historians. (Procop. B. P. ii. 15, 17, 28, 29, 30, B. G. iv. 7—16, Agath. ii. iii. iv. pp. 55—132, 141 ; Menand. Protect. Exc. de Leg. Gent. pp. 99, 101,133—147; comp. Gibbon, c. xlii.; Le Beau, vol. ix. pp. 44,133,209—220,312—353.) In the Atlas (pt. i. pi. xiv.) to Dubois de Mont- pereux ( Voyage Autour du Caucase, comp. vol. ii. pp. 73—132) will be found a map of the theatre of this war. In a. d. 520, or 512 according to the era of Theophanes, the Lazi were converted to Christianity (Gibbon, I. c. ; Neander, Gesch. der Christl. Religion, vol. iii. p. 236), and, under the name of Lazians, are now spread through the country near the SE. angle of the Euxine from Guriel to the neighbourhood of Trebizond. Their language, belong¬ ing to the Indo-Germanic family, appears to contain remains of the ancient Colchian idiom. (Cosmos, vol. ii. note 201, trans.; Prichard, Physical Ilist. of Mankind, vol. iv. p. 263.) [E. B. J.] LEA, an island in the Aegaean sea, mentioned only by Pliny (iv. 12. s. 23) in conjunction with Aseania and Anaphe. LEANDIS (AsavSt's), a town in the eastern part of the strategy of Cataonia, in Armenia Minor, 18 miles to the south of Cocusus, in a pass of Mount Taurus, on the road to Anazarbus. (Ptol. v. 7. § 7.) This town is perhaps the same as the La- randa of the Antonine Itinerary (p. 211) and of Ilierocles (p. 675), which must not be confounded with the Laranda of Lycaonia or Isauria. [L. S.j LEANI'TAE. [Leanites Sinus.] LEANITES SINUS (Aeanrt]s k6\itos), a bay on the western side of the Persian Gulf, so named from the Arab tribe Leanitae (Aeartrai, Ptol. vi. 7. § 18). They are placed north of Gerrah, between the Themi and the Abucaei. Pliny states that the name was variously written: " Sinus intimus, in quo Laeanitae qui nomen ei dedere; regio eorum Agra, et in sinu Laeana, vel, at alii Aaelana ; nam et ipsum siuum nostri Aelaniticum scripsere, alii Aeleniticum, Artemidorus Alaniticum, Juba Laeniticum" (vi.28). A^'ra, which l'liny represents as the capital, is doubt¬ less the "Adari civitas" ('ASapovirdAis) of Ptolemy, in the country of the Leanitae. Mr. Forster regards the name as an abbreviated form of " Sinus Khau- lanites" or Buy of Khaulan, in which he discovers an idiomatic modification of the name Haulanites, the Arabic form for Havileans, — identical with the Beni K/ialed, — the inhabitants of the Aval or Havilah of Scripture [Havilaii]. (Geography of Arabia, vol. i. pp. 48, 52, 53, vol. ii. p. 215.) The gulf apparently extended from the Itamus Portus (A" edema) on the north, to the Chersonesi extrema I (Ras-el-Char) on the south. [G. W.] LEBADE. [Sipylus.] LEBADEIA (AeSaSeia, Herod., Strab., et alii; AegaSia, Plut. Lys. 28: Eth. Ae§aSevs: Livadhia), a town near the western frontier of Boeotia, described by Strabo (ix. p. 414) as lying between Mt. Helicon and Chaeroneia. It was situated at the foot of a precipitous height, which is an abrupt northerly termination of Jit. Helicon. Pausanias relates (ix. 39. § 1) that this height was originally occupied by the Homeric city of Mideia (Mi'Seia, II. ii. 507), from whence the inhabitants, under the conduct of Lebadus, an Athenian, migrated into the plain, and founded there the city named after him. On the other hand, Strabo maintains (ix. p. 413) that the Homeric cities Arne and Mideia were both swallowed up by the lake Copais. Lebadeia was originally an insignificant place, but it rose into importance in consequence of its possessing the celebrated oracle of Trophonius. The oracle was consulted both by Croesus (Herod, i. 46) and by Mardonius (Herod, viii. 134), and it continued to be consulted even in the time of Plutarch, when all the other oracles in Boeotia had become dumb. (Plut. de Def. Orac. 5.) Pausanias himself consulted the oracle, and he speaks of the town in terms which show that it was in his time the most flourishing place in Boeotia. But notwithstanding the sanctity of the oracle, Le¬ badeia did not always escape the ravages of war. It was taken and plundered both by Lysander and by Archelaus, the general of Mithridates. (Plut. Lys. 28, Sail. 16.) In the war against Perseus, it espoused the side of the Romans, while Thebes, Haliartus, and Coroneia declared in favour cf the Macedonian king. (Polyb. xxvii. 1.) It continues to exist under the slightly altered name of Livadhia, and during the Turkish supremacy it gave its name to the whole province. It is still a considerable town, though it suffered greatly in the war of inde¬ pendence against the Turks. The modern town is situated on two opposite hills, rising on each bank of a small stream, called Her- cyna by Pausanias, but the greater part of the houses are on the western slope, on the summit of which is a ruined castle. Pausanias says that the Hercyna rose in a cavern, from two fountains, close to one another, one called the fountain of Oblivion and the other the fountain of Memory, of which the persons who were going to consult the oracle were obliged to drink. The Hercyna is in reality a con¬ tinuation of an occasional torrent from Mount Heli¬ con ; but at the southern extremity of the town, on the eastern side of the castle-hill, there are some copious sources, which were evidently the reputed fountains of the Hercyna. They issue from either side of the Hercyna, those on the right bank being the most copious, flowing from under the rocks in many large streams, and forming the main body of the river; and those on the left bank being insignificant, and flowing, in the time of Dodwell, through ten small spouts, of which there are still remains. The fountains on the right bank are warm, and are called Chilid and sometimes ra y\vtpix vepa, or the water unfit for drinking; while the fountains on the left bank are cold and clear, and are named Krya (jt Kpva, i. e. v Kpua f3pv(n<>, the cold source, in opposition to the warm, Chilid). Neither of these two sets of fountains rise out of a cave, and so far do not correspond to the description of Pausanias; but there is a cavern close to each; and in the course of ages, since the destruction of the sacred buildings of Trophonius, the caverns may easily have been choked up. and the springs have emerged in different spots. The question, however, arises, which of the caverns contained the reputed sources of the Hercyna ? The answer to this must depend upon the position we assign to the sacred grove of Trophonius, in which the source of the Hercyna was situated. Leake places the sacred grove on the right or eastern bank ; but Ulrichs on the left, or western bank. The latter appears more probable, on account of the passage in Pausanias, dietpyei Se L 4 152 LEBAEA. ct7r aurris (i. e. ttjs ircJAea)s~) rb aXaos rod Tpocpaj- vlou, where there is little doubt that iroTa.fj.os, or some equivalent term, must be applied as the nominative of Sieipyei.. The ancient city would, in that case, have stood on the right or eastern bank of the river, which also appears probable from the numerous fragments of antiquity still scattered over the eminence on this side of the river; and the grove of Trophonius would have been on the western side of the stream, on which the greater part of the modern town stands. The most remarkable object in the grove of Tro¬ phonius was the temple of the hero, containing his statue by Praxiteles, resembling a statue of Asclepius; a temple of Demeter, surnamed Europe; a statue of Zeus Hvetius (Pluvius) in the open air; and higher up, upon the mountain, the oracle (jb fj-avreiov'). Still higher up was the hunting place of Persephone; a large unfinished temple of Zeus Basileus, a temple of Apollo, and another temple, containing statues of Cronus, Zeus, and Hera. Pausanias likewise men¬ tions a chapel of the Good Daemon and of Good Fortune, where those who were going to consult the oracle first passed a certain number of days. In the Turkish mosque, now converted into a church of the Panagia, on the western side of the river, three inscriptions have been found, one of which contains a dedication to Trophonius, and the other a catalogue of dedications in the temple of Trophonius. (See Bockh, Inscr. 1571, 1588.) Hence it has been inferred that the temple of Trophonius occupied this site. Near the fountain of Krija, there is a square chamber, with seats cut out of the rock, which may perhaps be the chapel of the Good Daemon and Good Fortune. Near this chamber is a cavern, which is usually regarded as the entrance to the oracle. It is 25 feet in depth, and terminates in a hollow filled with water. But this could not have been the oracle, since the latter, according to the testimony both of Pausanias and Philostratus, was not situated in the valley upon the Hercyna, but higher up upon the mountain. (Paus. ix. 39. § 4; Philostr. Vit. Apoll. viii. 19.) Mure justly expresses his surprise that Leake, after quoting the description of Pausanias, who says that the oracle was iirl rod opovs, should suppose that it was situated at the foot of the hill. A person who consulted the oracle descended a well constructed of masonry, 12 feet in depth, at the bottom of which was a small opening on the side of the wall. Upon reaching the bottom he lay upon his back and in¬ troduced his legs into the hole, when upon a sudden the rest of his body was rapidly carried forward into the sanctuary. The site of the oracle has not yet been discovered, and is not likely to be, without an extensive excavation. An account of the rites observed in consulting the oracle is given in the Diet, of Antiq. p. 841, 2nd ed. (Dodwell, Tour through Greece, vol. i. p. 21G, seq.; Leake, Northern Greece, vol. ii. p. 118. seq.; Mure, Tour in Greece, vol. i. p. 233, seq.; Ulrichs, Reisen in Griechen- land, p. 164, seq.) LEBAEA (Aegauj,) an ancient city in Upper Macedonia, and the residence of the early Macedonian kings, mentioned only by Herodotus (viii. 137). LEBECII. [Libici.] LEBEDO'NTIA, a town upon the coast of His- pania Tarraconensis, situated upon the mountain Sellus, at no great distance from Tarraco. It is mentioned only by Avienus {Or. Marit. 509), in whose time, however, it had ceased to exist. LECTOCE, AD. LE'BEDOS (AeSeSos: Eth. AeSeSios), an an¬ cient city on the western coast of Asia Minor, 90 stadia to the east of Cape Myonnesus, and 120 to the north-west of Colophon. (Strab. xiv. p. 643.) The place was originally inhabited by Carians, until, on the immigration of the Ionians into Asia, it was taken possession of by them under the guidance of Andraemon, a son of Codrus. (Paus. vii. 3. § 2.) Strabo (xiv. p. 633), however, in speaking of the foundation of the Ionian cities, states that it was colonised by Andropompus and his followers, having previously borne the name of Artis: the tomb of Andraemon, moreover, was shown in the neighbour¬ hood of Colophon, on the road crossing the river Hales. (Paus. I. c.) For a long time Lebedos continued to be a city flourishing by its commerce, the fertility of its territory, and the excellent hot mineral springs in its neighbourhood, which still exist. (Hecat. Fragm. 219; Herod, i. 142; Thucyd. viii. 19.) It was afterwards nearly destroyed by Lysimachus, who transplanted its population to Ephesus (Paus. I. c. i. 9. § 8); after which time Lebedos appears to have fallen more and more into decay, so that in the days of Horace it was more de¬ serted than Gabii or Fidenae. (Epist. i. 11. 7.) It is mentioned, however, as late as the 7th century of the Christian era (Aelian, V. IE viii. 5; Ptol. v. 2. § 7; Mela, i. 17; Plin. IE N. v. 31; Hierocles, p. 660); and the Romans, in order to raise the place in some measure, established there the company of actors (Tex,/'Tat wepi T^v Alovvcrov) who had formerly dwelt in Teos, whence during a civil commotion they withdrew to Ephesus. Attalus afterwards transplanted them to Myonnesus ; and the Romans, at the request of the Teians, trans¬ ferred them to Lebedos, where they were very welcome, as the place was very thinly inhabited. At Lebedos the actors of all Ionia as far as the Hellespont had ever after an annual meeting, at which games were celebrated in honour of Di¬ onysus. (Strab. xiv. p. 643.) The site of Lebedos is marked by some ruins, now called Ecclesia or Xingi, and consisting of masses of naked stone and bricks, with cement. There also exists the base¬ ment and an entire floor of a small temple; and nearer the sea there are traces of ancient walls, and a few fragments of Doric columns. (Chandler's Asia Minor, p. 125.) [L. S.] LEBEN (AiSrtv, Strab. x. p. 478) or LEBENA (Aegrjpa, Ptol. iii. 17. § 4; Stadiasm.; Plin. iv. 12; Ae§i]vri, Paus. ii. 26. § 7; Ledena, I'eut. Tab.), a maritime town of Crete, which was a harbour of Gortyna, about 70 stadia inland. (Strab. I. c.) It possessed a temple of Asclepius, of great celebrity (Philostrat. Vit. Apollon. ix. 11), and is represented by the modern hamlet of Lecla. (Hock, Kreta, vol. i. pp. 8. 394. 399.) [E. B. J.] LEBINTHUS (At'gcflos), a small island in the Aegaean sea, one of the Sporades, KE. of Amorgus, between which and Lebinthus lies the still smaller island Cinarus. (Strab. x. p. 487; Steph. B. s. v. Apenavr]; Plin. iv. 12. s. 23; Mela, ii. 7. § 11; Ov. Met. viii. 222, Ar. Am. ii. 81; lvoss,Reisen at/f den Griecli. Inseln, vol. ii. p. 56.) LEBONAH, a town of Palestine, north of Shiloh, identified by Maundrell with Leban, a village 4 hours S. of Naplus. (Judg. xxi. 19; Winer, Biblisch. Real- worterbuch, s. v.) LEBUNI. [Lusitania.] LECHAEUM. [Coeinthus, p. 682.] LECTOCE, AD, in Gallia Narbonensis, is placed LECTUM. LEGIO VII. GEMINA. 153 by tlio Jerusalem Itin. after Arausio (Orange), and xiii. M.P. from it. D'Anviile says that the distance is too great, for it seems that the place is at the passage of the small river Lez. [G. L.] LECTUM (tb Ae/crdf), a promontory in the south-west of Troas, opposite the island of Lesbos. It forms the south-western termination of Mount Ida. (Horn. II. xiv. 294; Herod, ix. 114; Thucyd. viii. 101 ; Ptol. v. 2. § 4; Plin. v. 32; Liv. xxxvii. 37.) In the time of Strabo (xiii. p. 605, comp. p. 583) there was shown on Cape Lectum an altar, said to have been erected by Agamemnon to the twelve great gods ; but this very number is a proof of the late origin of the altar. Under the Byzan¬ tine emperors, Lectum was the northernmost point of the province of Asia. (Hierocl. p. 659.) Athe- liaeus (iii. p. 88) states that the purple shell-fish, found near Lectum as well as near Sigeum, was of a large size. The modern name of Lectum is Baba, or Santa Maria. [L. S.] LE'CYTHUS (AtikvOos), a town in the peninsula of Sithonia in Chalcidice, not far from Torone, with a temple to Athena. The town was attacked by Brasidas, who took it by storm, and consecrated the entire cape to the goddess. Everything was de¬ molished except the temple and the buildings con¬ nected with it. (Tliuc. iv. 115, 116.) [E. B. J.] LEDERA'TA or LAEDERATA (AeSepara and Airepard), a fortified place in Upper Moesia, on the high road from Viminacium to Dacia, on the river Morgus. It was a station for a detachment of horse archers. (Procop. de Aed. iv. 6; Tab. Pent.; Notit. Imp., where it is called Laedenata.) Ruins of ancient fortifications, commonly identified with the site of Lederata, are found in the neighbourhood of liama. [L. S.] LEDON (AtScov: Etk. AeSovrios), a town of Phocis, north of Tithorea, the birthplace of Pliilo- melus, the commander of the Phocians in the Sacred War. In the time of Pausanias it was abandoned by the inhabitants, who settled upon the Cephissus, at the distance of 40 stadia from the town, but the ruins of the latter were seen by Pausanias. Leake supposes that the ruins at Paled Fiva are those of Ledon. (Paus. x. 2. §2, x. 3. §2, x. 33. §1; Leake, Northern Greece, vol. ii. p. 89.) LEDRON (A?)5pov), a place in Cyprus, near Leu- cosia, which the ecclesiastical writers mention as a bishop's see. (Sozomen, II.E. v. 10; Niceph. Callist. viii. 42; Engel, Kypros, vol. i. p. 152.) [E. B. J.] LEDUS, or LEDUM, as Mela (ii. 5) names it, a small river of Gallia Narbonensis. Festus Avienus (Oo. Marit. 590) names it Ledus. Mela speaks of the " Stagna Volcarum, Ledum flumen, castellum Latera." The Ledus is the Lez, which passes by Sextantio, to the east of MontpeUier, and flows into the E'tang de Maguelona or I'erols below Latera, now Lates or Latte. Pliny (ix. 8) gives the name of Stagnum Latera to this E'tang, and he speaks of it as abounding in mullets, and describes the way of taking them. The mullet is still abundant there. Pliny places the Stagnum Latera in the territory of Nemausus (Nimes), which is at some distance. But the E'tang and the Castellum Latera may be among the many small places (Plin. iii. 4) which were made dependant on Nemausus (Nemausiensibus attribiita). [G. L.] LEETA'NI. [Laeetani.] LEGAE (ATjyai, Strab. xi. p. 503 ; Ayyes, Plut. romp. 35), a people on the shores of the Caspian, situated between Albania and the Amazones, and \ belonging to the Scythian stock. (Theoplianes, ap. Strab. I. c.) The name survives, it has been con¬ jectured, in the modern Lesghi, the inhabitants of the E. region of Caucasus. (Comp. Potocki, Voyage, dans les Steps dJAstrakhan, vol. i. p. 239.) [E. 1>. J. j LEGEDIA, in Galiia, is placed by the Table on a road from Condate (Iiennes) to Coriallum, perhaps Cherbourg. It is 49 Gallic leagues from Condate to Legedia, and 19 from Legedia to Cosedia. None of the geographers agree about the position of Le¬ gedia. Walckenaer places it at Villebaudon, near Lezeau, in support of which there is some similarity of name. [G. L.] LEGEOLIUM, a town in Britain, mentioned in the Itinerary. At Castleford, in Yorkshire, the road from Isurium (Aldborougli) crosses the river Aire ; and in this neighbourhood coins and other antiquities have been dug up. A camp, however, has yet to be discovered. Castleford is generally identified with Legeolium. Lagecium is the first station from York on the way to London, 21 miles from the former town, and 16 from Danum ( = Doncaster). This is from the 8th Itinerary. In the 5th Legeolium is exactly in the same po¬ sition. This identifies the two. [R. G. L. ] LE'GIO (Aeyediu), a town of Palestine mentioned by Eusebius and S. Jerome. Its importance is intimated by the fact that it is assumed by them as a centre from which to measure the distance of other places. Thus they place it 15 M. P. west of Nazareth, three or four from Taanach (Onomast. s. vv. Nazareth, Thaanach, Thanaach Camona, Apliraim.) Reland (Palaest. s. v. p. 873) correctly identifies it with the modern village Legune or el-Lejjun, " on the western border of the great plain of Esdraelon," — which Eusebius and S. Jerome designate, from this town, fxiya iveS'iov Aeyewros (Onomast. s. v. TaSadcov),— "where it already be¬ gins to rise gently towards the low range of wooded hills which connect Carmel and the mountains of Samaria." Its identity with the Megiddo of Scrip¬ ture is successfully argued by Dr. Robinson (Bib. lies. vol. iii. pp. 177—180.) Megiddo is constantly joined with Taanach, and Lejjun is the requisite distance from the village of TcCannuk, which is directly south of it. Both were occupied by Ca- naanitish sheikhs (Josh. xii. 21), both assigned to the half-tribe of Manasseh, though lying within the borders of Issachar or Asher (xvii. 11; 1 Chron. vii. 29); both remained long unsubdued (Judges, i. 27). In the battle between Barak and Sisera " they fought in Taanach by the Waters of Megiddo,''—which waters issue from a copious fountain, the stream from which turns several mills, and is an important tributary to the Ivishon (Maundrell, Journey, March 22, p. 57.) This is probably the place mentioned by Shaw as the Ras-el-Kishon, or the head of the Kishon, under the south-east brow of Mount Carmel. Three or four of its sources, he says, lie within less than a furlong of each other, and discharge water enough to form a river half as big as the Lis. (Travels, p. 274, 4to. ed.) It was visited and de¬ scribed by Mr. Wolcott in 1842. He found it to be an hour and 40 minutes from Ta!annuh (Bibliotheca Sacra, 1S43, pp. 76—78.) The great caravan road between Egypt and Damascus passes through Lejjun; and traces of an old Roman road are to be seen to the south of the village. [G. W.] LEGIO VII. GE'MINA (Itin. Ant. p. 395; Aeyiuv £ TepfxaviKT], Ptol. ii. 6. § 30 : Leon), a 154 LEGIO VII. GEMINA. LELEGES. Roman city of Asturia, in Hispania Tarraconensis, admirably situated at tlie confluence of two tribu¬ taries of the Esla, at the foot of the Asturian moun¬ tains, commanding and protecting the plain of Leon. As its name implies, it grew out of the station of the new 7th legion, which was raised by the emperor Galba in Hispania. (Dion Cass. iv. 24 ; Tac. Hist. ii. 11, iii. 25 ; Suet. Galba, 10.) Tacitus calls the legion Galbiana, to distinguish it from the old Legio VII. Claudia, but this appellation is not found on any genuine inscriptions. It appears to have received the appellation of Gemina (respecting the use of which, and Gemella, see Caesar B. C. iii. 3) on account of its amalgamation by Vespasian with one of the German legions, not improbably the Legio I. Gerjianica. Its full name was VII. Gemina Felix. After serving in Pannonia, and in the civil wars, it was settled by Vespasian in Hispania Tarraconensis, to supply the place of the VI. Victrix and X. Gemina, two of the three legions ordinarily stationed in the province, but which had been withdrawn to Germany. (Tac. Hist. ii. 11, 67, 86, iii. 7, 10, 21—25, iv. 39 ; Inscr. ap. Grater, p. 245, no. 2.) That its regular winter quarters, under later emperors, were at Leon, we learn from the Itinerary, Ptolemy, and the Notitia Imperii, as well as from a few inscriptions (Muratori, p. 2037, no. 8, a. d. 130; p. 335, nos. 2, 3, a. d. 163; p. 336, no. 3, a. d. 167; Grater, p. 260, no. 1, a. n. 216); but there are numerous inscriptions to prove that a strong detachment of it was stationed at Tarraco, the chief city of the province. (The following are a selection, in order of time : — Orelli, no. 3496, a. d. 182 ; no. 4S15 ; Gruter, p. 365, no. 7.) In the inscriptions the legion has the sur¬ names of P. F. Antoniniana, P. F. Alexan¬ drian a, and P. F. Severiana Alexandrian a ; and its name occurs in a Greek inscription as AET. Z. AIAv/xtj (C. I. vol. iii. no. 4022), while another mentions a xl^'laPX0V & 'lcriravia, Atyecvvus €§Sofxris. (C. I. vol. i. no. 1126.) There is an inscription in which is found a " Tribunus Militum Leg. VII. Ge- biinae Felicis in Germania," from a comparison of which with two inscriptions found in Germany (Lehne, Scliriften, vol. i. nos. 11, 62; Borghesi, salle iscr. Horn, del Reno, p. 26), it has been in¬ ferred that the legion was employed on an expe¬ dition into Germany under Alexander Severus, and that this circumstance gave rise to the erroneous designation of FepfxaviKT) in the text of Ptolemy. (Booking, N. D. pt. ii. pp. 1026, seq.; Marquardt's Becker, Hum. Alterthum. vol. iii. pt. 2, p. 354; Grotefend, in Pauly's Realencyldopadie, s. v. Legio.) The station of this legion in Asturia grew into an important city, which resisted the attacks of the Goths till a. d. 586, when it was taken by Leovi- gildo ; and it was one of the few cities which the Goths allowed to retain their fortifications. During the struggle with the Arab invaders, the same for¬ tress, which the Romans had built to protect the plain from the incursions of the mountaineers, be¬ came the advanced post which covered the mountain, as the last refuge of Spanish independence. After yielding to the first assault of the Moors, it was soon recovered, and was restored by Ordoiio I. in 850. It was again taken by Al-Mansur in 996, after a year's siege; but was recovered after Al- Mansur's defeat at Calatanazor, about a.d. 1000 ; repeopled by Alonso V., and enlarged by Alonso XI., under whose successor, Don Pedro, it ceased to be the capital of the kingdom of Leon, by the removal of the court to Seville. The greater portion of the Roman walls may still be traced. (Ford, Handbook of Spain, p. 318.) [P. S.] LEHI, or more fully Ramathlehi, a place in the south of Palestine, the name of which is derived from one of Samson's exploits. (Judg. xv. 9, 14,17; comp. Joseph. Ant. v. 8. § 8; Winer, Biblisch. Real- worterbuch, s. v.) LEIMO'NE {Aapdovri), the later name of the Homeric Elone ('HAwj'tj), according to Strabo, was a town of Perrhaebia in Thessaly, and was situated at the foot of Mount Olympus, not far from the Titaresius or Eurotas. The Greeks of Elassdna report that there are some remains of this city at Selos. (Horn. II. ii. 739; Strab. ix. p. 440; Steph. B. s. v. 'HAco^r;; Leake, Northern Greece, vol. iii. p. 345.) LE1NUM (Krfivov), a town of Sarmatia Europaea, which Ptolemy (iii. 5. § 29) places on an affluent of the Borysthenes, but whether on the Beresina, or some other, is uncertain. Lianum (atio.vov, Ptol. iii. 5. § 12), on the Palus Maeotis, appears to be the same place repeated by an oversight. (Schafarik, Slav. Alt. vol. i. p. 512.) [E. B. J.] LEIPSYDRIUM. [Attica, p. 326, b.] LELAMNO'NIUS SINUS, in Britain, mentioned by Ptolemy (ii. 3) as lying between the aestuary of the Clota (Clyde) and the Epidian Promontory {Midi of Can tyre); = Loch Fyne. [R. G. L.] LELANTUS CAMPUS (jb NqAav-rov iteStuv), a fertile plain in Euboea, between Chalcis and Eretria, which was an object of frequent contention between those cities. [Chalcis.] It was the subject of volcanic action. Strabo relates that on one occasion a torrent of hot mud issued from it; and it contained some warm springs, which were used by the dictator Sulla. The plain was also celebrated for its vineyards ; and in it there were mines of copper and iron. (Strab. i. p. 58, x. p. 447, seq. ; Horn. Hymn, in Apoll. 219 ; Theogn. 888; Leake, Northern Greece, vol. ii. p. 265.) Pliny mentions a river Lelantus in Euboea, which must have flowed through this plain, if it really existed. (Plin. iv. 12. s. 2i.) LE'LEGES (AeAe'yes). an ancient race which was spread over Greece, the adjoining islands, and the Asiatic coast, before the Hellenes. They were so widely diffused that we must either suppose that their name was descriptive, and applied to several different tribes, or that it was the name of a single tribe and was afterwards extended to others. Strabo (vii. p. 322) regarded them as a mixed race, and was disposed to believe that their name had reference to this (to avWtKTovs yeyovivai). They may pro¬ bably be looked upon, like the Pelasgians and the other early inhabitants of Greece, as members of the great Indo-European race, who became gra¬ dually incorporated with the Hellenes, and thus ceased to exist as an independent peo])le. Ihe most distinct statement of ancient writers on the origin of the Lelegcs is that of Herodotus, who says that the name of Lieges was the ancient name of the Carians (Herod, i. 171). A later Greek writer considered the Leleges as standing in the same relation to the Carians as the Helots to the Lacedaemonians and the Penestae to the Thessalians. (Atlien. vi. p. 271.) In Homer both Leleges and Carians appear as equals, and as auxiliaries of the Trojans. (II. x. 428.) The Leleges are ruled by I Altes, the father-in-law of Priam, and inhabit a LEMANIS TORTUS. LEMNOS. 155 town called Tedasus at the foot of Mount Ida. (II. xxi. 86.) Strabo relates that Leleges and Carians once occupied the whole of Ionia, and that in the Milesian territory and in all Caria tombs and forts of the Leleges were shown. He further says that the two were so intermingled that they were fre¬ quently regarded as the same people. (Strab. vii. ]). 321, xiii. p. 611.) It would therefore appear that there was some close connection between the Le¬ leges and Carians, though they were probably diffe¬ rent peoples. The Leleges seem at one time to have occupied a considerable part of the western coast of Asia Minor. They were the earliest known inhabitants of Samos. (Athen. xv. p. 672.) The connection of the Leleges and the Carians was pro¬ bably the foundation of the Megarian tradition, that in the twelfth generation after Car, Lelex came over from Egypt to Megara, and gave his name to the people (Paus. i. 39. § 6) ; but their Egyptian origin was evidently an invention of later times, when it became the fashion to derive the civilisation of Greece from that of Egypt. A grandson of this Lelex is said to have led a colony of Megarian Leleges into Messenia, where they founded Pylus, and remained until they were driven out by Xeleus and the Pelasgians from Iolcos ; whereupon they took possession of Pylus in Elis. (Paus. v. 36. § 1.) The Lacedaemonian traditions, on the other hand, represented the Leleges as the autochthons of La- conia ; they spoke of Lelex as the first native of the soil, from whom the people were called Leleges and the land Lelegia ; and the son of this Lelex is said to have been the first king of Messenia. (Paus. iii. 1. § 1, iv. 1. §§ 1, 5.) Aristotle seems to have regarded Leucadia, or the western parts of Acar- nania, as the original seats of the Leleges ; for, ac¬ cording to this writer, Lelex was the autochthon of Leucadia, and from him were descended the Tele- boans, the ancient inhabitants of the Taphian islands. He also regarded them as the same people as the Locrians, in which he appears to have followed the authority of Hesiod, who spoke of them as the subjects of Locrus, and as produced from the stones with which Deucalion repeopled the earth after the deluge. (Strab. vii. pp. 321, 322.) Hence all the inhabitants of Mount Parnassus, Locrians, Phocians, Boeotians, and others, are sometimes described as Leleges. (Comp. Dionys. Hal. i. 17.) (See Thirl- wall, Hi.*t. of Greece, vol. i. p. 42, seq.) LEMANIS TORTUS (Kaivbs Ptol. ii. 3. §4). one of the chief seaports of Britain, situated in the territories of the Cantii; the site near Lymne, in Kent. The road from Durovernum to Tortus Lemanis (Itin. Anton, iv.) is extant nearly its entire length, and known by the name of Stone Street. The harbour or port is no longer to be traced, owing to the silting up of the sea; but it must have been situated opposite to Tr«< Hythe and Lymne. The remains of the castrum, called Stuff all Cattle, to the west of West Hythe, and below Lymne, indi¬ cate the quarters of the Turnacensian soldiers sta¬ tioned there in defence of the Littus Saxonicum. (Sot. L)ig.) Recent discoveries have shown that a body of marines (Classiarii Britannici) were also located at the Tortus Lemanis, and at Dubris (Dover). An altar was also found, recording the name of a prefect of the British fleet. (Report on Excavations made at Lymne.) The Tortus Lemanis is laid down in the Peutingerian Tables, and it is mentioned by the anonymous Geographer of Ravenna. The Roman station was situated on the slope of a hill. Like that of Ricliborongli (Butupiae), it was walled on three sides only; the side facing the sea being sufficiently defended by nature in a steep bank, such as we see at other Roman castra where the engineers have availed themselves of a natural defence to save the expense and labour of building walls. The fortress enclosed about 10 acres. The walls, in part only now standing, were upwards of 20 ft. high, and about 10 ft. thick; they were further strengthened by semicircular solid towers. The principal entrance was on the east, facing the site of the village of West Llytlie. It was supported by two smaller towers, and, as recent excavations prove, by other constructions of great strength. Opposite to this, on the west, was a postern gate, of narrow dimensions. At some remote period the castrum was shattered by a land-slip, and the lower part was carried away, and separated entirely from the upper wall, which alone stands in its original position. To this cause is to be ascribed the present disjointed and shattered condition of the lower part. Parts of the wall and the great gateway were completely buried. The excavations alluded to brought them to light, and enabled a plan to be made. Within the area were discovered the walls of one of the barracks, and a large house with several rooms heated by a hypocaust. [C. R. S.] LEMANUS or LEMANNUS LACUS (Ae/xcUs, Asfiavi] Ai/jlvt]: Leman Lake or Lake of Geneva). Caesar says (B. G. i. 8) that he drew his rampart against the Helvetii " from the Lacus Lemannus, which flows into the Rhone, as far as the Jura;" a form of expression which some of the commentators have found fault with and altered without any reason. The name AijUeVr? Ai/u-vrj in Ptolemy's text (ii. 10. § 2) is merely a copyist's error. In the Antonine Itin. the name Lausonius Lacus occurs ; and in the Table, Losannensis Lacus. Mela (ii. 5), who supposes the Rhodanus to rise not far from the sources of the Rhenus and the Ister, says that, " after being received in the Lemannus Lacus, the river maintains its current, and flowing entire through it, runs out as large as it came in." Strabo (p. 271) has a remark to the same purpose, and Pliny (ii. 103), and Ammianus Marcellinus (xv. 11). This is not the fact, as we may readily suppose, though the current of the Rhone is perceptible for some distance after the river has entered the east end of the lake of Geneva. Ausonius (De Clar. Urb. Narbo) makes the lake the chief source of the Rhodanus:— Qua rapitur praeccps Rhodanus genitore Lemanno; but this poetical embellishment needs no remark. The Lake of Geneva is an immense hollow filled by the Rhone and some smaller streams, and is properly described under another title. [Rhoda¬ nus.] [G. L.] LEMA'YI. [Gallaecia.] LEMINCUM, in Gallia Narbonensis, is placed in the Table and the Antonine Itin. on a road from the Alpis Graia (Utile St. Bernard') to Vienna (Yienne). Lemincum is Lemens, near Chambery, and there is also, according to some authorities, a ilont, Limine. The next station to Lemincum on the road to Vienna is Labiscum. [Labiscum.] [G. L.] LEMNOS (Artfivos : Eth. Arjfxvios), one of the larger islands in the Aegaean sea, situated nearly midway between Mount Athos and the Hellespont. According to Pliny (iv. 12. s. 23), it lay 22 miles SW. of Imbros, and 87 miles SE. of Athos; but the 15G LEMNOS. latter is nearly double the true distance. Several ancient writers, however, state that Mount Athos cast its shadow upon the island. (Soph. ap. Schol. ad Theocr. vi. 76; Plin. I. c.) Pliny also relates that Lemnos is 112 miles in circuit, which is per¬ haps not far from the truth, if we reckon all the windings of the coast. Its area is nearly 150 square miles. It is of an irregular quadrilateral shape, being nearly divided into two peninsulas by two deep bays, Port Paradise on the N., and Port St. Antony on the S. The latter is a large and convenient har¬ bour. On the eastern side of the island is a bold rock projecting into the sea, called by Aeschylus 'Epij.aiov \tiras A-t]/.ivov, in his description of the beacon fires between Mount Ida and Mycenae, an¬ nouncing the capture of Troy. (Aesch. Agam. 2S3 ; cornp. Soph. Philoct. 1459.) Hills, but of no great height, cover two-thirds of the island ; they are barren and rocky, and there are very few trees, except in some of the narrow valleys. The whole island bears the strongest marks of the effects of volcanic fire, the rocks, in many places, are like the burnt and vitrified scoria of furnaces. Hence we may account for its connection with Hephaestus, who, when hurled from heaven by Zeus, is said to have fallen upon Lemnos. (Horn. II. i. 594.) The island was therefore sacred to Hephaestus (Nicandr. Ther. 458; Ov. Fast. iii. 82), who was frequently called the Lemnian god. (Ov. llet. iv. 185; Virg. Am. viii. 454.) From its volcanic appearance it de¬ rived its name of Aethaleia (Ai'CaAeia, Polyb. ap. Stcph. B., and Etym. M. s. v. Aidd\r;). It was also related that from one of its mountains, called Mosyciilus (M^o-l>x^os)> f're was secn to blaze forth. (Antimach. ap. Schol. ad Nicandr. Ther. 472; Lycophr. 227; Hesych. s. v.) In a village in the island, named Chorous, there is a hot-spring, called Thermia, where a commodious bath has been built, with a lodging-house for strangers, who frequent it for its supposed medicinal qualities. The name of Lemnos is said to have been derived from the name of the Great Goddess, who was called Lemnos by the original inhabitants of the island. (Hecat. ap. Steph. B. s. v.) The earliest inhabitants of Lemnos, according to Homer, were the Sixties (Series), a Thracian tribe; a name, however, which probably only sig¬ nifies robbers (from (Tivojiai). (Horn. II. i. 594, Od. viii. 294; Strab. vii. p. 331, x. p. 457, xii. p. 549.) When the Argonauts landed at Lemnos, they are said to have found it inhabited only by women, who had murdered all their husbands, and had chosen as their queen Hypsipyle, the daughter of Thoas, the former King of the island. [See Diet, of Biogr. art. Hyfsii'Yle.] Some of the Argonauts settled here, and became by the Lemnian women the fathers of the Minyae (Mii^cu), the later inhabitants of the island. The Minyae were driven out of the island by the Tyrrhenian Pelasgians, who had been expelled from Attica. (Herod, iv. 145, vi. 137 ; Apoll. Ehod. i. G08, seq., and Schol. ; Apollod. i. 9. § 17, iii. 6. § 4.) It is also related that these Pelas¬ gians, out of revenge, made a descent upon the coast of Attica during the festival of Artemis at Brauron, and carried off some Athenian women, whom they made their concubines; but, as the children of these women despised their half-brothers born of Pe- lasgian women, the Pelasgians murdered both them and their Athenian mothers. In consequence of this atrocity, and of the former murder of the Lemnian husbands by their wives, " Lemnian Deeds" (Avtxvia LEMNOS. epyci) became a proverb throughout Greece for all atrocious acts. (Herod, vi. 128; Eustath. ad II. p. 158. 11, ad iJionys. Per. 347 ; Zenob. iv. 91.) Lemnos continued to be inhabited by Pelasgians, when it was conquered by Otanes, one of the gene¬ rals of Darius Hystaspis (Herod, v. 26) ; but Mil- tiades delivered it from the Persians, and made it subject to Athens, in whose power it remained for a long time. (Herod, vi. 137 ; Thuc. iv. 28, vii. 57.) In fact, it was always regarded as an Athenian pos¬ session, and accordingly the peace of Antalcidas, which declared the independence of all the Grecian states, nevertheless allowed the Athenians to retain possession of Lemnos, Imbros, and Scyros. (Xen. Hell. iv. 8. § 15, v. 1. § 31.) At a later period Lemnos passed into the hands of the Macedonians, but it was restored to the Athenians by the Romans. (Polyb. xxx. 18.) In the earliest times, Lemnos appears to have contained only one town, which bore the same name as the island (Horn. II. xiv. 230); but at a later period we find two towns, Myrina and Hephaestias. MyeinA (Mupim: Eth. Mvpivcuos) stood on the western side of the island, as we may infer from the statement of Pliny, that the shadow of Mt. Atlios was visible in the forum of the city at the time of the summer solstice. (Plin. iv. 12. s. 23; Herod, vi. 140; Steph. B. s. v.-, Ptol.iii. 13. § 4.) Onits site stands the modern Kastro, which is still the chief town in the place. In contains about 2000 inhabitants; and its little port is defended by a pier, and commanded by a ruinous mediaeval fortress on the overhanging rocks. HEriiAESTiAS, or He- PHAESTXA ('H, which was not likely to be adopted in Arabic. It is far more probable that the classical geographer in this, as in other cases, translated the Semitic name. [See Canis and Lycus.] Besides which the Litany does not retain this name to the coast, but is here called Nakr-el-Kasimiyeh, the Casimeer of Maun- drell (March 20, p. 48; lieland, Palaestina, pp. 290, 291.) [G. W.] LEONTI'NI (AeovriVot: Eth. Asovtwos : Len¬ tini), a city of Sicily, situated between Syracuse and Catana, but about eight miles from the sea- coast, near a considerable lake now known as the Lago di Lentini. The name of Leontini is evidently an ethnic form, signifying properly the people rather than the city itself; but it seems to have been the only one in use, and is employed both by Greek and Latin writers (declined as a plural adjective*), with the single exception of Ptolemy, who calls the city AeovTiou or Leontium. (Ptol. iii. 4. § 13.) But it is clear, from the modern form of the name, Lentini, that the form Leontini, which we find universal in writers of the best ages, continued in common use down to a late period. All ancient writers concur in representing Leontini as a Greek colony, and one of those of Clnilcidian origin, being founded by Chalcidic colonists from Naxos, in the same year with Catana, and six years after the parent city of Naxos, b.c. 7-30. (Thuc. vi. 3; Scymn. Ch. 283 ; Diod. xii. 53, xiv. 14.) According to Thucydides, the site had been previously occupied by Siculi, but these were expelled, and the city be¬ came essentially a Greek colony. We know little of its early history; but, from the strength of its po¬ sition and the extreme fertility of its territory (renowned in all ages for its extraordinary richness), it appears to have early attained to great prosperity, and became one of the most considerable cities in the I1], of Sicily. The rapidity of its rise is attested by the fact that it was able, in its turn, to found the colony of Euboea (Strab. vi. p. 272 ; Scymn. Ch. 287), apparently at a very early period. It is probable, also, that the three Chalcidic cities, Leon¬ tini, Naxos, and Catana, from the earliest period adopted the same line of policy, and made common cause against their Dorian neighbours, as we find them constantly doing in later times. The government of Leontini was an oligarchy, but it fell at one time, like so many other cities of Sicily, under the yoke of a despot of the name of Panaetius, who is said to have been the first instance of the * Polybius uses the fuller phrase tj tuv Atov- ilvwv 7roAis (vii. 6). LEONTINI. kind in Sicily. His usurpation is referred by Eu- sebius to the 43rd Olympiad, or b. c. 608. (Arist. Pol. v. 10, 12; Euseb. Arm. vol. ii. p. 109.) Leontini appears to have retained its independ¬ ence till after b. c. 498, when it fell under the yoke of Hippocrates, tyrant of Gela (Herod, vii. 154): after which it seems to have passed in succession under the authority of Gelon and Ilieron of Syra¬ cuse ; as we find that, in b. c. 47 G, the latter despot, having expelled the inhabitants of Catana and Naxos from their native cities, which he peopled with new colonists, established the exiles at Leontini, the pos¬ session of which they shared with its former citizens. (Diod. xi. 49.) We find no special mention of Leontini in the revolutions that followed the death of Hieron ; but there is no doubt that it regained its independence after the expulsion of Thrasybulus, b. c. 466, and the period which followed was pro¬ bably that of the greatest prosperity of Leontini, as well as the other Chalcidic cities of Sicily. (Diod. xi. 72, 76.) But its proximity to Syracuse became the source of fresh troubles to Leontini. In b. c. 427 the Leon tines found themselves engaged in hos¬ tilities with their more powerful neighbour, and, being unable to cope single-handed with the Syra- sans, they applied for support not only to their Chalcidic brethren, but to the Athenians also, who sent a fleet of twenty ships to their assistance, under the command of Laches and Charoeades. (Thuc. iii. 86 ; Diod. xii. 53 ) The operations of the Athenian fleet under Laches and his successors Pythodorus and Eurymedon were, however, confined to the part of Sicily adjoining the Straits of Messana: the Leontines received no direct support from them, but, after the war had continued for some years, they were included in the general pacification of Gela, b. c. 424, which for a time secured them in the possession of their independence. (Thuc. iv. 58, 65.) This, however, did not last long: the Sy- racusans took advantage of intestine dissensions among the Leontines, and, by espousing the cause of the oligarchy, drove the democratic party into exile, while they adopted the oligarchy and richer classes as Syracusan citizens. The greater part of the latter body even abandoned their own city, and mi¬ grated to Syracuse ; but quickly returned, and for a time joined with the exiles in holding it out against the power of the Syracusans. But the Athenians, to whom they again applied, were unable to render them any effectual assistance ; they were a second time expelled, b.c. 422, and Leontini became a mere dependency of Syracuse, though always retaining some importance as a fortress, from the strength of its position. (Thuc. v. 4; Diod. xii. 54.) In b. c. 417 the Leontine exiles are mentioned as joining with the Segestans in urging on the Athe¬ nian expedition to Sicily (Diod. xii." 83; Plut. Kic. 12) ; and their restoration was made one of the avowed objects of the enterprise. (Thuc. vi. 50.) But the failure of that expedition left them without any hope of restoration ; and Leontini continued in its subordinate and fallen condition till b. c. 406, when the Syracusans allowed the unfortunate Agri- gentines; after the capture of their own city by'the Carthaginians, to establish themselves at Leontini. The Geloans and Camarinaeans followed their ex¬ ample the next year; the Leontine exiles of Svracuse at the same time took the opportunity to return to their native city, and declare themselves independent, and the treaty of peace concluded by Dionysius with Himilco, in b. c. 405, expressly stipulated for the LEONTINI. LEONTINI. 159 freedom and independence of Leontini. (Diod. xiii. 89, 113, 114; Xen. Hell. ii. 3. § 5.) This con¬ dition was not long observed by Dionysius, who no sooner found himself free from the fear of Carthage than lie turned his arms against the Chalcidic cities, and, after reducing Catana and Naxos, compelled the Leontines, who were now bereft of all their allies, to surrender their city, which was for the second time deserted, and the whole people transferred to Syracuse, b. c. 403. (Id. xiv. 14, 15.) At a later period of his reign (b. c. 396) Dionysius found him¬ self compelled to appease the discontent of his mer¬ cenary troops, by giving up to them both the city and the fertile territory of Leontini, where they esta¬ blished themselves to the number of 10,000 men. (Id. xiv. 78.) From this time Leontini is repeatedly mentioned in connection with the civil troubles and revolutions at Syracuse, with which city it seems to have constantly continued in intimate relations; but, as Strabo observes, always shared in its dis¬ asters, without always partaking of its prospe¬ rity. (Strab. vi. p. 273.) Thus, the Leontines were among the first to declare against the younger Dionysius, and open their gates to Dion (Diod. xvi. 16; Plut. Dion. 39, 40). Some years afterwards their city was occupied with a military force by Ilieetas, who from thence carried on war with Ti- moleon (lb. 78, 82) ; and it was not till after the great victory of the latter over the Carthaginians (b. c. 340) that he was able to expel Hicetas and make himself master of Leontini. (lb. 82 ; Plut. Timol. 32.) That city was not, like almost all the others of Sicily, restored on this occasion to freedom and independence, but was once more incor¬ porated in the Syracusan state, and the inhabitants transferred to that city. (Diod. xvi. 82.) At a later period the Leontines again figure as an independent state, and, during the wars of Agathocles with the Carthaginians, on several occasions took part against the Syracusans. (Diod. xix. 110, xx. 32.) When Pyrrlius arrived in Sicily, b. c. 278, they were subject to a tyrant or despot of the name of Heraeleides, who was one of the first to make his submission to that monarch. (Id. xxii. 8, 10, Exc. II. p. 497.) But not long after they appear to have again fallen under the yoke of Syracuse, and Leon¬ tini was one of the cities of which the sovereignty was secured to Iiieron, king of Syracuse, by the treaty concluded with him by the Romans at the commencement of the First Punic War, b. c. 263. (Id. xxiii. Exc. II. p. 502.) This state of things continued till the Second Punic War, when Leontini again figures conspicuously in the events which led to the fall of Syracuse. It was in one of the long and narrow streets of Leontini that Hieronymus was assassinated by Dinomenes, b.c. 215 (Liv. xxiv. 7; Polyb. vii. 6) ; and it was there that, shortly after, Hippocrates and Epicydes first raised the standard of open war against Rome. Marcellus hastened to attack the city, and made himself master of it without difficulty ; but the severities exercised by him on this occasion inflamed the minds of the Syracusans to such an extent as to become the im¬ mediate occasion of the rupture with Rome. (Liv. xxiv. 29, 30, 39.) Under the Roman government Leontini was restored to the position of an inde¬ pendent municipal town, but it seems to have sunk into a state of decay. Cicero calls it " inisera eivitas atque inanis" ( Verr. ii. 66); and, though its fertile territory was still well cultivated, this was done almost wholly by farmers from other cities of Sicily, par¬ ticularly from Centuripa. (Ib. iii. 46, 49.) Strabo also speaks of it as in a very declining condition, and though the name is still found in Pliny and Ptolemy, it seems never to have been a place of importance under the Roman rule. (Strab. vi. p. 273 ; Mel. ii. 7. § 16; Plin. iii. 8. s. 14; Ptol. iii. 4. § 13.) But the great strength of its position must have always preserved it from entire decay, and rendered it a place of some consequence in the middle ages. The modern city of Lentini, which preserves the ancient site as well as name, is a poor place, though with about 5000 inhabitants, and suffers severely from malaria. No ruins are visible on the site ; but some extensive excavations in the rocky sides of the hill on which it stands are be¬ lieved by the inhabitants to be the work of the Laestrygones, and gravely described as such by Fazello. (Fazell. de lieb. Sic. iii. 3.) The situation of Leontini is well described by Polybius : it stood on a broken hill, divided into two separate summits by an intervening valley or hollow; at the foot of this hill on the W. side, flowed a small stream, which he calls the Lissus, now known as the Fiume Ruina, which falls into the Lake of Lentini, a little below the town. (Pol. vii. 6.) The two summits just noticed, being bordered by pre¬ cipitous cliffs, formed, as it were, two natural citadels or fortresses; it was evidently one of these which Thucydides mentions under the name of Phoceae, which was occupied in b. c. 422 by the Leontine exiles who returned from Syracuse. (Thue. v. 4.) Both heights seem to have been fortified by the Syracusans, who regarded Leontini as an important fortress ; and we find them alluded to as " the forts " (jh (ppovpia) of Leontini. (Diod. xiv. 58, xxii. 8.) Diodorus also mentions that one quarter of Leontini was known by the name of " The New Town" (7] Nea ttoAis, xvi. 72); but we have no means of determining its locality. It is singular that no ancient author alludes to the Lake (or as it is commonly called the Biviere) of Lentini, a sheet of water of considerable extent, but stagnant and shallow, which lies immediately to the N. of the city. It produces abundance of fish, but is con¬ sidered to be the principal cause of the malaria from which the city now suffers. (D'Orville, Sicula, p. 168 ; Smyth's Sicily, pp. 157,153.) The extraordinary fertility of the territory of Leontini, or the Leontinus Campus, is celebrated by many ancient authors. According to a tradition commonly received, it was there that wheat grew wild, and where it was first brought into cultiva¬ tion (Diod. iv. 24, v. 2); and it was always regarded as the most productive district in all Sicily for the growth of corn. Cicero calls it " campus ille Leon¬ tinus nobilissimus ac feracissimus," " uberrima Siciliae pars," "caput rei frumentariae;" and says that the Romans were accustomed to consider it as in itself a sufficient resource against scarcity. (Cic. Verr. iii. 18, 44, 46, pro Scaur. 2, Phil. viii. 8.) The tract thus celebrated, which was known also by the name of the Laestrygonii Cajipi [Laestry¬ gones], was evidently the plain extending from the foot of the hills on which Leontini was situated to the river Symaethus, now known as the Piano di Catania. We have no explanation of the tradition which led to the fixing on this fertile tract as the abode of the fabulous Laestrygones. Leontini was noted as the birthplace of the cele¬ brated orator Gorgias, who in b. c. 427 was the head of the deputation sent by his native city to 1150 LEONTIUM. implore the intervention of Athens. (Diod. xii. 53; flat. Hipp. Maj. p. 282.) [E. H. B.] coin of leontini. LEO'NTIUM (Azovtiop : Eth. AfovTycrios), a town of Achaia, was originally not one of the 12 Achaean cities, though it afterwards became so, succeeding to the place of Rhypes. It is only men¬ tioned by Polybius, and its position is uncertain. It must, however, have been an inland town, and was probably between Pharae and the territory of Aegium, since we find that the Eleians under the Aetolian general Euripidas, after marching through the territory of Pharae as far as that of Aegium, retreated to Leontium. Leake places it in the valley of the Selinus, between the territory of Tri- taea and that of Aegium, at a place now called Ai Andhrea, from a ruined church of that saint near the village of Gazumistra. Callicrates, the partisan of the Romans during the later days of the Achaean League, was a native of Leontium. (Pol. ii. 41, v. 94, xxvi. 1 ; Leake, Morea, vol. iii. p. 419.) LEONTO'POLIS. [Nicepiiorium.] LEONTO'POLIS. [Leontes.] LEONTO'POLIS (Aojvtwv iroMs, Ptol. iv. 5. § 51 ; Strab. xvii. pp. 802, 812 ; AeoVro), Hieronym. ad Jovian, ii. 6; Leontos Oppidum, Plin. v. 20. s. 17), the capital of the Leontopolite nome in the Delta of Egypt. It stood in lat. 30° 6' N., about three geographical miles S. of Thmuis. Strabo is the earliest writer who mentions either this nome, or its chief town: and it was probably of comparatively recent origin and importance. The lion was not among the sacred animals of Aegypt: but that it was occasionally domesticated and kept in the temples, may be inferred from Diodorus (ii. 84). Trained lions, employed in the chase of deers, wolves, &c., are found in the hunting-pieces delineated upon the walls of the grottoes at Benihassan. (Wilkinson, M. and C. vol. iii. p. 1G.) In the reign of Ptolemy Philometor (n. c. 180—145) a temple, modelled after that of Jerusalem, was founded by the exiled Jewish priest Onias. (Joseph. Ant. Jud. xiii. 3. § 3 ; Hieronym. in Daniel, ch. xi.) The Hebrew colony, which was attracted by the establishment of their national worship at Leontopolis, and which was increased by the refugees from the oppres¬ sions of the Seleueid kings in Palestine, flourished there for more than three centuries afterwards. In the reign of Vespasian the Leontopolite temple was closed, amid the general discouragement of Judaism by that emperor. (Joseph. B. Jud. vii. 10. § 4.) Antiquarians are divided as to the real site of the ruins of Leontopolis. According to DAnville, they are covered by a mound still called Tel-Essabe, or the "Lion's Hill" (Cornp. Cham- pollion, VEgypte, vol. ii. p. 110, seq.). Jomard, on the other hand, maintains that some tumuli near the village of El-Mengaleh in the Delta, represent the ancient Leontopolis. And this supposition agrees better with the account of the town given by Xe- LEPONTII. nophon of Ephesus. (Ephesiaca, iv. p. 280, ed. Bipont.) [W. B. D.] LEPETYMNUS (AeiriTVfxuos, called Lepethym- nus or Lepetliymus by Pliny, v. 31. s. 39 ; the MSS. vary), a mountain in the northern part of Lesbos, near Methymna. Plehn states (Lesliac. Eib. p. 9) that it is the highest mountain in the island: but this does not appear to be consistent with modern surveys. Its present name is said to be Mont S. Theodore. The sepulchre and tomb of the hero Palamedes are alleged to have been here. (Tzetzes, Lycophr. Cassandr. 1095; Philostr. Heroic, p. 716, Vit. Apollon. Tyan. iv. 13. 150, also 16. 154.) In Antigonus of Carystus (c. 17) there is a story given, on the authority of Myrsilus the Lesbian, concerning a temple of Apollo and a shrine of the hero Lepe- tymnus, connected with the same mountain. Here, also, according to Theophrastus (Be Sign. Pluv. et Vent. p. 783, ed. Schneid.), an astronomer called Matricetas made his observations. [J. S. H] LEPINUS MONS is the name given by Columella (x. 131), the only author in whom the name is found, to a mountain near Signia in Latium, pro¬ bably one of the underfalls or offshoots of the great mass of the Volscian Apennines. The name of Montes Lepini is frequently applied by modern geo¬ graphers to the whole of the lofty mountain group which separates the valley of the Sacco from the Pontine Marshes [Latiuji] ; but there is no ancient authority for this. [E. H. B.] LEPIDO'TON-POLIS (AeniSooTwv -/) AexiScorbv iriiAis, Ptol. iv. 5. § 72), a town in Upper Egypt, situated in the Panopolite nome, and on the eastern side of the Nile. It was about four geographical miles N. of Chenoboscia. Lat. 26° 2' N. This was doubtless, the place at which Herodotus had heard that the fish lepidotus was caught in great num¬ bers, and even received divine honours (ii. 72; comp. Minutoli, p. 414 ; Champollion, lEgypte, vol. i. p. 248). Lepidoton-Polis was probably con¬ nected with the Osirian worship, for, according to the legend, Isis, in her search for the limbs of Osiris, who had been cut into pieces by Typhon, traversed the marshes in a boat made of papyrus (Baris), and in whatsoever place she found a member, there she buried it. In the end she discovered all the limbs, excepting one, which had been devoured by the fishes phagras and lepidotus. No remains of Lepidoton-Polis have been discovered. [W. B. D.] LEPO'NTII (At]tt6vtioi, Strab., Ptol.), an Al¬ pine people, who inhabited the valleys on the south side of the Alps, about the head of the two great lakes, the Lago di Como and Logo Maggiore. Strabo tells us distinctly that they were a Ehaetian tribe (iv. p. 206), and adds that, like many others of the minor Alpine tribes, they had at one time spread further into Italy, but had been gradually driven back into the mountains. (Ib. p. 204.) There is some difficulty in determining the position and limits of their territory. Caesar tells us that the Rhine took its rise in the country of the Lepontii (B. G. iv. 10), and Pliny says that the Uberi (or Viberi), who were a tribe of the Lepontii, occupied the sources of the Rhone (Plin. iii. 20. s. 24). Ptolemy, on the con¬ trary (iii. 1. § 38), places them in the Cottian Alps; but this is opposed to all the other statements, Strabo distinctly connecting them with the Rhae- tians. Their name occurs also in the list of the Alpine nations on the trophy of Augustus (ap. Plin. I. c.), in a manner quite in accordance with the statements of Caesar and Pliny; and on the LEPREUM. LEPTIS. 101 whole we may safely place tliem in the group of the Alps, of which the Mont St. Gothaml is the centre, and from which the Rhone and the Rhine, as well as tiie lievss and the Ticino, take their rise. The name of Vol Levantina, still given to the upper valley of the Ticino, near the foot of the St. Gothurd, is very probably derived from the name of the Le- pontii. Their chief town, according to Ptolemy, was Oscela or Oscella, which is generally supposed to be Domo iV Ossola ; but, as the Lepontii are erroneously placed by him in the Cottian Alps, it is perhaps more probable that the town meant by him is the Ocelum of Caesar (now TJxeau), which was really situated in that district. [Ocelum.] The name of Alpes LnroN"j'iak, or Lepontian Alps, is generally given by modern geographers to the part of this chain extending from Monte Rosa to the St. Gotharcl; but there is no ancient autho¬ rity for this use of the term. [E. H. B.] LE'PREUM (Vb AeVpsoj', Scyl., Strab., Polyb.; AeVpeos, Paus., Aristoph. Av. 149; AeVpioy, Ptol. iii. 1G. § 18: Eth. Aenpearris), the chief town of Triphylia in Elis, was situated in the southern part of the district, at the distance of 100 stadia from Samicum, and 40 stadia from the sea. (Strab. viii. p. 3-14.) Scvlax and Ptolemy, less correctly, describe it as lying upon the coast. Triphylia is said to have been originally inhabited by the Cauconians, whence Lepreum is called by Callimachns (Hymn. in Jov. 39) KavKcivcov irTo\it0poi>. The Caucones were afterwards expelled by the Minyae, who took posses¬ sion of Lepreum. (Herod, iv. 148.) Subsequently, and probably soon after the Messenian wars, Le¬ preum and the other cities of Triphylia were sub¬ dued by the Eleians, who governed them as subject places. [See Vol. I. p. 818, b.] The Triphylian cities, however, always bore this yoke with impa¬ tience ; and Lepreum took the lead in their frequent attempts to shake off the Eleian supremacy. The greater importance of Lepreum is shown by the fact that it was the only one of the Triphylian towns which took part in the Persian wars. (Herod, ix. 28.) In ri.c. 421 Lepreum, supported by Sparta, revolted from Elis (Thuc. v. 31); and at last, in 400, the Eleians, by their treaty with Sparta, were obliged to relinquish their authority over Lepreum and the other Triphylian towns. (Xen. Hell. iii. 2. §25.) When the Spartan power had been broken by the battle of Leuctra (is. c. 371), the Spartans endeavoured to recover their supremacy over Le¬ preum and the other Triphylian towns; but the latter protected themselves by becoming members of the Arcadian confederacy, which had been recently founded by Epaminondas. (Xen. Hell. vi. 5. §2, seq.) Hence Lepreum is called an Arcadian town by Scylax and Pliny, the latter of whom erroneously speaks both of a Leprion in Elis (iv. 5. s. 6), and of a Lepreon in Arcadia (iv. 5. s. 10). Pausanias also states that the Lepreatae in his time claimed to be Arcadians; but he observes that they had been sub¬ jects of the Eleians from ancient times,—that as many of them as had been victors in the public games were proclaimed as Eleians from Lepreus,— and that Aristophanes describes Lepreus as a city of the Eleians. (Paus. v. 5. §3.) After the time of Alexander the Eleians again reduced the Triphylian cities, which therefore were obliged to join the Ae- tolian league along with the Eleians. But when Philip, in his war with the Aetolians, marched into Triphylia, the inhabitants of Lepreum rose against the Eleian garrison in their town, and declared in ! vol. ii. favour of Philip, who thus obtained possession of the place. (Polyb. iv. 77, 79, 80.) In the time of Pau¬ sanias the only monument in Lepreum was a temple of Demeter, built of brick. In the vicinity of the town was a fountain named Arene. (Paus. v. 5. § 6.) The territory of Lepreum was rich and fertile. (Xwpa euSai/j-oov, Strab. viii. p. 345.) The ruins of Lepreum are situated upon a hill, near the modern village of Strovitzi. These ruins show that Lepreum was a town of some size. A plan of them is given by the French Commission, which is copied in the work of Curtius. They were first described by Dodwell. It takes half an hour to ascend from the first traces of the walls to the acro¬ polis, which is entered by an ancient gateway. " The towers are square; one of them is almost entire, and contains a small window or arrow hole. A trans¬ verse wall is carried completely across the acropolis, by which means it was anciently divided into two parts. The foundation of this wall, and part of the elevation, still remain. Three different periods of architecture are evident in this fortress. The walls are composed of polygons: some of the towers con¬ sist of irregular, and others of rectangular quadri¬ laterals. The ruins extend far below the acropolis, on the side of the hill, and are seen on a flat de¬ tached knoll." (Dodwell, Tour through Greece, vol. ii. p. 347 ; Leake, Morea, vol. i. p. 56 ; Bob- laye, Recherches,